csmonitor--2020-12-07--Troubled waters: Why a clash over crustaceans is roiling Canada

“ We work together , we collect any information , we share the information , and we at the end all understand what ’ s going on together , ” says one commercial fisherman working on the project .
“ That ’ s the path forward .
... First , we have to learn how to talk to each other.
” Some see room for common ground in calls for shared stewardship .
One research project that combines Western scientific techniques with Mi ’ kmaw ecological principles aims to bolster understanding – both of the fishery and the peoples that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about jobs and livelihoods , ethnic identities and cultures , and deeply embedded family and social traditions .
Both sides have deep ties to the sea and both recognize they have a shared interest in keeping the industry thriving amid environmental threats and a changing climate .
Canada ’ s “ lobster wars ” erupted around the September inauguration of a lobster fishery aimed at helping members of the Indigenous community earn a modest living .
It was intentionally launched outside the official lobstering season – an assertion of Indigenous rights that had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 21 years before but only limitedly exercised .
For thousands of years , the Mi ’ kmaq have hunted and fished across Atlantic Canada .
But this year , the waters off the coast of Nova Scotia have become a flashpoint for Indigenous rights .
The day began bright and clear in St. Mary ’ s Bay , a narrow finger of water running alongside the southwestern coast of Nova Scotia .
For Fallon Peter-Paul , Sept. 17 was to be a festive occasion affirming her Indigenous rights .
Along with other members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she ’ d gathered on the wharf in Saulnierville to celebrate the inauguration of the community ’ s first lobster fishery aimed at helping members earn a modest living .
It was intentionally launched outside the official government-set season for lobstering – and exactly 21 years to the day after Canada ’ s Supreme Court reaffirmed the right of the Mi ’ kmaq to do so .
After years of failed negotiations to put these rights into practice , the Mi ’ kmaq knew they would be provoking a reaction from non-Indigenous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these waters since the 1600s .
But they didn ’ t expect what ensued .
The mood quickly became menacing the very first day .
Ms. Peter-Paul , a photographer , documented community members standing on the armor stone breakwater that circled the wharf like a comma , looking out into the bay , where several dozen boats from non-Indigenous fishing communities were waiting .
Once out on the water , Indigenous lobstermen and women reported acts of intimidation by the other fishers , who cut traps and fired flares at Mi ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really powerful moment , ” says Ms. Peter-Paul .
“ And it was also really sad ... that all of those people were there because they didn ’ t believe we should be doing what we were doing , practicing our treaty rights.
” In the days that followed , local fishers harassed and assaulted the Indigenous lobsterers .
They briefly barricaded one in a storage facility , which days later was burned to the ground .
They seized crates of lobsters harvested by the Indigenous community ; hundreds of lobsters were subsequently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canadian officials quickly condemned the violence .
The attacks spawned headlines around the world in what became known as Canada ’ s “ lobster wars.
” Now , with the commercial season in Nova Scotia ’ s most lucrative lobster fishing area , LFA 34 , just opening , the two sides have never been more divided .
Sipekne ’ katik First Nation announced Nov. 13 it would file a series of lawsuits against non-Indigenous fishers for alleged damages .
Commercial fishers and many in the tightknit communities where lobstering is the backbone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unfair that the Mi ’ kmaq are fishing outside the regular season , citing a decline in the population of the species as their prime concern .
Indigenous fishers and their allies counter that this is yet another example of racism and an inability of Canadians and their government to enforce their legal rights .
It ’ s a battle about jobs and livelihoods , ethnic identities and cultures , and deeply embedded family and social traditions .
Yet it ’ s also a clash about something else : the future of what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fisheries in the world .
Both sides recognize they have a shared interest in keeping the industry thriving in a place that has been traumatized by declining fish stocks .
This is especially true at a time when the pandemic has temporarily cut off customers for the area ’ s succulent crustaceans .
Even more worrisome , climate change is threatening to undermine local stocks permanently .
All these forces are swirling in the cobalt waters off Nova Scotia , where everyone also knows one other painful fact : Lobster is the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these waters .
Both sides have deep ties to the sea .
The Mi ’ kmaq have hunted and fished for thousands of years across Atlantic Canada .
They maintained their right to do so after colonization , as enshrined in the Peace and Friendship Treaties of 1752 and 1760-61 .
But the treaties have never been systematically upheld .
Then , in 1993 , a man named Donald Marshall Jr. decided to go fishing .
He tried to illegally catch eels as an assertion of his Indigenous rights .
Authorities charged him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws .
The Marshall case went all the way to Canada ’ s Supreme Court , which ruled in 1999 that the Mi ’ kmaw and Maliseet people had the right to a “ moderate livelihood ” fishery – one defined ambiguously as providing “ necessities ” but not for the “ accumulation of wealth ” – outside the federally regulated fishing season .
The English and French , for their part , settled in the Maritimes centuries ago for the stocks of cod , salmon , halibut , and lobster that thrived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the 1990s , groundfish stocks in the area – including , most infamously , northern cod – collapsed .
Other fisheries , such as scallop grounds , shrank and their harvesting passed into corporate hands .
That has left lobster as the only community-based inshore fishery in the region .
Today lobster is king in Nova Scotia , its top export commodity .
The industry itself , romanticized from the outside , is one of the reasons this conflict has made headlines around the world .
Trevor Corson , the author of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” notes how lobsters capture the imagination and symbolize a “ kind of rugged individualism.
” “ The lobster is a classic monster , almost alien , seemingly built for pure survival in the dark depths , and if it were any bigger it would terrify us , ” he says .
The violent clashes have hurt the pride of Nova Scotia , the heart of Canada ’ s billion-dollar lobster industry .
Indeed , Susan Beaton , a commercial lobsterwoman , notes how much lobstering is bound up in the image of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are “ turning that on its head , ” she says .
Growing up , her father harvested lobster , as well as other species .
As a teenager , Ms. Beaton helped him catch groundfish with gillnets on Nova Scotia ’ s North Shore , and she would arrive back at the wharf covered in fish entrails .
Ms. Beaton bought her own lobster license in the 1990s , shortly after the Marshall decision .
In her experience , Indigenous and non-Indigenous fishers have worked peacefully alongside one another in the commercial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in her area , for the past two decades .
But she says the recent launch of moderate livelihood fisheries outside the commercial season has non-Indigenous lobsterers , many of whom have watched the collapse of other species due to poor management , worrying about the impact on conservation – a claim many scientists question .
“ I think some of the urgency we feel about it is that it ’ s been fairly well managed .
We ’ ve sort of hit a sweet spot now with lobster , ” she says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty stable .
So yeah , we ’ re pretty guarded about it .
We know that ... it doesn ’ t take much to destabilize these things.
” She condemns the violence .
And she worries it has hardened both sides ’ positions – rolling back gains made in a relationship that has been productive .
When a local pulp mill wanted to pump effluent directly into the Northumberland Strait , threatening local fishing grounds , commercial fishers and local Indigenous groups worked together last year to oppose the plan .
Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she worries such cooperation will vanish .
Canada is grappling with the encroachment of white settlers on Indigenous territory in ways the United States hasn ’ t .
But even here , correcting injustices is something that is easier to do in principle than in practice .
“ The community level is actually the front lines of racism , ” says Robert Huish , associate professor of international development studies at Dalhousie University in Halifax .
“ That ’ s where people ’ s lives are most deeply impacted and changed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” It ’ s also where court decisions and political rhetoric are most intimately felt , whether in terms of both personal safety or material gain and loss .
After the Marshall decision , the government spent millions of dollars buying licenses to transfer to Indigenous fishers , as well as on vessels and training , to bring First Nations into the commercial market .
That brought in significant jobs and income .
According to a report issued last year by the Macdonald-Laurier Institute , a think tank in Ottawa , Ontario , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kmaq and Maliseet on their lands in all Maritime provinces grew from $ 3 million in 1999 to $ 152 million in 2016 .
In early November , a coalition of Mi ’ kmaw nations announced the purchase of a 50 % stake in Halifax-based Clearwater , North America ’ s largest shellfish producer .
The deal involves offshore fishing , not the inshore lobstering that has been in dispute .
Many in the local community feel that Indigenous fishers have already received sufficient support .
They resent special privileges granted to Indigenous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rights that First Nations possess outside the federal Fisheries and Oceans Canada management system – notably , the right to fish when they want , just as their ancestors did prior to colonization .
Susanna Fuller , a marine conservationist at Oceans North in Halifax , says she can see the non-Indigenous perspective .
“ Particularly in lobstering , which has got this strange informal tenure system where usually a fisherman will fish in the same area year after year .
...
There is a lot of ‘ this is where Danny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Steven fishes , ’ ” she says .
“ So imagine you ’ re a non-Indigenous fisher , and you ’ re sitting in your house and your boat is hauled up , and you ’ re not fishing right now because it ’ s outside the agreed season for non-Indigenous fishery .
And you see somebody out there fishing where you usually fish .
“ But that feeling of wanting to protect their territory should in some way give non-Indigenous people a sense of what the Mi ’ kmaq and First Nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , ” she says .
Mi ’ kmaw fisher Marilynn-Leigh Francis is one who felt aggrieved , and in 2016 , decided she ’ d had enough .
Ms. Francis , who is from Acadia First Nation , started taking her small boat out in St. Mary ’ s Bay in the summer to drop roughly a dozen traps for lobster .
She harvested enough for herself and to give away to members of the community , with some for sale .
She did so without a license .
Instead , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inherent right to resources , including lobster .
She marked her buoys with “ 1752 ” to reflect the date of peace and friendship treaties signed between Europeans and the Mi ’ kmaq .
“ I was tired of being a federal ward of the government .
I was tired of being a prisoner within my own homeland , ” she says .
“ I talked to my mom .
I talked to our elders .
And I was told to fish like our ancestors did .
So that ’ s what I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , members of her own community criticized her , and non-Indigenous fishers at the wharf intimidated her .
They vandalized her property and circulated her photo on social media .
It all wore her down .
Then , at a gathering in 2018 , a young girl approached Ms. Francis .
“ She kind of tapped me , pulled my ribbon dress .
And she said , ‘ You that lobster fisherwoman ?
’ ” When Ms. Francis confirmed it , the girl said , “ When I grow up , I want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fish like you.
” “ Everything switched , ” Ms. Francis says .
“ And I realized if I quit , who would these children look up to ?
Who would these sisters look up to ?
I ’ ve inspired a handful of women to buy boats and to go fishing .
And that , to me , means more than anything.
” The clash over crustaceans has turned into a larger protest for Indigenous rights in Canada .
Dwight Newman , a law professor at the University of Saskatchewan who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the moderate livelihood fishery in Nova Scotia fits in with a larger pattern across Canada .
The year started with the Wet ’ suwet ’ en demonstrations against the building of a natural gas pipeline through their traditional territory in British Columbia .
In the face of heavy-handedness by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police – who have been criticized in Nova Scotia for reacting passively as First Nations have been attacked during the lobster dispute – the protests spread through Canadian society , leading to shutdowns of streets and rail blockades .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ this as a time when they can assert a fuller recognition of their rights than they might have received at some other time , ” he says .
It coincides with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau ’ s stated commitment to reconciliation with First Nations , Inuit , and Métis .
Demonstrations against systematic racism also broke out in Canadian cities after the killing of African American George Floyd by a white American police officer .
All this reflects a dramatic shift in support for Indigenous causes .
When Indigenous members first tested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 21 years ago and violence erupted , locals say they can ’ t recall receiving any backing from non-Indigenous groups .
Now they have allies across the country .
In the wake of the fishing dispute in Saulnierville , the owners of Dear Friend , a bar three hours away in Dartmouth , Nova Scotia , decided to take the most popular item off the menu – the lobster roll – in support of the Indigenous cause .
It was a way “ to magnify the situation , but to also raise funds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Meteghan Wharf to promote peace on the Indigenous side , ” says Matt Boyle , co-owner of the establishment .
Dear Friend has been joined by several other restaurants in Halifax , Toronto , and Montreal .
Professor Newman says the lobster wars may not inspire a larger movement the way the Wet ’ suwet ’ en protest did .
That was clearly seen as a “ David and Goliath ” fight – an Indigenous nation against Big Oil .
Here their opponents are fishing families who are vulnerable in their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic , which has cut lobster exports to China ; climate change ; and , some say , the pressure of corporate interests on Canada ’ s only remaining community-based inshore fishery .
And the environmental message is murky .
In its ruling , the Supreme Court noted that the government does have the right to restrict a moderate livelihood fishery in the name of conservation .
Commercial fishers point out that the fishery was started at the time of year when lobsters are molting .
But many scientists doubt any of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They note that the Sipekne ’ katik First Nation issued just 11 licenses , which encompasses about 500 traps , a tiny fraction of the commercial industry .
And they point out that the U.S. doesn ’ t restrict lobstering during molting .
Yet questions endure about future populations .
With more Mi ’ kmaw communities launching their own moderate livelihood fisheries , some worry it could eventually lead to a decline in lobster stocks .
One lobsterman who works in LFA 33 , which adjoins LFA 34 , says he and his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the media have depicted them .
( He asked that his name not be used , out of concern that he and his family could be targeted online . )
Instead , with two lobster licenses , a snow crab license , and a boat , he says he ’ s more than $ 1 million ( Canadian ; U.S. $ 764,000 ) in debt .
While lobster stocks in his fishing area are healthy , he ’ s worried what out-of-season fishing could mean for the long-term sustainability of the industry .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ young captain , the most important thing to me , to be honest , is not the money .
The most important thing to me is ...
I want to be able to hand this down to my children .
And if I can ’ t do that , that ’ s where the uncertainty affects us the most.
” But that ’ s why some see the room for common ground .
Dr. Fuller points to a recent labor market study that shows a 40 % shortage of workers over the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fisheries – a gap that First Nations could help fill .
Both groups also face the same threat from climate change , which is warming waters and could eventually force lobster populations farther north and offshore .
And they are uniquely positioned to share learnings and best practices as a path forward .
Once a week , commercial fisherman Darren Porter backs his boat down a ramp and into the muddy waters of the Halfway River , which flows into the Bay of Fundy .
On the boat , he joins master ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees from the Mi ’ kmaw Conservation Group .
“ We ’ re tagging fish , doing surgeries [ for tags ] , tracking fish , stuff like that , ” says Mr. Porter .
The team is conducting work on punamu , or Atlantic tomcod , a fish that is culturally important to the Mi ’ kmaq .
But the way this project is structured is as significant as the species they ’ re studying .
The project , called Apoqnmatulti ’ k , is a three-year study combining Western scientific techniques @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local knowledge .
The focus is on three species – tomcod , American eel , and American lobster – in the Bay of Fundy and , in the north of the province , the saltwater Bras D ’ Or Lake .
The project blends Indigenous and Western ways to see the world from both perspectives .
“ We ’ re building a different way of doing research that is guided by community knowledge , values , and their priorities , ” says Skyler Jeddore , who is from Eskasoni First Nation and is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Apoqnmatulti ’ k project in the Bras D ’ Or Lake .
Many believe the research project could be a template for shared stewardship of lobster populations .
“ We work together , we collect any information , we share the information , and we at the end all understand what ’ s going on together , ” says Mr. Porter .
“ That ’ s the path forward .
... First , we have to learn how to talk to each other.
” In a dispute where much of the tension has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that will affect the future of Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities alike , that template offers a potential way forward , Mr. Porter says .
“ We all have to look past our own needs and wants .
We ’ ve got to start doing something for somebody else , instead of just doing stuff for ourselves .
”

