csmonitor--2020-01-30--For 2020 Democrats, the ‘Trump effect’ looms large

“ Donald Trump is making it difficult for any candidate to monopolize the various media platforms , ” says Matthew Dickinson , a political scientist at Vermont ’ s Middlebury College .
One result of the “ Trump effect ” can be seen in Iowa , where polling – which often makes big swings in the closing days of the campaign – has been relatively stable .
Media mentions of “ Iowa caucuses ” are way down compared with previous cycles , as are Google searches .
It ’ s no accident that the president is holding a rally tonight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days before next Monday ’ s Democratic caucuses , and another in Manchester , New Hampshire , on Feb. 10 , the night before that state ’ s primary .
Both events threaten to suck local media oxygen away from Democrats trying to break through right as undecided voters are making choices .
Now , it can be argued , an even larger Democratic field is suffering from a similar challenge : President Trump is casting a gigantic shadow over the Democratic contest , with his ongoing impeachment trial only exacerbating the eclipse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his first presidential campaign in June 2015 , he has transfixed supporters and critics alike .
In that nomination race , the other candidates in the historically large Republican field struggled for media attention , the lifeblood of a campaign .
Since the day Donald Trump announced his first presidential campaign in June 2015 , he has transfixed the nation – supporters and critics alike .
In that nomination race , the other candidates in the historically large Republican field struggled for media attention , the lifeblood of a campaign .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the even larger Democratic field is suffering from a similar challenge : Now-President Trump , unparalleled in the art of grabbing and holding the spotlight , has cast a gigantic shadow over the Democratic nomination contest .
And his ongoing impeachment trial has only exacerbated the eclipse .
It ’ s no accident that the president is holding a rally tonight in Des Moines , Iowa , just days before next Monday ’ s Democratic caucuses , and another in Manchester , New Hampshire , on Feb. 10 , the night before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events threaten to suck local media oxygen away from Democrats trying to break through right as undecided voters are making choices .
One result of the “ Trump effect ” can be seen in Iowa , where polling – which often makes big swings in the closing days of the campaign – has been relatively stable .
Media mentions of “ Iowa caucuses ” are way down compared with previous cycles , as are Google searches .
“ Although I disagree with [ Mr. Trump ] on everything , he does know how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Nancy Bowden of Humboldt , Iowa .
She ’ s speaking in Fort Dodge , Iowa , as voters line up to see Pete Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana .
“ It ’ s like a train wreck .
If you provide something terrible for people to look at , they ’ re going to focus on that , ” says Ms. Bowden , a precinct captain for Mr. Buttigieg , referring to Mr. Trump ’ s time in office .
The “ Trump effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desire to defeat Mr. Trump , and the lack of an “ establishment favorite , ” led to a historically large field – at one point topping 20 candidates , now at 12 .
And with Mr. Trump looming over the race , many Democrats have emphasized that , above all else , they are looking for a candidate who can beat him .
For some voters , a kind of mental gridlock has set in as they consider the array of choices .
“ For Democrats , there ’ s really a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must be beaten at all costs , ” says David Redlawsk , a political scientist at the University of Delaware who has attended some 125 candidate events in Iowa while on a six-month sabbatical .
“ But there ’ s little agreement on what it will take to beat Trump.
” In his latest academic survey of likely Iowa caucusgoers , taken in late December and early January , Mr. Redlawsk found that only 16 % were considering just one candidate .
Many voters , he says , are torn between “ head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d like to see go up against Mr. Trump versus who they think can actually beat him .
The Democratic candidate who has perhaps suffered the most from the Trump-induced media eclipse is moderate Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota .
Recent Iowa polling has shown a bit of movement for Senator Klobuchar – the kind of momentum that , in previous cycles , has often presaged a surprise showing .
But for the past week , the Trump impeachment trial has mostly trapped her in Washington .
( Ms. Klobuchar grabbed a last-minute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impeachment trial had finished for the day , just to spend precious minutes with voters , then flew back to Washington the next morning . )
Other Senate Democrats running for president – Bernie Sanders , Elizabeth Warren – are stuck in Washington , too , but for Ms. Klobuchar , the Iowa caucuses could be do-or-die .
She ’ s in fifth place at 9.6 % in the Real Clear Politics average of polls .
To be “ viable ” for convention delegates , a candidate must garner at least 15 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for president are harmed by having to attend the impeachment trial , rather than spending those days campaigning , remains to be seen .
Democratic Sen. Tim Kaine of Virginia suggests they won ’ t be .
“ I don ’ t think voters are going to hold it against people that they were here doing the most important thing the Constitution asks them to do , ” he says .
Not all Iowa political experts see a Trump effect diverting attention from the caucuses – at least , among likely caucusgoers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ political science at Iowa State University , points to studies that show political advertising in Iowa doesn ’ t have as big an impact on voters as it does in other states .
“ Iowans can go to rallies and see candidates in person , ” she says .
The caucuses , which require being at a designated place at a designated time , favor committed voters , not casual observers who are easily swayed by media hype .
But in New Hampshire , where the Iowa results often significantly affect how the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sees a Trump effect at work .
“ Donald Trump is making it difficult for any candidate to monopolize the various media platforms , ” says Mr. Dickinson , a professor at Vermont ’ s Middlebury College who travels frequently to campaign events in neighboring New Hampshire .
The Democrats themselves have compounded that problem “ with a second factor , ” he adds .
“ There are just so many Democrats occupying these [ ideological ] lanes , that all seem to a certain extent plausible and all of them seem flawed.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ winner of the Iowa Democratic caucuses wins the nomination .
But given the unusual nature of the 2020 cycle , there are no guarantees .
Some Iowans are frustrated by the media ’ s penchant for conflict in its campaign coverage .
At an event for Democratic candidate Andrew Yang on the University of Iowa campus in Iowa City , several supporters partially attribute Mr. Yang ’ s lagging media coverage to the way the entrepreneur has chosen to run his campaign .
“ Most of the media ’ s current airtime is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Yang is not a drama candidate , ” says Alexandra Petrucci , a neuroscience Ph.D. student who plans to caucus for Mr. Yang .
“ We ’ re told by the campaign to talk about Yang to other people , rather than bringing down other candidates.
” Another Democratic candidate who emphasized the positive , New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker , dropped out Jan. 13 amid lackluster fundraising .
Some Iowa Democrats see an upside to having Mr. Trump as the Republican standard-bearer .
“ Trump ’ s galvanizing people to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s the whole reason I ’ m caucusing , ” says Connie Twining , a small-business owner in Dubuque , who just registered as a Democrat so she can caucus for Mr. Buttigieg .
She was an independent for years .
But she also bemoans the lack of attention to major issues , amid all the Trump drama .
“ The climate isn ’ t getting the attention it deserves , ” Ms. Twining says .
“ There are a million things right now that aren ’ t getting the attention @ @ @ @

“Donald Trump is making it difficult for any candidate to monopolize the various media platforms,” says Matthew Dickinson, a political scientist at Vermont’s Middlebury College.
One result of the “Trump effect” can be seen in Iowa, where polling – which often makes big swings in the closing days of the campaign – has been relatively stable. Media mentions of “Iowa caucuses” are way down compared with previous cycles, as are Google searches.
It’s no accident that the president is holding a rally tonight in Des Moines, Iowa, just days before next Monday’s Democratic caucuses, and another in Manchester, New Hampshire, on Feb. 10, the night before that state’s primary. Both events threaten to suck local media oxygen away from Democrats trying to break through right as undecided voters are making choices.
President Trump’s unparalleled ability to command the spotlight is starving Democratic candidates of media attention on the eve of the Iowa caucuses, and causing a kind of “existential crisis” for Democratic voters.
Now, it can be argued, an even larger Democratic field is suffering from a similar challenge: President Trump is casting a gigantic shadow over the Democratic contest, with his ongoing impeachment trial only exacerbating the eclipse.
Since the day Donald Trump announced his first presidential campaign in June 2015, he has transfixed supporters and critics alike. In that nomination race, the other candidates in the historically large Republican field struggled for media attention, the lifeblood of a campaign.
Since the day Donald Trump announced his first presidential campaign in June 2015, he has transfixed the nation – supporters and critics alike. In that nomination race, the other candidates in the historically large Republican field struggled for media attention, the lifeblood of a campaign.
In the 2020 race, it can be argued, the even larger Democratic field is suffering from a similar challenge: Now-President Trump, unparalleled in the art of grabbing and holding the spotlight, has cast a gigantic shadow over the Democratic nomination contest. And his ongoing impeachment trial has only exacerbated the eclipse.
It’s no accident that the president is holding a rally Thursday night (Jan. 30) in Des Moines, Iowa, just days before next Monday’s Democratic caucuses, and another in Manchester, New Hampshire, on Feb. 10, the night before that state’s primary. Both events threaten to suck local media oxygen away from Democrats trying to break through right as undecided voters are making choices.
Why We Wrote This President Trump’s unparalleled ability to command the spotlight is starving Democratic candidates of media attention on the eve of the Iowa caucuses, and causing a kind of “existential crisis” for Democratic voters.
One result of the “Trump effect” can be seen in Iowa, where polling – which often makes big swings in the closing days of the campaign – has been relatively stable. Media mentions of “Iowa caucuses” are way down compared with previous cycles, as are Google searches.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Nancy Bowden (center) stands with some friends at presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg's town hall in Fort Dodge, Iowa, on Jan. 25, 2020.
“Although I disagree with [Mr. Trump] on everything, he does know how to manipulate the media and get attention,” says Nancy Bowden of Humboldt, Iowa. She’s speaking in Fort Dodge, Iowa, as voters line up to see Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana.
“It’s like a train wreck. If you provide something terrible for people to look at, they’re going to focus on that,” says Ms. Bowden, a precinct captain for Mr. Buttigieg, referring to Mr. Trump’s time in office.
