csmonitor--2020-06-24--Polishing America’s image in the eyes of its people

When George Bancroft was hunched over his table at the venerable Boston Athenæum in 1832 , he wasn ’ t merely working on the critical scaffolding of his great work , “ History of the United States of America.
” That was certainly his task , but , as historian Colin Woodard makes clear in his compelling new book , “ Union : The Struggle to Forge the Story of United States Nationhood , ” there was a deeper force driving Bancroft : He wasn ’ t just writing history – he was shaping mythology .
After graduating from Harvard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he studied in Germany and read foreign histories of the United States while staying with his brother-in-law in Washington , and he gradually achieved an epiphany .
“ It was during that sojourn in the capital , ” writes Woodard , “ that Bancroft made the decision to write a history of his country that would help guide its people to their destiny.
” The “ people ” he referred to came from an “ Anglo-Saxon germ , ” according to Woodard , and Bancroft ’ s “ History ” portrayed “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of civilization.
” His text helped fuel the American cultural movement known today as Manifest Destiny , the rhetoric of which “ inspired the most spirited advocates of annexation and war.
” Bancroft felt compelled to use an explicitly missionary tone , and he wasn ’ t alone .
Incantatory folklore has always been an active ingredient in American history ; only 40 years before Bancroft set to work , Parson Mason Weems had written his famous “ I can not tell a lie ” saint ’ s life of George Washington , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man , it could work for a country .
Bancroft ’ s “ History ” was an instant bestseller , and its author had the inner certitude of a saint .
For him , the “ Civil War had been the nation ’ s final struggle , ” as Woodard puts it ; “ henceforth the United States would float down the Providential stream to a land of milk , honey , and human freedom.
” George Bancoft ’ s portrait is only one of many utterly gripping depictions scattered throughout “ Union.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ book about history must necessarily include historians , and America hasn ’ t exactly lacked for historians who were at least as interested in laying out an ideological agenda as they were in analyzing records .
Indeed , some of them went from writing history books to making history .
One of the foremost of Woodard ’ s examples is future President Woodrow Wilson , who in 1893 published “ Division and Reunion , 1829-1889 , ” in which , among other racist sentiments , he wrote that slaves in the American South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kept from overwork both by their own laziness and by the slack discipline to which they were subjected.
” Only 10 years before the appearance of “ Division and Reunion , ” the U.S. Supreme Court had gutted several key provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1875 – part of a widespread pattern of legislatures and lawmakers rolling back rights .
That pattern was fought by another of Woodard ’ s main characters , Frederick Douglass , who thundered in speech after speech that a wrong done to one man was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It may not be felt at the moment , and the evil may be long delayed , but so sure as there is a moral government of the universe , so sure as there is a God of the universe , so sure will the harvest of evil come.
” Wilson ’ s racist vision of U.S. history was infamously reflected in the first American movie ever screened at the White House : D.W. Griffith ’ s “ The Birth of a Nation ” ( originally “ The Clansman ” ) , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and subsequently praised .
When the film premiered in Boston on April 17 , 1915 , it drew large audiences – and large protests .
“ Witnesses described the scene as a near riot , ” Woodard writes , “ a hairbreadth from turning violent , that was barely quashed by the overwhelming police presence.
” The protesters who were clubbed by police might have said that the scene was indeed violent , but in any case , as Woodard points out , “ The events that evening in Boston sparked the beginning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black civil rights demonstrations in U.S. history.
” These depressingly familiar notes sound throughout the book , in which Woodard describes facets of “ an intellectual battle of the highest possible stakes ” that raged over the rough century his book chronicles .
The stakes are nothing short of determining how a nation thinks about itself , how it teaches posterity about itself .
In “ Union , ” that battle sprawls out of the narrow confines of academia and embroils the entire country – and the fight is ongoing .

When George Bancroft was hunched over his table at the venerable Boston Athenæum in 1832, he wasn’t merely working on the critical scaffolding of his great work, “History of the United States of America.” That was certainly his task, but, as historian Colin Woodard makes clear in his compelling new book, “Union: The Struggle to Forge the Story of United States Nationhood,” there was a deeper force driving Bancroft: He wasn’t just writing history – he was shaping mythology.
After graduating from Harvard at the ripe old age of 16, he studied in Germany and read foreign histories of the United States while staying with his brother-in-law in Washington, and he gradually achieved an epiphany. “It was during that sojourn in the capital,” writes Woodard, “that Bancroft made the decision to write a history of his country that would help guide its people to their destiny.” The “people” he referred to came from an “Anglo-Saxon germ,” according to Woodard, and Bancroft’s “History” portrayed “the pre-contact Americas as having been devoid of civilization.” His text helped fuel the American cultural movement known today as Manifest Destiny, the rhetoric of which “inspired the most spirited advocates of annexation and war.”
Bancroft felt compelled to use an explicitly missionary tone, and he wasn’t alone. Incantatory folklore has always been an active ingredient in American history; only 40 years before Bancroft set to work, Parson Mason Weems had written his famous “I cannot tell a lie” saint’s life of George Washington, and if hagiography could work for a man, it could work for a country. Bancroft’s “History” was an instant bestseller, and its author had the inner certitude of a saint. For him, the “Civil War had been the nation’s final struggle,” as Woodard puts it; “henceforth the United States would float down the Providential stream to a land of milk, honey, and human freedom.”
George Bancoft’s portrait is only one of many utterly gripping depictions scattered throughout “Union.” Woodard has wisely decided that a book about history must necessarily include historians, and America hasn’t exactly lacked for historians who were at least as interested in laying out an ideological agenda as they were in analyzing records.
