csmonitor--2020-05-12--For some seniors, virus is shifting their views of Trump

“ The people my age , we have become dispensable , ” says Wendy Penk , a lifelong Republican in her 60s from Charlotte , North Carolina , who voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 but now plans to vote for Mr. Biden in November .
Some seniors say that Mr. Trump – himself a septuagenarian – doesn ’ t seem to understand how vulnerable and undervalued this crisis has made them feel .
While many older adults still support the president and tend to be more conservative in their politics than younger ones , the trend represents a clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 , he carried seniors by 9 points .
Yet several recent national surveys have shown former Vice President Joe Biden leading among older voters .
As the debate over lifting lockdowns has intensified , President Donald Trump ’ s eagerness to get the economy moving again seems to have put him at odds with many older voters .
According to a recent Morning Consult poll , by a nearly 6-to-1 margin , seniors said the government should prioritize halting the spread of the virus over focusing on the economy .
And President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the age of 65 dropped 20 points between March and the end of April .
Tommye and Rody Johnson have been registered Republicans for almost seven decades .
So while the couple from Vero Beach , Florida , had some reservations about then-candidate Donald Trump in 2016 , they just couldn ’ t imagine voting for Hillary Clinton .
Now , after nearly four years of President Trump ’ s tweets , the impeachment scandal , and especially , what they see as his disastrous handling of the COVID-19 pandemic , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ again .
They ’ re not the only ones .
According to a recent Morning Consult poll , Mr. Trump ’ s approval rating among voters over the age of 65 dropped 20 points between March and the end of April , making seniors more critical of the president ’ s performance than any other age group aside from 18- to 29-year-olds .
Much of that decline seems directly related to the virus , which so far has posed a far more serious health threat to older people .
Editor ’ s note @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
As the debate over lifting lockdowns has intensified , the president ’ s eagerness to get the economy moving again seems to have put him at odds with many older voters – who , as retirees without children at home , may not be as focused on reopening schools or local businesses .
In the same Morning Consult poll , by a nearly 6-to-1 margin , seniors said the government should prioritize halting the spread of the virus over focusing on the economy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ – himself a septuagenarian , as is presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden – doesn ’ t seem to understand how vulnerable and undervalued this crisis has made them feel .
“ The people my age , we have become dispensable , ” says Wendy Penk , a lifelong Republican in her 60s from Charlotte , North Carolina .
Ms. Penk , like the Johnsons , voted for Mr. Trump last time around , but is now part of a “ Republicans for Biden ” Facebook group .
She worries about her husband ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s handling of the pandemic cemented her decision to vote a “ straight blue ” ticket in November .
“ I ’ ve never seen this level of mishandling my entire life , and I was around during Richard Nixon and Watergate , ” says Ms. Penk .
“ This coronavirus situation has just highlighted how inept [ President Trump ] is.
” To be sure , many seniors still support the president .
Older voters tend to be more conservative in their politics than younger ones , and Republicans have won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential elections , even as Democrats have expanded their edge among young voters .
In 2016 , Mr. Trump carried seniors by 9 points , according to Pew .
Yet several recent national surveys have shown former Vice President Biden leading Mr. Trump among seniors .
And while the election is still six months away , the trend represents a clear warning sign for the president .
Significantly , many of the most critical battleground states – such as Florida , Pennsylvania , Arizona , and Michigan – also happen to be among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seniors vote consistently .
In 2016 , more than 70 % of older voters participated in the election , compared with 46 % of voters under the age of 30 .
If the president slips even a few percentage points among this bloc of voters , say experts , it would be enough to hand the election to Mr. Biden .
“ Trump can ’ t win without them , ” says Michael Binder , director of the University of North Florida ’ s Public Opinion Research Lab .
“ If he loses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden can get that margin small , Trump is ruined.
” Mr. Trump ’ s campaign has lately begun making a concerted effort to shore up his support among seniors .
Earlier this month , the president proclaimed May 2020 as “ Older Americans Month.
” The administration announced a new initiative focused on nursing homes , which have struggled with some of the worst COVID-19 outbreaks , saying it would send more personal protective equipment to those facilities .
“ During this precarious and stressful time , we must remember our treasured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can to support and care for them , ” Mr. Trump said in his proclamation .
“ Older Americans know how to overcome .
They have done it their whole lives.
” Indeed , voters in their late 70s and 80s are often called the silent generation – a reference to the civic-minded conformity that was forged by the Great Depression and World War II .
Yet having lived through numerous presidencies , many older Americans also say they know the difference leadership can make during a crisis .
“ This could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , ” says Mr. Johnson .
“ We were children in World War II , and if we had that kind of leadership today , this crisis would be a different thing.
” Ken Holmes , a Republican from the ruby-red state of Mississippi , notes that seniors aren ’ t expecting everything to be easy : “ As adults who have been through Vietnam , and as adults with parents who have been through World War II , we know what sacrifice is , ” he says .
But “ we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Holmes , who works as a receptionist at a local hospital outside Jackson , recently had a friend die from the virus .
He says he knows he ’ s not the only 2016 Trump voter souring on the president .
For him , the final straw was when Mr. Trump called the coronavirus a hoax .
The crisis “ has just confirmed how incompetent [ President Trump ] is – and how uncaring he is for others , ” says Mr. Holmes .
He ’ s planning to vote for Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s ever voted for a Democrat , he says .
The view from The Villages In 2016 , in the all-important state of Florida , Mr. Trump won seniors by 17 points .
So it raised some eyebrows when a Quinnipiac poll taken in late April found him 10 points behind Mr. Biden among voters over 65 .
Still , in The Villages , the world ’ s largest 55-plus retirement community , located in Sumter County , Florida , Chris Staley isn ’ t sure opinions of Mr. Trump have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The lines are drawn here in The Villages , and they have been drawn since early 2016 , ” says Ms. Staley , president of The Villages ’ Democratic Club .
“ If you come as a Trump supporter who is no longer going to support him in November – you ’ ve just lost your social group.
” Ms. Staley does say she sees fewer “ Trump 2020 ” flags flying lately – the only visible form of political support permitted in the community .
Similarly , Cathy Hardy , chair of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that anecdotally , she ’ s heard a handful of locals say Mr. Trump ’ s handling of COVID-19 was “ the nail in the coffin.
” “ The health concerns people have nationwide are intensified here , ” she says .
Last month , Ms. Hardy ’ s committee ran a virtual fundraiser to raise money for buying stamps , since so much campaign information must now be delivered by mail .
Usually in a good month , she says , they will have 15 to 20 first-time donors .
But for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 85 .
“ It was happening before the coronavirus , but that has only further dwindled down his base , ” says Ms. Hardy .
“ People are not happy with the way he ’ s been handling it.
” One question is whether the pandemic could have a dampening effect on seniors ’ top-notch turnout rates .
To avoid facing crowds and long lines on Election Day – and after hearing about the COVID-19 cases that were directly traced to Wisconsin ’ s in-person primary – many campaign strategists are wondering if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote at all .
On the other hand , counties like Sumter are seeing more voters signing up to vote by mail .
The most vote-by-mail registrations Ms. Hardy ’ s team had seen in one month before the pandemic was around 330 , but they have almost tripled that record in the last five weeks .
And voters like the Johnsons say Mr. Trump ’ s lack of leadership during COVID-19 has made them more politically motivated than ever .
They say when and if circumstances permit , they ’ re planning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first time they ’ ve done anything besides simply vote for a candidate since Barry Goldwater .
“ There are a few of us out there , ” says Ms. Johnson from her condo overlooking palm trees and the Indian River .
“ Every now and then I hear of more , and it makes me feel better.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“The people my age, we have become dispensable,” says Wendy Penk, a lifelong Republican in her 60s from Charlotte, North Carolina, who voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 but now plans to vote for Mr. Biden in November.
Some seniors say that Mr. Trump – himself a septuagenarian – doesn’t seem to understand how vulnerable and undervalued this crisis has made them feel.
President Trump’s approval rating has fallen among older Americans, many of whom feel especially isolated and at risk. Even a small shift among this bloc of voters could pose a serious threat to the president’s reelection.
While many older adults still support the president and tend to be more conservative in their politics than younger ones, the trend represents a clear warning sign for Mr. Trump. In 2016, he carried seniors by 9 points. Yet several recent national surveys have shown former Vice President Joe Biden leading among older voters.
As the debate over lifting lockdowns has intensified, President Donald Trump’s eagerness to get the economy moving again seems to have put him at odds with many older voters. According to a recent Morning Consult poll , by a nearly 6-to-1 margin, seniors said the government should prioritize halting the spread of the virus over focusing on the economy. And President Trump’s approval rating among voters over the age of 65 dropped 20 points between March and the end of April.
Tommye and Rody Johnson have been registered Republicans for almost seven decades. So while the couple from Vero Beach, Florida, had some reservations about then-candidate Donald Trump in 2016, they just couldn’t imagine voting for Hillary Clinton.
Now, after nearly four years of President Trump’s tweets, the impeachment scandal, and especially, what they see as his disastrous handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, they can’t imagine voting for him again.