“We work together, we collect any information, we share the information, and we at the end all understand what’s going on together,” says one commercial fisherman working on the project. “That’s the path forward. ... First, we have to learn how to talk to each other.”
Some see room for common ground in calls for shared stewardship. One research project that combines Western scientific techniques with Mi’kmaw ecological principles aims to bolster understanding – both of the fishery and the peoples that depend on it.
A battle ensued about jobs and livelihoods, ethnic identities and cultures, and deeply embedded family and social traditions. Both sides have deep ties to the sea and both recognize they have a shared interest in keeping the industry thriving amid environmental threats and a changing climate.
Canada has sought to redress historic grievances among its Indigenous populations. Its handling of a dispute over fishing rights in Nova Scotia shows the challenge of navigating cultural and economic divisions.
Canada’s “lobster wars” erupted around the September inauguration of a lobster fishery aimed at helping members of the Indigenous community earn a modest living. It was intentionally launched outside the official lobstering season – an assertion of Indigenous rights that had been upheld by the Canadian Supreme Court 21 years before but only limitedly exercised.
For thousands of years, the Mi’kmaq have hunted and fished across Atlantic Canada. But this year, the waters off the coast of Nova Scotia have become a flashpoint for Indigenous rights.
The day began bright and clear in St. Mary’s Bay, a narrow finger of water running alongside the southwestern coast of Nova Scotia.
For Fallon Peter-Paul, Sept. 17 was to be a festive occasion affirming her Indigenous rights. Along with other members of the Sipekne’katik First Nation, she’d gathered on the wharf in Saulnierville to celebrate the inauguration of the community’s first lobster fishery aimed at helping members earn a modest living. It was intentionally launched outside the official government-set season for lobstering – and exactly 21 years to the day after Canada’s Supreme Court reaffirmed the right of the Mi’kmaq to do so.
After years of failed negotiations to put these rights into practice, the Mi’kmaq knew they would be provoking a reaction from non-Indigenous lobstermen and women whose families had worked these waters since the 1600s. But they didn’t expect what ensued.
Why We Wrote This Canada has sought to redress historic grievances among its Indigenous populations. Its handling of a dispute over fishing rights in Nova Scotia shows the challenge of navigating cultural and economic divisions.
The mood quickly became menacing the very first day. Ms. Peter-Paul, a photographer, documented community members standing on the armor stone breakwater that circled the wharf like a comma, looking out into the bay, where several dozen boats from non-Indigenous fishing communities were waiting. Once out on the water, Indigenous lobstermen and women reported acts of intimidation by the other fishers, who cut traps and fired flares at Mi’kmaw boats.
“It was a really powerful moment,” says Ms. Peter-Paul. “And it was also really sad ... that all of those people were there because they didn’t believe we should be doing what we were doing, practicing our treaty rights.”
Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press/AP View caption Hide caption Michael Sack, right, chief of the Sipekne’katik First Nation, presents the first lobster license and trap tags at a fisheries launch.
Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press/AP View caption Hide caption Non-Indigenous boats protest the launch of the fishery, which operates outside the regular lobster season.
In the days that followed, local fishers harassed and assaulted the Indigenous lobsterers. They briefly barricaded one in a storage facility, which days later was burned to the ground. They seized crates of lobsters harvested by the Indigenous community; hundreds of lobsters were subsequently found dumped on the ground.
Top Canadian officials quickly condemned the violence. The attacks spawned headlines around the world in what became known as Canada’s “lobster wars.”
Now, with the commercial season in Nova Scotia’s most lucrative lobster fishing area, LFA 34, just opening, the two sides have never been more divided. Sipekne’katik First Nation announced Nov. 13 it would file a series of lawsuits against non-Indigenous fishers for alleged damages.
Commercial fishers and many in the tightknit communities where lobstering is the backbone of the economy say it’s unfair that the Mi’kmaq are fishing outside the regular season, citing a decline in the population of the species as their prime concern. Indigenous fishers and their allies counter that this is yet another example of racism and an inability of Canadians and their government to enforce their legal rights.
It’s a battle about jobs and livelihoods, ethnic identities and cultures, and deeply embedded family and social traditions. Yet it’s also a clash about something else: the future of what was once one of the most fecund fisheries in the world.
Both sides recognize they have a shared interest in keeping the industry thriving in a place that has been traumatized by declining fish stocks. This is especially true at a time when the pandemic has temporarily cut off customers for the area’s succulent crustaceans. Even more worrisome, climate change is threatening to undermine local stocks permanently.
All these forces are swirling in the cobalt waters off Nova Scotia, where everyone also knows one other painful fact: Lobster is the only real option left to harvest viably from these waters.
The pride of Nova Scotia
Both sides have deep ties to the sea. The Mi’kmaq have hunted and fished for thousands of years across Atlantic Canada. They maintained their right to do so after colonization, as enshrined in the Peace and Friendship Treaties of 1752 and 1760-61. But the treaties have never been systematically upheld. Then, in 1993, a man named Donald Marshall Jr. decided to go fishing.
Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press/AP View caption Hide caption First Nation lobster boats gear up in Saulnierville, Nova Scotia.
He tried to illegally catch eels as an assertion of his Indigenous rights. Authorities charged him with three counts of violating federal fishery laws. The Marshall case went all the way to Canada’s Supreme Court, which ruled in 1999 that the Mi’kmaw and Maliseet people had the right to a “moderate livelihood” fishery – one defined ambiguously as providing “necessities” but not for the “accumulation of wealth” – outside the federally regulated fishing season.
The English and French, for their part, settled in the Maritimes centuries ago for the stocks of cod, salmon, halibut, and lobster that thrived in the chilly Atlantic waters. But in the 1990s, groundfish stocks in the area – including, most infamously, northern cod – collapsed. Other fisheries, such as scallop grounds, shrank and their harvesting passed into corporate hands. That has left lobster as the only community-based inshore fishery in the region.
Today lobster is king in Nova Scotia, its top export commodity. The industry itself, romanticized from the outside, is one of the reasons this conflict has made headlines around the world. Trevor Corson, the author of “The Secret Life of Lobsters,” notes how lobsters capture the imagination and symbolize a “kind of rugged individualism.”
“The lobster is a classic monster, almost alien, seemingly built for pure survival in the dark depths, and if it were any bigger it would terrify us,” he says.
The violent clashes have hurt the pride of Nova Scotia, the heart of Canada’s billion-dollar lobster industry. Indeed, Susan Beaton, a commercial lobsterwoman, notes how much lobstering is bound up in the image of the province. But the latest skirmishes are “turning that on its head,” she says.
Growing up, her father harvested lobster, as well as other species. As a teenager, Ms. Beaton helped him catch groundfish with gillnets on Nova Scotia’s North Shore, and she would arrive back at the wharf covered in fish entrails. Ms. Beaton bought her own lobster license in the 1990s, shortly after the Marshall decision.
In her experience, Indigenous and non-Indigenous fishers have worked peacefully alongside one another in the commercial season, which runs May to June in her area, for the past two decades.
John Morris/Reuters View caption Hide caption Lobsters sit in a crate aboard an Indigenous fishing boat on the Meteghan River in Nova Scotia.
But she says the recent launch of moderate livelihood fisheries outside the commercial season has non-Indigenous lobsterers, many of whom have watched the collapse of other species due to poor management, worrying about the impact on conservation – a claim many scientists question.
“I think some of the urgency we feel about it is that it’s been fairly well managed. We’ve sort of hit a sweet spot now with lobster,” she says. “And we’ve been pretty stable. So yeah, we’re pretty guarded about it. We know that ... it doesn’t take much to destabilize these things.”
She condemns the violence. And she worries it has hardened both sides’ positions – rolling back gains made in a relationship that has been productive. When a local pulp mill wanted to pump effluent directly into the Northumberland Strait, threatening local fishing grounds, commercial fishers and local Indigenous groups worked together last year to oppose the plan. Now, because of the tensions and violence, she worries such cooperation will vanish.
Weighing historic injustices
Canada is grappling with the encroachment of white settlers on Indigenous territory in ways the United States hasn’t. But even here, correcting injustices is something that is easier to do in principle than in practice.
“The community level is actually the front lines of racism,” says Robert Huish, associate professor of international development studies at Dalhousie University in Halifax. “That’s where people’s lives are most deeply impacted and changed by the structures of race and racial inequality.”
It’s also where court decisions and political rhetoric are most intimately felt, whether in terms of both personal safety or material gain and loss. After the Marshall decision, the government spent millions of dollars buying licenses to transfer to Indigenous fishers, as well as on vessels and training, to bring First Nations into the commercial market.
That brought in significant jobs and income. According to a report issued last year by the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, a think tank in Ottawa, Ontario, total fishing revenues for the Mi’kmaq and Maliseet on their lands in all Maritime provinces grew from $3 million in 1999 to $152 million in 2016.