Indeed, some of them went from writing history books to making history. One of the foremost of Woodard’s examples is future President Woodrow Wilson, who in 1893 published “Division and Reunion, 1829-1889,” in which, among other racist sentiments, he wrote that slaves in the American South “were comfortably quartered, and were kept from overwork both by their own laziness and by the slack discipline to which they were subjected.”
Only 10 years before the appearance of “Division and Reunion,” the U.S. Supreme Court had gutted several key provisions of the Civil Rights Act of 1875 – part of a widespread pattern of legislatures and lawmakers rolling back rights. That pattern was fought by another of Woodard’s main characters, Frederick Douglass, who thundered in speech after speech that a wrong done to one man was a wrong done to all men. “It may not be felt at the moment, and the evil may be long delayed, but so sure as there is a moral government of the universe, so sure as there is a God of the universe, so sure will the harvest of evil come.”
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Wilson’s racist vision of U.S. history was infamously reflected in the first American movie ever screened at the White House: D.W. Griffith’s “The Birth of a Nation” (originally “The Clansman”), which Wilson watched in rapt silence in 1915 and subsequently praised. When the film premiered in Boston on April 17, 1915, it drew large audiences – and large protests. “Witnesses described the scene as a near riot,” Woodard writes, “a hairbreadth from turning violent, that was barely quashed by the overwhelming police presence.” The protesters who were clubbed by police might have said that the scene was indeed violent, but in any case, as Woodard points out, “The events that evening in Boston sparked the beginning of something extraordinary: the first mass black civil rights demonstrations in U.S. history.”
These depressingly familiar notes sound throughout the book, in which Woodard describes facets of “an intellectual battle of the highest possible stakes” that raged over the rough century his book chronicles. The stakes are nothing short of determining how a nation thinks about itself, how it teaches posterity about itself. In “Union,” that battle sprawls out of the narrow confines of academia and embroils the entire country – and the fight is ongoing.


csmonitor--2020-06-24--Civil rights giants have hope and advice for BLM protestors

Bob Moses says America is at “ a lurching moment '' for racial change , potentially as transforming as the Civil War era and as the 1960s civil rights movement that he helped lead .
“ What we are experiencing now as a nation has only happened a couple times in our history , ” said Mr. Moses , a main organizer of the 1964 “ Freedom Summer ” project in Mississippi .
“ These are moments when the whole nation is lurching , and it 's not quite sure which way it 's going to lurch.
” Mr. Moses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he founded , was among the many people , Black and white , who risked jail time , assaults , and even assassination in the battles against racial segregation and for voting rights in the South .
Associated Press reporters asked some of the leaders their thoughts on the current protests across the country sparked by police slayings of Black men in Minneapolis and Atlanta .
“ We have kind of the perfect storm , ” said the Rev .
Jesse L. Jackson , a close aide to the slain Dr. Martin Luther @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rainbow PUSH Coalition , an organization that fights for social change .
“ You 've got COVID-19 , you 've got ‘ Code Blue ’ – police brutality – you have poverty , and you have Trump.
” Studies show that Black people have suffered disproportionately from the coronavirus , the resulting economic downturn , and at the hands of police , and polls show most are opposed to President Donald Trump , a Republican .
Mr. Jackson noted , though , it 's not just Black people taking to the streets in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more massive , more rainbow , and more global , ” said Mr. Jackson .
Bobby Seale , who co-founded the Black Panther Party with the late Huey Newton in 1966 , said he finds today ’ s demonstrations “ fantastic ” for drawing hundreds of thousands of people , far greater numbers than what he could muster back in his day .
“ I love it , ” Mr. Seale said , laughing , from his Oakland home .
Andrew Young , a King lieutenant , marvels at both the sizes and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former Democratic congressman , Atlanta mayor , and United Nations ambassador recalled activists spending three months to organize for a 1963 Birmingham , Alabama , campaign in which Dr. King and other protesters were jailed .
He said only a fraction of the 500 demonstrators sought showed up .
“ Our mobilization was inconsequential , ” said Mr. Young explaining that Dr. King ’ s letter from the jail and an economic boycott proved more powerful .
James Meredith has seen himself on a lifelong mission from God to topple white supremacy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jackson , Mississippi , that it ’ s a sign from God that a young girl filmed George Floyd 's death at the hands of Minneapolis police .
Mr. Meredith says that kind of visual evidence calls attention to continued violence against Black people .
“ Every time it looks like it ’ s going to be over , the same thing that ’ s been happening now for 500 years , happens over and over , ” said Mr. Meredith , who became the first African American to enroll at the University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by white people .
He survived being shot by a white man in 1966 while on a “ march against fear.
” St. Louis activist Percy Green , who gained national attention in 1964 for scaling the Gateway Arch to protest the exclusion of Blacks from federal contracts and jobs as the Arch was being built , said the 1960s protests had clear goals .
“ This is reactive , though , ” said Mr. Green , a veteran civil rights activist .
“ What we did back then was proactive .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this up to get change.
” Mr. Green and Mr. Seale said activists should use the energy from the multiracial , multiethnic coalition growing in streets to register new voters for lasting political change .
Mr. Jackson suggested the demonstrators should broaden their focus beyond the need for police reforms .
“ Now my concern there is that the police issue is the epidermis , the skin layer of our crisis , ” Mr. Jackson said .
“ Racism is bone deep ; it 's not just police.
” Even Mr. Seale , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a riot in the wake of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago , said : “ They have to keep it peaceful .
I do n't believe in rioting . ''
Former Democratic U.S. Sen. Fred Harris , the last surviving member of the 1968 Kerner Commission , a panel that examined the urban riots of the time , said he 's “ as angry as these protesters ” because racism , inequality , and poverty persists all these years later .
He warned that violence leads to more repression .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Harris , who is white , said from his Corrales , New Mexico , home .