They’re not the only ones. According to a recent Morning Consult poll, Mr. Trump’s approval rating among voters over the age of 65 dropped 20 points between March and the end of April, making seniors more critical of the president’s performance than any other age group aside from 18- to 29-year-olds. Much of that decline seems directly related to the virus, which so far has posed a far more serious health threat to older people.
Why We Wrote This President Trump’s approval rating has fallen among older Americans, many of whom feel especially isolated and at risk. Even a small shift among this bloc of voters could pose a serious threat to the president’s reelection.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
As the debate over lifting lockdowns has intensified, the president’s eagerness to get the economy moving again seems to have put him at odds with many older voters – who, as retirees without children at home, may not be as focused on reopening schools or local businesses. In the same Morning Consult poll, by a nearly 6-to-1 margin, seniors said the government should prioritize halting the spread of the virus over focusing on the economy. Some older adults say that Mr. Trump – himself a septuagenarian, as is presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden – doesn’t seem to understand how vulnerable and undervalued this crisis has made them feel.
“The people my age, we have become dispensable,” says Wendy Penk, a lifelong Republican in her 60s from Charlotte, North Carolina.
Ms. Penk, like the Johnsons, voted for Mr. Trump last time around, but is now part of a “Republicans for Biden” Facebook group. She worries about her husband’s health, and says Mr. Trump’s handling of the pandemic cemented her decision to vote a “straight blue” ticket in November.
“I’ve never seen this level of mishandling my entire life, and I was around during Richard Nixon and Watergate,” says Ms. Penk. “This coronavirus situation has just highlighted how inept [President Trump] is.”
To be sure, many seniors still support the president. Older voters tend to be more conservative in their politics than younger ones, and Republicans have won voters over 65 in the past three presidential elections, even as Democrats have expanded their edge among young voters. In 2016, Mr. Trump carried seniors by 9 points, according to Pew.
Yet several recent national surveys have shown former Vice President Biden leading Mr. Trump among seniors. And while the election is still six months away, the trend represents a clear warning sign for the president. Significantly, many of the most critical battleground states – such as Florida, Pennsylvania, Arizona, and Michigan – also happen to be among the oldest.
Unlike young people, seniors vote consistently. In 2016, more than 70% of older voters participated in the election, compared with 46% of voters under the age of 30. If the president slips even a few percentage points among this bloc of voters, say experts, it would be enough to hand the election to Mr. Biden.
“Trump can’t win without them,” says Michael Binder, director of the University of North Florida’s Public Opinion Research Lab. “If he loses a sizable chunk, or even if Biden can get that margin small, Trump is ruined.”
John Raoux/AP View caption Hide caption Supporters of President Donald Trump waited in line for a campaign rally June 18, 2019, in Orlando, Florida. Mr. Trump won seniors in Florida by 17 points in 2016, but a recent poll showed him losing them to former Vice President Joe Biden by double digits.
The silent generation
Mr. Trump’s campaign has lately begun making a concerted effort to shore up his support among seniors. Earlier this month, the president proclaimed May 2020 as “Older Americans Month.” The administration announced a new initiative focused on nursing homes, which have struggled with some of the worst COVID-19 outbreaks, saying it would send more personal protective equipment to those facilities.
“During this precarious and stressful time, we must remember our treasured older adults and recommit to doing what we can to support and care for them,” Mr. Trump said in his proclamation. “Older Americans know how to overcome. They have done it their whole lives.”
Indeed, voters in their late 70s and 80s are often called the silent generation – a reference to the civic-minded conformity that was forged by the Great Depression and World War II. Yet having lived through numerous presidencies, many older Americans also say they know the difference leadership can make during a crisis.
“This could have been an opportunity to unite the country,” says Mr. Johnson. “We were children in World War II, and if we had that kind of leadership today, this crisis would be a different thing.”
Ken Holmes, a Republican from the ruby-red state of Mississippi, notes that seniors aren’t expecting everything to be easy: “As adults who have been through Vietnam, and as adults with parents who have been through World War II, we know what sacrifice is,” he says. But “we need an adult in the room.”
Mr. Holmes, who works as a receptionist at a local hospital outside Jackson, recently had a friend die from the virus. He says he knows he’s not the only 2016 Trump voter souring on the president.
The crisis “has just confirmed how incompetent [President Trump] is – and how uncaring he is for others,” says Mr. Holmes. He’s planning to vote for Mr. Biden in November, the first time he’s ever voted for a Democrat, he says.
The view from The Villages
In 2016, in the all-important state of Florida, Mr. Trump won seniors by 17 points. So it raised some eyebrows when a Quinnipiac poll taken in late April found him 10 points behind Mr. Biden among voters over 65.
Still, in The Villages, the world’s largest 55-plus retirement community, located in Sumter County, Florida, Chris Stanley isn’t sure opinions of Mr. Trump have really shifted all that much.
“The lines are drawn here in The Villages, and they have been drawn since early 2016,” says Ms. Stanley, president of The Villages’ Democratic Club. “If you come as a Trump supporter who is no longer going to support him in November – you’ve just lost your social group.”
Ms. Stanley does say she sees fewer “Trump 2020” flags flying lately – the only visible form of political support permitted in the community. Similarly, Cathy Hardy, chair of the Sumter County Democratic Party, says that anecdotally, she’s heard a handful of locals say Mr. Trump’s handling of COVID-19 was “the nail in the coffin.”
“The health concerns people have nationwide are intensified here,” she says.
Last month, Ms. Hardy’s committee ran a virtual fundraiser to raise money for buying stamps, since so much campaign information must now be delivered by mail. Usually in a good month, she says, they will have 15 to 20 first-time donors. But for this event in April, they had 85.
“It was happening before the coronavirus, but that has only further dwindled down his base,” says Ms. Hardy. “People are not happy with the way he’s been handling it.”
One question is whether the pandemic could have a dampening effect on seniors’ top-notch turnout rates. To avoid facing crowds and long lines on Election Day – and after hearing about the COVID-19 cases that were directly traced to Wisconsin’s in-person primary – many campaign strategists are wondering if some older voters may choose not to vote at all.
On the other hand, counties like Sumter are seeing more voters signing up to vote by mail. The most vote-by-mail registrations Ms. Hardy’s team had seen in one month before the pandemic was around 330, but they have almost tripled that record in the last five weeks.
And voters like the Johnsons say Mr. Trump’s lack of leadership during COVID-19 has made them more politically motivated than ever. They say when and if circumstances permit, they’re planning to canvass for Mr. Biden – the first time they’ve done anything besides simply vote for a candidate since Barry Goldwater.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“There are a few of us out there,” says Ms. Johnson from her condo overlooking palm trees and the Indian River. “Every now and then I hear of more, and it makes me feel better.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-05-13--Why Washington state was so prepared for its pandemic challenge

The result of all these ingredients is a unique brew of communalism and innovation .
As Amy Hagopian , a professor of public health at the University of Washington , puts it , “ We get that we all succeed together.
” It was this environment that empowered local officials to act swiftly and decisively .
But even before Gov .
Jay Inslee issued a stay-at-home order , several of the state ’ s tech powerhouses shuttered their offices .
And , undeterred by a little isolation , the citizenry has done their part as well .
So , why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bit different – a place of contradictions .
It is both an economic titan and a liberal stronghold .
It embraces both individual rights and the wisdom of the collective .
What ’ s more , the state managed to pull off a primary election at the height of the outbreak .
Washington ’ s turnout ranked highest among all states holding primaries to date – 49.5 % .
When the coronavirus first appeared in the United States , Washington state , it seemed , was headed for trouble .
But while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing number of coronavirus patients , Washington managed the crisis so efficiently that officials actually gave 400 ventilators back to the federal government .
The state of Washington , it seems , was made for this moment .
Successfully hold a major election during a pandemic ?
Check .
Flatten the curve of coronavirus cases ?
Check .
Manage the crisis so efficiently that you can actually give 400 ventilators back to the federal government ?
Check .
If COVD-19 is the ultimate stress test for a society – revealing how well it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and comes together in crisis – no state might be passing with higher marks than Washington .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Despite being America ’ s first hotspot , coronavirus cases have been going down for six consecutive weeks .
Emergency department admissions for people with “ COVID-like symptoms ” peaked the week of March 22 with 557 admissions statewide , and dropped to 201 this past week , allowing small re-openings like farmers markets .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ height of the outbreak , Washington ’ s turnout ranked highest among all states holding primaries to date – 49.5 % .
“ Washington knocked it out of the park , ” says Phil Keisling , Oregon 's former secretary of State .
“ You were Ground Zero for the COVID-19 pandemic , and still you voted almost double the rate of other big Super Tuesday states the week before , including California and Texas.
” So , why Washington ?
Is it something in the salmon and saltwater inlets ?
The answer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off in the corner of the country ” literally .
It has always been a bit different – a place of contradictions .
It is both an economic titan – home to Amazon and Microsoft – and a liberal stronghold .
It is both socially cool – so culturally insular that people joke about the “ Seattle Freeze ” – and a dynamic hub of globalism .
It embraces both individual rights – giving women the right to vote 10 years before the 19th Amendment – and the wisdom of the collective .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ city that is one of America ’ s best-educated and has an ethic of “ thinking big ” ingrained in its founding spirit .
During the past few months , that has resulted in a different picture of how the nation can respond to the coronavirus .
One takeaway is that success helps dampen partisanship .