In early November, a coalition of Mi’kmaw nations announced the purchase of a 50% stake in Halifax-based Clearwater, North America’s largest shellfish producer. The deal involves offshore fishing, not the inshore lobstering that has been in dispute.
Many in the local community feel that Indigenous fishers have already received sufficient support. They resent special privileges granted to Indigenous groups. They don’t understand the rights that First Nations possess outside the federal Fisheries and Oceans Canada management system – notably, the right to fish when they want, just as their ancestors did prior to colonization.
John Morris/Reuters View caption Hide caption Indigenous lobsterman Jason Lamrock tosses an undersized lobster overboard.
Susanna Fuller, a marine conservationist at Oceans North in Halifax, says she can see the non-Indigenous perspective. “Particularly in lobstering, which has got this strange informal tenure system where usually a fisherman will fish in the same area year after year. ... There is a lot of ‘this is where Danny fishes, and that’s where Steven fishes,’” she says. “So imagine you’re a non-Indigenous fisher, and you’re sitting in your house and your boat is hauled up, and you’re not fishing right now because it’s outside the agreed season for non-Indigenous fishery. And you see somebody out there fishing where you usually fish.
“But that feeling of wanting to protect their territory should in some way give non-Indigenous people a sense of what the Mi’kmaq and First Nations are feeling and have felt for 300 years,” she says.
Mi’kmaw fisher Marilynn-Leigh Francis is one who felt aggrieved, and in 2016, decided she’d had enough. Ms. Francis, who is from Acadia First Nation, started taking her small boat out in St. Mary’s Bay in the summer to drop roughly a dozen traps for lobster. She harvested enough for herself and to give away to members of the community, with some for sale.
She did so without a license. Instead, she saw her fishing as part of her inherent right to resources, including lobster. She marked her buoys with “1752” to reflect the date of peace and friendship treaties signed between Europeans and the Mi’kmaq.
“I was tired of being a federal ward of the government. I was tired of being a prisoner within my own homeland,” she says. “I talked to my mom. I talked to our elders. And I was told to fish like our ancestors did. So that’s what I did.”
Federal authorities seized her traps, members of her own community criticized her, and non-Indigenous fishers at the wharf intimidated her. They vandalized her property and circulated her photo on social media. It all wore her down.
Then, at a gathering in 2018, a young girl approached Ms. Francis. “She kind of tapped me, pulled my ribbon dress. And she said, ‘You that lobster fisherwoman?’” When Ms. Francis confirmed it, the girl said, “When I grow up, I want to be like you. I want to fish like you.”
Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press/AP/File View caption Hide caption A commercial fishing boat leaves port in West Dover, Nova Scotia, on Nov. 26, 2019, the first day of the annual lobster season on Nova Scotia’s South Shore.
“Everything switched,” Ms. Francis says. “And I realized if I quit, who would these children look up to? Who would these sisters look up to? I’ve inspired a handful of women to buy boats and to go fishing. And that, to me, means more than anything.”
A rising tide of support
The clash over crustaceans has turned into a larger protest for Indigenous rights in Canada. Dwight Newman, a law professor at the University of Saskatchewan who studies the issue, says the launching of the moderate livelihood fishery in Nova Scotia fits in with a larger pattern across Canada.
The year started with the Wet’suwet’en demonstrations against the building of a natural gas pipeline through their traditional territory in British Columbia. In the face of heavy-handedness by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police – who have been criticized in Nova Scotia for reacting passively as First Nations have been attacked during the lobster dispute – the protests spread through Canadian society, leading to shutdowns of streets and rail blockades.
“First Nations in Nova Scotia see this as a time when they can assert a fuller recognition of their rights than they might have received at some other time,” he says.
It coincides with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s stated commitment to reconciliation with First Nations, Inuit, and Métis. Demonstrations against systematic racism also broke out in Canadian cities after the killing of African American George Floyd by a white American police officer.
All this reflects a dramatic shift in support for Indigenous causes. When Indigenous members first tested their legal rights after the Marshall decision 21 years ago and violence erupted, locals say they can’t recall receiving any backing from non-Indigenous groups. Now they have allies across the country.
In the wake of the fishing dispute in Saulnierville, the owners of Dear Friend, a bar three hours away in Dartmouth, Nova Scotia, decided to take the most popular item off the menu – the lobster roll – in support of the Indigenous cause.
John Morris/Reuters View caption Hide caption Canadian federal police officers investigate the remains of a lobster pound that was destroyed by a fire, in Middle West Pubnico, Nova Scotia. Local fishers reacted angrily to the launch by Indigenous lobsterers of a self-regulated fishery in September.
It was a way “to magnify the situation, but to also raise funds for front-liners, who were working at the Meteghan Wharf to promote peace on the Indigenous side,” says Matt Boyle, co-owner of the establishment.
Dear Friend has been joined by several other restaurants in Halifax, Toronto, and Montreal.
Professor Newman says the lobster wars may not inspire a larger movement the way the Wet’suwet’en protest did. That was clearly seen as a “David and Goliath” fight – an Indigenous nation against Big Oil. Here their opponents are fishing families who are vulnerable in their own ways. This includes the impact from the pandemic, which has cut lobster exports to China; climate change; and, some say, the pressure of corporate interests on Canada’s only remaining community-based inshore fishery. And the environmental message is murky.
In its ruling, the Supreme Court noted that the government does have the right to restrict a moderate livelihood fishery in the name of conservation. Commercial fishers point out that the fishery was started at the time of year when lobsters are molting.
But many scientists doubt any of this will adversely affect lobster populations. They note that the Sipekne’katik First Nation issued just 11 licenses, which encompasses about 500 traps, a tiny fraction of the commercial industry. And they point out that the U.S. doesn’t restrict lobstering during molting.
Yet questions endure about future populations. With more Mi’kmaw communities launching their own moderate livelihood fisheries, some worry it could eventually lead to a decline in lobster stocks.
One lobsterman who works in LFA 33, which adjoins LFA 34, says he and his fellow fishers aren’t greedy as the media have depicted them. (He asked that his name not be used, out of concern that he and his family could be targeted online.) Instead, with two lobster licenses, a snow crab license, and a boat, he says he’s more than $1 million (Canadian; U.S.$764,000) in debt. While lobster stocks in his fishing area are healthy, he’s worried what out-of-season fishing could mean for the long-term sustainability of the industry.
Andrew Vaughan/The Canadian Press/AP View caption Hide caption A fisherman sets off fireworks as boats head from West Dover, Nova Scotia on Nov. 28, 2017, the first day of the season in Canada’s largest lobster fishery.
“Since being a young fisherman, young captain, the most important thing to me, to be honest, is not the money. The most important thing to me is ... I want to be able to hand this down to my children. And if I can’t do that, that’s where the uncertainty affects us the most.”
Shared stewardship?
But that’s why some see the room for common ground. Dr. Fuller points to a recent labor market study that shows a 40% shortage of workers over the next 10 years in Atlantic Canada’s fisheries – a gap that First Nations could help fill.
Both groups also face the same threat from climate change, which is warming waters and could eventually force lobster populations farther north and offshore. And they are uniquely positioned to share learnings and best practices as a path forward.
Once a week, commercial fisherman Darren Porter backs his boat down a ramp and into the muddy waters of the Halfway River, which flows into the Bay of Fundy.
On the boat, he joins master’s students from a nearby university and employees from the Mi’kmaw Conservation Group. “We’re tagging fish, doing surgeries [for tags], tracking fish, stuff like that,” says Mr. Porter.
The team is conducting work on punamu, or Atlantic tomcod, a fish that is culturally important to the Mi’kmaq. But the way this project is structured is as significant as the species they’re studying.
The project, called Apoqnmatulti’k, is a three-year study combining Western scientific techniques with Mi’kmaw ecological principles and local knowledge. The focus is on three species – tomcod, American eel, and American lobster – in the Bay of Fundy and, in the north of the province, the saltwater Bras D’Or Lake. The project blends Indigenous and Western ways to see the world from both perspectives.
Matthew Bailey/VWPICS/AP/File View caption Hide caption Lobster traps line the harbor in Saulnierville,Nova Scotia. The collapse of groundfish stocks and corporate takeovers have left lobster as the only community-based inshore fishery in the region.
“We’re building a different way of doing research that is guided by community knowledge, values, and their priorities,” says Skyler Jeddore, who is from Eskasoni First Nation and is community liaison and field technician for the Apoqnmatulti’k project in the Bras D’Or Lake.
Many believe the research project could be a template for shared stewardship of lobster populations.
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“We work together, we collect any information, we share the information, and we at the end all understand what’s going on together,” says Mr. Porter. “That’s the path forward. ... First, we have to learn how to talk to each other.”
In a dispute where much of the tension has hinged on the conservation of a species that will affect the future of Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities alike, that template offers a potential way forward, Mr. Porter says. “We all have to look past our own needs and wants. We’ve got to start doing something for somebody else, instead of just doing stuff for ourselves.”