Mr. Jackson and Mr. Young are as well .
“ There ’ s going to be a new consensus emerging about how to maintain law and order in a civilized society , ” Mr. Young said .
`` I think we ’ re just starting .
I don ’ t think anybody has a notion of how big a change this is going to introduce.
” Mr. Moses remains cautious .
America has “ lurched ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Civil War era 's emancipation and Reconstruction gave way to Jim Crow segregation in the South .
Dr. King 's nonviolence movement and racial progress slowed amid white backlash over the 1967 urban rioting and riots after Dr. King 's 1968 assassination .
But Mr. Moses also thinks the video of Mr. Floyd dying slowly under a white police officer 's knee is a searing image for the nation .
“ Until you can come up from under the pressure of the deep sea , you do n't realize ‘ Whoa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deep sea , ' '' he said from Hollywood , Florida .
“ Some Americans were shocked , it seems to me , to discover they had actually been swimming in this deep , deep sea and did n't understand it.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Sudhin Thanawala in Atlanta and Emily Wagster Pettus in Jackson , Mississippi , contributed .

Bob Moses says America is at “a lurching moment" for racial change, potentially as transforming as the Civil War era and as the 1960s civil rights movement that he helped lead.
“What we are experiencing now as a nation has only happened a couple times in our history,” said Mr. Moses, a main organizer of the 1964 “Freedom Summer” project in Mississippi. “These are moments when the whole nation is lurching, and it's not quite sure which way it's going to lurch.”
Mr. Moses, still active with The Algebra Project he founded, was among the many people, Black and white, who risked jail time, assaults, and even assassination in the battles against racial segregation and for voting rights in the South. Associated Press reporters asked some of the leaders their thoughts on the current protests across the country sparked by police slayings of Black men in Minneapolis and Atlanta.
“We have kind of the perfect storm,” said the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, a close aide to the slain Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and leader of the Chicago-based Rainbow PUSH Coalition, an organization that fights for social change. “You've got COVID-19, you've got ‘Code Blue’ – police brutality – you have poverty, and you have Trump.”
Studies show that Black people have suffered disproportionately from the coronavirus, the resulting economic downturn, and at the hands of police, and polls show most are opposed to President Donald Trump, a Republican. Mr. Jackson noted, though, it's not just Black people taking to the streets in large numbers.
“They have been more massive, more rainbow, and more global,” said Mr. Jackson.
Bobby Seale, who co-founded the Black Panther Party with the late Huey Newton in 1966, said he finds today’s demonstrations “fantastic” for drawing hundreds of thousands of people, far greater numbers than what he could muster back in his day.
“I love it,” Mr. Seale said, laughing, from his Oakland home.
Andrew Young, a King lieutenant, marvels at both the sizes and the spontaneity of the protests. The former Democratic congressman, Atlanta mayor, and United Nations ambassador recalled activists spending three months to organize for a 1963 Birmingham, Alabama, campaign in which Dr. King and other protesters were jailed. He said only a fraction of the 500 demonstrators sought showed up.
“Our mobilization was inconsequential,” said Mr. Young explaining that Dr. King’s letter from the jail and an economic boycott proved more powerful.
James Meredith has seen himself on a lifelong mission from God to topple white supremacy. He said Monday from his home in Jackson, Mississippi, that it’s a sign from God that a young girl filmed George Floyd's death at the hands of Minneapolis police. Mr. Meredith says that kind of visual evidence calls attention to continued violence against Black people.
“Every time it looks like it’s going to be over, the same thing that’s been happening now for 500 years, happens over and over,” said Mr. Meredith, who became the first African American to enroll at the University of Mississippi in 1962 amid violent protests by white people. He survived being shot by a white man in 1966 while on a “march against fear.”
St. Louis activist Percy Green, who gained national attention in 1964 for scaling the Gateway Arch to protest the exclusion of Blacks from federal contracts and jobs as the Arch was being built, said the 1960s protests had clear goals.
“This is reactive, though,” said Mr. Green, a veteran civil rights activist. “What we did back then was proactive. So they are going to have to keep this up to get change.”
Mr. Green and Mr. Seale said activists should use the energy from the multiracial, multiethnic coalition growing in streets to register new voters for lasting political change.
Mr. Jackson suggested the demonstrators should broaden their focus beyond the need for police reforms.
“Now my concern there is that the police issue is the epidermis, the skin layer of our crisis,” Mr. Jackson said. “Racism is bone deep; it's not just police.”
Even Mr. Seale, who was charged with conspiracy and inciting a riot in the wake of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago, said: “They have to keep it peaceful. I don't believe in rioting."
Former Democratic U.S. Sen. Fred Harris, the last surviving member of the 1968 Kerner Commission, a panel that examined the urban riots of the time, said he's “as angry as these protesters” because racism, inequality, and poverty persists all these years later. He warned that violence leads to more repression.
“I'm hopeful, though," Mr. Harris, who is white, said from his Corrales, New Mexico, home.
Mr. Jackson and Mr. Young are as well.
“There’s going to be a new consensus emerging about how to maintain law and order in a civilized society,” Mr. Young said. "I think we’re just starting. I don’t think anybody has a notion of how big a change this is going to introduce.”
Mr. Moses remains cautious. America has “lurched” forward racially, then fallen back before. The Civil War era's emancipation and Reconstruction gave way to Jim Crow segregation in the South. Dr. King's nonviolence movement and racial progress slowed amid white backlash over the 1967 urban rioting and riots after Dr. King's 1968 assassination.
But Mr. Moses also thinks the video of Mr. Floyd dying slowly under a white police officer's knee is a searing image for the nation.