Take voting by mail , a divisive issue at the federal level .
President Donald Trump has rebuffed calls for a nationwide vote-by-mail election this year , claiming “ mail ballots are corrupt.
” But here in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hear any Republicans here say we have to get rid of mail ballots ?
” asks Dwight Pelz , former chair of the state Democratic Party .
“ Do you ever see any Republican bills in the Legislature to repeal mail-in balloting ?
No .
“ Why ?
” he continues .
“ Because their constituents love it .
According to the Republican ideology , we should be the most corrupt voting system in the country .
But we aren ’ t. ” That sentiment is echoed in the more conservative eastern parts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our democracy , ” says Joe Kelly , who lives in the tiny mountain hamlet of Ardenvoir .
“ Mail-in ballots are more democratic.
” And Eastern Washington has been doing its part in flattening the curve , too .
“ We go to Wenatchee once a week to shop , ” Mr. Kelly adds .
“ You don ’ t see any kids on the streets of Wenatchee .
They ’ re mostly at home , which is a big change.
” Yet it is in the Seattle area where the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
King County became the first American epicenter of the pandemic when the virus was discovered here for the first time on U.S. shores .
The response was comprehensive .
First , the region ’ s robust public-health sector sprang into action .
The ecosystem includes the University of Washington , the Gates Foundation , and many other local NGOs .
“ Most of these experts were trained at the University of Washington , ” says Amy Hagopian , a professor of public health at the university .
It ’ s impossible to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the region ’ s macro-culture , she adds .
Economists , for example , have long said that Boeing will never stop manufacturing airplanes here because it doubts other areas of the country could supply the consistently smart pool of talent the university continually turns out .
But businesses and the citizenry played their part , too .
“ When Amazon learned it had its first case of COVID-19 , it issued a directive the very next day for everyone to work at home , ” says Irene Voskamp , who works @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Google did the same thing .
Then Microsoft .
Then Expedia.
” With all those workers gone , downtown businesses reduced hours or sent employees home even before the “ stay home ” order .
“ Take all of those people – call it 100,000 – out of the city , you flatten the curve , ” she says .
Ms. Voskamp says the engineering mindset in tech plays a role : “ Leadership understands what an exponential growth curve means , ” she says .
“ They actually understand math : ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ ll have 10 cases next week , and a hundred cases the week after that , and a thousand cases the week after that.
’ “ They had evidence from China .
They had evidence from Italy , ” she points out .
“ They could see there ’ s no reason Seattle would be any different.
” The biggest factor , Ms. Voskamp says , was that “ leadership that was willing to make hard decisions and accept short-term pain to avoid long-term disaster .
That ’ s something not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be , but it is an essential characteristic of good leaders .
“ It doesn ’ t always make you popular , ” she added , “ but there are times when being unpopular is the right thing to do.
” Seattle is a place used to thinking not just big , but also small .
Last week , in response to people ’ s need for safe exercise while sheltering in place – in a region where the outdoors has always been a strong lure — Mayor Jenny Durkan announced the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vehicles.The idea is to provide people a place to walk , jog or bike in safety , sans cars and trucks .
Giving citizens some 20 miles of residential streets spread across the city ’ s neighborhoods may not be as drastic as the governor ’ s sweeping mandates to dampen the rate of viral infection , but it signals to Seattleites that their leaders care about their well being on multiple levels : not just their public-health needs , but also their desires for recreation , community , and even to escape @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their homes .
That culture springs from the city itself .
The message of “ Sons of the Profits , ” a history book about the city : “ The people who founded Seattle , they were forward thinkers .
They were willing to make bold bets .
It ’ s still in the DNA of the city , ” Ms. Voskamp insists .
In King County , which surrounds Seattle , more than half of adults have college degrees , compared with about one third of adults nationally .
Residents here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ median household income of $ 89,000 , earn nearly 50 % more than the median American household .
Seattle is annually named one of the country ’ s most well-read cities .
It also is politically liberal : In 2016 , some 87 % of residents mailed in ballots for Hillary Clinton .
That ’ s a vestige of Western Washington ’ s past .
Union organizers preached Karl Marx in lumber camps .
The massive , five-day Seattle General Strike of 1919 is a historical touchstone .
Utopian colonies routinely sprouted throughout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by national Democratic Party leader James “ Big Jim ” Farley in the mid-1930s perhaps summed it up best : “ To the 47 States of the Union and the Soviet of Washington.
” But in these times , in particular , Washingtonians might have an even bigger superpower .
They don ’ t mind a little isolation .
The reason the state was able to return 400 ventilators is that its citizens so dutifully complied with commands to shelter at home and observe social distancing .
The region is known , especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s shorthand for explaining why locals are perennially , passively indifferent to strangers .
Almost all who move here lament how tough it can be to forge close friendships .
Combine the “ Freeze ” with the city ’ s Scandinavian culture , with its clannishness and built-in cultural distancing , and you practically have a ready-made pandemic boot camp .
A meme circulating on local Facebook pages jokes that no one needs a governor ’ s order to shelter-in-place when you ’ ve already been conditioned by so many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result of all these ingredients is a unique brew of communalism and innovation .
Says Professor Hagopian of the University of Washington : “ We get that we all succeed together.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

The result of all these ingredients is a unique brew of communalism and innovation. As Amy Hagopian, a professor of public health at the University of Washington, puts it, “We get that we all succeed together.”
It was this environment that empowered local officials to act swiftly and decisively. But even before Gov. Jay Inslee issued a stay-at-home order, several of the state’s tech powerhouses shuttered their offices. And, undeterred by a little isolation, the citizenry has done their part as well.
So, why Washington? The state has always been a bit different – a place of contradictions. It is both an economic titan and a liberal stronghold. It embraces both individual rights and the wisdom of the collective.
Recent weeks have been the ultimate stress test for how states handle adversity. An embrace of innovation and collective spirit are why Washington is shaping up as a model.
What’s more, the state managed to pull off a primary election at the height of the outbreak. Washington’s turnout ranked highest among all states holding primaries to date – 49.5%.
When the coronavirus first appeared in the United States, Washington state, it seemed, was headed for trouble. But while other states struggled to care for the growing number of coronavirus patients, Washington managed the crisis so efficiently that officials actually gave 400 ventilators back to the federal government.
The state of Washington, it seems, was made for this moment.
Successfully hold a major election during a pandemic? Check. Flatten the curve of coronavirus cases? Check. Manage the crisis so efficiently that you can actually give 400 ventilators back to the federal government? Check.
If COVID-19 is the ultimate stress test for a society – revealing how well it protects health, manages the economy, and comes together in crisis – no state might be passing with higher marks than Washington.
Why We Wrote This Recent weeks have been the ultimate stress test for how states handle adversity. An embrace of innovation and collective spirit are why Washington is shaping up as a model.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Despite being America’s first hotspot, coronavirus cases have been going down for six consecutive weeks. Emergency department admissions for people with “COVID-like symptoms” peaked the week of March 22 with 557 admissions statewide, and dropped to 201 this past week, allowing small re-openings like farmers markets. And despite a primary election held at the height of the outbreak, Washington’s turnout ranked highest among all states holding primaries to date – 49.5%.
“Washington knocked it out of the park,” says Phil Keisling, Oregon’s former secretary of State. “You were ground zero for the COVID-19 pandemic, and still you voted almost double the rate of other big Super Tuesday states the week before, including California and Texas.”
So, why Washington? Is it something in the salmon and saltwater inlets? The answer is: Washington is not just “off in the corner of the country” literally. It has always been a bit different – a place of contradictions.
It is both an economic titan – home to Amazon and Microsoft – and a liberal stronghold. It is both socially cool – so culturally insular that people joke about the “Seattle Freeze” – and a dynamic hub of globalism. It embraces both individual rights – giving women the right to vote 10 years before the 19th Amendment – and the wisdom of the collective.
Behind it all is Seattle, a city that is one of America’s best-educated and has an ethic of “thinking big” ingrained in its founding spirit. During the past few months, that has resulted in a different picture of how the nation can respond to the coronavirus.
John Froschauer/AP View caption Hide caption King County Elections workers collect ballots from a drop box during the Washington State primary March 10, 2020, in Seattle.
One takeaway is that success helps dampen partisanship. Take voting by mail, a divisive issue at the federal level. President Donald Trump has rebuffed calls for a nationwide vote-by-mail election this year, claiming “mail ballots are corrupt.”
But here in Washington state, “Do you ever hear any Republicans here say we have to get rid of mail ballots?” asks Dwight Pelz, former chair of the state Democratic Party. “Do you ever see any Republican bills in the Legislature to repeal mail-in balloting? No.
“Why?” he continues. “Because their constituents love it. According to the Republican ideology, we should be the most corrupt voting system in the country. But we aren’t.”
That sentiment is echoed in the more conservative eastern parts of the state. “Voting is our democracy,” says Joe Kelly, who lives in the tiny mountain hamlet of Ardenvoir. “Mail-in ballots are more democratic.”
And Eastern Washington has been doing its part in flattening the curve, too. “We go to Wenatchee once a week to shop,” Mr. Kelly adds. “You don’t see any kids on the streets of Wenatchee. They’re mostly at home, which is a big change.”
Yet it is in the Seattle area where the state’s COVID-19 story is most compelling.