csmonitor--2020-12-07--Asteroid samples: Japanese space capsule brings ‘treasure box’ to Earth

A small capsule containing asteroid soil samples that was dropped from 136,700 miles in space by Japan ’ s Hayabusa2 spacecraft landed as planned in the Australian Outback on Sunday .
The capsule ’ s delivery completes a six-year sample-return mission and opens the door for research into finding clues to the origin of the solar system and life on Earth .
After a preliminary inspection , it will be flown to Japan for research .
The extremely high precision required to carry out the mission thrilled many in Japan , who said they took pride in its success .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tsuda , of the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency ( JAXA ) , called the capsule a “ treasure box.
” What is the Hayabusa2 mission ?
Launched on Dec. 3 , 2014 , the unmanned Hayabusa2 spacecraft touched down twice on the asteroid Ryugu , 190 million miles away from Earth .
The asteroid ’ s extremely rocky surface forced the mission ’ s team to revise landing plans , but the spacecraft successfully collected data and soil samples during the year and a half it spent near Ryugu after arriving there in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in February 2019 , the spacecraft collected surface dust samples , similar to NASA ’ s recent touch-and-go grab by Osiris REx on the asteroid Bennu .
Hayabusa2 later blasted a crater into the asteroid ’ s surface and then collected underground samples from the asteroid , a first for space history .
In late 2019 , Hayabusa2 left Ryugu .
That yearlong journey ended Sunday .
Japan hopes to use the expertise and technology used in the Hayabusa2 in the future , perhaps in its 2024 MMX sample-return mission to a Martian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are much smaller than planets .
They are among the oldest objects in the solar system and therefore may contain clues into how Earth evolved .
Scientists say that requires studying samples from such celestial objects .
Ryugu in Japanese means “ Dragon Palace , ” the name of a sea-bottom castle in a Japanese folk tale .
Japan ’ s research into asteroids also may contribute to resource development and to finding ways to protect Earth from collisions with big meteorites , said Hitoshi Kuninaka , JAXA ’ s vice president .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in diameter , contains soil samples taken from two different sites on the asteroid .
Some gases might also be embedded in the samples .
The preliminary inspection at a lab in Australia was to extract and analyze the gas .
The capsule is due to return to Japan on Tuesday .
It will be taken to JAXA ’ s research center in Sagamihara , near Tokyo .
What can asteroid samples tell us ?
Scientists say the samples , especially ones taken from under the asteroid ’ s surface , contain data @ @ @ @ @ @ @ space radiation and other environmental factors .
They are particularly interested in studying organic materials in the samples to learn about how they are distributed in the solar system and if or how they are related to life on Earth .
JAXA President Hiroshi Yamakawa said he believes analysis of the samples may help explain the origins of the solar system and how water helped to bring life to Earth .
Fragments brought back from Ryugu can also tell its collision and thermal history .
After about a year , some of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other international scientists .
About 40 % of them will be stored for future research .
JAXA mission manager Makoto Yoshikawa said just 0.1 gram of the sample can be enough to conduct the planned research , though he said more would be better .
Why is Hayabusa2 such a big deal for Japan ?
Hayabusa2 is a successor of the original Hayabusa mission that Japan launched in 2003 .
After a series of technical setbacks , it sent back samples from another asteroid , Itokawa , in 2010 .
The spacecraft was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the capsule made it to Earth .
Many Japanese were impressed by the first Hayabusa spaceship ’ s return , which was considered a miracle given all the troubles it encountered .
JAXA ’ s subsequent Venus and Mars missions also were flawed .
Mr. Tsuda said the Hayabusa2 team used all the hard lessons learned from the earlier missions to accomplish a 100 times better than “ perfect ” outcome .
Some members of the public who watched the event shed tears as the capsule successfully entered the atmosphere , briefly flaring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after separating from the capsule at 136,700 miles from Earth , Hayabusa2 was sent on another mission to the smaller asteroid , 1998KY26 .
That is an 11-year journey one-way .
The mission is to study possible ways to prevent big meteorites from colliding with Earth .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

A small capsule containing asteroid soil samples that was dropped from 136,700 miles in space by Japan’s Hayabusa2 spacecraft landed as planned in the Australian Outback on Sunday. The capsule’s delivery completes a six-year sample-return mission and opens the door for research into finding clues to the origin of the solar system and life on Earth.
After a preliminary inspection, it will be flown to Japan for research. The extremely high precision required to carry out the mission thrilled many in Japan, who said they took pride in its success. The project’s manager, Yuichi Tsuda, of the Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency (JAXA), called the capsule a “treasure box.”
What is the Hayabusa2 mission?
Launched on Dec. 3, 2014, the unmanned Hayabusa2 spacecraft touched down twice on the asteroid Ryugu, 190 million miles away from Earth. The asteroid’s extremely rocky surface forced the mission’s team to revise landing plans, but the spacecraft successfully collected data and soil samples during the year and a half it spent near Ryugu after arriving there in June 2018.
In its first touchdown in February 2019, the spacecraft collected surface dust samples, similar to NASA’s recent touch-and-go grab by Osiris REx on the asteroid Bennu. Hayabusa2 later blasted a crater into the asteroid’s surface and then collected underground samples from the asteroid, a first for space history. In late 2019, Hayabusa2 left Ryugu. That yearlong journey ended Sunday.
Japan hopes to use the expertise and technology used in the Hayabusa2 in the future, perhaps in its 2024 MMX sample-return mission to a Martian moon.
Why an asteroid?
Asteroids orbit the sun but are much smaller than planets. They are among the oldest objects in the solar system and therefore may contain clues into how Earth evolved. Scientists say that requires studying samples from such celestial objects.
Ryugu in Japanese means “Dragon Palace,” the name of a sea-bottom castle in a Japanese folk tale.
Japan’s research into asteroids also may contribute to resource development and to finding ways to protect Earth from collisions with big meteorites, said Hitoshi Kuninaka, JAXA’s vice president.
What’s inside the capsule?
The pan-shaped capsule, about 15 inches in diameter, contains soil samples taken from two different sites on the asteroid. Some gases might also be embedded in the samples. The preliminary inspection at a lab in Australia was to extract and analyze the gas. The capsule is due to return to Japan on Tuesday. It will be taken to JAXA’s research center in Sagamihara, near Tokyo.
What can asteroid samples tell us?
Scientists say the samples, especially ones taken from under the asteroid’s surface, contain data from 4.6 billion years ago unaffected by space radiation and other environmental factors. They are particularly interested in studying organic materials in the samples to learn about how they are distributed in the solar system and if or how they are related to life on Earth. JAXA President Hiroshi Yamakawa said he believes analysis of the samples may help explain the origins of the solar system and how water helped to bring life to Earth. Fragments brought back from Ryugu can also tell its collision and thermal history.
After about a year, some of the samples will be shared with NASA and other international scientists. About 40% of them will be stored for future research. JAXA mission manager Makoto Yoshikawa said just 0.1 gram of the sample can be enough to conduct the planned research, though he said more would be better.
Why is Hayabusa2 such a big deal for Japan?
Hayabusa2 is a successor of the original Hayabusa mission that Japan launched in 2003. After a series of technical setbacks, it sent back samples from another asteroid, Itokawa, in 2010. The spacecraft was burned up in a failed re-entry but the capsule made it to Earth.
Many Japanese were impressed by the first Hayabusa spaceship’s return, which was considered a miracle given all the troubles it encountered. JAXA’s subsequent Venus and Mars missions also were flawed. Mr. Tsuda said the Hayabusa2 team used all the hard lessons learned from the earlier missions to accomplish a 100 times better than “perfect” outcome. Some members of the public who watched the event shed tears as the capsule successfully entered the atmosphere, briefly flaring into a fireball.
What’s next?
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About an hour after separating from the capsule at 136,700 miles from Earth, Hayabusa2 was sent on another mission to the smaller asteroid, 1998KY26. That is an 11-year journey one-way. The mission is to study possible ways to prevent big meteorites from colliding with Earth.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-12-07--Congress closes in on compromise for COVID-19 relief