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“Until you can come up from under the pressure of the deep sea, you don't realize ‘Whoa! I’ve been in the deep sea,'" he said from Hollywood, Florida. “Some Americans were shocked, it seems to me, to discover they had actually been swimming in this deep, deep sea and didn't understand it.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Sudhin Thanawala in Atlanta and Emily Wagster Pettus in Jackson, Mississippi, contributed.


csmonitor--2020-06-24--Another Southern statue removed: John C. Calhoun

The historic South Carolina city of Charleston was removing a symbol of its legacy on Wednesday , sending crews to take away a statue honoring John C. Calhoun , an early United States vice president whose zealous defense of slavery led the nation toward civil war .
After a nightlong struggle to dislodge it , city crews were still working after daybreak to lift the statue from a pedestal that towers over a downtown square along Calhoun Street .
The city and its mayor voted unanimously Tuesday to remove it , the latest in a wave of actions arising from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ African Americans .
Crews in bucket trucks soared more than 100 feet to reach the top of the pedestal , where they strapped the statue around its shoulders in preparations for its removal using an even taller piece of equipment .
A few hundred people , most of them in favor of removal , gathered to watch it come down .
City officials said the statue will be placed permanently at “ an appropriate site where it will be protected and preserved.
” “ I believe that we are setting a new chapter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our city ’ s history , ” said the mayor , John Tecklenburg , who sent the resolution calling for its removal to the council .
“ We are making the right step .
It ’ s just simply the right thing for us to do.
” Council members heard from dozens of residents for and against the statue .
Grace Clark , a Charlestonian who said her family has lived in the city since the late 18th century , asked them `` to please not remove our history .
Not all history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Ms. Clark suggested a notion that city leaders had considered in the past : adding contextual information about Calhoun 's history with slavery , rather than taking down the monument .
`` We are doing what we can to honor the Black men and women .
We ’ re Charlestonians .
We ’ re South Carolinians .
We ’ re better than this , ” she said .
Councilman Karl L. Brady Jr. said he knew his support for removal could cost him politically , but that he would vote his conscience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we place white supremacy and white supremacist thought back where it belongs – on the ash heap of history.
” The move comes days after the fifth anniversary of the slaying of nine Black parishioners in a racist attack at a downtown Charleston church .
It also comes as cities around the U.S. debate the removal of monuments to Confederate leaders and others , and as thousands of Americans demonstrate against racial injustice in the wake of George Floyd 's death under a Minneapolis police officer 's knee .
The statue 's ultimate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special panel .
The mayor has anticipated it would go to a local museum or educational institution .
When Mr. Tecklenburg announced his plans a week earlier , dozens of protesters linked arms around the monument , shouting , “ Take it down !
” Video posted on Twitter also showed signs and spray-painting on the monument .
Police said they made several arrests for vandalism .
The Calhoun Monument stood since 1898 in the heart of downtown Charleston , towering over a sprawling square where locals and tourists alike enjoyed festivals .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they would no longer use the space while the statue remained .
About 40 % of enslaved Africans brought to North America came through the port city of Charleston , which formally apologized in 2018 for its role in the slave trade .
In its resolution , the city says the statue “ is seen by many people as something other than a memorial to the accomplishments of a South Carolina native , but rather a symbol glorifying slavery and as such , a painful reminder of the history of slavery in Charleston.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which he called a “ positive good , ” never wavered .
He said in speeches on the U.S. Senate floor in the 1830s that slaves in the South were better off than free Blacks in the North .
With his pro-slavery “ Calhoun Doctrine , ” he led the South toward secession before he died in 1850 .
South Carolina ’ s Heritage Act protects historical monuments and names of buildings , but the mayor said the monument is not on public property , nor does it commemorate one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ According to the National Parks Service , the city technically leases the land , which “ is to be kept open forever as a parade ground for the Sumter Guards and the Washington Light Infantry.
” Thus far , Mr. Tecklenburg ’ s interpretation has not been legally disputed .
A two-thirds General Assembly vote is required to make any changes under the Heritage Act .
That 's tough in a state where conservatives dominate the House and Senate , but it happened in 2015 when the Confederate flag was removed from Statehouse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Heritage Act on Tuesday as a “ good state law ” and a “ deliberate process that is not influenced by passion and time.
” The former prosecutor called Mr. Tecklenburg 's assertion that the law does n't apply in this instance a “ legal question , ” adding , “ it depends on how you read the Heritage Act , and there are people who read it in different ways.
” Several Black lawmakers are urging local governments and colleges to act unilaterally in defiance of the monument protection law because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t faced a court challenge , and several are planning to do so .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The historic South Carolina city of Charleston was removing a symbol of its legacy on Wednesday, sending crews to take away a statue honoring John C. Calhoun, an early United States vice president whose zealous defense of slavery led the nation toward civil war.
After a nightlong struggle to dislodge it, city crews were still working after daybreak to lift the statue from a pedestal that towers over a downtown square along Calhoun Street. The city and its mayor voted unanimously Tuesday to remove it, the latest in a wave of actions arising from protests against racism and police brutality against African Americans.
Crews in bucket trucks soared more than 100 feet to reach the top of the pedestal, where they strapped the statue around its shoulders in preparations for its removal using an even taller piece of equipment.
A few hundred people, most of them in favor of removal, gathered to watch it come down. City officials said the statue will be placed permanently at “an appropriate site where it will be protected and preserved.”
“I believe that we are setting a new chapter, a more equitable chapter, in our city’s history,” said the mayor, John Tecklenburg, who sent the resolution calling for its removal to the council. “We are making the right step. It’s just simply the right thing for us to do.”
Council members heard from dozens of residents for and against the statue.
Grace Clark, a Charlestonian who said her family has lived in the city since the late 18th century, asked them "to please not remove our history. Not all history is good but it is our history.”