King County became the first American epicenter of the pandemic when the virus was discovered here for the first time on U.S. shores. The response was comprehensive.
First, the region’s robust public-health sector sprang into action. The ecosystem includes the University of Washington, the Gates Foundation, and many other local NGOs.
“Most of these experts were trained at the University of Washington,” says Amy Hagopian, a professor of public health at the university.
It’s impossible to overestimate the role of this massive institution in the region’s macro-culture, she adds. Economists, for example, have long said that Boeing will never stop manufacturing airplanes here because it doubts other areas of the country could supply the consistently smart pool of talent the university continually turns out.
But businesses and the citizenry played their part, too.
“When Amazon learned it had its first case of COVID-19, it issued a directive the very next day for everyone to work at home,” says Irene Voskamp, who works at Amazon in downtown Seattle. “Google did the same thing. Then Microsoft. Then Expedia.”
With all those workers gone, downtown businesses reduced hours or sent employees home even before the “stay home” order. “Take all of those people – call it 100,000 – out of the city, you flatten the curve,” she says.
Ms. Voskamp says the engineering mindset in tech plays a role: “Leadership understands what an exponential growth curve means,” she says. “They actually understand math: ‘If we have one case today, we’ll have 10 cases next week, and a hundred cases the week after that, and a thousand cases the week after that.’
“They had evidence from China. They had evidence from Italy,” she points out. “They could see there’s no reason Seattle would be any different.”
The biggest factor, Ms. Voskamp says, was that “leadership that was willing to make hard decisions and accept short-term pain to avoid long-term disaster. That’s something not common in politicians, though maybe it should be, but it is an essential characteristic of good leaders.
“It doesn’t always make you popular,” she added, “but there are times when being unpopular is the right thing to do.”
Seattle is a place used to thinking not just big, but also small. Last week, in response to people’s need for safe exercise while sheltering in place – in a region where the outdoors has always been a strong lure — Mayor Jenny Durkan announced the permanent closures of selected streets to most vehicles.The idea is to provide people a place to walk, jog or bike in safety, sans cars and trucks. Giving citizens some 20 miles of residential streets spread across the city’s neighborhoods may not be as drastic as the governor’s sweeping mandates to dampen the rate of viral infection, but it signals to Seattleites that their leaders care about their well being on multiple levels: not just their public-health needs, but also their desires for recreation, community, and even to escape, now and then, the confines of their homes.
That culture springs from the city itself.
The message of “Sons of the Profits,” a history book about the city: “The people who founded Seattle, they were forward thinkers. They were willing to make bold bets. It’s still in the DNA of the city,” Ms. Voskamp insists.
In King County, which surrounds Seattle, more than half of adults have college degrees, compared with about one third of adults nationally. Residents here are overall younger and, with a median household income of $89,000, earn nearly 50% more than the median American household.
Seattle is annually named one of the country’s most well-read cities. It also is politically liberal: In 2016, some 87% of residents mailed in ballots for Hillary Clinton.
That’s a vestige of Western Washington’s past. Union organizers preached Karl Marx in lumber camps. The massive, five-day Seattle General Strike of 1919 is a historical touchstone. Utopian colonies routinely sprouted throughout Puget Sound.
The legendary toast offered by national Democratic Party leader James “Big Jim” Farley in the mid-1930s perhaps summed it up best: “To the 47 States of the Union and the Soviet of Washington.”
But in these times, in particular, Washingtonians might have an even bigger superpower. They don’t mind a little isolation.
The reason the state was able to return 400 ventilators is that its citizens so dutifully complied with commands to shelter at home and observe social distancing.
The region is known, especially among newcomers, for the Seattle Freeze. It’s shorthand for explaining why locals are perennially, passively indifferent to strangers. Almost all who move here lament how tough it can be to forge close friendships.
Combine the “Freeze” with the city’s Scandinavian culture, with its clannishness and built-in cultural distancing, and you practically have a ready-made pandemic boot camp.
A meme circulating on local Facebook pages jokes that no one needs a governor’s order to shelter-in-place when you’ve already been conditioned by so many brush-offs to sequester at home.
The result of all these ingredients is a unique brew of communalism and innovation.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Says Professor Hagopian of the University of Washington: “We get that we all succeed together.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-05-13--President Trump and the great mask debate

I am writing this newsletter fresh from doing 10 interviews on public radio stations around Canada .
As usual , the hosts asked good questions : How partisan was the Senate hearing yesterday with Dr. Anthony Fauci ?
( Mostly not . )
How did the White House respond ?
( With a press briefing full of statistics meant to reassure us . )
And why doesn ’ t President Donald Trump wear a mask in public ?
The mask issue looms especially large after two White House aides – a presidential valet and the vice president ’ s press @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and had been going maskless .
Now they ’ re in quarantine .
As of Monday , all West Wing employees must wear a mask when they ’ re not at their desks .
That makes sense ; it ’ s a cramped workspace .
Reporters also now wear masks at briefings .
But President Trump still won ’ t wear one .
“ Everybody coming into the president ’ s office gets tested , ” he said Monday at a Rose Garden press conference .
“ And I ’ ve felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , already a symbol of the deepening red-blue divide , has only intensified .
Trump critics argue that he should be modeling proper behavior by wearing one .
His defenders counter that , because he operates in the controlled White House environment , with plenty of testing , he can afford to go maskless .
Besides , the president has reportedly told aides , wearing a mask would “ send the wrong message ” – signaling that he ’ s more concerned about his health than about reopening the economy .
What ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he would be mocked , and “ Trump in a mask ” would be used against him in campaign ads .
On that last point , Mr. Trump may well be right .
He prides himself on his public image , combined perhaps with a bit of vanity .
All presidents care about appearances , especially in the TV age .
Still , the larger mask debate rages , even among conservatives .
“ The mask culture is fear driven .
Masks+cowardice , ” tweets R. R. Reno , editor of the magazine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ driven by fear , but by respect for the community around us , ” counters blogger Erick Erickson .
And on it goes .
But it ’ s clear Mr. Trump thinks masks are good for others – and even a marketing opportunity .
His campaign is now advertising masks that say “ Trump Pence Keep America Great !
2020.
” Campaign manager Brad Parscale recently tweeted out a picture of himself at the White House wearing one .
Let us know what you ’ re thinking at csmpolitics @ csmonitor.com .

Dear reader:
I am writing this newsletter fresh from doing 10 interviews on public radio stations around Canada. As usual, the hosts asked good questions: How partisan was the Senate hearing yesterday with Dr. Anthony Fauci? (Mostly not.) How did the White House respond? (With a press briefing full of statistics meant to reassure us.) And why doesn’t President Donald Trump wear a mask in public?
The mask issue looms especially large after two White House aides – a presidential valet and the vice president’s press secretary – tested positive for the coronavirus, and had been going maskless. Now they’re in quarantine. As of Monday, all West Wing employees must wear a mask when they’re not at their desks. That makes sense; it’s a cramped workspace. Reporters also now wear masks at briefings.
But President Trump still won’t wear one. “Everybody coming into the president’s office gets tested,” he said Monday at a Rose Garden press conference. “And I’ve felt no vulnerability whatsoever.”
The mask debate, already a symbol of the deepening red-blue divide, has only intensified. Trump critics argue that he should be modeling proper behavior by wearing one. His defenders counter that, because he operates in the controlled White House environment, with plenty of testing, he can afford to go maskless.
Besides, the president has reportedly told aides, wearing a mask would “send the wrong message” – signaling that he’s more concerned about his health than about reopening the economy. What’s more, the argument goes, he would be mocked, and “Trump in a mask” would be used against him in campaign ads.
On that last point, Mr. Trump may well be right. He prides himself on his public image, combined perhaps with a bit of vanity. All presidents care about appearances, especially in the TV age.
Still, the larger mask debate rages, even among conservatives.
“The mask culture is fear driven. Masks+cowardice,” tweets R. R. Reno, editor of the magazine First Things.
“Masks are not driven by fear, but by respect for the community around us,” counters blogger Erick Erickson.
And on it goes. But it’s clear Mr. Trump thinks masks are good for others – and even a marketing opportunity. His campaign is now advertising masks that say “Trump Pence Keep America Great! 2020.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Campaign manager Brad Parscale recently tweeted out a picture of himself at the White House wearing one.
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.


csmonitor--2020-05-13--From rogue adviser to martyr: Flynn called a 'patriot'

When Michael Flynn was forced from the White House , Vice President Mike Pence said he was disappointed the national security adviser had misled him about his talks with the Russian ambassador .
President Donald Trump called the deception unacceptable .
Now Mr. Pence says he 'd welcome Mr. Flynn back to the administration , calling him a `` patriot , '' as Mr. Trump pronounces him exonerated .
What a difference three years makes .
The Justice Department 's move to dismiss the criminal case against Mr. Flynn marks another step in his transformation , in the eyes of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rogue adviser to victim of runaway law enforcement .
The dismissal rewrites the narrative of the case that Mr. Trump 's own Justice Department had advanced for the last three years in a way that former law enforcement officials say downplays the legitimate national security concerns they believe Mr. Flynn posed and the consequences of the lies he pleaded guilty to telling .
