csmonitor--2020-08-17--Women and the vote: For women of color, the fight’s not over

“ One of the most effective and powerful voter registration [ volunteers ] I have met was an undocumented Salvadoran woman , ” she says .
“ She would be very honest about the fact that she could not vote , and that 's why she needed everyone that could to go and do it.
” Alma Couverthie of the League of Women Voters says encouragement may come from those most politically disenfranchised .
Still , political disengagement persists .
This is sometimes attributed to logistical barriers , such as a lack of polling sites or strict voter ID requirements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Such hurdles , combined with a history of exclusion , can also lead to feelings of doubt or resentment toward the act of voting itself , experts say .
During the 2018 midterms , 53 % of voters were women .
Since 2000 , the number of registered voters who are nonwhite women has increased by 59 % , according to the Center for American Progress .
The 19th Amendment gave many women – but not all – the right to vote .
In the century since , an increasingly diverse range @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When she was growing up in Puerto Rico , Alma Couverthie says Election Day was a celebration .
There were caravans playing music , and people combed through towns to make sure everyone was registered to vote .
Her whole family , including her younger brothers , came along when she got her electoral ID card .
“ It ’ s very different from the [ mainland ] United States , ” she says .
“ That environment is what makes people go out to vote more than anything else .
...
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy.
” Today , Ms. Couverthie serves as the national organizing director of the League of Women Voters , an organization established in 1920 to help American women harness their new political power after the 19th Amendment gave many – but not all – the right to vote .
In the century since , an increasingly diverse range of women have become active voters .
During the 2018 midterms , 53 % of voters were women ; since 2000 , the number of registered voters who are nonwhite women has increased by 59 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American Progress .
However , a landmark survey released this year by the Knight Foundation also found that women make up more than half of the most politically disengaged Americans , and this is even truer for nonwhite women .
Disengagement is a double-sided issue , sometimes attributed to logistical barriers , such as a lack of polling sites or strict voter ID requirements , which disproportionately affect people of color .
But such hurdles , combined with a history of exclusion , can also lead to feelings of doubt or resentment toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say .
“ The political system has been set up in a way where certain kinds of people are systematically excluded , and people of all kinds really have seen that governmental responsiveness has declined in recent decades , ” says Hahrie Han , director of the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University and professor of political science .
Actions like participating in a Facebook group or signing an online petition may seem more accessible or meaningful than voting , she adds .
“ People are more likely to come off the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matters.
” Nonwhite women have historically been sidelined by voting rights movements .
While Black women were early leaders in the suffrage movement , and many white suffragists believed that the 19th Amendment would ultimately empower all women , racism within the movement was pervasive .
Elizabeth Cady Stanton , who launched the women ’ s rights movement , often argued that middle-class white women were more deserving of the vote than Black men .
In a 1913 demonstration , Black women were asked to march separately to avoid angering the Southern supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Wells refused to be segregated and took her place among allies in the Illinois delegation .
However , Wells and other Black women did not continue working with the National American Woman Suffrage Association after the parade , focusing instead on racial justice work that included voting rights and anti-lynching legislation .
Racial terror campaigns prevented Black women from utilizing their vote until the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965 .
Puerto Rico has been a U.S. territory since 1898 , but its population of 3.2 million still can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marginalized communities across the country are often stripped of political power through gerrymandering and other forms of voter suppression .
It ’ s a lesson Miranda Mishan has learned over the past year while working as a community development policy coordinator at Native American Youth and Family Center ( NAYA ) in Portland , Oregon .
After the 2016 presidential election , people were eager to shame those who didn ’ t vote , she says .
“ I was sort of open to that kind of attitude , but since I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be more patient , ” says Ms. Mishan , a Chickasaw Nation citizen who also identifies as Muscogee Creek .
“ No one who is Native decided to be American and be a part of this civic government , so if they don ’ t want to engage civically , it ’ s something I respect and I understand.
” Native Americans didn ’ t have the opportunity to vote until four years after the 19th Amendment , when the 1924 Snyder Act granted citizenship to all Native Americans born in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they didn ’ t truly secure the right to vote in every state until decades later .
According to 2010 census data , the turnout rate among Native Americans and Native Alaskans voters has been lower than other U.S. racial or ethnic groups by as many as 10 percentage points , though recent research suggests the gap may be shrinking .
Ms. Mishan focuses on removing the logistical barriers for NAYA clients who do want to vote , whether by running a registration form to the post office or helping compile information about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Youth and Elders Council , a grassroots group that meets monthly .
The council organizes conversations with local officials and other opportunities for the community to stay informed about political issues , regardless of voting status .
Carina Miller , a Warm Springs tribal member who grew up on the Warm Springs Reservation in rural Oregon , understands the power of a handful of votes .
In the last tribal council election , one of the candidates lost to her own father by three votes .
That ’ s not unusual for tribal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tend to be male elders .
Ms. Miller says that Native people may be less motivated to vote in national and state elections , considering the painful history of colonization and controversial policies like voter ID laws .
But she also sees a need for more Native American policymakers , and is currently running for the Oregon State Senate .
“ I kind of am on this spectrum where I ’ m like , ‘ Come on , tribal people , we need to vote.
’ And I ’ m like , ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do better and give tribal people a reason to vote , ’ ” says Ms. Miller .
Ms. Couverthie , from the League of Women Voters , says encouragement may come from those most politically disenfranchised .
“ One of the most effective and powerful voter registration [ volunteers ] I have met was an undocumented Salvadoran woman , ” she says .
“ She would be very honest about the fact that she could not vote , and that ’ s why she needed everyone that could to go and do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ love vote , ” she adds .
There are more than 700 local leagues in the country .
Ms. Couverthie hopes that by working with “ trusted messengers ” who are already integrated in communities , her organization can boost enthusiasm around voting .
And despite the shortcomings of the 19th Amendment , Ms. Couverthie still draws inspiration from the sacrifices of those early suffragists .
“ We can not forget that even though it was an imperfect win , it took 72 years to get there , and that the women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could vote did not see it come to fruition , ” she says .
“ Remembering that history and where we come from is very important , because we still have a lot of work to do to make sure that everyone has the same rights .
”