Ms. Clark suggested a notion that city leaders had considered in the past: adding contextual information about Calhoun's history with slavery, rather than taking down the monument. "We are doing what we can to honor the Black men and women. We’re Charlestonians. We’re South Carolinians. We’re better than this,” she said.
Councilman Karl L. Brady Jr. said he knew his support for removal could cost him politically, but that he would vote his conscience, showing that in Charleston, “we place white supremacy and white supremacist thought back where it belongs – on the ash heap of history.”
The move comes days after the fifth anniversary of the slaying of nine Black parishioners in a racist attack at a downtown Charleston church. It also comes as cities around the U.S. debate the removal of monuments to Confederate leaders and others, and as thousands of Americans demonstrate against racial injustice in the wake of George Floyd's death under a Minneapolis police officer's knee.
The statue's ultimate resting place will be decided by a special panel. The mayor has anticipated it would go to a local museum or educational institution.
When Mr. Tecklenburg announced his plans a week earlier, dozens of protesters linked arms around the monument, shouting, “Take it down!” Video posted on Twitter also showed signs and spray-painting on the monument. Police said they made several arrests for vandalism.
The Calhoun Monument stood since 1898 in the heart of downtown Charleston, towering over a sprawling square where locals and tourists alike enjoyed festivals. But several event organizers said recently that they would no longer use the space while the statue remained.
About 40% of enslaved Africans brought to North America came through the port city of Charleston, which formally apologized in 2018 for its role in the slave trade. In its resolution, the city says the statue “is seen by many people as something other than a memorial to the accomplishments of a South Carolina native, but rather a symbol glorifying slavery and as such, a painful reminder of the history of slavery in Charleston.”
Calhoun’s support of slavery, which he called a “positive good,” never wavered. He said in speeches on the U.S. Senate floor in the 1830s that slaves in the South were better off than free Blacks in the North. With his pro-slavery “Calhoun Doctrine,” he led the South toward secession before he died in 1850.
South Carolina’s Heritage Act protects historical monuments and names of buildings, but the mayor said the monument is not on public property, nor does it commemorate one of the historical events listed in the act. According to the National Parks Service, the city technically leases the land, which “is to be kept open forever as a parade ground for the Sumter Guards and the Washington Light Infantry.”
Thus far, Mr. Tecklenburg’s interpretation has not been legally disputed. A two-thirds General Assembly vote is required to make any changes under the Heritage Act. That's tough in a state where conservatives dominate the House and Senate, but it happened in 2015 when the Confederate flag was removed from Statehouse grounds.
Gov. Henry McMaster described the Heritage Act on Tuesday as a “good state law” and a “deliberate process that is not influenced by passion and time.” The former prosecutor called Mr. Tecklenburg's assertion that the law doesn't apply in this instance a “legal question,” adding, “it depends on how you read the Heritage Act, and there are people who read it in different ways.”
Several Black lawmakers are urging local governments and colleges to act unilaterally in defiance of the monument protection law because it carries no stated penalties and hasn’t faced a court challenge, and several are planning to do so.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-25--The psalm says ‘apple,’ but it was ‘pupil’ of the eye

A friend once gave a talk in front of a difficult audience , and , when asked how it had gone , replied , “ I bit the bullet.
” He was beaming with happiness when he used this idiom , confusing everyone who ’ d heard him .
It turns out that he thought that bite the bullet meant pulling off an almost impossible feat , like a magician catching a bullet in her teeth , and that his talk had gone well .
Last week we talked about idioms that are easier to understand in their original context @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good example .
Folk etymology holds that soldiers would bite bullets to help them tolerate pain during battlefield surgeries in the Civil War .
In fact , soldiers who were sentenced to be flogged – a common military punishment from the 17th to the early 19th century – would bite on soft lead bullets to avoid crying out and seeming “ weak.
” A 1788 slang dictionary explains : “ It is a point of honour in some regiments ... never to cry out ... whilst under the discipline of the cat o @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they chew a bullet.
” When you bite the bullet , then , you “ force yourself to do something unpleasant or difficult , or to be brave in a difficult situation , ” according to the Cambridge Dictionary .
I had always thought that cool as a cucumber was coined because of the pleasing alliteration of the “ k ” sounds , not because it made any sense .
When I grew cucumbers last year , I discovered what farmers have apparently known since at least the 17th century , when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do feel cool and refreshing on a hot summer day .
In the 17th century , cukes were considered among the “ coldest ” and “ dampest ” foods according to humoral theory , which ranked foods according to temperature and moisture content .
Cool as a cucumber thus means “ calm and collected , ” unbothered by stresses like oppressive heat , or public speaking .
Another fruit idiom was produced when the Psalms were first translated into English .
In Psalms 17:8 , David asks God to “ Keep me as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me under the shadow of thy wings.
” In Hebrew , the word is not apple , but ishon , “ little man.
” When you look into someone else ’ s eye , you see a tiny image of yourself reflected ; ishon thus means “ pupil.
” When the psalm was translated into Old English in the 10th century , however , it became apple ( æppel ) .
Scholars speculate that Anglo-Saxons used the word “ apple ” for “ pupil ” because they conceived of this part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually fall out if a person wasn ’ t careful , but you can see a little version of yourself reflected in a particularly shiny apple , too .
The idiom has been the apple of someone ’ s eye since then , meaning , according to Merriam-Webster , “ a person or thing that someone loves very much .
”

A friend once gave a talk in front of a difficult audience, and, when asked how it had gone, replied, “I bit the bullet.” He was beaming with happiness when he used this idiom, confusing everyone who’d heard him. It turns out that he thought that bite the bullet meant pulling off an almost impossible feat, like a magician catching a bullet in her teeth, and that his talk had gone well.