It 's been swept up in a broader push by Mr. Trump and his Republican allies to reframe the Russia investigation as a `` deep state '' plot to sabotage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fresh onslaught of election year attacks on past and present Democratic officials and law enforcement leaders .
`` His goal is that by the end of this , you 're just not really sure what happened and at some gut level enough Americans say , 'It 's kind of messy , ' '' said Princeton University presidential historian Julian Zelizer .
Scrambling to manage the coronavirus and economic crash , Mr. Trump has been eager to shift the focus elsewhere .
He has repeatedly called Mr. Flynn `` exonerated '' and pushed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deemed `` Obamagate , '' an allegation the previous administration tried to undermine him during the presidential transition .
Mr. Trump has tried to rally his supporters around the claim to revive enthusiasm among voters disappointed by his handling of the pandemic .
He used the first 20 minutes of a recent Fox News interview to attack the Obama administration rather than offer updates on the pandemic .
An investigation by special counsel Robert Mueller found Russians interfered in the 2016 election on Trump 's behalf , though it did not allege illegal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Mueller examined multiple instances of potential obstruction of justice and pointedly noted that he was unable to exonerate Mr. Trump .
But advisers believe painting the previous administration as corrupt can distract from a pandemic crisis that has crippled the economy and killed tens of thousands of people in the U.S. and is an effective line of attack against Mr. Trump 's Democratic opponent , Joe Biden , Mr. Obama 's vice president , according to four current and former administration officials and Republicans close to the White House not authorized to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope is to revive some of the pre-pandemic arguments to cast Mr. Trump , even now as an incumbent , as the political outsider being attacked by the establishment .
Mr. Trump has increasingly lashed out in the year since Mueller 's report did not accuse him of a crime or allege a criminal conspiracy between his campaign and Russia .
Revelations since then have exposed problems with early days of the FBI 's probe , including errors and omissions in applications to surveil an ex-Trump campaign adviser .
Republicans have echoed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Richard Grenell declassified a list of names of Obama officials who reportedly asked for Mr. Flynn 's identity to be unredacted in intelligence documents , while Iowa Sen. Chuck Grassley told the Senate the `` rule of law is at risk if the federal government can get away with violating the Constitution to do what they did to Lt. Gen .
Flynn . ''
' Republicans have generated a `` thick fog of propaganda , '' said Rep. Jamie Raskin , D- Md .
`` Trump and his enablers in Congress have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going on the attack . ''
Attorney General William Barr has said dropping the case against Mr. Flynn , who pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about having discussed sanctions with the Russian ambassador during the presidential transition , was in the interests of justice .
The department says the FBI had no basis for interviewing Mr. Flynn about his `` entirely appropriate '' calls and that any imperfect statements he made were n't material to the broader counterintelligence investigation into the Trump campaign .
But the decision stunned former law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some who say the Justice Department is rewriting history and omitting key context .
Former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe said the FBI was obligated to interview Mr. Flynn about his conversations with the Russian ambassador over sanctions imposed for election interference .
And because White House officials , including Mr. Pence , inaccurately asserted that Mr. Flynn had never discussed sanctions with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak , U.S. officials were concerned Mr. Flynn could be vulnerable to blackmail since Russia also knew what was discussed .
`` Mr. Flynn was set to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was untenable that Russia – which the intelligence community had just assessed had sought to interfere in the U.S. presidential election – might have leverage over him , '' Mary McCord , the Justice Department 's top national security official at the time , wrote in a New York Times opinion piece in which she accused Mr. Barr of misrepresenting her viewpoints .
She acknowledged an internal quarrel over whether to disclose details of Flynn 's calls to the White House and about the FBI 's decision to interview Flynn without alerting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there was no disagreement that Mr. Flynn was a potential counterintelligence threat .
A judge has yet to rule on the Justice Department 's dismissal request , opening the door on Tuesday to outside individuals and groups to file briefs .
But in the meantime , Mr. Flynn 's revival in Mr. Trump 's orbit is perhaps not surprising .
From the moment he took the stage at the 2016 Republican National Convention and led a `` Lock her up ! ''
chant aimed at Democrat Hillary Clinton , Mr. Flynn has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For many , his forced resignation and guilty plea only added to his stature as a martyr and cause célèbre .
Discussions have been held about potentially welcoming him back to a post within the administration or the reelection campaign , according to the officials .
Nothing has been finalized .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It @ @ @ @

When Michael Flynn was forced from the White House, Vice President Mike Pence said he was disappointed the national security adviser had misled him about his talks with the Russian ambassador. President Donald Trump called the deception unacceptable.
Now Mr. Pence says he'd welcome Mr. Flynn back to the administration, calling him a "patriot," as Mr. Trump pronounces him exonerated.
What a difference three years makes. The Justice Department's move to dismiss the criminal case against Mr. Flynn marks another step in his transformation, in the eyes of Mr. Trump and his allies, from rogue adviser to victim of runaway law enforcement.
The dismissal rewrites the narrative of the case that Mr. Trump's own Justice Department had advanced for the last three years in a way that former law enforcement officials say downplays the legitimate national security concerns they believe Mr. Flynn posed and the consequences of the lies he pleaded guilty to telling.
It's been swept up in a broader push by Mr. Trump and his Republican allies to reframe the Russia investigation as a "deep state" plot to sabotage his administration, setting the stage for a fresh onslaught of election year attacks on past and present Democratic officials and law enforcement leaders.
"His goal is that by the end of this, you're just not really sure what happened and at some gut level enough Americans say, 'It's kind of messy,'" said Princeton University presidential historian Julian Zelizer.
Scrambling to manage the coronavirus and economic crash, Mr. Trump has been eager to shift the focus elsewhere. He has repeatedly called Mr. Flynn "exonerated" and pushed the development as evidence of what he deemed "Obamagate," an allegation the previous administration tried to undermine him during the presidential transition.
Mr. Trump has tried to rally his supporters around the claim to revive enthusiasm among voters disappointed by his handling of the pandemic. He used the first 20 minutes of a recent Fox News interview to attack the Obama administration rather than offer updates on the pandemic.
An investigation by special counsel Robert Mueller found Russians interfered in the 2016 election on Trump's behalf, though it did not allege illegal coordination with Mr. Trump's campaign. Mr. Mueller examined multiple instances of potential obstruction of justice and pointedly noted that he was unable to exonerate Mr. Trump.
But advisers believe painting the previous administration as corrupt can distract from a pandemic crisis that has crippled the economy and killed tens of thousands of people in the U.S. and is an effective line of attack against Mr. Trump's Democratic opponent, Joe Biden, Mr. Obama's vice president, according to four current and former administration officials and Republicans close to the White House not authorized to discuss the matter by name.
The hope is to revive some of the pre-pandemic arguments to cast Mr. Trump, even now as an incumbent, as the political outsider being attacked by the establishment.
Mr. Trump has increasingly lashed out in the year since Mueller's report did not accuse him of a crime or allege a criminal conspiracy between his campaign and Russia. Revelations since then have exposed problems with early days of the FBI's probe, including errors and omissions in applications to surveil an ex-Trump campaign adviser.
Republicans have echoed the attacks and scrutiny.
National intelligence director Richard Grenell declassified a list of names of Obama officials who reportedly asked for Mr. Flynn's identity to be unredacted in intelligence documents, while Iowa Sen. Chuck Grassley told the Senate the "rule of law is at risk if the federal government can get away with violating the Constitution to do what they did to Lt. Gen. Flynn."'
Republicans have generated a "thick fog of propaganda," said Rep. Jamie Raskin, D- Md. "Trump and his enablers in Congress have a strategy of never admitting anything and always going on the attack."
Attorney General William Barr has said dropping the case against Mr. Flynn, who pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about having discussed sanctions with the Russian ambassador during the presidential transition, was in the interests of justice. The department says the FBI had no basis for interviewing Mr. Flynn about his "entirely appropriate" calls and that any imperfect statements he made weren't material to the broader counterintelligence investigation into the Trump campaign.
But the decision stunned former law enforcement officials involved in the case, including some who say the Justice Department is rewriting history and omitting key context.
Former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe said the FBI was obligated to interview Mr. Flynn about his conversations with the Russian ambassador over sanctions imposed for election interference.
And because White House officials, including Mr. Pence, inaccurately asserted that Mr. Flynn had never discussed sanctions with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak, U.S. officials were concerned Mr. Flynn could be vulnerable to blackmail since Russia also knew what was discussed.
"Mr. Flynn was set to become the national security adviser, and it was untenable that Russia – which the intelligence community had just assessed had sought to interfere in the U.S. presidential election – might have leverage over him," Mary McCord, the Justice Department's top national security official at the time, wrote in a New York Times opinion piece in which she accused Mr. Barr of misrepresenting her viewpoints.
She acknowledged an internal quarrel over whether to disclose details of Flynn's calls to the White House and about the FBI's decision to interview Flynn without alerting Justice Department leadership. But she said there was no disagreement that Mr. Flynn was a potential counterintelligence threat.
A judge has yet to rule on the Justice Department's dismissal request, opening the door on Tuesday to outside individuals and groups to file briefs.
But in the meantime, Mr. Flynn's revival in Mr. Trump's orbit is perhaps not surprising.