The “Trump effect” is multilayered. Democrats’ fervent desire to defeat Mr. Trump, and the lack of an “establishment favorite,” led to a historically large field – at one point topping 20 candidates, now at 12. And with Mr. Trump looming over the race, many Democrats have emphasized that, above all else, they are looking for a candidate who can beat him. For some voters, a kind of mental gridlock has set in as they consider the array of choices.
“For Democrats, there’s really a sense of existential crisis that Donald Trump must be beaten at all costs,” says David Redlawsk, a political scientist at the University of Delaware who has attended some 125 candidate events in Iowa while on a six-month sabbatical. “But there’s little agreement on what it will take to beat Trump.”
In his latest academic survey of likely Iowa caucusgoers, taken in late December and early January, Mr. Redlawsk found that only 16% were considering just one candidate. Many voters, he says, are torn between “head and heart” – who they’d like to see go up against Mr. Trump versus who they think can actually beat him.
The Democratic candidate who has perhaps suffered the most from the Trump-induced media eclipse is moderate Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota. Recent Iowa polling has shown a bit of movement for Senator Klobuchar – the kind of momentum that, in previous cycles, has often presaged a surprise showing. But for the past week, the Trump impeachment trial has mostly trapped her in Washington. (Ms. Klobuchar grabbed a last-minute flight to Iowa Wednesday evening after the impeachment trial had finished for the day, just to spend precious minutes with voters, then flew back to Washington the next morning.)
Other Senate Democrats running for president – Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren – are stuck in Washington, too, but for Ms. Klobuchar, the Iowa caucuses could be do-or-die. She’s in fifth place at 9.6% in the Real Clear Politics average of polls. To be “viable” for convention delegates, a candidate must garner at least 15% of caucusgoers.
Whether the senators running for president are harmed by having to attend the impeachment trial, rather than spending those days campaigning, remains to be seen. Democratic Sen. Tim Kaine of Virginia suggests they won’t be.
“I don’t think voters are going to hold it against people that they were here doing the most important thing the Constitution asks them to do,” he says.
Not all Iowa political experts see a Trump effect diverting attention from the caucuses – at least, among likely caucusgoers. Dianne Bystrom, a professor emeritus of political science at Iowa State University, points to studies that show political advertising in Iowa doesn’t have as big an impact on voters as it does in other states.
“Iowans can go to rallies and see candidates in person,” she says.
The caucuses, which require being at a designated place at a designated time, favor committed voters, not casual observers who are easily swayed by media hype.
Scott Morgan/Reuters View caption Hide caption Sign-up sheets for caucusgoers are displayed at an event for Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota in Fort Dodge, Iowa, Jan. 11, 2020.
But in New Hampshire, where the Iowa results often significantly affect how the primary goes, political scientist Matthew Dickinson sees a Trump effect at work.
“Donald Trump is making it difficult for any candidate to monopolize the various media platforms,” says Mr. Dickinson, a professor at Vermont’s Middlebury College who travels frequently to campaign events in neighboring New Hampshire.
The Democrats themselves have compounded that problem “with a second factor,” he adds. “There are just so many Democrats occupying these [ideological] lanes, that all seem to a certain extent plausible and all of them seem flawed.”
More often than not, the winner of the Iowa Democratic caucuses wins the nomination. But given the unusual nature of the 2020 cycle, there are no guarantees.
Some Iowans are frustrated by the media’s penchant for conflict in its campaign coverage.
At an event for Democratic candidate Andrew Yang on the University of Iowa campus in Iowa City, several supporters partially attribute Mr. Yang’s lagging media coverage to the way the entrepreneur has chosen to run his campaign.
“Most of the media’s current airtime is given to the Warren-Sanders he-said-she-said debate, and Yang is not a drama candidate,” says Alexandra Petrucci, a neuroscience Ph.D. student who plans to caucus for Mr. Yang. “We’re told by the campaign to talk about Yang to other people, rather than bringing down other candidates.”
Another Democratic candidate who emphasized the positive, New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker, dropped out Jan. 13 amid lackluster fundraising.
Some Iowa Democrats see an upside to having Mr. Trump as the Republican standard-bearer.
“Trump’s galvanizing people to get involved who wouldn’t normally. It’s the whole reason I’m caucusing,” says Connie Twining, a small-business owner in Dubuque, who just registered as a Democrat so she can caucus for Mr. Buttigieg. She was an independent for years.
But she also bemoans the lack of attention to major issues, amid all the Trump drama.
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“The climate isn’t getting the attention it deserves,” Ms. Twining says. “There are a million things right now that aren’t getting the attention they deserve.”
Staff writer Francine Kiefer contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-01-30--Democratic voters head to the polls. Three questions about primary season.

There have long been debates about how to make the primary process even more democratic .
Critics contend that too much weight is given to Iowa and New Hampshire in particular .
Both are far less diverse than the Democratic Party , or the country as a whole .
In 2008 , the Democratic Party moved the Nevada caucuses and South Carolina primary up on the calendar in an effort to give a more prominent role to more diverse states .
Iowa , New Hampshire ( Feb. 11 ) , Nevada ( Feb. 22 ) , and South Carolina ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four states to hold primaries and caucuses .
In previous cycles , candidates have been able to generate significant momentum out of wins in these states , and they spend a great deal of time campaigning on the ground there ahead of the elections .
Racking up early wins can signal to voters in other states that a candidate is electable .
Beginning with Iowa on Feb. 3 and going through June , all 50 states , every United States territory , and the District of Columbia will cast votes to determine who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off against President Donald Trump in the general election in November .
To journalists , pundits , and political junkies , the 2020 presidential election has been in full swing for over a year .
But for many Americans , it ’ s just getting started .
Beginning with Iowa on Feb. 3 and going through June , all 50 states , every United States territory , and the District of Columbia will cast votes to determine who should be the Democratic presidential nominee facing off against President Donald Trump in the general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primary system work ?
Nominees used to be chosen behind closed doors at the party convention by delegates – who were mostly middle-aged , middle-class white men , as former Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern once put it .
After the riots at the 1968 Democratic National Convention , the party decided to reform the process and make it more democratic .
The state-by-state primary system was largely put in place by 1976 – allowing Jimmy Carter , a little-known peanut farmer and former Georgia governor , to win the Democratic nomination that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nomination by party bosses , “ Jimmy Carter would have stood no chance , ” Jody Powell , one of President Carter ’ s closest aides , told NPR .
Today , most states hold primaries , which are similar to general elections ( think polling places and private voting booths ) .
A handful of states – just three this year on the Democratic side , along with some territories – hold caucuses .
In Iowa ’ s Democratic caucuses , participants will arrive at their designated location – which could be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s living room – and cluster with others who support the same candidate .
To be determined “ viable , ” a candidate must receive the support of at least 15 % of those in the room .
If a candidate does not reach that threshold , then he or she is considered “ nonviable ” and his or her supporters have the option to “ realign ” with a different candidate .
This year , with so many Democratic candidates in the race , there could be a great deal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ key .
Why is there so much buzz around Iowa ?
As the saying goes , “ Winning begets winning.
” Iowa ( Feb. 3 ) , New Hampshire ( Feb. 11 ) , Nevada ( Feb. 22 ) , and South Carolina ( Feb. 29 ) will be the first four states to hold primaries and caucuses .
In previous cycles , candidates have been able to generate significant momentum out of wins in these states , and they spend a great deal of time campaigning on the ground there ahead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can signal to voters ( and donors ) in other states that a candidate is electable .
There have long been debates about how to make the primary process even more democratic .
Critics contend that too much weight is given to the first two states , Iowa and New Hampshire , in particular .
Both are far less diverse – at around 91 % and 93 % white , respectively – than the Democratic Party , or the country as a whole .
In 2008 , the Democratic Party moved the Nevada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the calendar , putting them right after Iowa and New Hampshire , in an effort to give a more prominent role to more diverse states .
What about the rest of the states ?
On Super Tuesday ( March 3 ) voters in 14 states – representing more than one-third of the country ’ s population – will cast votes for a Democratic nominee .
By mid-March , 60 % of the party ’ s delegates will have been awarded .
Perhaps in anticipation of that , candidates have spent somewhat less time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in previous cycles , and more time in places like California – one of the states that will vote on Super Tuesday .
That said , the outcomes of the early four states will still matter – and could heavily affect what happens in subsequent contests .
If the results in Iowa and New Hampshire are close , most or even all of the candidates may move on ; if not , some will likely be forced to drop out of the race .
One thing that will be interesting to watch is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will juggle campaigning in the early states with their obligations in Washington around the impeachment hearings .

There have long been debates about how to make the primary process even more democratic. Critics contend that too much weight is given to Iowa and New Hampshire in particular. Both are far less diverse than the Democratic Party, or the country as a whole. In 2008, the Democratic Party moved the Nevada caucuses and South Carolina primary up on the calendar in an effort to give a more prominent role to more diverse states.
Iowa, New Hampshire (Feb. 11), Nevada (Feb. 22), and South Carolina (Feb. 29) will be the first four states to hold primaries and caucuses. In previous cycles, candidates have been able to generate significant momentum out of wins in these states, and they spend a great deal of time campaigning on the ground there ahead of the elections. Racking up early wins can signal to voters in other states that a candidate is electable.
Beginning with Iowa on Feb. 3 and going through June, all 50 states, every United States territory, and the District of Columbia will cast votes to determine who should be the Democratic presidential nominee facing off against President Donald Trump in the general election in November.
To journalists, pundits, and political junkies, the 2020 presidential election has been in full swing for over a year. But for many Americans, it’s just getting started. Beginning with Iowa on Feb. 3 and going through June, all 50 states, every United States territory, and the District of Columbia will cast votes to determine who should be the Democratic presidential nominee facing off against President Donald Trump in the general election in November.
How does the primary system work?
Nominees used to be chosen behind closed doors at the party convention by delegates – who were mostly middle-aged, middle-class white men, as former Democratic presidential nominee George McGovern once put it. After the riots at the 1968 Democratic National Convention, the party decided to reform the process and make it more democratic.