“One of the most effective and powerful voter registration [volunteers] I have met was an undocumented Salvadoran woman,” she says. “She would be very honest about the fact that she could not vote, and that's why she needed everyone that could to go and do it.”
Alma Couverthie of the League of Women Voters says encouragement may come from those most politically disenfranchised.
Still, political disengagement persists. This is sometimes attributed to logistical barriers, such as a lack of polling sites or strict voter ID requirements, which disproportionately affect people of color. Such hurdles, combined with a history of exclusion, can also lead to feelings of doubt or resentment toward the act of voting itself, experts say.
On the precipice of a historic election, here’s a look at how the demographics and values of female voters have evolved since the 19th Amendment.
During the 2018 midterms, 53% of voters were women. Since 2000, the number of registered voters who are nonwhite women has increased by 59%, according to the Center for American Progress.
The 19th Amendment gave many women – but not all – the right to vote. In the century since, an increasingly diverse range of women have become active voters.
When she was growing up in Puerto Rico, Alma Couverthie says Election Day was a celebration.
There were caravans playing music, and people combed through towns to make sure everyone was registered to vote. Her whole family, including her younger brothers, came along when she got her electoral ID card.
“It’s very different from the [mainland] United States,” she says. “That environment is what makes people go out to vote more than anything else. ... It is the acknowledgment of our role in democracy.”
Why We Wrote This On the precipice of a historic election, here’s a look at how the demographics and values of female voters have evolved since the 19th Amendment.
Today, Ms. Couverthie serves as the national organizing director of the League of Women Voters, an organization established in 1920 to help American women harness their new political power after the 19th Amendment gave many – but not all – the right to vote.
In the century since, an increasingly diverse range of women have become active voters. During the 2018 midterms, 53% of voters were women; since 2000, the number of registered voters who are nonwhite women has increased by 59%, according to the Center for American Progress.
However, a landmark survey released this year by the Knight Foundation also found that women make up more than half of the most politically disengaged Americans, and this is even truer for nonwhite women.
Disengagement is a double-sided issue, sometimes attributed to logistical barriers, such as a lack of polling sites or strict voter ID requirements, which disproportionately affect people of color. But such hurdles, combined with a history of exclusion, can also lead to feelings of doubt or resentment toward the act of voting itself, experts say.
“The political system has been set up in a way where certain kinds of people are systematically excluded, and people of all kinds really have seen that governmental responsiveness has declined in recent decades,” says Hahrie Han, director of the SNF Agora Institute at Johns Hopkins University and professor of political science.
Actions like participating in a Facebook group or signing an online petition may seem more accessible or meaningful than voting, she adds. “People are more likely to come off the sidelines if they feel like their participation matters.”
Nonwhite women have historically been sidelined by voting rights movements. While Black women were early leaders in the suffrage movement, and many white suffragists believed that the 19th Amendment would ultimately empower all women, racism within the movement was pervasive. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who launched the women’s rights movement, often argued that middle-class white women were more deserving of the vote than Black men.
In a 1913 demonstration, Black women were asked to march separately to avoid angering the Southern supporters. Investigative journalist and activist Ida B. Wells refused to be segregated and took her place among allies in the Illinois delegation. However, Wells and other Black women did not continue working with the National American Woman Suffrage Association after the parade, focusing instead on racial justice work that included voting rights and anti-lynching legislation. Racial terror campaigns prevented Black women from utilizing their vote until the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965.
Puerto Rico has been a U.S. territory since 1898, but its population of 3.2 million still can’t vote for president. Today, marginalized communities across the country are often stripped of political power through gerrymandering and other forms of voter suppression.
No vote, no shame
It’s a lesson Miranda Mishan has learned over the past year while working as a community development policy coordinator at Native American Youth and Family Center (NAYA) in Portland, Oregon. After the 2016 presidential election, people were eager to shame those who didn’t vote, she says.
“I was sort of open to that kind of attitude, but since I’ve been at NAYA, I try to be more patient,” says Ms. Mishan, a Chickasaw Nation citizen who also identifies as Muscogee Creek. “No one who is Native decided to be American and be a part of this civic government, so if they don’t want to engage civically, it’s something I respect and I understand.”
Native Americans didn’t have the opportunity to vote until four years after the 19th Amendment, when the 1924 Snyder Act granted citizenship to all Native Americans born in the U.S. And, like African Americans, they didn’t truly secure the right to vote in every state until decades later. According to 2010 census data, the turnout rate among Native Americans and Native Alaskans voters has been lower than other U.S. racial or ethnic groups by as many as 10 percentage points, though recent research suggests the gap may be shrinking.
Ms. Mishan focuses on removing the logistical barriers for NAYA clients who do want to vote, whether by running a registration form to the post office or helping compile information about candidates.
NAYA also houses the Portland Youth and Elders Council, a grassroots group that meets monthly. The council organizes conversations with local officials and other opportunities for the community to stay informed about political issues, regardless of voting status.
A reason to engage
Carina Miller, a Warm Springs tribal member who grew up on the Warm Springs Reservation in rural Oregon, understands the power of a handful of votes. In the last tribal council election, one of the candidates lost to her own father by three votes. That’s not unusual for tribal governments, she says, where leaders tend to be male elders.
Ms. Miller says that Native people may be less motivated to vote in national and state elections, considering the painful history of colonization and controversial policies like voter ID laws. But she also sees a need for more Native American policymakers, and is currently running for the Oregon State Senate.
“I kind of am on this spectrum where I’m like, ‘Come on, tribal people, we need to vote.’ And I’m like, ‘Come on, politicians, we need to do better and give tribal people a reason to vote,’” says Ms. Miller.
Ms. Couverthie, from the League of Women Voters, says encouragement may come from those most politically disenfranchised.
“One of the most effective and powerful voter registration [volunteers] I have met was an undocumented Salvadoran woman,” she says. “She would be very honest about the fact that she could not vote, and that’s why she needed everyone that could to go and do it.”
This is sometimes called a “love vote,” she adds.
There are more than 700 local leagues in the country. Ms. Couverthie hopes that by working with “trusted messengers” who are already integrated in communities, her organization can boost enthusiasm around voting. And despite the shortcomings of the 19th Amendment, Ms. Couverthie still draws inspiration from the sacrifices of those early suffragists.
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“We cannot forget that even though it was an imperfect win, it took 72 years to get there, and that the women who started fighting so that we all could vote did not see it come to fruition,” she says.
“Remembering that history and where we come from is very important, because we still have a lot of work to do to make sure that everyone has the same rights.”


csmonitor--2020-08-18--Post office chief halts cuts – but concerns about election remain

The issue has become highly politicized , since a failure involving mailed ballots could disproportionately disenfranchise Democrats , who polls show favor voting by mail in higher numbers than Republicans this year .
President Donald Trump gave his opponents fodder by suggesting that withholding Postal Service funding would prevent universal mail-in voting , which he has alleged – without providing evidence – would be fraudulent .
Still , the issue is more complex than such polarized narratives would suggest .
The brouhaha underscored how challenging the administration of this election is likely to be .
Years of Postal Service financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are coming to a head , and observers worry that a surge in voting by mail could overwhelm the system .
In New York ’ s June primary , as many as 1 in 5 mailed ballots were not counted .
“ To avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail , I am suspending these initiatives until after the election is concluded , ” said Mr. DeJoy .
After weeks of mounting pressure , U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy on Tuesday said he would postpone new cost-cutting measures that had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too late for November ’ s election .
The announcement came days before Mr. DeJoy was set to testify before Congress , and as more than 20 states were reportedly planning to sue the United States Postal Service .
After weeks of mounting pressure , U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy on Tuesday said he would postpone new cost-cutting measures that had sparked concerns many mail-in ballots would be delivered too late for November ’ s election .
The announcement came as more than 20 states were reportedly planning to sue the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just days before Mr. DeJoy was set to testify before Congress .
“ To avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail , I am suspending these initiatives until after the election is concluded , ” said Mr. DeJoy in a statement , adding that there would be no closures of mail processing facilities and overtime would be approved as needed .