A proposed COVID-19 relief bill is expected to get backing from President Donald Trump and the Senate majority leader , Mitch McConnell , but it won ’ t include $ 1,200 in direct payments to most Americans , a Republican senator involved in the bipartisan talks says .
“ President Trump has indicated that he would sign a $ 908 billion package – there ’ s only one $ 908 billion package out there and it ’ s ours , ” Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana said Sunday .
“ The pain of the American people is driving this , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those leaders will come on board.
” With time running out , lawmakers from both parties were closing in on the final language that would provide roughly $ 300 in extra weekly federal unemployment benefits , leaving the issue of cash payments for President-elect Joe Biden and a new Congress to wrestle over next year .
The package to be released Monday would be attached to a larger year-end spending bill needed to avert a government shutdown this coming weekend .
The direct payments were popular when they were first distributed after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Friday had expressed hope that a second wave might come after weekend negotiations .
But senators involved in the talks said the checks won ’ t be included as part of the compromise , even as Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and others said that could cause them to oppose the measure .
Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois , the second-ranking Democrat , indicated that excluding the checks while assuring small-business aid and renters ’ assistance was the only way to reach agreement with Republicans who are putting firm limits on the bill ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1,200 check , it [ costs ] we believe nationally $ 300 billion , to give you an idea , ” he said .
“ The Democrats have always wanted a larger number , but we were told we couldn ’ t get anything through the Republicans , except this $ 900 billion level.
” The plan being worked on by a group of Republican and Democratic senators is less than half of the Democrats ’ push of $ 2.2 trillion and nearly double the $ 500 billion “ targeted ” package @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreed that a new round of direct checks “ may be a go ” at some point .
“ This is not a stimulus bill , it ’ s a relief bill , ” he said .
“ And it ’ s something for the next three to four months to help those in greatest need.
” The proposal 's expected $ 300-per-week unemployment bonus would provide relief just as emergency aid payments at regular benefit levels are set to expire at year ’ s end .
It would extend a freeze on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their rent and reauthorize the Paycheck Protection Program to give a second round of subsidies to businesses struggling through the pandemic .
Mr. Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , D-N.Y. , said last week they wouldn ’ t support the $ 908 billion proposal if it did not include checks for families , and were joined by Sen. Josh Hawley , R-Mo .
Mr. Sanders and Ms. Ocasio-Cortez are also against shielding businesses from lawsuits claiming negligence for COVID-19 outbreaks , a provision pushed by Republicans .
While favoring the $ 1,200 checks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was “ immediately needed ” and that additional assistance could follow later .
On Sunday , lawmakers involved in the negotiations said the direct payments would have to wait until after Mr. Biden is inaugurated on Jan. 20 .
At that time , Mr. Biden will face a new Congress as vaccines are being distributed , with a narrowed Democratic majority in the House and a closely divided Senate – potentially split 50-50 if Democrats are able to prevail in two runoff elections in Georgia on Jan. 5 .
Sen. Mark Warner , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involved in the negotiations and “ his characterization is just not accurate ” about the potential liability protections for businesses .
The direct payments , he said , will be a task for Mr. Biden .
Sen. Joe Manchin , D-W.Va. , said the bipartisan group was focused on extending the most urgent aid for the next four months .
“ Every indication says more money is needed ; we see that , ” he said .
“ This gets us through basically the lifelines that people need and the small businesses that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Manchin said Mr. Biden ’ s team , when in power , “ can put together a different proposal that takes us further down the road for more recovery.
” Mr. Durbin spoke on ABC ’ s “ This Week , ” Mr. Cassidy appeared on “ Fox News Sunday , ” Mr. Warner was on CNN ’ s “ State of the Union , ” and Mr. Manchin was interviewed on NBC ’ s “ Meet the Press.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .

A proposed COVID-19 relief bill is expected to get backing from President Donald Trump and the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, but it won’t include $1,200 in direct payments to most Americans, a Republican senator involved in the bipartisan talks says.
“President Trump has indicated that he would sign a $908 billion package – there’s only one $908 billion package out there and it’s ours,” Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana said Sunday. “The pain of the American people is driving this, and I’m optimistic that both those leaders will come on board.”
With time running out, lawmakers from both parties were closing in on the final language that would provide roughly $300 in extra weekly federal unemployment benefits, leaving the issue of cash payments for President-elect Joe Biden and a new Congress to wrestle over next year.
The package to be released Monday would be attached to a larger year-end spending bill needed to avert a government shutdown this coming weekend.
The direct payments were popular when they were first distributed after the pandemic hit, and Mr. Biden on Friday had expressed hope that a second wave might come after weekend negotiations.
But senators involved in the talks said the checks won’t be included as part of the compromise, even as Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders and others said that could cause them to oppose the measure.
Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the second-ranking Democrat, indicated that excluding the checks while assuring small-business aid and renters’ assistance was the only way to reach agreement with Republicans who are putting firm limits on the bill’s final price tag.
“The $1,200 check, it [costs] we believe nationally $300 billion, to give you an idea,” he said. “The Democrats have always wanted a larger number, but we were told we couldn’t get anything through the Republicans, except this $900 billion level.”
The plan being worked on by a group of Republican and Democratic senators is less than half of the Democrats’ push of $2.2 trillion and nearly double the $500 billion “targeted” package proposed by Mr. McConnell.
Mr. Cassidy agreed that a new round of direct checks “may be a go” at some point. “This is not a stimulus bill, it’s a relief bill,” he said. “And it’s something for the next three to four months to help those in greatest need.”
The proposal's expected $300-per-week unemployment bonus would provide relief just as emergency aid payments at regular benefit levels are set to expire at year’s end. It would extend a freeze on evictions for people who cannot pay their rent and reauthorize the Paycheck Protection Program to give a second round of subsidies to businesses struggling through the pandemic.
Still, potential sticking points remain.
Mr. Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., said last week they wouldn’t support the $908 billion proposal if it did not include checks for families, and were joined by Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo. Mr. Sanders and Ms. Ocasio-Cortez are also against shielding businesses from lawsuits claiming negligence for COVID-19 outbreaks, a provision pushed by Republicans.
While favoring the $1,200 checks, Mr. Biden said the emerging compromise was “immediately needed” and that additional assistance could follow later.
On Sunday, lawmakers involved in the negotiations said the direct payments would have to wait until after Mr. Biden is inaugurated on Jan. 20. At that time, Mr. Biden will face a new Congress as vaccines are being distributed, with a narrowed Democratic majority in the House and a closely divided Senate – potentially split 50-50 if Democrats are able to prevail in two runoff elections in Georgia on Jan. 5.
Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va., said Mr. Sanders was not involved in the negotiations and “his characterization is just not accurate” about the potential liability protections for businesses. The direct payments, he said, will be a task for Mr. Biden.
Sen. Joe Manchin, D-W.Va., said the bipartisan group was focused on extending the most urgent aid for the next four months.
“Every indication says more money is needed; we see that,” he said. “This gets us through basically the lifelines that people need and the small businesses that can survive and not go under.”
Mr. Manchin said Mr. Biden’s team, when in power, “can put together a different proposal that takes us further down the road for more recovery.”
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Mr. Durbin spoke on ABC’s “This Week,” Mr. Cassidy appeared on “Fox News Sunday,” Mr. Warner was on CNN’s “State of the Union,” and Mr. Manchin was interviewed on NBC’s “Meet the Press.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-12-07--A Bidenesque aisle-crossing in Congress

A Bidenesque aisle-crossing in Congress

US President-elect Joe Biden , who has promised to “ bind the wounds of division ” among Americans , must be pleased with a change of tone in Congress a month after the election .
Top leaders in both parties are not only talking to each other about a new coronavirus relief package , but also nearing a compromise that would give close to $ 1 trillion to individuals , businesses , and states .
Perhaps by ending their long divide over a second aid package , lawmakers will help the next president achieve even greater feats of bipartisan consensus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t see red states and blue states.
” That befits his 36 years in the Senate cutting deals with rivals he warmly embraced as family .
“ I love you , ” he told Republican Sen. Jesse Helms in 1999 after the two passed a measure to restore funding for the State Department .
Genuine affection between opponents , built on honesty and respect , is a proven lubricant for successful legislation .
As a lawmaker , Mr. Biden had a knack for focusing on realities that neither side on Capitol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Cold War during his time in Congress , has helped force Congress to overcome some “ wounds of division.
” The proposed relief package won ’ t satisfy everybody , Mr. Biden says , “ but the option is , if you insist on everything , we ’ re likely to get nothing on both sides.
” Some call that pragmatism .
Mr. Biden suggests such bipartisanship is national healing .
While the former vice president won the election decisively , he recognizes many voters split their tickets , giving victories to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the House .
Both parties also saw voters giving a thumbs-down to many extreme candidates .
“ Americans are inherently optimistic , ” concludes Time magazine ’ s wrap-up of the year 2020 .
“ It ’ s why our allies like us , even if they secretly mock us behind our backs – but we don ’ t care !
” Mr. Biden ’ s own optimism will probably lead him to focus on many bipartisan opportunities , such as infrastructure .
His tenure in the Oval Office could be remembered like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and George W. Bush , all of whom passed major bills with the opposing party .
Being “ a president for all Americans , ” as Mr. Biden promises , might already be off to a good start in the lame-duck Congress .