From the moment he took the stage at the 2016 Republican National Convention and led a "Lock her up!" chant aimed at Democrat Hillary Clinton, Mr. Flynn has been exceedingly popular among many Trump supporters. For many, his forced resignation and guilty plea only added to his stature as a martyr and cause célèbre.
Discussions have been held about potentially welcoming him back to a post within the administration or the reelection campaign, according to the officials. Nothing has been finalized.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-05-13--GOP gives tepid response to Pelosi's $3 trillion stimulus plan

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi unveiled a more than $ 3 trillion coronavirus aid package , a sweeping effort with $ 1 trillion for states and cities , `` hazard pay '' for essential workers , and a new round of cash payments to individuals .
The House is expected to vote on the package as soon as Friday .
But Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has said there is no `` urgency . ''
The Senate will wait until after Memorial Day to consider options .
`` We must think big , for the people , now , '' Ms. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office at the Capitol .
`` Not acting is the most expensive course , '' she said .
Lines drawn , the latest pandemic response from Congress will test the House and Senate – and President Donald Trump – as Washington navigates the extraordinary crisis with the nation 's health and economic security at stake .
The Democrats ' Heroes Act is built around nearly $ 1 trillion for states , cities and tribal governments to avert layoffs , focused chiefly on $ 375 billion for smaller suburban and rural municipalities largely left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will offer a fresh round of $ 1,200 direct cash aid to individuals , increased to up to $ 6,000 per household , and launches a $ 175 billion housing assistance fund to help pay rents and mortgages .
There is $ 75 billion more for virus testing .
It would continue , through January , the $ 600-per-week boost to unemployment benefits .
It adds a 15 % increase for food stamps , new subsidies for laid-off workers to pay health insurance premiums under a COBRA law and a special `` Obamacare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it provides an employee retention tax credit .
There 's $ 200 billion in `` hazard pay '' for essential workers on the front lines of the crisis .
Ms. Pelosi drew on U.S. history – and poetry – to suggest `` no man is an island '' as she called on Americans to respond to the crisis with a strategy of science , virus testing and empathy .
`` There are those who said , 'Let 's just pause , ' '' she said .
`` Hunger does n't take a pause @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Bills do n't take a pause . ''
But the 1,800-page package is heading straight into a Senate roadblock .
Republicans are wary of another round of aid and McConnell declared the Democratic proposal a grab bag of `` pet priorities . ''
He said Tuesday it is not something that `` deals with reality . ''
House Republicans also took a pass .
`` I ca n't believe that that would be real , '' said Rep. Andy Biggs , R-Ariz. , leader of the hard-right House Freedom Caucus , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fifth coronavirus package .
It 's a starkly partisan offering with no real input from Republicans , who prefer to assess the impact of earlier expenditures before approving more .
But the political peril of doing nothing during an election year could prove challenging for Congress and the White House .
As states experience flareups of virus outbreaks , and more than 30 million Americans remain unemployed in the shutdown , the near-term health and economic outlook remains daunting .
The Senate Democratic leader , Chuck Schumer of New York , warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ path as Herbert Hoover , the former president roundly criticized for failing to act to stem the Great Depression .
`` What is it going to take for Mitch McConnell to wake up and see the American people need help , and they need it now ? ''
Mr. Schumer said .
The latest package extends some provisions from previous aid packages , and adds new ones .
There is $ 25 billion for the U.S .
Postal Service .
There is help for the 2020 Census , including the bureau 's request @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and redistricting data .
For the November election , the bill provides $ 3.6 billion to help local officials prepare for the challenges of voting during the pandemic .
The popular Payroll Protection Program , which has been boosted in past bills , would see another $ 10 billion to ensure under-served businesses and nonprofit organizations have access to grants through a disaster loan program .
For hospitals and other health care providers , there 's another $ 100 billion infusion to help cover costs and additional help for hospitals serving low-income communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in funding to tackle the issue of rapid spread of the virus in state and federal prisons , along with $ 600 million in help to local police departments for salaries and equipment Mr. McConnell said he is working with the White House on next steps .
His priority is to ensure any new package includes liability protections for health care providers and businesses that are reopening .
Mr. Trump is expected to meet Tuesday with a group of Senate Republicans .
`` I do n't think we have yet felt the urgency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told reporters earlier this week at the Capitol .
As states weigh the health risks of re-opening , Mr. McConnell said Tuesday the nation needs to find a `` middle ground between total lockdown and total normalcy . ''
Top GOP senators flatly rejected the House bill .
`` What Nancy Pelosi is proposing will never pass the Senate , '' said Sen. John Barrasso of Wyoming , the third-ranking Republican .
The Senate recently reopened its side of the Capitol while the House remains largely shuttered due to the health concerns .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , voting on Mr. Trump 's nominees for judicial and executive branch positions and other issues .
The Senate majority , the 53-member Senate Republican conference , is meeting for its regular luncheons most days , spread out three to a table for social distance .
Democrats are convening by phone .
Many senators , but not all , are wearing masks .
At least a dozen Capitol police officers and other staff have tested positive for the virus , and at least one senator , Lamar Alexander of Tennessee , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a staff member who tested positive .
Other lawmakers have cycled in and out of quarantine .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Alan Fram , Matthew Daly , and Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar in Washington ; Nick Riccardi in Denver , Colorado ; and Michael Schneider in Orlando , Florida , contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi unveiled a more than $3 trillion coronavirus aid package, a sweeping effort with $1 trillion for states and cities, "hazard pay" for essential workers, and a new round of cash payments to individuals.
The House is expected to vote on the package as soon as Friday. But Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell has said there is no "urgency." The Senate will wait until after Memorial Day to consider options.
"We must think big, for the people, now," Ms. Pelosi said Tuesday from the speaker's office at the Capitol. "Not acting is the most expensive course," she said.
Lines drawn, the latest pandemic response from Congress will test the House and Senate – and President Donald Trump – as Washington navigates the extraordinary crisis with the nation's health and economic security at stake.
The Democrats' Heroes Act is built around nearly $1 trillion for states, cities and tribal governments to avert layoffs, focused chiefly on $375 billion for smaller suburban and rural municipalities largely left out of earlier bills.
The bill will offer a fresh round of $1,200 direct cash aid to individuals, increased to up to $6,000 per household, and launches a $175 billion housing assistance fund to help pay rents and mortgages. There is $75 billion more for virus testing.
It would continue, through January, the $600-per-week boost to unemployment benefits. It adds a 15% increase for food stamps, new subsidies for laid-off workers to pay health insurance premiums under a COBRA law and a special "Obamacare" sign-up period. For businesses, it provides an employee retention tax credit.
There's $200 billion in "hazard pay" for essential workers on the front lines of the crisis.
Ms. Pelosi drew on U.S. history – and poetry – to suggest "no man is an island" as she called on Americans to respond to the crisis with a strategy of science, virus testing and empathy.
"There are those who said, 'Let's just pause,'" she said. "Hunger doesn't take a pause. Rent doesn't take a pause. Bills don't take a pause."
But the 1,800-page package is heading straight into a Senate roadblock.
Republicans are wary of another round of aid and McConnell declared the Democratic proposal a grab bag of "pet priorities." He said Tuesday it is not something that "deals with reality."
House Republicans also took a pass. "I can't believe that that would be real," said Rep. Andy Biggs, R-Ariz., leader of the hard-right House Freedom Caucus, said in an interview.
This would be the fifth coronavirus package. It's a starkly partisan offering with no real input from Republicans, who prefer to assess the impact of earlier expenditures before approving more.
But the political peril of doing nothing during an election year could prove challenging for Congress and the White House. As states experience flareups of virus outbreaks, and more than 30 million Americans remain unemployed in the shutdown, the near-term health and economic outlook remains daunting.
The Senate Democratic leader, Chuck Schumer of New York, warned that Trump and Republicans risk the same path as Herbert Hoover, the former president roundly criticized for failing to act to stem the Great Depression.
"What is it going to take for Mitch McConnell to wake up and see the American people need help, and they need it now?" Mr. Schumer said.
The latest package extends some provisions from previous aid packages, and adds new ones.
There is $25 billion for the U.S. Postal Service. There is help for the 2020 Census, including the bureau's request to delay deadlines for turning over apportionment and redistricting data. For the November election, the bill provides $3.6 billion to help local officials prepare for the challenges of voting during the pandemic.
The popular Payroll Protection Program, which has been boosted in past bills, would see another $10 billion to ensure under-served businesses and nonprofit organizations have access to grants through a disaster loan program.
For hospitals and other health care providers, there's another $100 billion infusion to help cover costs and additional help for hospitals serving low-income communities.
There's another $600 million in funding to tackle the issue of rapid spread of the virus in state and federal prisons, along with $600 million in help to local police departments for salaries and equipment
Mr. McConnell said he is working with the White House on next steps. His priority is to ensure any new package includes liability protections for health care providers and businesses that are reopening. Mr. Trump is expected to meet Tuesday with a group of Senate Republicans.
"I don't think we have yet felt the urgency of acting immediately," Mr. McConnell told reporters earlier this week at the Capitol.
As states weigh the health risks of re-opening, Mr. McConnell said Tuesday the nation needs to find a "middle ground between total lockdown and total normalcy."