“ The Postal Service is ready today to handle whatever volume of election mail it receives this fall.
” The brouhaha and the postmaster general ’ s decision to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this election is likely to be .
Years of USPS financial troubles , compounded by the pandemic , are coming to a head , with Democrats in Congress seeking an emergency infusion of $ 3.5 billion for mail-in voting and $ 25 billion for the organization as a whole .
Observers worry that a surge in voting by mail , together with already tight state deadlines for submitting ballot applications , could overwhelm the system .
The debate has become highly politicized , especially after President Donald Trump suggested that withholding USPS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which he has alleged – without providing evidence – would be fraudulent .
A failure to deliver or count mailed ballots could disproportionately disenfranchise Democrats , who favor voting by mail in higher numbers than Republicans this year , according to polls .
It could potentially be enough to tip the outcome in a key swing state , or even the whole country .
In the 2018 election , when about a quarter of voters submitted their ballots by mail , the top reason ballots were rejected was because they were late .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ numbers this primary season , as many as 1 in 5 of those ballots in New York City were not counted , due in part to delivery delays or envelopes not being postmarked .
“ That is an enormously unacceptable disenfranchisement rate , ” says Hans von Spakovsky , manager of the Election Law Reform Initiative at the conservative Heritage Foundation , who notes that turnout in primary elections is typically well below that of general elections .
Often lost in the debate is bipartisan agreement that the postal service needs reform , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the historian of the U.S. House of Representatives .
“ We are in a political situation where [ parties ] think success comes from winning , not from serving , ” says Dr. Smock .
“ The essential nature of American politics , when it works , is it has to be oriented toward problem solving , not political gain.
” Since Benjamin Franklin served as the first postmaster general , the USPS has grown to an organization of more than 600,000 employees that pays $ 2 billion in salaries and benefits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it would have ranked as the 44th largest Fortune 500 company .
That year , its employees traveled the equivalent of 53,640 times around Earth to deliver mail – including via a mule train to reach Havasupai tribe members at the bottom of the Grand Canyon .
The carrier with the longest route travels more than 190 miles a day to bring mail to just 272 boxes in Sidney , Montana .
If all this sounds expensive , it is .
From 2008 to 2018 , it lost $ 68 billion .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it was earning less than half of what it owed each year , according to a report from the General Accounting Office , although it has been chipping away at its unfunded liabilities .
Part of the burden stems from a congressional mandate to prefund its retirement health benefits , rather than pay as it goes .
Those financial woes were compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic .
Mr. DeJoy , who previously ran a private logistics company , was brought in to put its finances in order .
His move this summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of circulation in order to make room for parcel processing , along with a policy of cutting back on overtime , raised concerns that he was reducing capacity for an already strained organization .
Industry partners were left scratching their heads about why the Postal Service didn ’ t consult with them ahead of time , as it has often done in the past , says Art Sackler , a lawyer and lobbyist on postal and other issues for many years , and the manager of the Coalition for a 21st Century Postal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hill .
After Mr. DeJoy ’ s announcement , Mr. Sackler said he was encouraged that the USPS would return to how it has always handled ballot mail , and concerns about timely processing and delivery could be put aside .
“ USPS does need more focus on costs and efficiency , though , so turning back to potential operational changes after the election seems to make some sense , ” he added .
“ This time we would urge the postmaster general to be more transparent and to consult with his stakeholders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changes or instituting new or additional ones.
” But Norman Ornstein , a resident scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute in Washington , D.C. , says he had a hard time accepting Mr. DeJoy ’ s statement at face value – noting , for example , that he did not say he would put back all the sorting machines that had already been removed .
“ There are too many other ways in which he can act to add impediments to the delivery of mail ballots , ” says Dr. Ornstein , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. Congress .
“ ‘ Trust , but verify ’ is about as far as I would go.
” A larger concern for Democrats beyond the logistics of mail-in voting , is that Mr. Trump is laying the groundwork to claim the election was illegitimate if he loses .
“ Trump and company have succeeded in getting into people ’ s heads serious doubts about the reliability of mailing your ballot , which in and of itself is potentially disruptive , ” says Democratic Rep. Gerry Connelly of Virginia , a senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an interview with the Monitor .
Speaker Nancy Pelosi recalled the House from its August recess for an emergency vote on a postal reform bill – which would reverse Mr. Dejoy ’ s recent changes , mark all mailed ballots as first class , and infuse $ 25 billion into the struggling agency .
Many states mail ballots at a cheaper rate , which can take longer .
Mr. Dejoy has agreed to testify Friday before the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee , which is chaired by Ron Johnson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president .
On Monday , he is scheduled to testify at a hearing organized by the House Oversight Committee , which is chaired by New York Democrat Carolyn Maloney , whose primary challenger , Suraj Patel , joined a lawsuit this summer after more than 12,000 absentee ballots were disqualified .
As of early August , he was trailing her by 3,700 votes .
Though some Republicans have voiced frustration with the mail delays , the Democrats ’ bill is expected to pass along party lines in the House and sputter in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like so much else this year – is largely a product of entrenched partisan narratives .
Democrats worry about voter suppression and view government as a service .
Republicans worry about voter fraud and view government as a type of business , says Dr. Smock , the former House historian .
The USPS is the only government service mandated by the Constitution , and remains the most popular government agency , with a 91 % favorability rating according to a Pew Research Center poll earlier this year .
Yet solving the problems of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Tom Davis , a former Republican congressman from Virginia who chaired the House Oversight Committee , which supervises the postal service .
Mr. Davis sponsored the last major successful USPS reform bill in 2006 and remembers the enormous number of competing interests – lobby groups , unions , parties – who wanted a say .
“ Congress only acts after the fact , ” he says .
“ There ’ s no reward in tackling the problem ahead of time.
” The result of that political procrastination is a last-minute attempt to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ailing for decades , just weeks before early voting begins .
Congress , says Mr. Davis , is showing up years late and billions of dollars short .
For the past 30 years , virtual communication has increased , and first-class mail – a large source of USPS revenue – has decreased .
Mail volume is down 33 % since 2006 , with customer visits also dropping off significantly , according to a Wall Street Journal editorial that quipped , “ It ’ s a Blockbuster service in a Netflix world.
” USPS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 25 billion in relief earlier this year .
Mr. von Spakovsky of the Heritage Foundation argues , however , that more money is not the answer .
Rather , better management is what ’ s needed .
“ Folks are using this COVID-19 crisis to say we need to give more money to the Postal Service , ” he says .
But “ if they had all the money they could possibly desire … I don ’ t think they could handle the huge increase in volume that people are pushing for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Office controversy has struck a nerve for many citizens across the country , prompting local news coverage and protests .
In Lynn , Massachusetts , a working-class city up the coast from Boston , several dozen people gathered on the steps of the Thomas P. Costin , Jr. Post Office at lunchtime on Tuesday .
Mr. Costin himself , a former mayor of Lynn and postmaster for 31 years who is now in his 90s , even made an appearance .
“ Without the Postal Service , we wouldn ’ t have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
At one point , a counterprotester interrupted Mr. Costin ’ s short speech .
But as other local officials spoke , including U.S. Rep. Seth Moulton , a retired Marine officer and former presidential candidate whose office organized the rally , cars drove by slowly and honked in solidarity .
“ I came today because this is unacceptable , ” says Shelby Jones , who has lived in Lynn all his life .
By trying to block mail-in voting in the middle of a pandemic , Mr. Jones says , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t care about citizens .
“ I don ’ t care if you ’ re Republican , Democrat , Independent – it ’ s an assault on the United States Postal Service .
[ President Trump ] didn ’ t start this until he felt that he was getting down in the polls.
” Nicole Werth , an artist who came with her accountant husband on a lunch break , supports mail-in voting as a more accessible option .
“ I ’ ve been disappointed when we have voted in the past – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are when we go to submit our ballots , ” she says .
“ So this would provide opportunity if you have to work , or you need child care , or whatever the case may be , that you ’ re able to do it on your own time .
”