The state-by-state primary system was largely put in place by 1976 – allowing Jimmy Carter, a little-known peanut farmer and former Georgia governor, to win the Democratic nomination that year. Under the old system of nomination by party bosses, “Jimmy Carter would have stood no chance,” Jody Powell, one of President Carter’s closest aides, told NPR.
Today, most states hold primaries, which are similar to general elections (think polling places and private voting booths). A handful of states – just three this year on the Democratic side, along with some territories – hold caucuses.
In Iowa’s Democratic caucuses, participants will arrive at their designated location – which could be anything from a community center to someone’s living room – and cluster with others who support the same candidate. To be determined “viable,” a candidate must receive the support of at least 15% of those in the room. If a candidate does not reach that threshold, then he or she is considered “nonviable” and his or her supporters have the option to “realign” with a different candidate. This year, with so many Democratic candidates in the race, there could be a great deal of realigning – making second or third choices key.
Why is there so much buzz around Iowa?
As the saying goes, “Winning begets winning.”
Iowa (Feb. 3), New Hampshire (Feb. 11), Nevada (Feb. 22), and South Carolina (Feb. 29) will be the first four states to hold primaries and caucuses. In previous cycles, candidates have been able to generate significant momentum out of wins in these states, and they spend a great deal of time campaigning on the ground there ahead of the elections. Racking up early wins can signal to voters (and donors) in other states that a candidate is electable.
There have long been debates about how to make the primary process even more democratic. Critics contend that too much weight is given to the first two states, Iowa and New Hampshire, in particular. Both are far less diverse – at around 91% and 93% white, respectively – than the Democratic Party, or the country as a whole.
In 2008, the Democratic Party moved the Nevada caucuses and South Carolina primary up on the calendar, putting them right after Iowa and New Hampshire, in an effort to give a more prominent role to more diverse states.
What about the rest of the states?
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
On Super Tuesday (March 3) voters in 14 states – representing more than one-third of the country’s population – will cast votes for a Democratic nominee. By mid-March, 60% of the party’s delegates will have been awarded. Perhaps in anticipation of that, candidates have spent somewhat less time campaigning in Iowa and New Hampshire than in previous cycles, and more time in places like California – one of the states that will vote on Super Tuesday.
That said, the outcomes of the early four states will still matter – and could heavily affect what happens in subsequent contests. If the results in Iowa and New Hampshire are close, most or even all of the candidates may move on; if not, some will likely be forced to drop out of the race. One thing that will be interesting to watch is how the four senators running for president will juggle campaigning in the early states with their obligations in Washington around the impeachment hearings.


csmonitor--2020-01-30--Trump's defense takes a new turn: not 'impeachable' even if true

In a striking shift from President Donald Trump 's claim of `` perfect '' dealings with Ukraine , his defense asserted at his Senate trial that a trade of U.S. military aid for political favors – even if proven – could not be grounds for his impeachment .
Mr. Trump 's defenders relied on retired professor Alan Dershowitz , a member of their team , who told senators that every politician conflates his own interest with the public interest .
`` It can not be impeachable , '' he declared Wednesday .
Democrats pressed hard to force the Senate to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans appeared intently focused on bringing the impeachment trial to a vote of acquittal , possibly in a matter of days .
Even new revelations from former national security adviser John Bolton were countered by the president 's lawyers , who used Wednesday 's unusual question-and-answer session to warn off prolonging the proceeding , insisting senators have heard enough .
Democrats argued Mr. Bolton 's forthcoming book can not be ignored .
It contends he personally heard Mr. Trump say he wanted military aid withheld from Ukraine until it agreed to investigate Joe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the abuse of power charge that is the first article of impeachment .
The vote on calling witnesses is expected by Friday .
As Chief Justice John Roberts fielded queries , Texas Republican Ted Cruz asked if it mattered whether there was a quid pro quo ?
Simply , no , declared Mr. Dershowitz , who said many politicians equate their reelection with the public good .
`` That 's why it 's so dangerous to try to psychoanalyze a president , '' he said .
`` All quid pro quos are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Some might be acceptable , some not .
`` And you do n't need to be a mind reader to figure out which is which .
For one thing , you can ask John Bolton . ''
With voting on witnesses later this week , Democrats , amid the backdrop of protesters swarming the Capitol , are making a last-ditch push to sway Republicans to call Mr. Bolton and others to appear for testimony and ensure a `` fair trial . ''
Mr. Trump faces charges from the House that he abused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jeopardizing Ukraine and U.S.-Ukraine relations by using the military aid as leverage while the vulnerable ally battled Russia .
The second article of impeachment says Mr. Trump then obstructed the House probe in a way that threatened the nation 's three-branch system of checks and balances .
Over two days , senators are grilling the House Democrats prosecuting the case and the Republican president 's defense team .
Dozens of questions were asked and answered Wednesday in five-minute clips , with senators under orders to sit silently without comment , submitting their questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 11 p.m. and were expected to keep going Thursday .
Democratic leader Chuck Schumer asked whether the Senate could really render a fair verdict without hearing from Mr. Bolton or acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney , both potential eyewitnesses to Mr. Trump 's actions .
`` Do n't wait for the book .
Do n't wait 'til March 17 , when it is in black and white to find out the answer to your question , '' Mr. Schiff told the Senate .
That publication date is now in doubt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a letter to Mr. Bolton 's attorney objecting to `` significant amounts of classified information '' in the manuscript , including at the top secret level .
Mr. Bolton and his attorney have insisted the book does not contain any classified information .
The White House action could delay the book 's publication if Mr. Bolton , who resigned last September – Mr. Trump says he was fired – is forced to revise his draft .
GOP senators are straining to balance the new revelations with pressure for quick acquittal .
They have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling Mr. Bolton as a witness could entangle the trial in lengthy legal battles and delay Mr. Trump 's expected acquittal .
White House lawyers made exactly that point .
Attorney Pat Philbin said in response to the Democrats ' first question , `` This institution will effectively be paralyzed for months . ''
That was echoed by others .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell huddled privately with senators for a third consecutive day , acknowledging he did n't yet have the votes to brush back Democratic demands for witnesses now that revelations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But Republicans said they were making progress .
Republican ideas for dealing with Mr. Bolton and his book were fizzling almost as soon as they arose – among them , `` swapping '' witnesses with Democrats or issuing a subpoena for Mr. Bolton 's manuscript .
Most Republican senators do n't want to extend the trial by calling Mr. Bolton , and most Democrats would rather avoid dragging the Bidens further into the impeachment proceedings .
The Bidens were a focus of defense arguments , though no evidence of wrongdoing has emerged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book that Mr. Trump told him he wanted to withhold military aid from Ukraine until it helped with investigations into Mr. Biden .
That assertion , if true , would undercut a key defense argument and go to the heart of one of the two articles of impeachment against the president .
`` I think Bolton probably has something to offer us , '' said Sen. Lisa Murkowski , R-Alaska .
She met privately Wednesday with Mr. McConnell .
Mr. Trump disagreed in a tweet Wednesday in which he complained that Mr. Bolton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , `` goes out and IMMEDIATELY writes a nasty & untrue book .
All Classified National Security . ''
The uncertainty about witnesses arises days before crucial votes on the issue .
In a Senate split 53-47 in favor of Republicans , at least four GOP senators must join all Democrats to reach the 51 votes required to call witnesses , decide whom to call , or do nearly anything else in the trial .
Republican Sen. Susan Collins of Maine tried to give fresh momentum to a one-for-one witness deal , saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be fairness , that each side be able to select a witness or two . ''
But Democrats dismissed those offers .
`` It 's irrelevant .
It 's a distraction , '' said Mr. Schumer .
Ms. Collins , Ms. Murkowski , and Utah Sen. Mitt Romney signaled an interest in calling Mr. Bolton or other witnesses ; and questions and answers at times appeared directed at them .
Mr. Schiff 's response to Mr. Dershowitz focused on one particular senator : He asked his audience to imagine what would have happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to dig up dirt on then-candidate Romney , the GOP 's 2012 presidential nominee ?
Mr. Romney , standing at the back of the chamber , smiled occasionally at mention of his name .
Far from voiding the last election , Mr. Schiff said , impeachment is protecting the next one , in 2020 , from any future Trump efforts to ask foreign governments to intervene .
Republicans tried to engage the president 's defense , at times raising the profile of the still anonymous government whistleblower whose complaint about Trump 's July @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inquiry .
Democrats kept focus on the case for Mr. Trump 's conviction and removal , which would require 67 votes in the Senate and seems unlikely .
At times , there were telling exchanges .
In one , the White House team could not fully respond when Ms. Collins and Ms. Murkowski asked if Mr. Trump had ever pursued Biden investigations before the former vice president announced his presidential bid in 2019 .
Mr. Philbin argued that relying on foreign information in a U.S. campaign is n't necessarily a campaign law violation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sen. Mark Warner , D-Va. , said he was `` flabbergasted . ''
In another , Mr. Dershowitz acknowledged he has changed his thinking on what the Founders intended with impeachment and keeps `` refining '' his views .
As the long night drew to a close , so did Mr. Schiff 's remarks , warning senators they were lowering the bar for Mr. Trump , dressing it up with legalese .
`` Corruption is still corruption , '' he said .
One person watching from the sidelines Wednesday was Lev Parnas , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Giuliani .
Mr. Parnas arrived at the Capitol but could not enter the Senate with his court-ordered electronic-tracking device .
He has turned over evidence for the investigation , and said he wants to testify .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Alan Fram , Andrew Taylor , Matthew Daly , Laurie Kellman , and Padmananda Rama contributed to this report .

Lisa Mascaro, Eric Tucker, and Zeke Miller

In a striking shift from President Donald Trump's claim of "perfect" dealings with Ukraine, his defense asserted at his Senate trial that a trade of U.S. military aid for political favors – even if proven – could not be grounds for his impeachment.