Top GOP senators flatly rejected the House bill. "What Nancy Pelosi is proposing will never pass the Senate," said Sen. John Barrasso of Wyoming, the third-ranking Republican.
The Senate recently reopened its side of the Capitol while the House remains largely shuttered due to the health concerns.
Senators have been in session since last week, voting on Mr. Trump's nominees for judicial and executive branch positions and other issues.
The Senate majority, the 53-member Senate Republican conference, is meeting for its regular luncheons most days, spread out three to a table for social distance. Democrats are convening by phone. Many senators, but not all, are wearing masks.
At least a dozen Capitol police officers and other staff have tested positive for the virus, and at least one senator, Lamar Alexander of Tennessee, is in isolation at home after exposure from a staff member who tested positive. Other lawmakers have cycled in and out of quarantine.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Alan Fram, Matthew Daly, and Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar in Washington; Nick Riccardi in Denver, Colorado; and Michael Schneider in Orlando, Florida, contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-04-30--Amid pandemic woes, Trump turns spotlight onto ‘Obamagate’

In that sense , the charges may be an example of one of President Trump ’ s favorite – and most effective – tactics : diversion .
Time and again , the president has used the reach and repetition of social media and an accelerated news cycle to provide talking points for supporters , crowd out news that ’ s negative , and generally leave voters confused or even uncertain as to whether objective truth about the subject in question exists .
Unmasking is common – the National Security Agency has dealt with 10,000 to 17,000 such requests annually in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requests came at a time when the sitting administration was growing increasingly concerned about contacts between the Trump team and Russian officials .
Republican senators on Wednesday released a list of Obama-era officials – including former Vice President Joe Biden – who , during the transition period , requested to “ unmask ” the name of an American caught on wiretap communicating with a foreign espionage target .
That American turned out to be former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn .
Some Republicans offered it as proof of a “ setup of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still holding the United States in its grip , President Donald Trump has spent the week railing about former President Barack Obama .
In a week when the coronavirus pandemic still held the U.S. in its grip and government health officials publicly warned the nation to be wary of restarting normal life prematurely , President Donald Trump accused his predecessor of criminal acts and hinted that a talk show host he dislikes was possibly involved in a murder .
Both charges are unfounded .
But they could be yet more examples of one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and most effective – rhetorical strategies : diversion .
At times of political stress , he has demonstrated a talent perhaps unrivaled in modern American politics for pointing one way , then another , then another , getting the media and public attention to jump from issue to issue until their heads spin .
Many presidents have used diversion as a communications tool , of course .
It can be helpful in changing the national focus and framing issues in terms more favorable to their administration .
President Trump ’ s innovation may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims that are far from rock-solid – and at times demonstrably false – with the reach and repetition inherent in social media , and the accelerated news cycle that social media feeds .
The resulting distractions provide talking points for his supporters , crowd out news that ’ s negative to his administration , and generally leave voters confused and even uncertain as to whether objective truth about the subjects in question exists .
“ It ’ s a go-to strategy for Trump to point elsewhere when things go wrong and make a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Dominic Tierney , professor of political science at Swarthmore College .
An ability to seize the national agenda Throughout his tumultuous time in office , President Trump has shown an ability to again and again seize the national agenda and direct it where he wants , with a tweet , a press conference , or an off-hand comment as he strides toward his Marine 1 helicopter .
Last July , for instance , as special counsel Robert Mueller prepared to testify before Congress , the president unleashed a series of tweets criticizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other things calling them “ a very Racist group of troublemakers.
” Unsurprisingly , the tweets received a large amount of news coverage .
More recently , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other Democrats have accused him of trying to draw attention away from the federal government ’ s COVID-19 testing failures by suddenly announcing a suspension of legal immigration , and by tweeting support for protests calling for the reopening of state economies .
During the novel coronavirus crisis , President Trump has been an “ agent of distraction , ” said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , the president has been railing about former President Barack Obama .
Last Sunday – a day he tweeted or retweeted others 126 times , the third highest daily total during his time in office – President Trump accused his predecessor of undermining his administration by manipulating the “ deep state ” to falsely accuse former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn of criminal behavior .
On Thursday , President Trump on Twitter urged the Senate to call President Obama to testify .
“ If I were a Senator or Congressman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testify about the biggest political crime and scandal in the history of the USA , by FAR , is former President Obama .
He knew EVERYTHING , ” President Trump wrote .
“ No more Mr. Nice Guy !
” Asked about the president ’ s tweet , Senate Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham , R-S.C. , told Politico : “ I don ’ t think now ’ s the time for me to do that .
I don ’ t know if that ’ s even possible.
” Senator Graham added : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but be careful what you wish for.
” In its latest iteration , the “ Obamagate ” theory centers on “ unmasking.
” Under the law , U.S. intelligence redacts the names of American citizens caught on wiretaps communicating with foreign officials who are espionage targets .
But top officials can ask that the name of the American in the conversation be “ unmasked.
” Republican senators on Wednesday released a list of Obama-era officials who requested during the transition period to unmask a name that turned out to be Mr. Flynn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director John Brennan , and Vice President Joe Biden .
Some Republicans immediately offered the list as proof that Mr. Biden was part of a “ setup of General Flynn ” that enmeshed the incoming Trump team in a “ Russia collusion hoax.
” But unmasking is common – the National Security Agency has dealt with 10,000 to 17,000 such requests annually in recent years , including under the Trump administration .
The officials making the requests would presumably not have known the name of the U.S. citizen in question in advance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at a time when the sitting administration was growing increasingly concerned about contacts between the Trump team and Russian officials .
It ’ s possible that some requests dealt with a phone call from a U.S. citizen to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak , in which the American asked that Russia not respond to new Obama administration sanctions imposed as punishment for Moscow ’ s interference in the 2016 U.S. election .
Since the anonymous American ’ s call sought to undercut the foreign policy of the sitting U.S. president , the officials involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been interested in that person ’ s identity – which was Mr Flynn .
Turning to another subject , on Mother ’ s Day President Trump also speculated on Twitter that MSNBC anchor Joe Scarborough might have killed someone .
“ Did he get away with murder ?
” the president ’ s tweet read , in part .
“ Some people think so.
” Mr. Scarborough and his wife and “ Morning Joe ” co-host Mika Brzezinski have long been one of the president ’ s favorite foils .
Mr. Scarborough was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ late 1990s , and the murder reference stems from the death of a young female aide in his district office .
At the time , Mr. Scarborough was in Washington , not Florida .
Authorities determined after an investigation that she died after losing consciousness due to a heart condition and falling , striking her head on a table .
The circumstances prompted conspiracy theories , according to a 2017 Washington Post investigation , which concluded : “ no foul play was suspected , and her death was ultimately ruled an accident by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far from the first chief executive to try and drive public attention away from subjects that are politically sensitive .
“ Distraction is Politics 101 .
At some level , this is just woven into the fabric of how leaders operate around the U.S. and the world , ” says Dr. Tierney .
Prior to the Civil War , President James Buchanan tried to distract voters from the national schism over slavery by mounting a federal expedition to subdue Mormons in Utah , who were then resisting U.S. rule .
“ I believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis ] with the almost universal excitements of an Anti-Mormon Crusade , ” adviser Robert Tyler wrote in an 1857 letter to Buchanan .
This worked – briefly .
But the Mormons and the feds struck a compromise , and the struggle over slavery known as Bloody Kansas loomed again .
In a more modern example , President Lyndon B. Johnson in early 1966 was eager to distract Americans from upcoming Senate hearings he knew would be critical of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War .
On the spur of the moment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Hawaii for a quick conference on improving South Vietnamese domestic conditions .
This was a brief success , but the Senate hearings , held by Sen. William Fulbright of Arkansas , went on for years .
In that sense , the Hawaii jaunt did little to affect overall public opinion .
Distractions , almost by definition , can only last so long .
That may prove true even in the current political and social American environment .
On the one hand , President Trump commands an instant audience that would be the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ envy of any previous Oval Office occupant .
His tweets are retweeted by millions of followers and covered , and thus amplified , not only by Fox News but also CNN and the New York Times .
The conservative media network consisting of Fox , Rush Limbaugh , and others is something that Republican presidents like Richard Nixon could only have dreamed of as a means to project their points of view .
But like LBJ , President Trump may find that while his attempts to raise different subjects may work for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions persist longer .
The president ’ s distraction attempts have been much less effective during the pandemic , says Vanessa Beasley , an associate professor of communications studies at Vanderbilt University who studies presidential rhetoric .
“ COVID-19 has presented a unique rhetorical challenge to President Trump , ” she says via email .
He ’ s no longer able to point to the strength of the economy , she says .
Most of his political rivals have gone quiet .
The virus itself can ’ t be tweeted away .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lengthy briefings .
“ If , before COVID-19 , he was always asking us to look elsewhere in times of trouble , right now he is inviting us to look directly at him , ” Dr. Beasley says .
That will probably reassure his strong supporters , she says .
But the experience of recent weeks has shown it also has rhetorical costs , especially when he speaks about medical treatments and their efficacy .
“ If he is counting on his presence to calm viewers and distract them from the costs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this strategy is effective , ” she says .