The issue has become highly politicized, since a failure involving mailed ballots could disproportionately disenfranchise Democrats, who polls show favor voting by mail in higher numbers than Republicans this year. President Donald Trump gave his opponents fodder by suggesting that withholding Postal Service funding would prevent universal mail-in voting, which he has alleged – without providing evidence – would be fraudulent. Still, the issue is more complex than such polarized narratives would suggest.
The brouhaha underscored how challenging the administration of this election is likely to be. Years of Postal Service financial troubles, compounded by the pandemic, are coming to a head, and observers worry that a surge in voting by mail could overwhelm the system. In New York’s June primary, as many as 1 in 5 mailed ballots were not counted.
Politics has ensnared the U.S. Postal Service, which is at the center of the pandemic-fueled debate over mail-in voting. Lost is the bipartisan agreement that deeper reform is needed.
“To avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail, I am suspending these initiatives until after the election is concluded,” said Mr. DeJoy .
After weeks of mounting pressure, U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy on Tuesday said he would postpone new cost-cutting measures that had sparked concerns mail-in ballots might be delivered too late for November’s election. The announcement came days before Mr. DeJoy was set to testify before Congress, and as more than 20 states were reportedly planning to sue the United States Postal Service.
After weeks of mounting pressure, U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy on Tuesday said he would postpone new cost-cutting measures that had sparked concerns many mail-in ballots would be delivered too late for November’s election. The announcement came as more than 20 states were reportedly planning to sue the United States Postal Service (USPS), and just days before Mr. DeJoy was set to testify before Congress.
“To avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail, I am suspending these initiatives until after the election is concluded,” said Mr. DeJoy in a statement, adding that there would be no closures of mail processing facilities and overtime would be approved as needed. “The Postal Service is ready today to handle whatever volume of election mail it receives this fall.”
The brouhaha and the postmaster general’s decision to back off underscored how challenging the administration of this election is likely to be. Years of USPS financial troubles, compounded by the pandemic, are coming to a head, with Democrats in Congress seeking an emergency infusion of $3.5 billion for mail-in voting and $25 billion for the organization as a whole. Observers worry that a surge in voting by mail, together with already tight state deadlines for submitting ballot applications, could overwhelm the system.
Why We Wrote This Politics has ensnared the U.S. Postal Service, which is at the center of the pandemic-fueled debate over mail-in voting. Lost is the bipartisan agreement that deeper reform is needed.
The debate has become highly politicized, especially after President Donald Trump suggested that withholding USPS funding would prevent universal mail-in voting, which he has alleged – without providing evidence – would be fraudulent.
A failure to deliver or count mailed ballots could disproportionately disenfranchise Democrats, who favor voting by mail in higher numbers than Republicans this year, according to polls. It could potentially be enough to tip the outcome in a key swing state, or even the whole country. In the 2018 election, when about a quarter of voters submitted their ballots by mail, the top reason ballots were rejected was because they were late. As voters turned to mail in record numbers this primary season, as many as 1 in 5 of those ballots in New York City were not counted, due in part to delivery delays or envelopes not being postmarked.
“That is an enormously unacceptable disenfranchisement rate,” says Hans von Spakovsky, manager of the Election Law Reform Initiative at the conservative Heritage Foundation, who notes that turnout in primary elections is typically well below that of general elections.
Jules Struck/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Miriam Villanueva came to Lynn, Massachusetts, from Andover to join a ‘Protect the Post Office’ rally, Aug. 18, 2020. ‘You deserve to cast your vote,’ she said. On Tuesday, the US postmaster general said he would suspend changes that critics said could hamper mail-in voting during the November election.
Often lost in the debate is bipartisan agreement that the postal service needs reform, says Ray Smock, who formerly served as the historian of the U.S. House of Representatives.
“We are in a political situation where [parties] think success comes from winning, not from serving,” says Dr. Smock. “The essential nature of American politics, when it works, is it has to be oriented toward problem solving, not political gain.”
A massive, money-losing organization
Since Benjamin Franklin served as the first postmaster general, the USPS has grown to an organization of more than 600,000 employees that pays $2 billion in salaries and benefits every biweekly pay period. In 2019, it would have ranked as the 44th largest Fortune 500 company. That year, its employees traveled the equivalent of 53,640 times around Earth to deliver mail – including via a mule train to reach Havasupai tribe members at the bottom of the Grand Canyon. The carrier with the longest route travels more than 190 miles a day to bring mail to just 272 boxes in Sidney, Montana.
If all this sounds expensive, it is. From 2008 to 2018, it lost $68 billion. By the end of fiscal year 2018, it was earning less than half of what it owed each year, according to a report from the General Accounting Office, although it has been chipping away at its unfunded liabilities. Part of the burden stems from a congressional mandate to prefund its retirement health benefits, rather than pay as it goes. Those financial woes were compounded by the COVID-19 pandemic. Mr. DeJoy, who previously ran a private logistics company, was brought in to put its finances in order.
His move this summer to take some mail sorting machines out of circulation in order to make room for parcel processing, along with a policy of cutting back on overtime, raised concerns that he was reducing capacity for an already strained organization. Industry partners were left scratching their heads about why the Postal Service didn’t consult with them ahead of time, as it has often done in the past, says Art Sackler, a lawyer and lobbyist on postal and other issues for many years, and the manager of the Coalition for a 21st Century Postal Service, an industry coalition on Capitol Hill.
After Mr. DeJoy’s announcement, Mr. Sackler said he was encouraged that the USPS would return to how it has always handled ballot mail, and concerns about timely processing and delivery could be put aside.
“USPS does need more focus on costs and efficiency, though, so turning back to potential operational changes after the election seems to make some sense,” he added. “This time we would urge the postmaster general to be more transparent and to consult with his stakeholders in advance of reimposing any of these changes or instituting new or additional ones.”
But Norman Ornstein, a resident scholar at the conservative American Enterprise Institute in Washington, D.C., says he had a hard time accepting Mr. DeJoy’s statement at face value – noting, for example, that he did not say he would put back all the sorting machines that had already been removed.
“There are too many other ways in which he can act to add impediments to the delivery of mail ballots,” says Dr. Ornstein, who studies politics, elections, and the U.S. Congress. “ ‘Trust, but verify’ is about as far as I would go.”
A larger concern for Democrats beyond the logistics of mail-in voting, is that Mr. Trump is laying the groundwork to claim the election was illegitimate if he loses.
“Trump and company have succeeded in getting into people’s heads serious doubts about the reliability of mailing your ballot, which in and of itself is potentially disruptive,” says Democratic Rep. Gerry Connolly of Virginia, a senior member of the House Oversight Committee, in an interview with the Monitor.
Efforts at reform
Speaker Nancy Pelosi recalled the House from its August recess for an emergency vote on a postal reform bill – which would reverse Mr. Dejoy’s recent changes, mark all mailed ballots as first class, and infuse $25 billion into the struggling agency. Many states mail ballots at a cheaper rate, which can take longer.
Mr. Dejoy has agreed to testify Friday before the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, which is chaired by Ron Johnson, a Wisconsin Republican and ally of the president. On Monday, he is scheduled to testify at a hearing organized by the House Oversight Committee, which is chaired by New York Democrat Carolyn Maloney, whose primary challenger, Suraj Patel, joined a lawsuit this summer after more than 12,000 absentee ballots were disqualified. As of early August, he was trailing her by 3,700 votes.
Though some Republicans have voiced frustration with the mail delays, the Democrats’ bill is expected to pass along party lines in the House and sputter in the Senate. The lack of consensus – like so much else this year – is largely a product of entrenched partisan narratives.
Democrats worry about voter suppression and view government as a service. Republicans worry about voter fraud and view government as a type of business, says Dr. Smock, the former House historian.
The USPS is the only government service mandated by the Constitution, and remains the most popular government agency, with a 91% favorability rating according to a Pew Research Center poll earlier this year.
Yet solving the problems of the USPS is a herculean task, says Tom Davis, a former Republican congressman from Virginia who chaired the House Oversight Committee, which supervises the postal service.
Mr. Davis sponsored the last major successful USPS reform bill in 2006 and remembers the enormous number of competing interests – lobby groups, unions, parties – who wanted a say.
“Congress only acts after the fact,” he says. “There’s no reward in tackling the problem ahead of time.”
The result of that political procrastination is a last-minute attempt to right an agency that’s been ailing for decades, just weeks before early voting begins. Congress, says Mr. Davis, is showing up years late and billions of dollars short.
For the past 30 years, virtual communication has increased, and first-class mail – a large source of USPS revenue – has decreased. Mail volume is down 33% since 2006, with customer visits also dropping off significantly, according to a Wall Street Journal editorial that quipped, “It’s a Blockbuster service in a Netflix world.” USPS’s own board of governors requested $25 billion in relief earlier this year.
Mr. von Spakovsky of the Heritage Foundation argues, however, that more money is not the answer. Rather, better management is what’s needed.
“Folks are using this COVID-19 crisis to say we need to give more money to the Postal Service,” he says. But “if they had all the money they could possibly desire … I don’t think they could handle the huge increase in volume that people are pushing for for the November election.”
Jules Struck/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Thomas Costin, former Lynn mayor and postmaster, speaks on the steps of the building named after him, the Thomas P. Costin Jr. Post Office Building, during a ‘Save the Post Office’ rally in Lynn, Massachusetts, Aug. 18, 2020.
A protest in Massachusetts
The Post Office controversy has struck a nerve for many citizens across the country, prompting local news coverage and protests. In Lynn, Massachusetts, a working-class city up the coast from Boston, several dozen people gathered on the steps of the Thomas P. Costin, Jr. Post Office at lunchtime on Tuesday.
Mr. Costin himself, a former mayor of Lynn and postmaster for 31 years who is now in his 90s, even made an appearance. “Without the Postal Service, we wouldn’t have the country we have today,” he said.
At one point, a counterprotester interrupted Mr. Costin’s short speech. But as other local officials spoke, including U.S. Rep. Seth Moulton, a retired Marine officer and former presidential candidate whose office organized the rally, cars drove by slowly and honked in solidarity.
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“I came today because this is unacceptable,” says Shelby Jones, who has lived in Lynn all his life. By trying to block mail-in voting in the middle of a pandemic, Mr. Jones says, the president is signaling that he doesn’t care about citizens. “I don’t care if you’re Republican, Democrat, Independent – it’s an assault on the United States Postal Service. [President Trump] didn’t start this until he felt that he was getting down in the polls.”
Nicole Werth, an artist who came with her accountant husband on a lunch break, supports mail-in voting as a more accessible option. “I’ve been disappointed when we have voted in the past – I mean, how low the counts are when we go to submit our ballots,” she says. “So this would provide opportunity if you have to work, or you need child care, or whatever the case may be, that you’re able to do it on your own time.”