Mr. Trump's defenders relied on retired professor Alan Dershowitz, a member of their team, who told senators that every politician conflates his own interest with the public interest. "It cannot be impeachable," he declared Wednesday.
Democrats pressed hard to force the Senate to call more witnesses to testify, but Republicans appeared intently focused on bringing the impeachment trial to a vote of acquittal, possibly in a matter of days. Even new revelations from former national security adviser John Bolton were countered by the president's lawyers, who used Wednesday's unusual question-and-answer session to warn off prolonging the proceeding, insisting senators have heard enough.
Democrats argued Mr. Bolton's forthcoming book cannot be ignored. It contends he personally heard Mr. Trump say he wanted military aid withheld from Ukraine until it agreed to investigate Joe Biden and his son, Hunter Biden – the abuse of power charge that is the first article of impeachment.
The vote on calling witnesses is expected by Friday.
As Chief Justice John Roberts fielded queries, Texas Republican Ted Cruz asked if it mattered whether there was a quid pro quo?
Simply, no, declared Mr. Dershowitz, who said many politicians equate their reelection with the public good. "That's why it's so dangerous to try to psychoanalyze a president," he said.
Rep. Adam Schiff, the Democrat leading the House prosecutors, appeared stunned.
"All quid pro quos are not the same," he retorted. Some might be acceptable, some not. "And you don't need to be a mind reader to figure out which is which. For one thing, you can ask John Bolton."
With voting on witnesses later this week, Democrats, amid the backdrop of protesters swarming the Capitol, are making a last-ditch push to sway Republicans to call Mr. Bolton and others to appear for testimony and ensure a "fair trial."
Mr. Trump faces charges from the House that he abused his power like no other president, jeopardizing Ukraine and U.S.-Ukraine relations by using the military aid as leverage while the vulnerable ally battled Russia. The second article of impeachment says Mr. Trump then obstructed the House probe in a way that threatened the nation's three-branch system of checks and balances.
Over two days, senators are grilling the House Democrats prosecuting the case and the Republican president's defense team.
Dozens of questions were asked and answered Wednesday in five-minute clips, with senators under orders to sit silently without comment, submitting their questions in writing. They finished shortly past 11 p.m. and were expected to keep going Thursday.
Democratic leader Chuck Schumer asked whether the Senate could really render a fair verdict without hearing from Mr. Bolton or acting White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney, both potential eyewitnesses to Mr. Trump's actions.
"Don't wait for the book. Don't wait 'til March 17, when it is in black and white to find out the answer to your question," Mr. Schiff told the Senate.
That publication date is now in doubt. The White House on Wednesday released a letter to Mr. Bolton's attorney objecting to "significant amounts of classified information" in the manuscript, including at the top secret level. Mr. Bolton and his attorney have insisted the book does not contain any classified information.
The White House action could delay the book's publication if Mr. Bolton, who resigned last September – Mr. Trump says he was fired – is forced to revise his draft.
GOP senators are straining to balance the new revelations with pressure for quick acquittal. They have been sternly warned by party leaders that calling Mr. Bolton as a witness could entangle the trial in lengthy legal battles and delay Mr. Trump's expected acquittal.
White House lawyers made exactly that point. Attorney Pat Philbin said in response to the Democrats' first question, "This institution will effectively be paralyzed for months." That was echoed by others.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell huddled privately with senators for a third consecutive day, acknowledging he didn't yet have the votes to brush back Democratic demands for witnesses now that revelations from Mr. Bolton have roiled the trial. But Republicans said they were making progress.
Republican ideas for dealing with Mr. Bolton and his book were fizzling almost as soon as they arose – among them, "swapping" witnesses with Democrats or issuing a subpoena for Mr. Bolton's manuscript.
Most Republican senators don't want to extend the trial by calling Mr. Bolton, and most Democrats would rather avoid dragging the Bidens further into the impeachment proceedings. The Bidens were a focus of defense arguments, though no evidence of wrongdoing has emerged.
Mr. Bolton writes in a forthcoming book that Mr. Trump told him he wanted to withhold military aid from Ukraine until it helped with investigations into Mr. Biden. That assertion, if true, would undercut a key defense argument and go to the heart of one of the two articles of impeachment against the president.
"I think Bolton probably has something to offer us," said Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska. She met privately Wednesday with Mr. McConnell.
Mr. Trump disagreed in a tweet Wednesday in which he complained that Mr. Bolton, after he left the White House, "goes out and IMMEDIATELY writes a nasty & untrue book. All Classified National Security."
The uncertainty about witnesses arises days before crucial votes on the issue. In a Senate split 53-47 in favor of Republicans, at least four GOP senators must join all Democrats to reach the 51 votes required to call witnesses, decide whom to call, or do nearly anything else in the trial.
Republican Sen. Susan Collins of Maine tried to give fresh momentum to a one-for-one witness deal, saying it's "very important that there be fairness, that each side be able to select a witness or two." But Democrats dismissed those offers.
"It's irrelevant. It's a distraction," said Mr. Schumer.
Ms. Collins, Ms. Murkowski, and Utah Sen. Mitt Romney signaled an interest in calling Mr. Bolton or other witnesses; and questions and answers at times appeared directed at them.
Mr. Schiff's response to Mr. Dershowitz focused on one particular senator: He asked his audience to imagine what would have happened if then-President Barack Obama asked the Russians to dig up dirt on then-candidate Romney, the GOP's 2012 presidential nominee?
Mr. Romney, standing at the back of the chamber, smiled occasionally at mention of his name.
Far from voiding the last election, Mr. Schiff said, impeachment is protecting the next one, in 2020, from any future Trump efforts to ask foreign governments to intervene.
Republicans tried to engage the president's defense, at times raising the profile of the still anonymous government whistleblower whose complaint about Trump's July 25 call with Ukraine sparked the impeachment inquiry. Democrats kept focus on the case for Mr. Trump's conviction and removal, which would require 67 votes in the Senate and seems unlikely.
At times, there were telling exchanges. In one, the White House team could not fully respond when Ms. Collins and Ms. Murkowski asked if Mr. Trump had ever pursued Biden investigations before the former vice president announced his presidential bid in 2019.
Mr. Philbin argued that relying on foreign information in a U.S. campaign isn't necessarily a campaign law violation, drawing objections later from Democrats. Sen. Mark Warner, D-Va., said he was "flabbergasted."
In another, Mr. Dershowitz acknowledged he has changed his thinking on what the Founders intended with impeachment and keeps "refining" his views.
As the long night drew to a close, so did Mr. Schiff's remarks, warning senators they were lowering the bar for Mr. Trump, dressing it up with legalese.
"Corruption is still corruption," he said.
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One person watching from the sidelines Wednesday was Lev Parnas, the indicted associate of Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani. Mr. Parnas arrived at the Capitol but could not enter the Senate with his court-ordered electronic-tracking device. He has turned over evidence for the investigation, and said he wants to testify.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Alan Fram, Andrew Taylor, Matthew Daly, Laurie Kellman, and Padmananda Rama contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-02--Ahead of Iowa caucuses, a sudden pitch for Democratic unity

Democratic presidential candidates promised voters in Iowa on Saturday they would unify the party to take on President Donald Trump even as they kept up their criticism of each other and navigated the lingering divides from the 2016 campaign .
`` I ’ m confident Americans , Republican voters , Democratic voters and independent voters want us to come together , '' former Vice President Joe Biden said in North Liberty .
`` I ’ m going to do whatever it takes to make progress in the areas that matter most . ''
About 20 miles away in Cedar Rapids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stump speech to include a more explicit call for unity .
`` We ’ re down to the final strokes here , '' she said .
`` But we understand that , we will and we must come together as a party to beat Donald Trump and I ’ ve got a plan for that . ''
And Bernie Sanders insisted he would back the ultimate Democratic nominee even if it 's not him .
`` Let me say this so there ’ s no misunderstanding , '' the Vermont senator said in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ win , we will support the winner and I know that every other candidate will do the same . ''
On the eve of Monday 's Iowa caucuses , the unity pledges marked an early — and urgent — effort to avoid the divides that some Democrats say helped Mr. Trump win the presidency in 2016 .
After a year of campaigning , most polls show a tight race between Mr. Biden , Ms. Warren , Mr. Sanders , and Pete Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana .
Those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Minnesota and businessman Andrew Yang , crisscrossed Iowa on Saturday seeking a breakout victory that would propel them deeper into the contests that will decide the Democratic nomination .
Most surveys show the top four candidates jumbled at the top .
And on Saturday , the final Des Moines Register poll — traditionally seen as the gold standard survey of the caucus electorate — was pulled from publication after questions about its methodology .
The newspaper said Mr. Buttigieg may have been left off the list presented to a caucus-goer in at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the pack , the candidates have focused on a wide variety of policy issues ranging from free college tuition to the role of government in health care , criminal justice reform , gun control and solutions to climate change .
But the biggest issue on the minds of many voters is landing on a candidate who can beat Trump .
Anxiety over the party 's ability to unify grew over the past two weeks after Hillary Clinton , Mr. Sanders ' 2016 primary rival , twice criticized the senator for not doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bruising battle .
The divide was on display Friday when Rep. Rashida Tlaib , D-Mich. , appeared at a Sanders event in Iowa and booed at the mention of Ms. Clinton .
She later issued a statement saying she `` allowed my disappointment with Secretary Clinton 's latest comments about Senator Sanders and his supporters get the best of me '' and would `` strive to come from a place of love and not react in the same way of those who are against what we are building in this country . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ manager , retweeted her statement and said : `` We love your passion and conviction .
Do n't change . ''
`` It ’ s not enough that she booed her party ’ s last nominee , but they ’ re making sure it ’ s clear she doesn ’ t have to regret it , '' Mr. Merrill tweeted .
The incident underscored questions about how Democrats can thread together clashing factions to develop a coalition that spans generations , races , and economic status to defeat Mr. Trump .
With Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa , some voters said they would n't support him because of concerns he would divide the party .
Lisa Stolba , a retired school counselor from Cedar Rapids who attended a Biden event in North Liberty , said she ’ s undecided , considering Ms. Klobuchar , Mr. Buttigieg , Mr. Biden and Ms. Warren .
Mr. Sanders was not on the list for a few reasons .
He was too `` socialistic , '' she worried about his health and age — Mr. Biden ’ s too , she added — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Sanders could unite the party .
Ms. Stolba noted she was still smarting over whether he told Ms. Warren that a woman can ’ t win .
Mr. Sanders denied the comment .
`` I think that he said it , '' she said .
But Ms. Stolba said she ’ ll still vote for Mr. Sanders if were the the nominee .
`` If he ’ s the only one , yeah , I ’ m not going to vote for Trump . ''
Mr. Sanders , for his part , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at his events , a clear demonstration of the enthusiasm surrounding his campaign .
It 's that energy , he and his supporters argue , that will bring the party together and inspire voters across the spectrum to support his candidacy in November .
Some candidates saw an opportunity in the infighting .
Mr. Buttigieg has made generational change a central argument of his campaign and said Saturday that the divides underscore his point .
`` I didn ’ t much enjoy as a Democrat living through the experience of 2016 and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as little as possible , '' he told reporters after a rally in Waterloo .
Mr. Buttigieg went on to emphasize that the candidates `` are much more aligned than you would think . ''
But on stage later in the day , he revived his criticism of Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders , outlining what he called `` a respectful difference of approach among people who share the same values , share the same goals . ''
`` The vice president is suggesting this is no time to take a risk on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I ’ m suggesting this is no time to take a risk on trying to meet a fundamentally new challenge with a familiar playbook .
It ’ s going to take something new . ''
Mr. Buttigieg criticized Mr. Sanders for `` offering an approach that suggests it ’ s either revolution or it ’ s the status quo , and there ’ s nothing in between . ''
And although he made a pitch to unity , Mr. Biden still went after Mr. Sanders ' policy checklist on the stump — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` Talk is cheap .
In politics , sometimes talk is very expensive , especially when you don ’ t tell people how you pay for what you say you ’ re going to do , '' Mr. Biden said in Waterloo .
`` Be straight .
Tell the people what it ’ s going to cost . ''
Mr. Biden referenced some estimates that put Mr. Sanders ' big-ticket proposals on single-payer health care , college debt forgiveness , and tuition-free college tuition at more than $ 60 trillion over 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t know how much it ’ s gon na cost , '' he added , an allusion to Mr. Sanders recently telling CBS News that he does n't know exactly what his Medicare for All plan would cost the federal government .
Some voters said they felt that , regardless of the divisions within the party , Mr. Trump was enough of a unifying factor on his own that Democrats will have no issues after the primary .
Tom Taiber from Waverly said he was n't worried about Democrats coming together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eventual nominee , even if the primary becomes divisive .
`` The family of Democrats , we ’ re going to have differences of opinion , '' he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Julie Pace and Tom Beaumont in Waterloo , Iowa , and Bill Barrow in North Liberty , Iowa , contributed to this report .

Democratic presidential candidates promised voters in Iowa on Saturday they would unify the party to take on President Donald Trump even as they kept up their criticism of each other and navigated the lingering divides from the 2016 campaign.
"I’m confident Americans, Republican voters, Democratic voters and independent voters want us to come together," former Vice President Joe Biden said in North Liberty. "I’m going to do whatever it takes to make progress in the areas that matter most."
About 20 miles away in Cedar Rapids, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren updated her stump speech to include a more explicit call for unity.
"We’re down to the final strokes here," she said. "But we understand that, we will and we must come together as a party to beat Donald Trump and I’ve got a plan for that."
And Bernie Sanders insisted he would back the ultimate Democratic nominee even if it's not him.
"Let me say this so there’s no misunderstanding," the Vermont senator said in Indianola. "If we do not win, we will support the winner and I know that every other candidate will do the same."
On the eve of Monday's Iowa caucuses, the unity pledges marked an early — and urgent — effort to avoid the divides that some Democrats say helped Mr. Trump win the presidency in 2016. After a year of campaigning, most polls show a tight race between Mr. Biden, Ms. Warren, Mr. Sanders, and Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana. Those candidates, along with Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota and businessman Andrew Yang, crisscrossed Iowa on Saturday seeking a breakout victory that would propel them deeper into the contests that will decide the Democratic nomination.
Most surveys show the top four candidates jumbled at the top. And on Saturday, the final Des Moines Register poll — traditionally seen as the gold standard survey of the caucus electorate — was pulled from publication after questions about its methodology. The newspaper said Mr. Buttigieg may have been left off the list presented to a caucus-goer in at least one call.
To break out of the pack, the candidates have focused on a wide variety of policy issues ranging from free college tuition to the role of government in health care, criminal justice reform, gun control and solutions to climate change. But the biggest issue on the minds of many voters is landing on a candidate who can beat Trump.
Anxiety over the party's ability to unify grew over the past two weeks after Hillary Clinton, Mr. Sanders' 2016 primary rival, twice criticized the senator for not doing enough to bring Democrats together after their bruising battle.
The divide was on display Friday when Rep. Rashida Tlaib, D-Mich., appeared at a Sanders event in Iowa and booed at the mention of Ms. Clinton. She later issued a statement saying she "allowed my disappointment with Secretary Clinton's latest comments about Senator Sanders and his supporters get the best of me" and would "strive to come from a place of love and not react in the same way of those who are against what we are building in this country."
Faiz Shakir, Mr. Sanders' campaign manager, retweeted her statement and said: "We love your passion and conviction. Don't change."
Clinton spokesperson Nick Merrill called that comment "unbelievable."
"It’s not enough that she booed her party’s last nominee, but they’re making sure it’s clear she doesn’t have to regret it," Mr. Merrill tweeted.
The incident underscored questions about how Democrats can thread together clashing factions to develop a coalition that spans generations, races, and economic status to defeat Mr. Trump. With Mr. Sanders showing some signs of strength in Iowa, some voters said they wouldn't support him because of concerns he would divide the party.
Lisa Stolba, a retired school counselor from Cedar Rapids who attended a Biden event in North Liberty, said she’s undecided, considering Ms. Klobuchar, Mr. Buttigieg, Mr. Biden and Ms. Warren.
Mr. Sanders was not on the list for a few reasons. He was too "socialistic," she worried about his health and age — Mr. Biden’s too, she added — and she’s wasn't confident Mr. Sanders could unite the party. Ms. Stolba noted she was still smarting over whether he told Ms. Warren that a woman can’t win. Mr. Sanders denied the comment. "I think that he said it," she said.
But Ms. Stolba said she’ll still vote for Mr. Sanders if were the the nominee. "If he’s the only one, yeah, I’m not going to vote for Trump."
Mr. Sanders, for his part, has drawn crowds stretching into the thousands at his events, a clear demonstration of the enthusiasm surrounding his campaign. It's that energy, he and his supporters argue, that will bring the party together and inspire voters across the spectrum to support his candidacy in November.
Some candidates saw an opportunity in the infighting. Mr. Buttigieg has made generational change a central argument of his campaign and said Saturday that the divides underscore his point.
"I didn’t much enjoy as a Democrat living through the experience of 2016 and I want to make sure 2020 resembles 2016 as little as possible," he told reporters after a rally in Waterloo.
Mr. Buttigieg went on to emphasize that the candidates "are much more aligned than you would think."
But on stage later in the day, he revived his criticism of Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders, outlining what he called "a respectful difference of approach among people who share the same values, share the same goals."
"The vice president is suggesting this is no time to take a risk on someone new," he said. "I’m suggesting this is no time to take a risk on trying to meet a fundamentally new challenge with a familiar playbook. It’s going to take something new."
Mr. Buttigieg criticized Mr. Sanders for "offering an approach that suggests it’s either revolution or it’s the status quo, and there’s nothing in between."
And although he made a pitch to unity, Mr. Biden still went after Mr. Sanders' policy checklist on the stump — though he avoided naming the Vermont senator.
"Talk is cheap. In politics, sometimes talk is very expensive, especially when you don’t tell people how you pay for what you say you’re going to do," Mr. Biden said in Waterloo. "Be straight. Tell the people what it’s going to cost."
Mr. Biden referenced some estimates that put Mr. Sanders' big-ticket proposals on single-payer health care, college debt forgiveness, and tuition-free college tuition at more than $60 trillion over 10 years. "I wonder why they don’t know how much it’s gonna cost," he added, an allusion to Mr. Sanders recently telling CBS News that he doesn't know exactly what his Medicare for All plan would cost the federal government.
Some voters said they felt that, regardless of the divisions within the party, Mr. Trump was enough of a unifying factor on his own that Democrats will have no issues after the primary. Tom Taiber from Waverly said he wasn't worried about Democrats coming together to rally around the party’s eventual nominee, even if the primary becomes divisive.
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"The family of Democrats, we’re going to have differences of opinion," he said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Julie Pace and Tom Beaumont in Waterloo, Iowa, and Bill Barrow in North Liberty, Iowa, contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-02--What Iowa may tell us about Democrats' fight for 'electability'

Within the Democrats ' sprawling presidential contest is a smaller , yet critical competition among a handful of candidates jockeying to secure the backing of their party 's establishment wing .
The first answers come Monday in the Iowa caucuses when voters begin sorting out the fight between progressive candidates , who are arguing for revolutionary change , and more moderate contenders , who many in the party believe have the better chance to defeat President Donald Trump in November .
Joe Biden , Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar have been making the case in Iowa that they can assemble @ @ @ @ @ @ @ essential to denying Trump 's reelection .
Waiting for them on the Super Tuesday primaries in March is Mike Bloomberg , an ideologically similar candidate who is skipping the early contests as he spends hundreds of millions of dollars in larger states .