Last week we talked about idioms that are easier to understand in their original context, and bite the bullet is a good example. Folk etymology holds that soldiers would bite bullets to help them tolerate pain during battlefield surgeries in the Civil War. In fact, soldiers who were sentenced to be flogged – a common military punishment from the 17th to the early 19th century – would bite on soft lead bullets to avoid crying out and seeming “weak.” A 1788 slang dictionary explains: “It is a point of honour in some regiments ... never to cry out ... whilst under the discipline of the cat o’ nine tails; to avoid which, they chew a bullet.” When you bite the bullet, then, you “force yourself to do something unpleasant or difficult, or to be brave in a difficult situation,” according to the Cambridge Dictionary.
I had always thought that cool as a cucumber was coined because of the pleasing alliteration of the “k” sounds, not because it made any sense. When I grew cucumbers last year, I discovered what farmers have apparently known since at least the 17th century, when the saying first appeared: Cucumbers really do feel cool and refreshing on a hot summer day. In the 17th century, cukes were considered among the “coldest” and “dampest” foods according to humoral theory, which ranked foods according to temperature and moisture content. Cool as a cucumber thus means “calm and collected,” unbothered by stresses like oppressive heat, or public speaking.
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Another fruit idiom was produced when the Psalms were first translated into English. In Psalms 17:8, David asks God to “Keep me as the apple of the eye, hide me under the shadow of thy wings.” In Hebrew, the word is not apple, but ishon, “little man.” When you look into someone else’s eye, you see a tiny image of yourself reflected; ishon thus means “pupil.”
When the psalm was translated into Old English in the 10th century, however, it became apple (æppel). Scholars speculate that Anglo-Saxons used the word “apple” for “pupil” because they conceived of this part of the eye as a solid ball that could actually fall out if a person wasn’t careful, but you can see a little version of yourself reflected in a particularly shiny apple, too. The idiom has been the apple of someone’s eye since then, meaning, according to Merriam-Webster, “a person or thing that someone loves very much.”


csmonitor--2020-06-25--Plane crash probe finds 30% Pakistani pilots hold 'fake' license

Pakistan ’ s state-run airline said on Thursday it will ground 150 pilots , accusing them of obtaining licenses by having others take exams for them , an accusation that followed a probe into last month ’ s crash that killed 97 people in Karachi .
Abdullah Hafeez , a spokesman for Pakistan International Airlines , did not give additional details about the alleged cheating but said a process to fire the pilots had been initiated .
“ We will make it sure that such unqualified pilots never fly aircraft again , ” he told The Associated Press .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ airline ’ s top priority .
Pakistan ’ s aviation minister said on Wednesday that “ human error ” on the part of the pilot , the co-pilot , and air traffic control caused last month ’ s Pakistan International Airlines crash in the port city of Karachi .
The announcement shed new light on the tragedy after Pakistani investigators earlier said only that the crash resulted from engine failure .
It also revealed previously unconfirmed details , including that the plane had made a failed attempt at landing during which its engines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damage .
According to the cockpit voice recorder , which was later found among the debris on the ground , the pilots had discussed the coronavirus throughout the flight , which had apparently affected their families .
The plane went down in a residential area near Jinnah International Airport on May 22 , just days after Pakistan lifted restrictions imposed over the coronavirus pandemic and resumed domestic flights ahead of the major Muslim holiday of Eid al-Fitr , which marks the end of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan .
Alarmed over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said it was following reports from Pakistan “ regarding fake pilot licenses , which are concerning and represent a serious lapse in the licensing and safety oversight by the aviation regulator.
” The global airline organization said it was seeking more information .
The move by PIA to ground the pilots comes a day after the country ’ s aviation minister , Ghulam Sarqar Khan , said 262 out of 860 Pakistani pilots had “ fake ” licenses .
He made the revelation while presenting preliminary findings of a probe to parliament into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pakistan had been in a countrywide lockdown since mid-March because of the virus .
When flights resumed in May , every other seat on planes was left vacant to promote social distancing .
The aviation minister ’ s announcement stunned lawmakers present in the National Assembly and shocked family members of passengers who died last month when Flight PK8303 went down after departing from the eastern city of Lahore , crashing in a congested residential area in Karachi .
Neither Mr. Khan nor Mr. Hafeez released additional details about the alleged methods used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fly commercial planes .
Mr. Khan said only that they did not take examinations themselves to get the required certificates , which are issued by the civil aviation authority .
But officials familiar with the process involved in issuing pilot ’ s licenses said an unspecified number of people who had the skills to fly a plane but lacked technical knowledge had in the past bribed qualified persons to take exams for them .
They didn ’ t elaborate .
The officials , who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Pakistan International Airlines learned about the scandal two years ago and fired at least four pilots at the time on accusations of falsifying exams to obtain a license from the civil aviation authority .
Mr. Hafeez said notices were being issued to all those pilots who he believed had tainted licenses .
Shortly after the May 22 crash , Pakistan announced it would investigate the incident and share its findings .
In presenting preliminary findings of the probe to parliament Wednesday , Mr. Khan said the pilot , before making his first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attention to warnings from the air control tower when he was told the plane was too high to land .
However , he said the pilot and co-pilot were medically fit and qualified to fly .
The crash took place when the plane attempted to land a second time .
At that point , air traffic control told the pilot three times that the plane was too low to land but he refused to listen , saying he would manage , Mr. Khan said .
The minister added that , for its part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pilots about damage caused to the engines after the plane ’ s first failed landing attempt .
“ The engines of the plane were damaged when they scraped the runway but the air traffic control did not inform the pilot , ” he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Asim Tanveer contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Pakistan’s state-run airline said on Thursday it will ground 150 pilots, accusing them of obtaining licenses by having others take exams for them, an accusation that followed a probe into last month’s crash that killed 97 people in Karachi.