csmonitor--2020-08-18--Belarus is on the brink of a major change. What role will Russia play?

“ Despite a lot of assumptions in the West , Putin and Lukashenko are not really friends , ” says Andrei Kortunov of the Russian International Affairs Council .
“ He ’ s always been a difficult partner for the Kremlin , uneasy and unpredictable.
” As long as Belarusian membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization military alliance and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Community are not threatened , it seems unlikely the Kremlin will intervene to prop up Mr. Lukashenko with security assistance .
But Belarus is very different from Ukraine .
“ I ’ ve been out with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I have not heard a single pro-NATO or anti-Russia slogan voiced .
...
This is just about Lukashenko , ” says Yaroslav Romanchuk of the Mizes Center in Minsk .
“ Of course we ’ re going to be friendly to Russia.
” For Russian President Vladimir Putin , the crisis presents several tough challenges .
Moscow ’ s key concern will be the status of Belarus as a Russian-allied “ buffer state ” between Russia and NATO .
Any threat to that could lead to concerted Russian action – as happened in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the eye of the political storm .
The protests against President Alexander Lukashenko have become so massive and all-encompassing that his swift exit looks all but certain .
But the resolution remains obscure .
After several days of extreme police brutality last week , the now peaceful protests against Belarus ’ longtime autocrat , Alexander Lukashenko , have become so massive and all-encompassing that his swift exit looks all but certain .
But the resolution to the political revolution sweeping the Slavic , Russian-speaking country of 9.5 million remains obscure .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its unexpected street victory by putting forward a viable transition plan .
Mr. Lukashenko , who has been thoroughly discredited but still commands the security forces , is pledging to leave , but only after a process of constitutional reform has been completed and fresh elections carried out .
All the while the Kremlin watches nervously from the sidelines , deeply concerned about the spiraling events in Russia ’ s close neighbor , economic dependent , and rare military ally .
Belarus today sits in the eye of the political storm , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become something much worse , but also could be a new dawning of democracy in a country that has scarcely ever known it .
“ We are past the point of no return for Lukashenko , ” says Yaroslav Romanchuk , a political activist who ran against Mr. Lukashenko in elections 10 years ago and now heads the Mizes Center , a liberal think tank in Minsk .
“ In recent days we have seen an outpouring of popular will , a consensus of Belarusian civil society – including huge numbers of workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political protests – that there needs to be basic change .
Lukashenko ’ s use of violence against the protesters last week sealed the political and moral case that he has to go .
Now we are on the wave of a revolution that is peaceful , and full of hope and joy.
” Mr. Lukashenko ’ s main opponent in the disputed election – which he claimed to win with 78 % support – is Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , the wife of a political prisoner .
She had said that she would not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but would simply prepare the ground for fresh , free , and fair elections .
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya fled to Lithuania a week ago , leaving the street protests to be organized by anonymous social media channels .
One of those is Nexta Live ( “ nexta ” means “ somebody ” ) , a Telegram channel that rocketed from about 300,000 subscribers to over 2 million in about two weeks .
It has become the main focus of organizational instructions , such as where and when to gather , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forces and how to avoid them .
It ’ s also a repository for testimonials , political news , and declarations , as well as photos and videos of the protests .
“ The protests had no leaders .
At the beginning , whoever got noticed trying to lead got arrested , ” says Svetlana Kalinkina , deputy chair of the independent Belarusian Association of Journalists .
“ The authorities tried shutting down the internet , arresting people they thought were associated with Telegram , but none of it worked .
Telegram and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” But the anonymity of the organizing force also poses a conundrum when it comes to negotiating with the authorities .
“ There is an impasse , where the police have stopped beating people , and protesters are not crossing the line , ” says Andrey Suzdaltsev , a Belarusian political expert at Moscow ’ s Higher School of Economics .
“ Unfortunately , the regime Lukashenko built did not cultivate capable people who might step in .
The opposition is divided , and there is squabbling in its ranks .
The people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to negotiate with .
It ’ s like the Arab Spring , but under Belarusian conditions.
” For Russian President Vladimir Putin , the crisis presents several tough challenges , but also an unparalleled opportunity .
On Tuesday Mr. Putin held a series of phone calls with European leaders , including those of France and Germany , clearly trying to find common ground on the way forward .
Moscow ’ s key concern will be the status of Belarus as a Russian-allied “ buffer state ” between Russia and NATO .
Any threat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ action – as happened in Ukraine in 2014 .
Then , after a disorderly change of power in Kyiv brought pro-Western actors to power , Moscow intervened by seizing the Russian-populated territory of Crimea and fomenting a still-ongoing civil war in Ukraine ’ s largely pro-Russian Donbass region .
But , as Mr. Romanchuk explains , Belarus is very different from Ukraine .
It is not ethnically or linguistically divided , has no reservoir of anti-Russian sentiment similar to that in western Ukraine , and is fully dependent on Russia for its economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out with the protesters all these days , and I have not heard a single pro-NATO or anti-Russia slogan voiced .
Nothing at all about geopolitics .
This is just about Lukashenko , ” he says .
“ This is not like Ukraine .
Ninety-eight percent of people here speak Russian .
There is no doubt that Russia is going to be a major player here .
We have 100 % energy dependence on Russia , and almost half our exports go there .
We want to be an independent country , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be friendly to Russia.
” Russian analysts say the crisis blindsided the Kremlin , which had expected things to turn out much as they have several times in the past .
Mr. Lukashenko won his only free and fair election back in 1994 , and has rigged the results in presidential polls at five-year intervals ever since .
In each case , Belarus ’ educated and professional communities have protested loudly .
But they have not succeeded in convincing other groups , such as industrial workers and the very large rural population – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Soviet-like centrally planned economics – to join them .
This time looks very different .
“ Despite a lot of assumptions in the West , Putin and Lukashenko are not really friends .
He ’ s always been a difficult partner for the Kremlin , uneasy and unpredictable , ” says Andrei Kortunov , director of the Russian International Affairs Council , which is affiliated with the Foreign Ministry .
“ It ’ s hard to say how this is going to play out .
For Putin , I guess the ideal outcome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with some sort of transition to rule by someone within the current elite , perhaps someone more cooperative and less volatile.
” For over 20 years Russia and Belarus have inhabited a largely theoretical “ union state.
” But its realization has been largely thwarted by Mr. Lukashenko ’ s tendency to take Russian subsidies and energy privileges , while refusing to follow through on things Moscow wants , such as openings for Russian investment in Belarus ’ economy .
Mr. Lukashenko has played on Russian fears that Belarus might drift westward – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conversation with Mr. Putin , warning that the protests might open the door to NATO aggression against Belarus .
But analysts say his credibility with Mr. Putin is at low ebb after he arrested 33 Russians last month and accused them of trying to destabilize Belarus .
As long as Belarusian membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization military alliance , and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Community are not threatened , it seems unlikely the Kremlin will intervene to prop up Mr. Lukashenko with security assistance .
In two phone calls between Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Russian security help was apparently offered , but Russian analysts insist that only meant military help if Belarusian borders were threatened by NATO .
Mr. Putin ’ s flurry of phone calls with Western leaders this week was probably aimed at clarifying that issue .
A similar “ color revolution ” in Armenia two years ago did not raise the Kremlin ’ s hackles because it did not bring any threat of Armenia changing its pro-Russian geopolitical alignment .
Russia has since gotten along fine with Armenia ’ s new leader .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s anti-Kremlin opposition is watching events in Belarus very closely and taking notes .
Mr. Putin runs a personal regime that has some similarities to the one Mr. Lukashenko has operated in Belarus for 26 years , but it also has critical differences .
His base of support is much broader , his public popularity remains high , and his electoral victories have been much more convincing .
Russian institutions are stronger and more diverse , and there is a wide array of permitted opposition and even independent media in Russia .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ happening in Belarus as a very bad example for Russian civil society , ” says Andrei Kolesnikov , an analyst with the Carnegie Moscow Center .
“ This summer , there have been very similar protests in Russia ’ s far east , in Khabarovsk and Bashkortistan , where protesters are using Telegram channels to coordinate their actions in the same way it ’ s happening in Minsk .
The Kremlin will definitely be concerned about this in the long term.
” But in the shorter run , the Kremlin has been careful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Russian media has been openly sympathetic to the protesters – and may be positioning itself to mediate a political settlement in its close neighbor .
“ Russia has a lot of links within the Belarusian elite , and the Kremlin is surely trying to pinpoint people inside the regime who are not tainted with the recent police violence , but would be constructive actors from Moscow ’ s point of view , ” says Sergei Strokan , international affairs columnist with the Moscow liberal daily Kommersant .
“ The opposition may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the street at the moment , but they do not have the managerial experience or expertise to govern .
So , some kind of reconciliation government is needed , that will allow members of the old elite to join , but also bring in fresh faces , ” Mr. Strokan says .
“ Russia has a lot of cards to play , if they are played wisely , to help bring this about .
”