US President-elect Joe Biden, who has promised to “bind the wounds of division” among Americans, must be pleased with a change of tone in Congress a month after the election. Top leaders in both parties are not only talking to each other about a new coronavirus relief package, but also nearing a compromise that would give close to $1 trillion to individuals, businesses, and states.
Perhaps by ending their long divide over a second aid package, lawmakers will help the next president achieve even greater feats of bipartisan consensus.
Mr. Biden also says he “doesn’t see red states and blue states.” That befits his 36 years in the Senate cutting deals with rivals he warmly embraced as family. “I love you,” he told Republican Sen. Jesse Helms in 1999 after the two passed a measure to restore funding for the State Department. Genuine affection between opponents, built on honesty and respect, is a proven lubricant for successful legislation.
As a lawmaker, Mr. Biden had a knack for focusing on realities that neither side on Capitol Hill could ignore. COVID-19, like the Cold War during his time in Congress, has helped force Congress to overcome some “wounds of division.” The proposed relief package won’t satisfy everybody, Mr. Biden says, “but the option is, if you insist on everything, we’re likely to get nothing on both sides.”
Some call that pragmatism. Mr. Biden suggests such bipartisanship is national healing. While the former vice president won the election decisively, he recognizes many voters split their tickets, giving victories to Republicans in state races and gains in the House. Both parties also saw voters giving a thumbs-down to many extreme candidates.
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“Americans are inherently optimistic,” concludes Time magazine’s wrap-up of the year 2020. “It’s why our allies like us, even if they secretly mock us behind our backs – but we don’t care!” Mr. Biden’s own optimism will probably lead him to focus on many bipartisan opportunities, such as infrastructure. His tenure in the Oval Office could be remembered like that of Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, and George W. Bush, all of whom passed major bills with the opposing party.
Being “a president for all Americans,” as Mr. Biden promises, might already be off to a good start in the lame-duck Congress.


csmonitor--2020-12-07--Where Venezuela’s boycotted elections leave Maduro and rival Guaidó

Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro ’ s political alliance claimed a sweeping victory Monday in congressional elections boycotted by the most influential opposition politicians and widely criticized internationally as being fraudulent .
The win gives Mr. Maduro control of the last major branch of government outside his grasp .
It plays out in the waning days of President Donald Trump ’ s administration , which leaves office with Mr. Maduro firmly entrenched despite its efforts to bring about his departure through diplomacy and sanctions .
“ We have recovered the National Assembly with the majority vote of the Venezuelan people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address .
“ It ’ s a great victory without a doubt for democracy.
” Mr. Maduro ’ s United Socialist Party of Venezuela and allied parties captured 67 % of seats in the National Assembly in Sunday ’ s election , said Indira Alfonzo , president of Venezuela ’ s National Electoral Council .
Just 31 % of the 20 million registered voters participated in the election , she said .
The National Assembly has been led by U.S.-backed politician Juan Guaidó , who has pressed to oust Mr. Maduro for nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deepening crisis .
He ’ s backed by Washington and dozens of nations that consider Mr. Maduro ’ s presidency illegitimate .
The election ’ s outcome , however , appears to weaken both Mr. Maduro , who ’ s accused as overseeing a fixed vote , and Mr. Guaidó , whose legal claim to the presidency hinges on his role as National Assembly head , while his own popularity fades after failing to oust Mr. Maduro .
The opposition boycott stems from a Supreme Court ruling this year appointing a new election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been sanctioned by the U.S. and Canada , without participation of the opposition-led Congress , as the law requires .
The court also removed the leadership of three opposition parties – including Mr. Guaidó ’ s – appointing new leaders the opposition accuses of conspiring to support Mr. Maduro .
A small number of opposition parties not associated with Mr. Guaidó have held dialogue with the government and participated in the election .
Critics say this allowed Mr. Maduro to maintain the semblance of a valid contest .
Mr. Maduro campaigned for his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son and wife – promising to finally silence the right-wing opposition , which he accuses of inciting violent street protests and inviting U.S. sanctions .
The election comes amid uncertainty over the impending change of U.S. administration .
Like outgoing President Donald Trump , President-elect Joe Biden has called Mr. Maduro a “ dictator , ” though it ’ s unclear what approach he ’ ll take toward Venezuela ’ s crisis .
Despite Venezuela ’ s political turmoil , voting took place with no apparent problems in Caracas , where polling places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ armed soldiers alongside election workers .
As a light flow of voters entered the polls , long lines of drivers throughout Caracas waited to fuel up their cars as the oil rich nation struggles to produce gasoline to meet domestic demands .
Mr. Guaidó ’ s opposition movement is holding its own referendum over several days immediately after the election .
It will ask Venezuelans whether they want to end Mr. Maduro ’ s rule and hold new presidential elections .
“ Although I can not promise a magic solution today , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : You are not alone .
We will not give up , ” Mr. Guaidó said in a video message .
“ We are going to give everything until we win.
” Surveys indicate that neither Mr. Maduro nor Mr. Guaidó are popular among Venezuelans at a time the nation ’ s economic and political crisis is deepening despite having the world ’ s largest oil reserves .
Karol Teran , a nurse and single mother on her way to work in Caracas , said she didn ’ t vote because it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controlled , she said .
“ I don ’ t feel like wasting my time , giving these people the opportunity , so I simply don ’ t vote , ” she said .
“ We ’ re tired of all this .
I ’ m tired of all of this .
It ’ s not easy.
” She was still considering whether to participate in the opposition ’ s referendum .
More than 5 million people have fled the country in recent years , the world ’ s largest migration after that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fund projects a 25 % decline this year in Venezuela ’ s GDP , while hyperinflation diminishes the value of its currency , the bolivar , now worth less than a millionth of a dollar on the free market .
Mr. Maduro , the hand-picked successor to the late President Hugo Chávez , won a second term in 2018 .
But his political adversaries and scores of nations , including the U.S. , reject his legitimacy , alleging the vote was rigged and his most popular challengers were banned .
Mr. Guaidó vowed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – basing his claim to the interim presidency on his leadership of the National Assembly , whose term legally ends in early January under the constitution .
The Trump administration and other countries led support of Mr. Guaidó and have said they will continue to support him in the absence of what they consider fair elections .
Washington has hit Mr. Maduro and his political allies with sanctions , and the U.S. Justice Department has indicted Mr. Maduro as a “ narcoterrorist , ” offering a $ 15 million reward for his arrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Sunday ’ s election was fraudulent .
“ The results announced by the illegitimate Maduro regime will not reflect the will of the Venezuelan people , ” he said on Twitter .
“ What ’ s happening today is a fraud and a sham , not an election.
” International bodies like the European Union have refused to send observers to Sunday ’ s election , saying the conditions for a democratic process don ’ t exist .
Mr. Maduro ’ s government invited sympathetic international observers , former Presidents Evo Morales @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Others included a group of men who identified themselves as Turkish lawmakers .
At a polling place in Chacao , an opposition stronghold of Caracas , resident Luisa Fermin shouted at the observers , calling the election “ theatrics ” that she wouldn ’ t validate with her vote .
“ There are children who don ’ t go to school because they ’ re hungry , ” Ms. Fermin said .
“ There are mothers who send their children to school barefoot because they don ’ t have the money to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by The Associated Press .
AP writers Fabiola Sánchez and Jorge Rueda contributed to this report .

Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s political alliance claimed a sweeping victory Monday in congressional elections boycotted by the most influential opposition politicians and widely criticized internationally as being fraudulent.
The win gives Mr. Maduro control of the last major branch of government outside his grasp. It plays out in the waning days of President Donald Trump’s administration, which leaves office with Mr. Maduro firmly entrenched despite its efforts to bring about his departure through diplomacy and sanctions.
“We have recovered the National Assembly with the majority vote of the Venezuelan people,” Mr. Maduro said in a televised address. “It’s a great victory without a doubt for democracy.”
Mr. Maduro’s United Socialist Party of Venezuela and allied parties captured 67% of seats in the National Assembly in Sunday’s election, said Indira Alfonzo, president of Venezuela’s National Electoral Council. Just 31% of the 20 million registered voters participated in the election, she said.
The National Assembly has been led by U.S.-backed politician Juan Guaidó, who has pressed to oust Mr. Maduro for nearly two years and end Venezuela’s deepening crisis. He’s backed by Washington and dozens of nations that consider Mr. Maduro’s presidency illegitimate.
The election’s outcome, however, appears to weaken both Mr. Maduro, who’s accused as overseeing a fixed vote, and Mr. Guaidó, whose legal claim to the presidency hinges on his role as National Assembly head, while his own popularity fades after failing to oust Mr. Maduro.
The opposition boycott stems from a Supreme Court ruling this year appointing a new election commission, including three members who have been sanctioned by the U.S. and Canada, without participation of the opposition-led Congress, as the law requires.
The court also removed the leadership of three opposition parties – including Mr. Guaidó’s – appointing new leaders the opposition accuses of conspiring to support Mr. Maduro.
A small number of opposition parties not associated with Mr. Guaidó have held dialogue with the government and participated in the election. Critics say this allowed Mr. Maduro to maintain the semblance of a valid contest.
Mr. Maduro campaigned for his party’s candidates – including his son and wife – promising to finally silence the right-wing opposition, which he accuses of inciting violent street protests and inviting U.S. sanctions.
The election comes amid uncertainty over the impending change of U.S. administration. Like outgoing President Donald Trump, President-elect Joe Biden has called Mr. Maduro a “dictator,” though it’s unclear what approach he’ll take toward Venezuela’s crisis.
Despite Venezuela’s political turmoil, voting took place with no apparent problems in Caracas, where polling places were operated by civilian militia members and armed soldiers alongside election workers.
As a light flow of voters entered the polls, long lines of drivers throughout Caracas waited to fuel up their cars as the oil rich nation struggles to produce gasoline to meet domestic demands.
Mr. Guaidó’s opposition movement is holding its own referendum over several days immediately after the election. It will ask Venezuelans whether they want to end Mr. Maduro’s rule and hold new presidential elections.
“Although I cannot promise a magic solution today, I can tell you with certainty and security: You are not alone. We will not give up,” Mr. Guaidó said in a video message. “We are going to give everything until we win.”
Surveys indicate that neither Mr. Maduro nor Mr. Guaidó are popular among Venezuelans at a time the nation’s economic and political crisis is deepening despite having the world’s largest oil reserves.
Karol Teran, a nurse and single mother on her way to work in Caracas, said she didn’t vote because it would have no impact. The election is controlled, she said.
“I don’t feel like wasting my time, giving these people the opportunity, so I simply don’t vote,” she said. “We’re tired of all this. I’m tired of all of this. It’s not easy.”
She was still considering whether to participate in the opposition’s referendum.
More than 5 million people have fled the country in recent years, the world’s largest migration after that of war-torn Syria. The International Monetary Fund projects a 25% decline this year in Venezuela’s GDP, while hyperinflation diminishes the value of its currency, the bolivar, now worth less than a millionth of a dollar on the free market.
Mr. Maduro, the hand-picked successor to the late President Hugo Chávez, won a second term in 2018. But his political adversaries and scores of nations, including the U.S., reject his legitimacy, alleging the vote was rigged and his most popular challengers were banned.
Mr. Guaidó vowed to oust Mr. Maduro early last year – basing his claim to the interim presidency on his leadership of the National Assembly, whose term legally ends in early January under the constitution.
The Trump administration and other countries led support of Mr. Guaidó and have said they will continue to support him in the absence of what they consider fair elections.
Washington has hit Mr. Maduro and his political allies with sanctions, and the U.S. Justice Department has indicted Mr. Maduro as a “narcoterrorist,” offering a $15 million reward for his arrest.
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said Sunday’s election was fraudulent.
“The results announced by the illegitimate Maduro regime will not reflect the will of the Venezuelan people,” he said on Twitter. “What’s happening today is a fraud and a sham, not an election.”
International bodies like the European Union have refused to send observers to Sunday’s election, saying the conditions for a democratic process don’t exist.
Mr. Maduro’s government invited sympathetic international observers, former Presidents Evo Morales of Bolivia and Rafael Correa of Ecuador. Others included a group of men who identified themselves as Turkish lawmakers.
At a polling place in Chacao, an opposition stronghold of Caracas, resident Luisa Fermin shouted at the observers, calling the election “theatrics” that she wouldn’t validate with her vote.
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“There are children who don’t go to school because they’re hungry,” Ms. Fermin said. “There are mothers who send their children to school barefoot because they don’t have the money to buy shoes.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Fabiola Sánchez and Jorge Rueda contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-12-07--Will rural America respond to Biden’s call for masks?

“ I ’ m happy to say more people are wearing masks , ” says Nancy Dumke , who insists on the practice in her shoe store , The Cobbler ’ s Closet .
“ They ’ re taking it more seriously .
It used to be a battle to get them to wear them.
” “ There is a general sense of distrust of government , [ along with ] the importance of individual responsibility and liberty , and these really are times when that philosophy is challenged , ” says Patrick Remington , a public health expert at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ include the reflexive partisanship of today ’ s politics , but also something deeper : a rural culture that prizes individuality and small government .
That ’ s difficult to change , even in the face of a pandemic .
President-elect Joe Biden has called for a 100-day period of mask-wearing vigilance nationwide .
Wisconsin already has a mandate to wear masks in public , now under challenge by Republicans in the Wisconsin Supreme Court .
In the court of public opinion , many have rejected it .
As coronavirus cases swept through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this fall , more people here began to wear masks and stay home , say residents of Shawano County , one of the hardest hit counties in Wisconsin .
Richard Kucksdorf was not one of them .
An Iraq War veteran and head of the Shawano County Republican Party , Mr. Kucksdorf goes out often , attends meetings , shops .
He almost never wears a mask if he can help it .
“ I put one on when I go in a store and don ’ t want to hassle anyone , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t do any good.
” He ’ s not alone .
At Wayne ’ s Place Bar and Grill in Bonduel , a crossroads hamlet in the eastern part of the county , owner Wayne Ort works behind the bar on a recent afternoon , filling small plastic containers with salad dressing , his snow-white walrus mustache drooping majestically and uncovered .
No one else in the bar is wearing a mask , either .
Most customers don ’ t , he says .
“ Some of them wear them coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a problem with that , ” he says .
“ I kind of think it ’ s up to each individual.
” Resistance to mask-wearing and other measures has frustrated public health officials here , in a state that was at the leading edge of a second U.S. surge of coronavirus cases .
It also shows the wider challenges facing the country and a new occupant of the Oval Office .
President-elect Joe Biden has urged state mask mandates and last week called for a 100-day period of mask-wearing vigilance nationwide .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ imposed by Democratic Gov .
Tony Evers on July 30 and now under challenge by Republicans in the Wisconsin Supreme Court .
In the court of public opinion , many have rejected it .
The reasons include the reflexive partisanship of today ’ s politics , but also something deeper : a rural culture that prizes individuality and small government .
That ’ s difficult to change , even in the face of a pandemic .
“ There is a general sense of distrust of government , [ along with ] the importance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these really are times when that philosophy is challenged , ” says Patrick Remington , a public health expert at the University of Wisconsin-Madison .
That ’ s not to say most residents here or elsewhere are in outright rebellion against guidance from public health officials .
Polls suggest that a majority of Americans , including in Wisconsin , are wearing masks when they ’ re out in public – and that the share has been rising since the summer .
Some 59 % Americans say they are “ always ” wearing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to an Economist/YouGov poll completed in early November , while another 22 % said they do so “ most of the time.
” That left 13 % saying “ some of the time ” and 6 % “ never.
” COVID-19 came late to Shawano County .
After a spring and summer of relatively few cases , infections began to surge in mid-September .
They spread rapidly in October and November , straining the local health care system .
According to health data , 1 in 10 residents has been infected .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 52 have died .
By now , it seems , almost everyone knows someone who has been diagnosed – including Mr. Kucksdorf , whose wife came down with a mild case of COVID-19 in early November .
“ I never got it , ” he says .
“ When you look at all the numbers , it ’ s not as contagious , I believe , as we were led to believe.
” Mr. Kucksdorf ’ s views are not uncommon here .
They reflect in part the area ’ s conservative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monmouth University poll found that only a third of Republicans said they were “ very concerned ” that a family member would become seriously ill , compared to more than two-thirds of Democrats .
Shawano County lies in the rolling hills of north central Wisconsin , a land once inhabited by Menominee Indians and settled by German and Polish immigrants whose descendants still farm here .
For years it was the home of Sen. Joseph McCarthy , who worked as a lawyer and circuit court judge here before becoming , after the Second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notorious red-baiter in an anti-communist era .
The county went heavily for Donald Trump this year – he received more than twice as many votes as Joe Biden .
Trump 2020 flags still flap in the wind here , paying homage to the outgoing president but also suggesting the ongoing influence of his rhetorical efforts to minimize the dangers of the pandemic .
In the early months , a statewide order shut down nonessential businesses for two months as the coronavirus spread in the state ’ s biggest cities .
Despite few local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Shawano County Historical Society canceled its annual Rhubarb Fest .
And yet in June the Shawano Area Agricultural Society decided to go ahead with the Shawano County Fair in early September , even though most fairs in the state had been canceled .
It was a controversial move , even in Shawano , and attendance was down .
“ When we did it there were only something like 20 cases in the county , ” says Dale Hodkiewicz , a retired cheesemaker and president of the agricultural group , about the decision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could do it.
” For his part , Mr. Hodkiewicz doesn ’ t wear a mask and has little confidence in the pronouncements of public health officials .
“ What did Fauci say ?
” he says , referring to Dr. Anthony Fauci , head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases .
“ ‘ Don ’ t wear masks .
They won ’ t help.
’ Now he swings around and says something different .
I don ’ t trust him.
” The biggest stores in Shawano have complied with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a thin , older man hands out masks at the door on a recent day , though most people come prepared .
Smaller businesses are less predictable .
At a store that sells ball bearings , the owner and a worker stand maskless behind the counter .
At an antique store , some workers wear masks ; others don ’ t .
A small sign on the counter reads , “ Please wear a mask if it makes you more comfortable.
” At The Cobbler ’ s Closet , a shoe store @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no equivocation .
It ’ s one of the locally owned businesses that has long insisted on masks .
“ I ’ m happy to say more people are wearing masks , ” says Nancy Dumke , the owner .
“ They ’ re taking it more seriously .
It used to be a battle to get them to wear them.
” There are still battles .
Two weeks ago a maskless customer entered and declared , “ You can ’ t make me wear a mask.
” He stormed out just as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police .
Others have told Ms. Dumke that they shop at The Cobbler ’ s Closet precisely because of its insistence on masks .
Rhonda Strebel , executive director of the Rural Health Initiative in Shawano , says the spread of COVID-19 in the county has tempered some of opposition to public health measures .
“ When it affects their family and loved ones , then there ’ s a change in heart , ” she says .
But “ people who are still healthy , and it hasn ’ t affected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same – especially for our farmers.
” One of the more prominent residents to be infected is John Hoeffs , a member of the Shawano City Council .
For a long time , many people didn ’ t worry much about the coronavirus , says Mr. Hoeffs , who spent five days being treated at a hospital .
“ I think they thought Shawano County was like the Siegfried Line , the war line in France , that nothing could penetrate it.
” Now , he says , “ I ’ d say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” In fact , the cultural attitudes at work in this region are varied and complex .
Jasmine Neosh is a member of the Menominee tribe , whose reservation , just north of Shawano County , has also been hard hit by the virus .
Ms. Neosh , who lives in Shawano , says people in the county are not taking the virus seriously enough and blames them for spreading the virus .
On the reservation , she says , “ Whatever we have to do to protect our elders , that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s no question.
” In Shawano , she says , “ It ’ s everyone for themselves.
” Local health officials have worked hard to untether the pandemic from politics .
They have appealed to community solidarity .
They have asked doctors and community leaders to write public letters , imploring residents to wear masks , wash their hands , and avoid large gatherings .
To skeptics , “ we say ‘ follow the science , ’ ” says Julie Chikowski , who heads the Thedacare Medical Center in Shawano .
If many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trail , it could not only hurt ongoing efforts to curb the pandemic but also bode ill for any vaccination program , says Dr. Remington .
“ I fear that what we ’ re going to see is we ’ re not going to get the rate of adoption we need , ” he says .
And yet , even now , public health officials find cause for hope .
The number of cases has fallen in both the state and Shawano County .
The percentage of positive COVID-19 tests has gone down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not sitting in judgment of people , ” says Ms. Chikowski .
“ We just want to save lives .
No one here is preaching .
We ’ re just asking human beings to band together to stop this.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