Abdullah Hafeez, a spokesman for Pakistan International Airlines, did not give additional details about the alleged cheating but said a process to fire the pilots had been initiated.
“We will make it sure that such unqualified pilots never fly aircraft again,” he told The Associated Press. He said the safety of passengers was the airline’s top priority.
Pakistan’s aviation minister said on Wednesday that “human error” on the part of the pilot, the co-pilot, and air traffic control caused last month’s Pakistan International Airlines crash in the port city of Karachi.
The announcement shed new light on the tragedy after Pakistani investigators earlier said only that the crash resulted from engine failure. It also revealed previously unconfirmed details, including that the plane had made a failed attempt at landing during which its engines apparently scraped the runway, causing significant damage.
According to the cockpit voice recorder, which was later found among the debris on the ground, the pilots had discussed the coronavirus throughout the flight, which had apparently affected their families.
The plane went down in a residential area near Jinnah International Airport on May 22, just days after Pakistan lifted restrictions imposed over the coronavirus pandemic and resumed domestic flights ahead of the major Muslim holiday of Eid al-Fitr, which marks the end of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan.
Alarmed over the situation, the International Air Transport Association said it was following reports from Pakistan “regarding fake pilot licenses, which are concerning and represent a serious lapse in the licensing and safety oversight by the aviation regulator.”
The global airline organization said it was seeking more information.
The move by PIA to ground the pilots comes a day after the country’s aviation minister, Ghulam Sarqar Khan, said 262 out of 860 Pakistani pilots had “fake” licenses. He made the revelation while presenting preliminary findings of a probe to parliament into the May 22 Airbus A320 crash.
Pakistan had been in a countrywide lockdown since mid-March because of the virus.
When flights resumed in May, every other seat on planes was left vacant to promote social distancing.
The aviation minister’s announcement stunned lawmakers present in the National Assembly and shocked family members of passengers who died last month when Flight PK8303 went down after departing from the eastern city of Lahore, crashing in a congested residential area in Karachi.
Neither Mr. Khan nor Mr. Hafeez released additional details about the alleged methods used by the pilots to wrongfully obtain licenses to fly commercial planes. Mr. Khan said only that they did not take examinations themselves to get the required certificates, which are issued by the civil aviation authority.
But officials familiar with the process involved in issuing pilot’s licenses said an unspecified number of people who had the skills to fly a plane but lacked technical knowledge had in the past bribed qualified persons to take exams for them. They didn’t elaborate.
The officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the matter, said Pakistan International Airlines learned about the scandal two years ago and fired at least four pilots at the time on accusations of falsifying exams to obtain a license from the civil aviation authority.
Mr. Hafeez said notices were being issued to all those pilots who he believed had tainted licenses.
Shortly after the May 22 crash, Pakistan announced it would investigate the incident and share its findings.
In presenting preliminary findings of the probe to parliament Wednesday, Mr. Khan said the pilot, before making his first failed landing attempt, did not pay attention to warnings from the air control tower when he was told the plane was too high to land. However, he said the pilot and co-pilot were medically fit and qualified to fly.
The crash took place when the plane attempted to land a second time. At that point, air traffic control told the pilot three times that the plane was too low to land but he refused to listen, saying he would manage, Mr. Khan said. The minister added that, for its part, air traffic control did not inform the pilots about damage caused to the engines after the plane’s first failed landing attempt.
“The engines of the plane were damaged when they scraped the runway but the air traffic control did not inform the pilot,” he said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Asim Tanveer contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-25--Why does World War II still hold such a grip on Russia?

“ Under Putin , the authorities see Victory Day as a source of legitimacy , ” says Alexei Makarkin of the Center for Political Technologies in Moscow .
“ This is understandable since our population believes that it was the most important event in Russian and , indeed , world history .
There is no other proposition that enjoys such complete consensus in Russia.
” Critics argue that the Kremlin leans so heavily on the war because the post-Soviet Russian state needs events that bespeak a time of social unity .
A recent poll found that 75 % of Russians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the best time in Russian history.
” There may be no simple explanations for why Russians can not seem to ease their memories of the trauma of the war .
It ’ s a basic truth that WWII impacted the former Soviet Union far more than any other participant , leaving 27 million dead .
“ Almost every family carries the memory of someone they lost , ” says Mikhail Chernysh of the Institute of Sociology in Moscow .
Most nations that participated in World War II suffered terrible losses .
But Russia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the war actually grows in the public consciousness with each passing year .
The anniversary of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany is a hugely important holiday in Russia .
So when the coronavirus lockdown prevented it from being celebrated on its appointed day , May 9 , a new holiday was created so that it could happen this week .
That is why , on what would otherwise have been an ordinary Wednesday in June , Red Square reverberated under the weight of hundreds of armored vehicles , more than 12,000 marching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 75 combat aircraft .
President Vladimir Putin sat on the Soviet-era tribune beside Lenin ’ s mausoleum , surrounded by war veterans – who had been quarantined for two weeks in advance – to view the belated , but still impressive , Victory Day military parade .
Most nations that participated in World War II suffered terrible losses and still mark the big anniversaries .
But , 75 years after the guns fell silent in Europe , Russia seems to be the only country where the war actually looms larger in public consciousness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This year , in addition to ensuring that the annual parade would take place , Mr. Putin consecrated an enormous new armed forces cathedral and war museum near Moscow .
He also penned a 9,000-word polemical article about the lessons of the war , which was published in an important U.S. foreign policy journal .
The annual march of the Immortal Regiment , a relatively new event in which millions of Russians publicly display photos of ancestors who fought in the war , is taking place on July 26 after being postponed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may be no simple explanations for why Russians can not seem to ease their memories of that immense trauma inflicted by the war .