“Despite a lot of assumptions in the West, Putin and Lukashenko are not really friends,” says Andrei Kortunov of the Russian International Affairs Council. “He’s always been a difficult partner for the Kremlin, uneasy and unpredictable.”
As long as Belarusian membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization military alliance and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Community are not threatened, it seems unlikely the Kremlin will intervene to prop up Mr. Lukashenko with security assistance.
But Belarus is very different from Ukraine. “I’ve been out with the protesters all these days, and I have not heard a single pro-NATO or anti-Russia slogan voiced. ... This is just about Lukashenko,” says Yaroslav Romanchuk of the Mizes Center in Minsk. “Of course we’re going to be friendly to Russia.”
It’s easy to view the protests happening in Belarus through the lens of what has happened in Ukraine. But the demonstrations set to topple President Lukashenko, and the involvement of Russia, are quite different.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, the crisis presents several tough challenges. Moscow’s key concern will be the status of Belarus as a Russian-allied “buffer state” between Russia and NATO. Any threat to that could lead to concerted Russian action – as happened in Ukraine in 2014.
Belarus today sits in the eye of the political storm. The protests against President Alexander Lukashenko have become so massive and all-encompassing that his swift exit looks all but certain. But the resolution remains obscure.
After several days of extreme police brutality last week, the now peaceful protests against Belarus’ longtime autocrat, Alexander Lukashenko, have become so massive and all-encompassing that his swift exit looks all but certain.
But the resolution to the political revolution sweeping the Slavic, Russian-speaking country of 9.5 million remains obscure.
A near-leaderless opposition is scrambling to capitalize on its unexpected street victory by putting forward a viable transition plan. Mr. Lukashenko, who has been thoroughly discredited but still commands the security forces, is pledging to leave, but only after a process of constitutional reform has been completed and fresh elections carried out.
Why We Wrote This It’s easy to view the protests happening in Belarus through the lens of what has happened in Ukraine. But the demonstrations set to topple President Lukashenko, and the involvement of Russia, are quite different.
All the while the Kremlin watches nervously from the sidelines, deeply concerned about the spiraling events in Russia’s close neighbor, economic dependent, and rare military ally. Belarus today sits in the eye of the political storm, and what comes next has the potential to become something much worse, but also could be a new dawning of democracy in a country that has scarcely ever known it.
“We are past the point of no return for Lukashenko,” says Yaroslav Romanchuk, a political activist who ran against Mr. Lukashenko in elections 10 years ago and now heads the Mizes Center, a liberal think tank in Minsk. “In recent days we have seen an outpouring of popular will, a consensus of Belarusian civil society – including huge numbers of workers, who have never before participated in political protests – that there needs to be basic change. Lukashenko’s use of violence against the protesters last week sealed the political and moral case that he has to go. Now we are on the wave of a revolution that is peaceful, and full of hope and joy.”
A protest without leaders
Mr. Lukashenko’s main opponent in the disputed election – which he claimed to win with 78% support – is Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, the wife of a political prisoner. She had said that she would not serve as president even if she won, but would simply prepare the ground for fresh, free, and fair elections. Ms. Tsikhanouskaya fled to Lithuania a week ago, leaving the street protests to be organized by anonymous social media channels.
One of those is Nexta Live (“nexta” means “somebody”), a Telegram channel that rocketed from about 300,000 subscribers to over 2 million in about two weeks. It has become the main focus of organizational instructions, such as where and when to gather, as well as information on the movements of the security forces and how to avoid them. It’s also a repository for testimonials, political news, and declarations, as well as photos and videos of the protests.
“The protests had no leaders. At the beginning, whoever got noticed trying to lead got arrested,” says Svetlana Kalinkina, deputy chair of the independent Belarusian Association of Journalists. “The authorities tried shutting down the internet, arresting people they thought were associated with Telegram, but none of it worked. Telegram and other social nets have just kept growing.”
But the anonymity of the organizing force also poses a conundrum when it comes to negotiating with the authorities.
“There is an impasse, where the police have stopped beating people, and protesters are not crossing the line,” says Andrey Suzdaltsev, a Belarusian political expert at Moscow’s Higher School of Economics. “Unfortunately, the regime Lukashenko built did not cultivate capable people who might step in. The opposition is divided, and there is squabbling in its ranks. The people are ungovernable. There is no one to negotiate with. It’s like the Arab Spring, but under Belarusian conditions.”
Not Ukraine 2.0
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, the crisis presents several tough challenges, but also an unparalleled opportunity. On Tuesday Mr. Putin held a series of phone calls with European leaders, including those of France and Germany, clearly trying to find common ground on the way forward.
Moscow’s key concern will be the status of Belarus as a Russian-allied “buffer state” between Russia and NATO. Any threat to that could lead to concerted Russian action – as happened in Ukraine in 2014. Then, after a disorderly change of power in Kyiv brought pro-Western actors to power, Moscow intervened by seizing the Russian-populated territory of Crimea and fomenting a still-ongoing civil war in Ukraine’s largely pro-Russian Donbass region.
Vasily Fedosenko/Reuters View caption Hide caption Belarusian united opposition candidate Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, shown here holding her ballot at a polling station in Minsk, Belarus, on Aug. 9, 2020, was forced to flee the country soon after dubious results were announced in favor of President Alexander Lukashenko.
But, as Mr. Romanchuk explains, Belarus is very different from Ukraine. It is not ethnically or linguistically divided, has no reservoir of anti-Russian sentiment similar to that in western Ukraine, and is fully dependent on Russia for its economic needs.
“I’ve been out with the protesters all these days, and I have not heard a single pro-NATO or anti-Russia slogan voiced. Nothing at all about geopolitics. This is just about Lukashenko,” he says. “This is not like Ukraine. Ninety-eight percent of people here speak Russian. There is no doubt that Russia is going to be a major player here. We have 100% energy dependence on Russia, and almost half our exports go there. We want to be an independent country, but of course we’re going to be friendly to Russia.”
Russian analysts say the crisis blindsided the Kremlin, which had expected things to turn out much as they have several times in the past. Mr. Lukashenko won his only free and fair election back in 1994, and has rigged the results in presidential polls at five-year intervals ever since. In each case, Belarus’ educated and professional communities have protested loudly. But they have not succeeded in convincing other groups, such as industrial workers and the very large rural population – who benefit from Mr. Lukashenko’s Soviet-like centrally planned economics – to join them. This time looks very different.
“A difficult partner for the Kremlin”
“Despite a lot of assumptions in the West, Putin and Lukashenko are not really friends. He’s always been a difficult partner for the Kremlin, uneasy and unpredictable,” says Andrei Kortunov, director of the Russian International Affairs Council, which is affiliated with the Foreign Ministry. “It’s hard to say how this is going to play out. For Putin, I guess the ideal outcome would be to see a weakened Lukashenko with some sort of transition to rule by someone within the current elite, perhaps someone more cooperative and less volatile.”
For over 20 years Russia and Belarus have inhabited a largely theoretical “union state.” But its realization has been largely thwarted by Mr. Lukashenko’s tendency to take Russian subsidies and energy privileges, while refusing to follow through on things Moscow wants, such as openings for Russian investment in Belarus’ economy.
Mr. Lukashenko has played on Russian fears that Belarus might drift westward – as he did in a weekend phone conversation with Mr. Putin, warning that the protests might open the door to NATO aggression against Belarus. But analysts say his credibility with Mr. Putin is at low ebb after he arrested 33 Russians last month and accused them of trying to destabilize Belarus.
As long as Belarusian membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization military alliance, and the Russian-led Eurasian Economic Community are not threatened, it seems unlikely the Kremlin will intervene to prop up Mr. Lukashenko with security assistance. In two phone calls between Mr. Putin and Mr. Lukashenko in recent days, Russian security help was apparently offered, but Russian analysts insist that only meant military help if Belarusian borders were threatened by NATO. Mr. Putin’s flurry of phone calls with Western leaders this week was probably aimed at clarifying that issue.
A similar “color revolution” in Armenia two years ago did not raise the Kremlin’s hackles because it did not bring any threat of Armenia changing its pro-Russian geopolitical alignment. Russia has since gotten along fine with Armenia’s new leader.
An example for Russia?
But Russia’s anti-Kremlin opposition is watching events in Belarus very closely and taking notes. Mr. Putin runs a personal regime that has some similarities to the one Mr. Lukashenko has operated in Belarus for 26 years, but it also has critical differences. His base of support is much broader, his public popularity remains high, and his electoral victories have been much more convincing. Russian institutions are stronger and more diverse, and there is a wide array of permitted opposition and even independent media in Russia.
“Putin will see what’s happening in Belarus as a very bad example for Russian civil society,” says Andrei Kolesnikov, an analyst with the Carnegie Moscow Center. “This summer, there have been very similar protests in Russia’s far east, in Khabarovsk and Bashkortistan, where protesters are using Telegram channels to coordinate their actions in the same way it’s happening in Minsk. The Kremlin will definitely be concerned about this in the long term.”
But in the shorter run, the Kremlin has been careful not to alienate protesting Belarusians – much of the Russian media has been openly sympathetic to the protesters – and may be positioning itself to mediate a political settlement in its close neighbor.
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“Russia has a lot of links within the Belarusian elite, and the Kremlin is surely trying to pinpoint people inside the regime who are not tainted with the recent police violence, but would be constructive actors from Moscow’s point of view,” says Sergei Strokan, international affairs columnist with the Moscow liberal daily Kommersant.
“The opposition may have the support of the people in the street at the moment, but they do not have the managerial experience or expertise to govern. So, some kind of reconciliation government is needed, that will allow members of the old elite to join, but also bring in fresh faces,” Mr. Strokan says. “Russia has a lot of cards to play, if they are played wisely, to help bring this about.”


csmonitor--2020-08-18--Encouraged by UAE move, Sudan seeks peace deal with Israel

On Tuesday , Israel and Sudan said they are close to reaching a peace agreement – setting the stage for a possible second dramatic diplomatic breakthrough for Israel with its Arab neighbors in a matter of days .
A Sudanese Foreign Ministry official announced that his government is “ looking forward to concluding a peace agreement with Israel , ” drawing a pledge from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to “ do all that ’ s needed ” to wrap up a deal .
The announcements came days after Israel and the United Arab Emirates announced an agreement to establish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not have the resources and influence of the UAE , it has a far more hostile history toward Israel .
Sudan hosted the landmark Arab conference after the 1967 Mideast war where eight Arab countries approved the “ three no ’ s ” : no peace with Israel , no recognition of Israel , and no negotiations .
In 1993 , the United States designated Sudan a state sponsor of terrorism in part for its support of a number of anti-Israel militant groups , including Hamas and Hezbollah .
But in recent years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries have expressed readiness to normalize relations .
Sky News Arabia quoted a Sudanese Foreign Ministry spokesman as saying his government looked forward to a peace agreement “ based on equality and Sudanese interests.
” “ There is no reason to continue hostility between Sudan and Israel , ” the spokesman , Haidar Badawi , was quoted as saying .
“ We don ’ t deny that there are communications ” with Israel , he added , saying both countries would gain much from a deal .
A Sudanese government official told The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Israeli officials have been going on for months , with help from Egypt , the UAE , and the U.S. “ It ’ s a matter of time .
We are finalizing everything .
The Emirati move encouraged us and helped calm some voices within the government who were afraid of backlash from the Sudanese public , ” he said , speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to brief the media .
In February , Mr. Netanyahu met Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan , the head of Sudan ’ s transitional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where they pledged to pursue normalization .
The meeting was held secretly and only announced after the fact .
In a statement Tuesday , Mr. Netanyahu said Israel , Sudan , and the entire region will benefit from a deal .
“ We will do all that ’ s needed to turn this vision into a reality , ” he said .
After last week ’ s announcement with the UAE , Mr. Netanyahu predicted that other Arab countries would soon follow suit .
An Israeli deal with Sudan would mark a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long counted on the Arab world to press Israel to make concessions to them as a condition for normalization .
That wall of Arab support had long served as one of the Palestinians ’ few points of leverage against Israel .
The internationally recognized Palestinian Authority severed ties with the White House after President Donald Trump recognized contested Jerusalem as Israel ’ s capital in December 2017 .
The Palestinians have rejected Mr. Trump ’ s Mideast plan released early this year , which heavily favors Israel , as being unfairly biased .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ treason .
With the Palestinians not speaking to the White House , the Trump administration has adopted a Mideast policy that essentially ignores them while pursuing a broader Arab-Israeli rapprochement .
U.S. officials believe that Palestinians will eventually tire of isolation if they see fellow Arabs pressing ahead with improved relations with Israel and ultimately agree to negotiate a settlement , even if it means backing down on some of their most significant demands .
At the same time , Arab countries have become increasingly willing to pursue interests that come at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no immediate Palestinian comment about Sudan .
Sudan is desperate to lift sanctions linked to its listing by the U.S. as a state sponsor of terror – a key step toward ending its isolation and rebuilding its economy after the popular uprising that toppled longtime dictator Omar al-Bashir last year .
A Sudanese official had acknowledged in February that the meeting with Mr. Netanyahu was orchestrated by the UAE and aimed at helping to remove the terror listing , which dates back to the 1990s , when Sudan briefly hosted Osama bin Laden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bashir , Sudan was also believed to have served as a pipeline for Iran to supply weapons to Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip .
Israel was believed to have been behind airstrikes in Sudan that destroyed a convoy in 2009 and a weapons factory in 2012 .
Last week ’ s announcement made the UAE the third Arab country to establish full diplomatic ties with Israel .
Egypt was the first , in 1979 , followed by Jordan in 1994 .
Unofficial ties with Gulf Arab nations have also grown in recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iran .
A deal with Sudan could also give Mr. Netanyahu a boost at home .
Mr. Netanyahu has seen his personal popularity drop due to the coronavirus crisis , which has ravaged the Israeli economy .
He also faces widespread criticism while on trial for charges of bribery , fraud , and breach of trust .
Israel has long courted African support .
In exchange for its expertise in security and other fields , Israel wants African states to side with it at the U.N. General Assembly and other international bodies that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ renewed diplomatic relations with Guinea in 2016 .
After Mr. Netanyahu visited Chad for a renewal of ties in 2019 , it was reported that Israel was working to formalize ties with Sudan .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Samy Magdy in Cairo ; Matthew Lee in Washington ; Mohammed Daraghmeh in Ramallah , West Bank ; and Ilan Ben Zion in Jerusalem contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage @ @ @ @ @ @

On Tuesday, Israel and Sudan said they are close to reaching a peace agreement – setting the stage for a possible second dramatic diplomatic breakthrough for Israel with its Arab neighbors in a matter of days.
A Sudanese Foreign Ministry official announced that his government is “looking forward to concluding a peace agreement with Israel,” drawing a pledge from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to “do all that’s needed” to wrap up a deal.
The announcements came days after Israel and the United Arab Emirates announced an agreement to establish formal diplomatic ties.
While Sudan does not have the resources and influence of the UAE, it has a far more hostile history toward Israel.
Sudan hosted the landmark Arab conference after the 1967 Mideast war where eight Arab countries approved the “three no’s”: no peace with Israel, no recognition of Israel, and no negotiations.
In 1993, the United States designated Sudan a state sponsor of terrorism in part for its support of a number of anti-Israel militant groups, including Hamas and Hezbollah.
But in recent years those hostilities have softened, and both countries have expressed readiness to normalize relations.
Sky News Arabia quoted a Sudanese Foreign Ministry spokesman as saying his government looked forward to a peace agreement “based on equality and Sudanese interests.”
“There is no reason to continue hostility between Sudan and Israel,” the spokesman, Haidar Badawi, was quoted as saying.
“We don’t deny that there are communications” with Israel, he added, saying both countries would gain much from a deal.
A Sudanese government official told The Associated Press that deliberations between Sudanese and Israeli officials have been going on for months, with help from Egypt, the UAE, and the U.S.
“It’s a matter of time. We are finalizing everything. The Emirati move encouraged us and helped calm some voices within the government who were afraid of backlash from the Sudanese public,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to brief the media.
In February, Mr. Netanyahu met Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, the head of Sudan’s transitional government, during a trip to Uganda where they pledged to pursue normalization. The meeting was held secretly and only announced after the fact.
In a statement Tuesday, Mr. Netanyahu said Israel, Sudan, and the entire region will benefit from a deal. “We will do all that’s needed to turn this vision into a reality,” he said.
After last week’s announcement with the UAE, Mr. Netanyahu predicted that other Arab countries would soon follow suit.
An Israeli deal with Sudan would mark a new setback for the Palestinians, who have long counted on the Arab world to press Israel to make concessions to them as a condition for normalization. That wall of Arab support had long served as one of the Palestinians’ few points of leverage against Israel.
The internationally recognized Palestinian Authority severed ties with the White House after President Donald Trump recognized contested Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in December 2017. The Palestinians have rejected Mr. Trump’s Mideast plan released early this year, which heavily favors Israel, as being unfairly biased. They have condemned the Emirati decision as treason.
With the Palestinians not speaking to the White House, the Trump administration has adopted a Mideast policy that essentially ignores them while pursuing a broader Arab-Israeli rapprochement. U.S. officials believe that Palestinians will eventually tire of isolation if they see fellow Arabs pressing ahead with improved relations with Israel and ultimately agree to negotiate a settlement, even if it means backing down on some of their most significant demands.
At the same time, Arab countries have become increasingly willing to pursue interests that come at the expense of the Palestinians. There was no immediate Palestinian comment about Sudan.
Sudan is desperate to lift sanctions linked to its listing by the U.S. as a state sponsor of terror – a key step toward ending its isolation and rebuilding its economy after the popular uprising that toppled longtime dictator Omar al-Bashir last year.
A Sudanese official had acknowledged in February that the meeting with Mr. Netanyahu was orchestrated by the UAE and aimed at helping to remove the terror listing, which dates back to the 1990s, when Sudan briefly hosted Osama bin Laden and other wanted militants.
Under Mr. Bashir, Sudan was also believed to have served as a pipeline for Iran to supply weapons to Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip. Israel was believed to have been behind airstrikes in Sudan that destroyed a convoy in 2009 and a weapons factory in 2012.
Last week’s announcement made the UAE the third Arab country to establish full diplomatic ties with Israel.
Egypt was the first, in 1979, followed by Jordan in 1994. Unofficial ties with Gulf Arab nations have also grown in recent years, fueled by shared enmity toward Iran.
A deal with Sudan could also give Mr. Netanyahu a boost at home.
Mr. Netanyahu has seen his personal popularity drop due to the coronavirus crisis, which has ravaged the Israeli economy. He also faces widespread criticism while on trial for charges of bribery, fraud, and breach of trust.
Israel has long courted African support. In exchange for its expertise in security and other fields, Israel wants African states to side with it at the U.N. General Assembly and other international bodies that have long favored the Palestinians.
Israel renewed diplomatic relations with Guinea in 2016. After Mr. Netanyahu visited Chad for a renewal of ties in 2019, it was reported that Israel was working to formalize ties with Sudan.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Samy Magdy in Cairo; Matthew Lee in Washington; Mohammed Daraghmeh in Ramallah, West Bank; and Ilan Ben Zion in Jerusalem contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-18--Postmaster General halts USPS reforms after the election

United States Postmaster General Louis DeJoy on Tuesday suspended all mail service changes until after the November election , bowing to an outcry by Democrats that the moves appeared to be an attempt to boost President Donald Trump 's re-election chances .
The reversal follows charges by Democrats and others that service cuts could slow the handling of mail-in ballots , the use of which is expected to skyrocket for the election as the coronavirus pandemic raises fears of crowds .
These critics have accused the Republican president of trying to hobble the Postal Service to suppress mail-in voting as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in opinion polls ahead of the Nov. 3 election .
Mr. Trump has repeatedly and without evidence claimed that an increase in mail-in ballots would lead to a surge in fraud , though mail-in voting has long been used in the United States .
The Brennan Center for Justice in 2017 ranked the risk of ballot fraud at 0.00004 % to 0.0009 % , based on studies of past elections , according to The Associated Press .
Changes that threaten to slow mail delivery – and in some cases , already have – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extra mail transportation trips , and new mail sorting and delivery policies , enacted in an attempt to cut costs .
`` I am suspending these initiatives until after the election is concluded , '' Mr. DeJoy said in a statement , adding that the changes are to `` avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail . ''
Mr. DeJoy , a major political donor and ally of Mr. Trump , assumed the job in June .
He has faced pressure from multiple tiers of government , with the Democratic-controlled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ session to pass a bill blocking cuts , and several states preparing lawsuits to block the maneuvers .
Mr. Trump kept up his attack on mail voting on Tuesday , speculating that delayed results could mean that the Nov. 3 election would need to be held a second time .
`` It will end up being a rigged election or they will never come out with an outcome , '' Mr. Trump told reporters on Tuesday .
`` They 'll have to do it again , and nobody wants that . ''
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by mail and Mr. Trump himself votes that way .
Mr. DeJoy also said that the Postal Service will not change retail hours at post offices , while mail collection boxes will remain where they are and no mail processing facilities will be closed .
“ The Postal Service is ready to handle whatever volume of election mail it receives , ” Mr. DeJoy said in a statement , according to AP .
The reversal followed a lengthy call by the postal board of governors on Monday night , two people briefed on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last week he was against Democratic efforts to include funds for the Postal Service and election infrastructure in coronavirus relief legislation because he wanted to limit mail-in voting during the pandemic .
Earlier on Tuesday , states including Washington , Pennsylvania , Connecticut , and New York said they were planning legal moves to block the Postal Service changes .
Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro suggested he might welcome Mr. DeJoy 's proposed actions .
`` I 'll believe it when I see it , '' Mr. Shapiro said .
`` Hopefully the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relief .
But I will not let my foot off the gas so long as the postal officials continue to violate the law . ''
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Tuesday said she would go ahead with plans to pass a bill that would prevent the post office from reducing service levels below what they were in January .
Mr. DeJoy is scheduled to testify on Friday before the Republican-led Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs , spokesmen for the committee and the Postal Service said .
Mr. DeJoy also is scheduled to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oversight and Reform Committee .
The top Democrat on the Homeland Security panel seeking Mr. DeJoy ’ s testimony , Sen. Gary Peters of Michigan , called the Postal Service “ a lifeline ” to Americans , according to AP .
The crisis at the Postal Service erupted as a major election year issue as Mr. DeJoy , a Trump ally who took control of the agency in June , has swiftly engineered cuts and operational changes that are disrupting mail delivery operations and raising alarms among workers .
This story was reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Karen Freifeld , Jonathan Stempel , and David Morgan contributed to this report .
Material from The Associated Press was used in this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