Their candidacies are rooted in the idea of electability , and a belief that Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren are proposing ideas that excite core Democratic voters with sweeping , expensive calls for structural change but would fall well short of winning an electoral majority against the Republican incumbent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a leading establishment figure , believes Biden enters the caucuses as the moderate front-runner , even as McAuliffe acknowledges he has questioned whether the 77-year-old former vice president can sustain his strength .
“ I thought hard about running for president .
I was concerned Biden was in my space , ” McAuliffe said in an interview .
“ Part of my calculation was , ‘ Could he hold up ? '
And I have to be honest with you , he has held up .
We made the right decision.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” McAuliffe said .
“ This field will begin to change.
” The unofficial establishment primary will help determine the identity of the Democratic Party in 2020 as it frames the matchup against Trump .
The three top Democrats in Iowa most often considered moderates oppose aggressive progressive priorities such as “ Medicare for All , ” yet their profiles offer sharply different views of the world .
Biden is a lifelong politician with working-class roots .
The 38-year-old Buttigieg is a former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , and an openly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 59-year-old three-term Minnesota senator and a former county prosecutor .
In Iowa , the establishment-minded Democrats are working to assemble a coalition of voters that typically skews older , more rural and even includes non-Democrats .
Strategists for Biden , Buttigieg and Klobuchar note they have specifically targeted moderate Republicans over the race 's final days .
Klobuchar 's team say she 's the only candidate to have campaigned in all of the 31 counties in Iowa that previously backed President Barack Obama but flipped to Trump in 2016 .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ base but also looking to broaden the tent , ” Klobuchar campaign manager Justin Buoen said , pointing to their efforts to win over moderate Democrats , moderate Republicans and disaffected Trump voters .
Buttigieg has focused on similar ground in Iowa , especially targeting the eastern cities that once boasted thousands of heavy equipment manufacturing jobs .
He has also aggressively campaigned in small towns in the more conservative corners of the state .
Buttigieg ’ s campaign acknowledged that Buttigieg is drawing a contrast with Biden and Klobuchar , but disputed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidate .
His campaign portrays him as someone pushing for change and is a Washington outsider who defies labels .
“ This notion of lanes — progressive , moderate , left , center-left — Pete does not fit into that , ” said deputy campaign Manager Hari Sevugan .
“ This is not about a label on the agenda that he has.
” The stakes are perhaps higher in Iowa for Buttigieg , who has shown surprising strength against far more experienced candidates .
David Axelrod , who served as Obama 's chief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Iowa to advance as the preferred moderate in the race .
“ If Sanders were to win it and Buttigieg were second , I think Buttigieg is still in the hunt , ” Axelrod said .
Biden has also focused his schedule over the past two months on rural and small-town Iowa , along with the more industrialized river towns of the eastern edge of the state .
His ideal coalition , advisers say , would be a combination of working-class , noncollege educated voters , moderate Catholics and part of Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , plus a smattering of independents and disaffected Republicans .
The campaign has leaned heavily into Biden ’ s electability argument , complete with endorsers such as former Secretary of State John Kerry , who won the Iowa caucuses in 2004 , former Gov .
Tom Vilsack and the state ’ s two first-term congresswomen .
Biden 's campaign has also tried to capitalize on attacks from Republicans in and out of the state — including Trump and Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst — who are trying to undermine his campaign by raising questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impeachment trial .
Biden and his allies insist that the baseless allegations of corruption are evidence that the GOP is afraid to face him in a general election .
Each of the candidates has weaknesses , although Biden 's have been glaring in recent days .
Biden finished the last fundraising quarter with millions of dollars less less than most of his top tier rivals , although he finished the year with twice as much as Klobuchar in the bank .
He closed out the final week of caucus campaign with noticeably smaller @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his rivals .
On Friday night in Mount Pleasant , only around 80 people showed up for one appearance , roughly the same number drawn to see him in Ottumwa the night before .
Both areas are home to the very white working-class voters that Biden counts as his base , and Vilsack was once mayor of Mount Pleasant .
Over the course of Thursday and Friday , his crowds never numbered more than 200 , even as Buttigieg turned out three times that amount on some of his stops .
By Saturday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grow in size and energy , but they were still considerably smaller than his rivals ' .
Biden 's team has refused to predict victory despite polls showing him at or near the top of the field .
Instead , aides believe he simply needs to finish in a cluster of candidates near the top .
In a memo to supporters released Friday , Biden 's campaign manager Greg Schultz noted that , “ Monday ’ s contest begins the process , it doesn ’ t end it.
” Meanwhile , the voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure what to do .
Karen and David Scudiero , from North Liberty , are Republicans who say their party has abandoned them .
They ’ re ready to vote for virtually anyone the Democrats run against Trump .
They say Biden and Klobuchar most closely align with their views on issues such as college affordability and health care .
David Scudiero , 66 , left a Biden event Saturday still undecided , but leaning toward the former vice president .
“ I see him being able to work with other people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Karen , was less certain .
She felt Biden ’ s energy level was low .
“ I ’ m having a tough time with his age , I ’ ll be honest .
He looked older than I expected him to look , '' she said .
`` I can ’ t — his policies are great .
It ’ s not big change .
But I wrestle with that in my mind .
Do we need big change ?
Or do we need little changes around the edges ? ''
Associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Brian Slodysko and Kathleen Hennessey contributed to this report .

Within the Democrats' sprawling presidential contest is a smaller, yet critical competition among a handful of candidates jockeying to secure the backing of their party's establishment wing.
The first answers come Monday in the Iowa caucuses when voters begin sorting out the fight between progressive candidates, who are arguing for revolutionary change, and more moderate contenders, who many in the party believe have the better chance to defeat President Donald Trump in November.
Joe Biden, Pete Buttigieg, and Amy Klobuchar have been making the case in Iowa that they can assemble a broader coalition of voters in states essential to denying Mr. Trump's reelection. Waiting for them on the Super Tuesday primaries in March is Mike Bloomberg, an ideologically similar candidate who is skipping the early contests as he spends hundreds of millions of dollars in larger states.
Their candidacies are rooted in the idea of electability, and a belief that Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren are proposing ideas that excite core Democratic voters with sweeping, expensive calls for structural change but would fall well short of winning an electoral majority against the Republican incumbent.
Former Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe, a leading establishment figure, believes Mr. Biden enters the caucuses as the moderate front-runner, even as Mr. McAuliffe acknowledges he has questioned whether the 77-year-old former vice president can sustain his strength.
“I thought hard about running for president. I was concerned Biden was in my space,” Mr. McAuliffe said in an interview. “Part of my calculation was, ‘Could he hold up?' And I have to be honest with you, he has held up. We made the right decision.”
“Iowa will be a real determinant,” Mr. McAuliffe said. “This field will begin to change.”
The unofficial establishment primary will help determine the identity of the Democratic Party in 2020 as it frames the matchup against Mr. Trump. The three top Democrats in Iowa most often considered moderates oppose aggressive progressive priorities such as “Medicare for All,” yet their profiles offer sharply different views of the world.
Mr. Biden is a lifelong politician with working-class roots. The 38-year-old Mr. Buttigieg is a former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, and an openly gay ex-military intelligence officer. Ms. Klobuchar is a 59-year-old three-term Minnesota senator and a former county prosecutor.
In Iowa, the establishment-minded Democrats are working to assemble a coalition of voters that typically skews older, more rural and even includes non-Democrats. Strategists for Mr. Biden, Mr. Buttigieg, and Ms. Klobuchar note they have specifically targeted moderate Republicans over the race's final days.
Ms. Klobuchar's team says she's the only candidate to have campaigned in all of the 31 counties in Iowa that previously backed President Barack Obama but flipped to Mr. Trump in 2016.
“We’re reaching out to our Democratic base but also looking to broaden the tent,” Klobuchar campaign manager Justin Buoen said, pointing to their efforts to win over moderate Democrats, moderate Republicans, and disaffected Trump voters.
Mr. Buttigieg has focused on similar ground in Iowa, especially targeting the eastern cities that once boasted thousands of heavy equipment manufacturing jobs. He has also aggressively campaigned in small towns in the more conservative corners of the state.
Mr. Buttigieg’s campaign acknowledged that Mr. Buttigieg is drawing a contrast with Mr. Biden and Ms. Klobuchar, but disputed any suggestion that he's a centrist candidate. His campaign portrays him as someone pushing for change and is a Washington outsider who defies labels.
“This notion of lanes – progressive, moderate, left, center-left – Pete does not fit into that,” said deputy campaign Manager Hari Sevugan. “This is not about a label on the agenda that he has.”
The stakes are perhaps higher in Iowa for Mr. Buttigieg, who has shown surprising strength against far more experienced candidates. David Axelrod, who served as Mr. Obama's chief strategist, said Mr. Buttigieg must defeat Mr. Biden in Iowa to advance as the preferred moderate in the race.
“If Sanders were to win it and Buttigieg were second, I think Buttigieg is still in the hunt,” Mr. Axelrod said.
Mr. Biden has also focused his schedule over the past two months on rural and small-town Iowa, along with the more industrialized river towns of the eastern edge of the state. His ideal coalition, advisers say, would be a combination of working-class, noncollege educated voters, moderate Catholics, and part of Iowa’s small but growing minority population, plus a smattering of independents and disaffected Republicans.
The campaign has leaned heavily into Mr. Biden’s electability argument, complete with endorsers such as former Secretary of State John Kerry, who won the Iowa caucuses in 2004, former Gov. Tom Vilsack, and the state’s two first-term congresswomen.
Mr. Biden's campaign has also tried to capitalize on attacks from Republicans in and out of the state – including Mr. Trump and Iowa Sen. Joni Ernst – who are trying to undermine his campaign by raising questions about Mr. Biden's family during Mr. Trump's impeachment trial. Mr. Biden and his allies insist that the baseless allegations of corruption are evidence that the Republican Party is afraid to face him in a general election.