“I’m happy to say more people are wearing masks,” says Nancy Dumke, who insists on the practice in her shoe store, The Cobbler’s Closet. “They’re taking it more seriously. It used to be a battle to get them to wear them.”
“There is a general sense of distrust of government, [along with] the importance of individual responsibility and liberty, and these really are times when that philosophy is challenged,” says Patrick Remington, a public health expert at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
A second spike in U.S. coronavirus cases has been led by places like Wisconsin’s Shawano County. The region is a test of whether behaviors will change under new circumstances – and a new president.
The reasons include the reflexive partisanship of today’s politics, but also something deeper: a rural culture that prizes individuality and small government. That’s difficult to change, even in the face of a pandemic.
President-elect Joe Biden has called for a 100-day period of mask-wearing vigilance nationwide. Wisconsin already has a mandate to wear masks in public, now under challenge by Republicans in the Wisconsin Supreme Court. In the court of public opinion, many have rejected it.
As coronavirus cases swept through the rural communities of the upper Midwest this fall, more people here began to wear masks and stay home, say residents of Shawano County, one of the hardest hit counties in Wisconsin.
Richard Kucksdorf was not one of them. An Iraq War veteran and head of the Shawano County Republican Party, Mr. Kucksdorf goes out often, attends meetings, shops. He almost never wears a mask if he can help it.
“I put one on when I go in a store and don’t want to hassle anyone,” he says. “But they don’t do any good.”
Why We Wrote This A second spike in U.S. coronavirus cases has been led by places like Wisconsin’s Shawano County. The region is a test of whether behaviors will change under new circumstances – and a new president.
He’s not alone. At Wayne’s Place Bar and Grill in Bonduel, a crossroads hamlet in the eastern part of the county, owner Wayne Ort works behind the bar on a recent afternoon, filling small plastic containers with salad dressing, his snow-white walrus mustache drooping majestically and uncovered. No one else in the bar is wearing a mask, either. Most customers don’t, he says.
“Some of them wear them coming in, and I don’t have a problem with that,” he says. “I kind of think it’s up to each individual.”
Resistance to mask-wearing and other measures has frustrated public health officials here, in a state that was at the leading edge of a second U.S. surge of coronavirus cases. It also shows the wider challenges facing the country and a new occupant of the Oval Office.
President-elect Joe Biden has urged state mask mandates and last week called for a 100-day period of mask-wearing vigilance nationwide. Wisconsin already has such a mandate, imposed by Democratic Gov. Tony Evers on July 30 and now under challenge by Republicans in the Wisconsin Supreme Court. In the court of public opinion, many have rejected it.
The reasons include the reflexive partisanship of today’s politics, but also something deeper: a rural culture that prizes individuality and small government. That’s difficult to change, even in the face of a pandemic.
“There is a general sense of distrust of government, [along with] the importance of individual responsibility and liberty, and these really are times when that philosophy is challenged,” says Patrick Remington, a public health expert at the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
That’s not to say most residents here or elsewhere are in outright rebellion against guidance from public health officials. Polls suggest that a majority of Americans, including in Wisconsin, are wearing masks when they’re out in public – and that the share has been rising since the summer.
Some 59% Americans say they are “always” wearing a mask when outside the home, according to an Economist/YouGov poll completed in early November, while another 22% said they do so “most of the time.” That left 13% saying “some of the time” and 6% “never.”
COVID-19 came late to Shawano County. After a spring and summer of relatively few cases, infections began to surge in mid-September. They spread rapidly in October and November, straining the local health care system.
Conservatism and compliance
According to health data, 1 in 10 residents has been infected. In a county of just over 40,000 residents, 52 have died. By now, it seems, almost everyone knows someone who has been diagnosed – including Mr. Kucksdorf, whose wife came down with a mild case of COVID-19 in early November.
“I never got it,” he says. “When you look at all the numbers, it’s not as contagious, I believe, as we were led to believe.”
Richard Mertens View caption Hide caption Dale Hodkiewicz, president of the Shawano Area Agricultural Society, at his home workshop. The group went ahead with the Shawano County Fair this past September, to the dismay of many in Shawano. Mr. Hodkiewicz says he doesn't trust health officials.
Mr. Kucksdorf’s views are not uncommon here. They reflect in part the area’s conservative and mostly Republican politics. A recent Monmouth University poll found that only a third of Republicans said they were “very concerned” that a family member would become seriously ill, compared to more than two-thirds of Democrats.
Shawano County lies in the rolling hills of north central Wisconsin, a land once inhabited by Menominee Indians and settled by German and Polish immigrants whose descendants still farm here. For years it was the home of Sen. Joseph McCarthy, who worked as a lawyer and circuit court judge here before becoming, after the Second World War, Congress’s most notorious red-baiter in an anti-communist era.
The county went heavily for Donald Trump this year – he received more than twice as many votes as Joe Biden. Trump 2020 flags still flap in the wind here, paying homage to the outgoing president but also suggesting the ongoing influence of his rhetorical efforts to minimize the dangers of the pandemic.
In the early months, a statewide order shut down nonessential businesses for two months as the coronavirus spread in the state’s biggest cities. Despite few local cases, businesses in Shawano closed. The Shawano County Historical Society canceled its annual Rhubarb Fest. And yet in June the Shawano Area Agricultural Society decided to go ahead with the Shawano County Fair in early September, even though most fairs in the state had been canceled. It was a controversial move, even in Shawano, and attendance was down.
“When we did it there were only something like 20 cases in the county,” says Dale Hodkiewicz, a retired cheesemaker and president of the agricultural group, about the decision. “So we were confident we could do it.”
For his part, Mr. Hodkiewicz doesn’t wear a mask and has little confidence in the pronouncements of public health officials.
“What did Fauci say?” he says, referring to Dr. Anthony Fauci, head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases. “‘Don’t wear masks. They won’t help.’ Now he swings around and says something different. I don’t trust him.”
“They’re taking it more seriously”
The biggest stores in Shawano have complied with the state mask order. At Walmart, a thin, older man hands out masks at the door on a recent day, though most people come prepared. Smaller businesses are less predictable. At a store that sells ball bearings, the owner and a worker stand maskless behind the counter. At an antique store, some workers wear masks; others don’t. A small sign on the counter reads, “Please wear a mask if it makes you more comfortable.”
At The Cobbler’s Closet, a shoe store on Main Street, there’s no equivocation. It’s one of the locally owned businesses that has long insisted on masks.
“I’m happy to say more people are wearing masks,” says Nancy Dumke, the owner. “They’re taking it more seriously. It used to be a battle to get them to wear them.”
There are still battles. Two weeks ago a maskless customer entered and declared, “You can’t make me wear a mask.” He stormed out just as another customer was just about to call the police. Others have told Ms. Dumke that they shop at The Cobbler’s Closet precisely because of its insistence on masks.
Rhonda Strebel, executive director of the Rural Health Initiative in Shawano, says the spread of COVID-19 in the county has tempered some of opposition to public health measures. “When it affects their family and loved ones, then there’s a change in heart,” she says. But “people who are still healthy, and it hasn’t affected them, the mindset is still the same – especially for our farmers.”
One of the more prominent residents to be infected is John Hoeffs, a member of the Shawano City Council.
For a long time, many people didn’t worry much about the coronavirus, says Mr. Hoeffs, who spent five days being treated at a hospital. “I think they thought Shawano County was like the Siegfried Line, the war line in France, that nothing could penetrate it.” Now, he says, “I’d say a lot of Republicans are wearing masks.”
In fact, the cultural attitudes at work in this region are varied and complex. Jasmine Neosh is a member of the Menominee tribe, whose reservation, just north of Shawano County, has also been hard hit by the virus. Ms. Neosh, who lives in Shawano, says people in the county are not taking the virus seriously enough and blames them for spreading the virus. On the reservation, she says, “Whatever we have to do to protect our elders, that’s what we do. There’s no question.”
In Shawano, she says, “It’s everyone for themselves.”
Efforts toward unity
Local health officials have worked hard to untether the pandemic from politics. They have appealed to community solidarity. They have asked doctors and community leaders to write public letters, imploring residents to wear masks, wash their hands, and avoid large gatherings. To skeptics, “we say ‘follow the science,’” says Julie Chikowski, who heads the Thedacare Medical Center in Shawano.
If many are still reluctant to go down that trail, it could not only hurt ongoing efforts to curb the pandemic but also bode ill for any vaccination program, says Dr. Remington. “I fear that what we’re going to see is we’re not going to get the rate of adoption we need,” he says.
And yet, even now, public health officials find cause for hope. The number of cases has fallen in both the state and Shawano County. The percentage of positive COVID-19 tests has gone down, too.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“We’re not sitting in judgment of people,” says Ms. Chikowski. “We just want to save lives. No one here is preaching. We’re just asking human beings to band together to stop this.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.