United States Postmaster General Louis DeJoy on Tuesday suspended all mail service changes until after the November election, bowing to an outcry by Democrats that the moves appeared to be an attempt to boost President Donald Trump's re-election chances.
The reversal follows charges by Democrats and others that service cuts could slow the handling of mail-in ballots, the use of which is expected to skyrocket for the election as the coronavirus pandemic raises fears of crowds.
These critics have accused the Republican president of trying to hobble the Postal Service to suppress mail-in voting as he trails Democratic presidential challenger Joe Biden in opinion polls ahead of the Nov. 3 election.
Mr. Trump has repeatedly and without evidence claimed that an increase in mail-in ballots would lead to a surge in fraud, though mail-in voting has long been used in the United States. The Brennan Center for Justice in 2017 ranked the risk of ballot fraud at 0.00004% to 0.0009%, based on studies of past elections, according to The Associated Press.
Changes that threaten to slow mail delivery – and in some cases, already have – include reductions in overtime, restrictions on extra mail transportation trips, and new mail sorting and delivery policies, enacted in an attempt to cut costs.
"I am suspending these initiatives until after the election is concluded," Mr. DeJoy said in a statement, adding that the changes are to "avoid even the appearance of any impact on election mail."
Mr. DeJoy, a major political donor and ally of Mr. Trump, assumed the job in June.
He has faced pressure from multiple tiers of government, with the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives planning a rare Saturday session to pass a bill blocking cuts, and several states preparing lawsuits to block the maneuvers.
Mr. Trump kept up his attack on mail voting on Tuesday, speculating that delayed results could mean that the Nov. 3 election would need to be held a second time.
"It will end up being a rigged election or they will never come out with an outcome," Mr. Trump told reporters on Tuesday. "They'll have to do it again, and nobody wants that."
One in four ballots in 2016 were cast by mail and Mr. Trump himself votes that way.
Mail boxes to remain in place
Mr. DeJoy also said that the Postal Service will not change retail hours at post offices, while mail collection boxes will remain where they are and no mail processing facilities will be closed.
“The Postal Service is ready to handle whatever volume of election mail it receives,” Mr. DeJoy said in a statement, according to AP.
The reversal followed a lengthy call by the postal board of governors on Monday night, two people briefed on the matter said.
Mr. Trump said last week he was against Democratic efforts to include funds for the Postal Service and election infrastructure in coronavirus relief legislation because he wanted to limit mail-in voting during the pandemic.
Earlier on Tuesday, states including Washington, Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and New York said they were planning legal moves to block the Postal Service changes.
Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro suggested he might welcome Mr. DeJoy's proposed actions.
"I'll believe it when I see it," Mr. Shapiro said. "Hopefully the American people can breathe a sigh of relief. But I will not let my foot off the gas so long as the postal officials continue to violate the law."
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Tuesday said she would go ahead with plans to pass a bill that would prevent the post office from reducing service levels below what they were in January.
Mr. DeJoy is scheduled to testify on Friday before the Republican-led Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs, spokesmen for the committee and the Postal Service said. Mr. DeJoy also is scheduled to testify on Monday before the Democratic-led House Oversight and Reform Committee.
The top Democrat on the Homeland Security panel seeking Mr. DeJoy’s testimony, Sen. Gary Peters of Michigan, called the Postal Service “a lifeline” to Americans, according to AP.
The crisis at the Postal Service erupted as a major election year issue as Mr. DeJoy, a Trump ally who took control of the agency in June, has swiftly engineered cuts and operational changes that are disrupting mail delivery operations and raising alarms among workers.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by Reuters. Reuters writers Tom Hals, Karen Freifeld, Jonathan Stempel, and David Morgan contributed to this report. Material from The Associated Press was used in this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-18--Watching a dictatorship fall one conscience at a time

One of the inspiring images from the ongoing revolution in Belarus shows police officers discarding their uniforms .
Rather than follow the orders of the country ’ s dictator to keep attacking peaceful protesters after a rigged election on Aug. 9 , they have defected to the pro-democracy side .
“ 17 years of service are over ... my conscience is clear ... police with the people , ” wrote one police captain , Yeghor Yemelyanov , on his Instagram account .
It is these quiet acts of mental freedom by an unknown number of security forces in Belarus that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an end to the 26-year rule of strongman Alexander Lukashenko .
Some police have clearly broken ranks after seeing at least 6,700 people arrested and two killed .
Others have retreated from the streets rather than use force on unarmed civilians .
Their courage must be giving pause to Mr. Lukashenko about continuing the violence and further opening cracks in his security force , which is estimated to be more than 120,000 .
Both Russia and the European Union are trying to influence events in Belarus .
The small country of 9.5 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ empire and a geopolitical pawn .
Yet its future may be determined by those with guns and badges admitting to themselves that Mr. Lukashenko actually lost the election .
His claim to power is a lie .
The election ’ s presumed winner , schoolteacher Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , has offered to forgive officers if they disobey orders to shoot .
She says Belarusians are proving to the world “ that the truth is not on the side of force and weapons , but instead the truth is on the side of the strength @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and courage.
” Police are not the only defectors .
Several anchors at Belarus ’ state TV stations have quit .
Workers at many state factories have gone on strike .
Some prison officials have released hundreds of political prisoners .
Belarusians , says Ms. Tsikhanouskaya , “ are capable of self-organizing , making the right decisions , and standing up for themselves and their nearest.
” Democratic revolutions happen one person at a time , each recognizing the sanctity of innocent life , the necessity of individual liberty , and the equality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their intentions , many protesters in Belarus wear white and hold their hands in the form of a heart .
These symbols have touched the conscience of many in the security forces .
And they are helping turn a revolution toward a peaceful resolution .

One of the inspiring images from the ongoing revolution in Belarus shows police officers discarding their uniforms. Rather than follow the orders of the country’s dictator to keep attacking peaceful protesters after a rigged election on Aug. 9, they have defected to the pro-democracy side.
“17 years of service are over ... my conscience is clear ... police with the people,” wrote one police captain, Yeghor Yemelyanov, on his Instagram account.
It is these quiet acts of mental freedom by an unknown number of security forces in Belarus that could soon provide the tipping point for an end to the 26-year rule of strongman Alexander Lukashenko. Some police have clearly broken ranks after seeing at least 6,700 people arrested and two killed. Others have retreated from the streets rather than use force on unarmed civilians.
Their courage must be giving pause to Mr. Lukashenko about continuing the violence and further opening cracks in his security force, which is estimated to be more than 120,000.
Both Russia and the European Union are trying to influence events in Belarus. The small country of 9.5 million is a remnant of the former Soviet empire and a geopolitical pawn. Yet its future may be determined by those with guns and badges admitting to themselves that Mr. Lukashenko actually lost the election. His claim to power is a lie.
The election’s presumed winner, schoolteacher Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, has offered to forgive officers if they disobey orders to shoot. She says Belarusians are proving to the world “that the truth is not on the side of force and weapons, but instead the truth is on the side of the strength of mind, honesty, decency, and courage.”
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Police are not the only defectors. Several anchors at Belarus’ state TV stations have quit. Workers at many state factories have gone on strike. Some prison officials have released hundreds of political prisoners. Belarusians, says Ms. Tsikhanouskaya, “are capable of self-organizing, making the right decisions, and standing up for themselves and their nearest.”
Democratic revolutions happen one person at a time, each recognizing the sanctity of innocent life, the necessity of individual liberty, and the equality embedded in universal rights. To show their intentions, many protesters in Belarus wear white and hold their hands in the form of a heart. These symbols have touched the conscience of many in the security forces. And they are helping turn a revolution toward a peaceful resolution.