In that sense, the charges may be an example of one of President Trump’s favorite – and most effective – tactics: diversion. Time and again, the president has used the reach and repetition of social media and an accelerated news cycle to provide talking points for supporters, crowd out news that’s negative, and generally leave voters confused or even uncertain as to whether objective truth about the subject in question exists.
Unmasking is common – the National Security Agency has dealt with 10,000 to 17,000 such requests annually in recent years. And some of the requests came at a time when the sitting administration was growing increasingly concerned about contacts between the Trump team and Russian officials.
Many presidents have used diversion as a tool at times of political stress. But President Trump has demonstrated a talent perhaps unrivaled at getting the media and public to jump from issue to issue until they lose focus.
Republican senators on Wednesday released a list of Obama-era officials – including former Vice President Joe Biden – who, during the transition period, requested to “unmask” the name of an American caught on wiretap communicating with a foreign espionage target. That American turned out to be former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn. Some Republicans offered it as proof of a “setup of General Flynn.”
With the coronavirus pandemic still holding the United States in its grip, President Donald Trump has spent the week railing about former President Barack Obama.
In a week when the coronavirus pandemic still held the U.S. in its grip and government health officials publicly warned the nation to be wary of restarting normal life prematurely, President Donald Trump accused his predecessor of criminal acts and hinted that a talk show host he dislikes was possibly involved in a murder.
Both charges are unfounded. But they could be yet more examples of one of President Trump’s favorite – and most effective – rhetorical strategies: diversion. At times of political stress, he has demonstrated a talent perhaps unrivaled in modern American politics for pointing one way, then another, then another, getting the media and public attention to jump from issue to issue until their heads spin.
Many presidents have used diversion as a communications tool, of course. It can be helpful in changing the national focus and framing issues in terms more favorable to their administration.
Why We Wrote This Many presidents have used diversion as a tool at times of political stress. But President Trump has demonstrated a talent perhaps unrivaled at getting the media and public to jump from issue to issue until they lose focus.
President Trump’s innovation may be to combine a willingness to make claims that are far from rock-solid – and at times demonstrably false – with the reach and repetition inherent in social media, and the accelerated news cycle that social media feeds. The resulting distractions provide talking points for his supporters, crowd out news that’s negative to his administration, and generally leave voters confused and even uncertain as to whether objective truth about the subjects in question exists.
“It’s a go-to strategy for Trump to point elsewhere when things go wrong and make a song and dance about it,” says Dominic Tierney, professor of political science at Swarthmore College.
An ability to seize the national agenda
Throughout his tumultuous time in office, President Trump has shown an ability to again and again seize the national agenda and direct it where he wants, with a tweet, a press conference, or an off-hand comment as he strides toward his Marine 1 helicopter.
Last July, for instance, as special counsel Robert Mueller prepared to testify before Congress, the president unleashed a series of tweets criticizing four Democratic congresswomen of color, among other things calling them “a very Racist group of troublemakers.” Unsurprisingly, the tweets received a large amount of news coverage.
More recently, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other Democrats have accused him of trying to draw attention away from the federal government’s COVID-19 testing failures by suddenly announcing a suspension of legal immigration, and by tweeting support for protests calling for the reopening of state economies.
During the novel coronavirus crisis, President Trump has been an “agent of distraction,” said Speaker Pelosi on April 22.
This week, the president has been railing about former President Barack Obama. Last Sunday – a day he tweeted or retweeted others 126 times, the third highest daily total during his time in office – President Trump accused his predecessor of undermining his administration by manipulating the “deep state” to falsely accuse former Trump national security adviser Michael Flynn of criminal behavior.
On Thursday, President Trump on Twitter urged the Senate to call President Obama to testify. “If I were a Senator or Congressman, the first person I would call to testify about the biggest political crime and scandal in the history of the USA, by FAR, is former President Obama. He knew EVERYTHING,” President Trump wrote. “No more Mr. Nice Guy!”
Asked about the president’s tweet, Senate Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., told Politico: “I don’t think now’s the time for me to do that. I don’t know if that’s even possible.”
Senator Graham added: “I understand President Trump’s frustration, but be careful what you wish for.”
In its latest iteration, the “Obamagate” theory centers on “unmasking.” Under the law, U.S. intelligence redacts the names of American citizens caught on wiretaps communicating with foreign officials who are espionage targets. But top officials can ask that the name of the American in the conversation be “unmasked.”
Republican senators on Wednesday released a list of Obama-era officials who requested during the transition period to unmask a name that turned out to be Mr. Flynn. The list of officials includes then-CIA director John Brennan, and Vice President Joe Biden.
Joshua Roberts/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption Former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn departs after his sentencing was delayed at U.S. District Court in Washington, on December 18, 2018. Republican senators this week released a list of Obama-era officials who requested during the transition period to 'unmask' a name that turned out to be General Flynn. The list of officials includes then-CIA director John Brennan, and Vice President Joe Biden.
Some Republicans immediately offered the list as proof that Mr. Biden was part of a “setup of General Flynn” that enmeshed the incoming Trump team in a “Russia collusion hoax.”
But unmasking is common – the National Security Agency has dealt with 10,000 to 17,000 such requests annually in recent years, including under the Trump administration. The officials making the requests would presumably not have known the name of the U.S. citizen in question in advance.
And some of the unmasking requests came at a time when the sitting administration was growing increasingly concerned about contacts between the Trump team and Russian officials. It’s possible that some requests dealt with a phone call from a U.S. citizen to Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak, in which the American asked that Russia not respond to new Obama administration sanctions imposed as punishment for Moscow’s interference in the 2016 U.S. election.
Since the anonymous American’s call sought to undercut the foreign policy of the sitting U.S. president, the officials involved in making that policy might well have been interested in that person’s identity – which was Mr Flynn.
Turning to another subject, on Mother’s Day President Trump also speculated on Twitter that MSNBC anchor Joe Scarborough might have killed someone. “Did he get away with murder?” the president’s tweet read, in part. “Some people think so.”
Mr. Scarborough and his wife and “Morning Joe” co-host Mika Brzezinski have long been one of the president’s favorite foils. Mr. Scarborough was a GOP congressman from Florida in the late 1990s, and the murder reference stems from the death of a young female aide in his district office.
At the time, Mr. Scarborough was in Washington, not Florida. Authorities determined after an investigation that she died after losing consciousness due to a heart condition and falling, striking her head on a table.
The circumstances prompted conspiracy theories, according to a 2017 Washington Post investigation, which concluded: “no foul play was suspected, and her death was ultimately ruled an accident by the medical examiner.”
‘Distraction is Politics 101’
President Trump is far from the first chief executive to try and drive public attention away from subjects that are politically sensitive.
“Distraction is Politics 101. At some level, this is just woven into the fabric of how leaders operate around the U.S. and the world,” says Dr. Tierney.
Prior to the Civil War, President James Buchanan tried to distract voters from the national schism over slavery by mounting a federal expedition to subdue Mormons in Utah, who were then resisting U.S. rule.
“I believe that we can supersede the [abolition crisis] with the almost universal excitements of an Anti-Mormon Crusade,” adviser Robert Tyler wrote in an 1857 letter to Buchanan.
This worked – briefly. But the Mormons and the feds struck a compromise, and the struggle over slavery known as Bloody Kansas loomed again.
Library of Congress View caption Hide caption Prior to the Civil War, President James Buchanan tried to distract voters from the national schism over slavery by mounting a federal expedition to subdue Mormons in Utah, who were then resisting U.S. rule.
In a more modern example, President Lyndon B. Johnson in early 1966 was eager to distract Americans from upcoming Senate hearings he knew would be critical of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War.
On the spur of the moment, LBJ flew with much of his Cabinet to Hawaii for a quick conference on improving South Vietnamese domestic conditions. This was a brief success, but the Senate hearings, held by Sen. William Fulbright of Arkansas, went on for years. In that sense, the Hawaii jaunt did little to affect overall public opinion. Distractions, almost by definition, can only last so long.
Tweets are short, pandemics are longer
That may prove true even in the current political and social American environment.
On the one hand, President Trump commands an instant audience that would be the envy of LBJ – indeed, the envy of any previous Oval Office occupant. His tweets are retweeted by millions of followers and covered, and thus amplified, not only by Fox News but also CNN and the New York Times.
The conservative media network consisting of Fox, Rush Limbaugh, and others is something that Republican presidents like Richard Nixon could only have dreamed of as a means to project their points of view.
But like LBJ, President Trump may find that while his attempts to raise different subjects may work for a period of time, the underlying national conditions persist longer.
The president’s distraction attempts have been much less effective during the pandemic, says Vanessa Beasley, an associate professor of communications studies at Vanderbilt University who studies presidential rhetoric.
“COVID-19 has presented a unique rhetorical challenge to President Trump,” she says via email.
He’s no longer able to point to the strength of the economy, she says. Most of his political rivals have gone quiet. The virus itself can’t be tweeted away. And he himself has taken the stage for lengthy briefings.
“If, before COVID-19, he was always asking us to look elsewhere in times of trouble, right now he is inviting us to look directly at him,” Dr. Beasley says.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
That will probably reassure his strong supporters, she says. But the experience of recent weeks has shown it also has rhetorical costs, especially when he speaks about medical treatments and their efficacy.
“If he is counting on his presence to calm viewers and distract them from the costs of COVID-19, it is not clear that this strategy is effective,” she says.