Each of the candidates has weaknesses, although Mr. Biden's have been glaring in recent days.
Mr. Biden finished the last fundraising quarter with millions of dollars less than most of his top tier rivals, although he finished the year with twice as much as Ms. Klobuchar in the bank.
He closed out the final week of caucus campaign with noticeably smaller, older, and less energetic crowds than his rivals. On Friday night in Mount Pleasant, only around 80 people showed up for one appearance, roughly the same number drawn to see him in Ottumwa the night before. Both areas are home to the very white working-class voters that Mr. Biden counts as his base, and Mr. Vilsack was once mayor of Mount Pleasant.
Over the course of Thursday and Friday, his crowds never numbered more than 200, even as Mr. Buttigieg turned out three times that amount on some of his stops. By Saturday, Mr. Biden's crowds had begun to grow in size and energy, but they were still considerably smaller than his rivals'.
Mr. Biden's team has refused to predict victory despite polls showing him at or near the top of the field. Instead, aides believe he simply needs to finish in a cluster of candidates near the top.
In a memo to supporters released Friday, Mr. Biden's campaign manager Greg Schultz noted that, “Monday’s contest begins the process, it doesn’t end it.”
Meanwhile, the voters who will decide the contest aren't sure what to do.
Karen and David Scudiero, from North Liberty, are Republicans who say their party has abandoned them. They’re ready to vote for virtually anyone the Democrats run against Mr. Trump.
They say Mr. Biden and Ms. Klobuchar most closely align with their views on issues such as college affordability and health care.
David Scudiero, 66, left a Biden event Saturday still undecided, but leaning toward the former vice president. “I see him being able to work with other people,” he said.
His wife, Karen, was less certain. She felt Mr. Biden’s energy level was low.
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“I’m having a tough time with his age, I’ll be honest. He looked older than I expected him to look," she said. "I can’t – his policies are great. It’s not big change. But I wrestle with that in my mind. Do we need big change? Or do we need little changes around the edges?"
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Alexandra Jaffe, Bill Barrow, Brian Slodysko, and Kathleen Hennessey contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-01-31--Why the black mayor of this Iowa city endorsed Buttigieg

“ It hurts to hear that , ” says the Rev .
Frantz Whitfield , pastor of the Mount Carmel Missionary Baptist Church .
“ I love my state , I love Iowa .
...
There ’ s so much diversity here , which I don ’ t think the media picks up on.
” It is by no means a guarantee that the rest of Waterloo ’ s black community will follow .
There is a wide range of views among African Americans here , who are expecting a sharp uptick in black turnout , even as Iowa itself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white ” to host the first-in-the-nation caucus .
“ My role is not to debunk anything Pete ’ s city feels about him or his leadership , ” Mayor Hart says in a phone interview .
“ My role is to tell what I know about Pete from my relationship with him.
” Mayor Hart ’ s Jan. 14 endorsement may have surprised pundits , who routinely describe Mr. Buttigieg as unable to win over black voters .
It also runs counter to criticism from the African American community in South Bend , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two terms as mayor .
They met at an Accelerator for America event in 2018 – two mayors of midsize Midwestern cities that struggled with industrial decline and racial tension .
Last summer , after then-Mayor Pete Buttigieg launched his presidential campaign , Mayor Quentin Hart welcomed him to Waterloo and brought him to the Fourth Street bridge over the Cedar River for the first of several visits .
In January , he endorsed him .
Mayor Quentin Hart , an African American whose Iowa metro area was ranked No .
1 in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2018 , recently endorsed Pete Buttigieg as the presidential candidate best suited to help communities like his .
“ Pete has probably one of the most aggressive plans for black America , ” says Mayor Hart of Waterloo , Iowa .
Plus , he adds , he ’ d like to see someone in the White House who has the accountability of a local leader who runs into his or her constituents in the grocery store or local Walmart .
“ I believe we need a mayor ’ s approach.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pundits , who routinely describe Mr. Buttigieg as unable to win over black voters .
It also runs counter to criticism from the African American community in South Bend , Indiana , where Mr. Buttigieg just concluded two terms as mayor .
If Mayor Hart ’ s backing is a boon for Mr. Buttigieg , however , it is by no means a guarantee that the rest of Waterloo ’ s black community will follow .
Amid increased engagement from African Americans , who make up 17 % of the population here , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a house party ; former Vice President Joe Biden won the vote of an influential pastor ; and Sen. Cory Booker , who became the first presidential candidate to open a campaign office in Waterloo 's black community , gained traction before dropping out .
Though Mr. Buttigieg has gained high-profile supporters and drew 600 to an outdoor rally in September - on a rainy day , no less - some here don ’ t like what they ’ ve heard about his track record on racial issues back home .
Mayor Hart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him as a very deliberate decision-maker , acknowledges the criticism from South Bend – but has a different perspective as a fellow mayor .
In an Op-Ed announcing his endorsement , he pointed to statistics like black unemployment dropping by 70 % during Mr. Buttigieg ’ s tenure .
“ My role is not to debunk anything Pete ’ s city feels about him or his leadership , ” he says in a phone interview .
“ My role is to tell what I know about Pete from my relationship with him.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event in 2018 – two mayors of midsize Midwestern cities that had struggled with industrial decline and racial tension .
Last summer , after then-Mayor Buttigieg launched his presidential campaign , Mayor Hart welcomed him to Waterloo and brought his visitor to the Fourth Street bridge over the Cedar River .
To the west was Waterloo ’ s largely white community , with its cluster of hotels and fast-food chains .
On the other bank stood the struggling East Side , where African Americans were sequestered when they came to break a railroad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the East Side burned in a riot in 1968 , in which long-simmering tensions around racial inequality broke out after police tried to arrest a man at a high school football game .
Quentin Hart was standing here when he got the phone call in 2015 confirming that he would become the city ’ s first African American mayor .
He vowed to work to bridge the divides in his community .
Within three years , Waterloo was named Iowa ’ s small business community of the year and one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Crime had dropped to the lowest level in decades , though residents still express concern about nighttime gun shots ringing out across their neighborhoods .
There was also bad news in 2018 , however : The online website 24/7 Wall Street , using U.S. census data , concluded that Waterloo , when paired with neighboring Cedar Falls , had the largest “ social and economic disparities along racial lines ” of any U.S. metro area .
It found that African Americans were five times more likely to be unemployed than their white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about half the median income of their white counterparts .
And the rate of homeownership was just 32 % , compared with 73 % among white residents .
Though Waterloo fared slightly better in the index ’ s 2019 rankings , coming in at No .
3 , the racial disparities are still stark .
Which is where Mr. Buttigieg ’ s plan comes in , promising to address systemic racism and “ unlock the collective potential of black America.
” The Douglass Plan , named after abolitionist leader Frederick Douglass , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that funded European reconstruction after World War II .
It includes everything from reforming the criminal justice system to improving access to mortgages .
“ What got my attention was he was addressing it not with a Band-Aid approach of , ‘ Let ’ s just throw a program out there , ’ ” says former state Rep. Deborah Berry , who was invited to a Buttigieg roundtable with local black leadership in December .
Bridget Saffold may not be recognized as a leader per se , but if black turnout is up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a lot to do with it .
A nurse and mother of four who is finishing up her bachelor ’ s degree in nursing , she ’ s never been very involved in politics .
But that changed with President Donald Trump ’ s election .
In the past year , she has found time to host events – including the first-ever house party in her community , with Elizabeth Warren .
Some 300 people filled her backyard .
She has been intentional about inviting people who might not otherwise get involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little people , ’ ” she says over a 99-cent breaded tenderloin sandwich special at the local Steamboat Gardens restaurant .
“ Just regular working people who don ’ t get heard.
” When they came out , “ It was the first time they were hearing , ‘ Hey , it ’ s important for you to be part of the process .
You matter , ’ ” says Ms. Saffold .
One of the concerns about Mr. Buttigieg is that even if he manages to win the Democratic nomination , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out the black vote in the general election next fall , and Democrats will lose .
“ The narrative in the media is that if he fails , it ’ s because he didn ’ t connect with black voters , ” says Ryan Stevenson , an organizer for the Booker campaign who grew up in Waterloo .
“ Don ’ t just put the blame on us.
” There are other groups Buttigieg doesn ’ t connect well with either , such as younger white voters , he says .
Plus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a two-way street .
That said , Mr. Stevenson takes issue with some of the criticism Mr. Buttigieg has faced , including a New York Times article this week about tensions within his campaign over the treatment of minority staffers .
“ It ’ s an issue that all campaigns are facing , so for [ the Times ] to frame it just as a Buttigieg issue is not right , ” says Mr. Stevenson .
Plus , such criticisms may be overblown .
An online survey this fall found Mr. Buttigieg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ non-white voters .
Also , 46 % of his senior advisors are people of color .
Angela Weekley , manager of community inclusion at Veridian Credit Union in Waterloo , says of the people he ’ s surrounded himself with : “ That ’ s the type of America I ’ d like to see.
” Iowa itself has been hammered for being “ too white ” to host the first-in-the-nation caucus .
“ It hurts to hear that , ” says the Rev .
Frantz Whitfield , pastor of the Mount Carmel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I love my state , I love Iowa , even as an African American man .
...
There ’ s so much diversity here , which I don ’ t think the media picks up on.
” But the Democratic candidates have picked up on those growing pockets of minorities , at least more than in prior years .
“ A lot of them are in Waterloo quite often , ” Mr. Whitfield says – 80 times , to be precise .
“ It makes people feel good.
” The front-runners have each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Sen. Amy Klobuchar , who has made seven trips .
Most of them are returning this weekend for a final swing .
The pastor , who endorsed Mr. Biden in July , estimates that 95 % of the people he speaks with , from the gas station to those in his own pews , have said they ’ re also going with Biden .
One of them might be Anna Weems , a 92-year-old civil rights activist who brought the Rev .
Martin Luther King Jr. here in 1959 .
But when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to advocate for Waterloo from the White House , she guffaws .
“ It ’ s not the White House , it ’ s what we can do , ” she says , recalling King ’ s preaching of unity .
“ It ’ s brothers and sisters that touch each other every day .
”

“It hurts to hear that,” says the Rev. Frantz Whitfield, pastor of the Mount Carmel Missionary Baptist Church. “I love my state, I love Iowa. ... There’s so much diversity here, which I don’t think the media picks up on.”
It is by no means a guarantee that the rest of Waterloo’s black community will follow. There is a wide range of views among African Americans here, who are expecting a sharp uptick in black turnout, even as Iowa itself has been hammered for being “too white” to host the first-in-the-nation caucus.
“My role is not to debunk anything Pete’s city feels about him or his leadership,” Mayor Hart says in a phone interview. “My role is to tell what I know about Pete from my relationship with him.”
To take a closer look at two common arguments – that Pete Buttigieg has been unable to win over black voters and that Iowa is too white to host the first nominating contest in the U.S. – our reporter went to the diverse community of Waterloo.
Mayor Hart’s Jan. 14 endorsement may have surprised pundits, who routinely describe Mr. Buttigieg as unable to win over black voters. It also runs counter to criticism from the African American community in South Bend, Indiana, where Mr. Buttigieg just concluded two terms as mayor.
They met at an Accelerator for America event in 2018 – two mayors of midsize Midwestern cities that struggled with industrial decline and racial tension. Last summer, after then-Mayor Pete Buttigieg launched his presidential campaign, Mayor Quentin Hart welcomed him to Waterloo and brought him to the Fourth Street bridge over the Cedar River for the first of several visits. In January, he endorsed him.
Mayor Quentin Hart, an African American whose Iowa metro area was ranked No. 1 in America for racial disparity by one source in 2018, recently endorsed Pete Buttigieg as the presidential candidate best suited to help communities like his.
“Pete has probably one of the most aggressive plans for black America,” says Mayor Hart of Waterloo, Iowa. Plus, he adds, he’d like to see someone in the White House who has the accountability of a local leader who runs into his or her constituents in the grocery store or local Walmart. “I believe we need a mayor’s approach.”
The Jan. 14 endorsement may have surprised national pundits, who routinely describe Mr. Buttigieg as unable to win over black voters. It also runs counter to criticism from the African American community in South Bend, Indiana, where Mr. Buttigieg just concluded two terms as mayor.
Why We Wrote This To take a closer look at two common arguments – that Pete Buttigieg has been unable to win over black voters and that Iowa is too white to host the first nominating contest in the U.S. – our reporter went to the diverse community of Waterloo.
If Mayor Hart’s backing is a boon for Mr. Buttigieg, however, it is by no means a guarantee that the rest of Waterloo’s black community will follow.
Amid increased engagement from African Americans, who make up 17% of the population here, Sen. Elizabeth Warren drew 300 people to a house party; former Vice President Joe Biden won the vote of an influential pastor; and Sen. Cory Booker, who became the first presidential candidate to open a campaign office in Waterloo's black community, gained traction before dropping out.
Though Mr. Buttigieg has gained high-profile supporters and drew 600 to an outdoor rally in September - on a rainy day, no less - some here don’t like what they’ve heard about his track record on racial issues back home.
Mayor Hart, whose long-time friends and associates describe him as a very deliberate decision-maker, acknowledges the criticism from South Bend – but has a different perspective as a fellow mayor. In an Op-Ed announcing his endorsement, he pointed to statistics like black unemployment dropping by 70% during Mr. Buttigieg’s tenure.
“My role is not to debunk anything Pete’s city feels about him or his leadership,” he says in a phone interview. “My role is to tell what I know about Pete from my relationship with him.”
Matthew Putney/The Courier/AP/File View caption Hide caption Waterloo Mayor Quentin Hart at a press conference at City Hall in Waterloo, Iowa, on Sept. 19, 2016.
The mayor
They met at an Accelerator for America event in 2018 – two mayors of midsize Midwestern cities that had struggled with industrial decline and racial tension.
Last summer, after then-Mayor Buttigieg launched his presidential campaign, Mayor Hart welcomed him to Waterloo and brought his visitor to the Fourth Street bridge over the Cedar River.
To the west was Waterloo’s largely white community, with its cluster of hotels and fast-food chains. On the other bank stood the struggling East Side, where African Americans were sequestered when they came to break a railroad strike in the early 1900s. Parts of the East Side burned in a riot in 1968, in which long-simmering tensions around racial inequality broke out after police tried to arrest a man at a high school football game.
Quentin Hart was standing here when he got the phone call in 2015 confirming that he would become the city’s first African American mayor. He vowed to work to bridge the divides in his community.
Within three years, Waterloo was named Iowa’s small business community of the year and one of the top 10 job markets in the country. Crime had dropped to the lowest level in decades, though residents still express concern about nighttime gun shots ringing out across their neighborhoods.
Christa Case Bryant/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption The downtown of Waterloo, Iowa, as seen from the Fourth Street Bridge on Jan. 29, 2020. While on that bridge, Quentin Hart got the phone call informing him that he would become the city's first African American mayor in 2015. He pledged then and there to work to bridge the city’s divides.
There was also bad news in 2018, however: The online website 24/7 Wall Street, using U.S. census data, concluded that Waterloo, when paired with neighboring Cedar Falls, had the largest “social and economic disparities along racial lines” of any U.S. metro area.
It found that African Americans were five times more likely to be unemployed than their white neighbors, and those employed earned only about half the median income of their white counterparts. And the rate of homeownership was just 32%, compared with 73% among white residents. Though Waterloo fared slightly better in the index’s 2019 rankings, coming in at No. 3, the racial disparities are still stark.
Which is where Mr. Buttigieg’s plan comes in, promising to address systemic racism and “unlock the collective potential of black America.”
The Douglass Plan, named after abolitionist leader Frederick Douglass, is similar in scope to the Marshall Plan that funded European reconstruction after World War II. It includes everything from reforming the criminal justice system to improving access to mortgages.
“What got my attention was he was addressing it not with a Band-Aid approach of, ‘Let’s just throw a program out there,’” says former state Rep. Deborah Berry, who was invited to a Buttigieg roundtable with local black leadership in December.
The political newcomer
Bridget Saffold may not be recognized as a leader per se, but if black turnout is up on caucus night, she will have had a lot to do with it.
A nurse and mother of four who is finishing up her bachelor’s degree in nursing, she’s never been very involved in politics. But that changed with President Donald Trump’s election. In the past year, she has found time to host events – including the first-ever house party in her community, with Elizabeth Warren. Some 300 people filled her backyard.
Christa Case Bryant/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Bridget Saffold (r.) and Terrance Hollingsworth (l.) have made a point of inviting people to candidate events who wouldn't otherwise get involved, hosting a house party in their backyard for Elizabeth Warren that drew 300 people in Waterloo, Iowa, in the summer of 2019. Here they are pictured at a favorite local restaurant on Jan. 28, 2020.
She has been intentional about inviting people who might not otherwise get involved.
“I want to say ‘little people,’” she says over a 99-cent breaded tenderloin sandwich special at the local Steamboat Gardens restaurant. “Just regular working people who don’t get heard.”
When they came out, “It was the first time they were hearing, ‘Hey, it’s important for you to be part of the process. You matter,’” says Ms. Saffold.
One of the concerns about Mr. Buttigieg is that even if he manages to win the Democratic nomination, he won’t be able to get out the black vote in the general election next fall, and Democrats will lose.
“The narrative in the media is that if he fails, it’s because he didn’t connect with black voters,” says Ryan Stevenson, an organizer for the Booker campaign who grew up in Waterloo. “Don’t just put the blame on us.”
There are other groups Buttigieg doesn’t connect well with either, such as younger white voters, he says. Plus, he adds, the lack of connection is a two-way street.
That said, Mr. Stevenson takes issue with some of the criticism Mr. Buttigieg has faced, including a New York Times article this week about tensions within his campaign over the treatment of minority staffers.
“It’s an issue that all campaigns are facing, so for [the Times] to frame it just as a Buttigieg issue is not right,” says Mr. Stevenson.
Plus, such criticisms may be overblown. An online survey this fall found Mr. Buttigieg polling the highest of any candidate among non-white voters. Also, 46% of his senior advisors are people of color. Angela Weekley, manager of community inclusion at Veridian Credit Union in Waterloo, says of the people he’s surrounded himself with: “That’s the type of America I’d like to see.”
The pastor
Iowa itself has been hammered for being “too white” to host the first-in-the-nation caucus.
“It hurts to hear that,” says the Rev. Frantz Whitfield, pastor of the Mount Carmel Missionary Baptist Church in Waterloo. “I love my state, I love Iowa, even as an African American man. ... There’s so much diversity here, which I don’t think the media picks up on.”
But the Democratic candidates have picked up on those growing pockets of minorities, at least more than in prior years.
“A lot of them are in Waterloo quite often,” Mr. Whitfield says – 80 times, to be precise. “It makes people feel good.” The front-runners have each visited Waterloo four times with the exception of Sen. Amy Klobuchar, who has made seven trips. Most of them are returning this weekend for a final swing.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The pastor, who endorsed Mr. Biden in July, estimates that 95% of the people he speaks with, from the gas station to those in his own pews, have said they’re also going with Biden.
Christa Case Bryant/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Anna Weems, a 92-year-old civil rights activist who brought Martin Luther King, Jr. to Waterloo in 1959, at Perkins restaurant on Jan. 28, 2020, in Waterloo, Iowa.
One of them might be Anna Weems, a 92-year-old civil rights activist who brought the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. here in 1959. But when asked who she thinks would best be able to advocate for Waterloo from the White House, she guffaws.
“It’s not the White House, it’s what we can do,” she says, recalling King’s preaching of unity. “It’s brothers and sisters that touch each other every day.”