It ’ s a basic truth that WWII impacted the former Soviet Union far more than any other participant , leaving 27 million dead and most of the European USSR in ruins .
The Red Army also bore the brunt of defeating Nazi Germany , a fact that Mr. Putin ’ s article chided his Western readers for sometimes forgetting .
“ Victory Day is the only holiday on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controversy , ” says Mikhail Chernysh , an expert with the official Institute of Sociology in Moscow .
“ Almost every family carries the memory of someone they lost , and just about everyone supports the idea of public remembrance.
” Critics argue that the Kremlin leans so heavily on the war because the post-Soviet Russian state lacks great achievements and the democratic legitimacy that would confer unity , and hence stages events that bespeak a time of social consolidation , a great cause , and a stirring victory .
A poll released @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Moscow found that a whopping 75 % of Russians believe that the Soviet era was “ the best time in Russian history ” while only 18 % disagreed .
Deeper into the weeds of that survey , it becomes clear that the Soviet period is attractive because it is associated with stability , confidence in the future , a “ good life , ” and nostalgic memories of childhood and youth .
Only 28 % said they favored a return to the Soviet system , while 58 % wanted Russia to follow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Under Putin , the authorities see Victory Day as a source of legitimacy , ” says Alexei Makarkin , deputy director of the independent Center for Political Technologies in Moscow .
“ This is understandable since our population believes that it was the most important event in Russian and , indeed , world history .
There is no other proposition that enjoys such complete consensus in Russia.
” One probable reason that Mr. Putin was moved to write his lengthy missive about the war was that Moscow was miffed by the lack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s 75th anniversary of D-Day celebrations in Britain and France – though Mr. Putin claimed otherwise , deriding the importance of D-Day in the process .
Likely even more irksome to Russia was a resolution adopted by the European Union last September that seemed to declare the Soviet Union equally guilty with Nazi Germany for starting the war , because the two signed a nonaggression pact on the eve of the Nazi invasion of Poland .
The Soviet invasion of Poland followed two weeks thereafter .
Much of Mr. Putin ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one-sided , account of the events leading up to the war .
It ’ s a familiar narrative to any Russian schoolchild , but not well-known in the West .
It ’ s also noteworthy that , amid the polemics , he does point out that the last Soviet leader , Mikhail Gorbachev , renounced the Hitler-Stalin pact and its secret protocols , which divided up Poland and the Baltic states between the USSR and Germany .
The subsequent collapse of the USSR ’ s empire undid the geopolitical remapping that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the West over the start of WWII .
Nikita Petrov , a historian and council member of Russia ’ s largest human rights organization , Memorial , says it ’ s understandable that Mr. Putin doesn ’ t want to address Soviet crimes and mistakes , but does want to stress its participation in the anti-Hitler coalition , which turned the USSR into a great global power .
Mr. Putin ’ s article concludes with an appeal for Russia and the West to heal their growing rift by holding a summit meeting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where Allied leaders hammered out the post-WWII global order .
“ It ’ s perfectly natural for Putin to champion the idea of a Yalta 2 , because he sees this as a possible way to overcome Russia ’ s international isolation , ” says Mr. Petrov .
In short , WWII remains a powerful memory and motivational force in Russia because it seamlessly unites popular emotions with the Kremlin ’ s current goals , says Mr. Chernysh .
“ The war has all the traits of a foundational event for Russians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not just about a great victory , it ’ s also about our victimhood , past and present .
It displays the resilience of the nation when united against overwhelming odds .
It is the glue that promotes current social and political cohesion .
”

“Under Putin, the authorities see Victory Day as a source of legitimacy,” says Alexei Makarkin of the Center for Political Technologies in Moscow. “This is understandable since our population believes that it was the most important event in Russian and, indeed, world history. There is no other proposition that enjoys such complete consensus in Russia.”
Critics argue that the Kremlin leans so heavily on the war because the post-Soviet Russian state needs events that bespeak a time of social unity. A recent poll found that 75% of Russians believe that the Soviet era was “the best time in Russian history.”
World War II was a pivotal event for many countries, but in Russia, it still looms large today. Why does the war retain such a grip on Russian hearts and minds?
There may be no simple explanations for why Russians cannot seem to ease their memories of the trauma of the war. It’s a basic truth that WWII impacted the former Soviet Union far more than any other participant, leaving 27 million dead. “Almost every family carries the memory of someone they lost,” says Mikhail Chernysh of the Institute of Sociology in Moscow.
Most nations that participated in World War II suffered terrible losses. But Russia seems to be the only country where the war actually grows in the public consciousness with each passing year.
The anniversary of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany is a hugely important holiday in Russia. So when the coronavirus lockdown prevented it from being celebrated on its appointed day, May 9, a new holiday was created so that it could happen this week.
That is why, on what would otherwise have been an ordinary Wednesday in June, Red Square reverberated under the weight of hundreds of armored vehicles, more than 12,000 marching troops, and a massive flyover by 75 combat aircraft. President Vladimir Putin sat on the Soviet-era tribune beside Lenin’s mausoleum, surrounded by war veterans – who had been quarantined for two weeks in advance – to view the belated, but still impressive, Victory Day military parade.
Most nations that participated in World War II suffered terrible losses and still mark the big anniversaries. But, 75 years after the guns fell silent in Europe, Russia seems to be the only country where the war actually looms larger in public consciousness and political considerations with each passing year.
Why We Wrote This World War II was a pivotal event for many countries, but in Russia, it still looms large today. Why does the war retain such a grip on Russian hearts and minds?
This year, in addition to ensuring that the annual parade would take place, Mr. Putin consecrated an enormous new armed forces cathedral and war museum near Moscow. He also penned a 9,000-word polemical article about the lessons of the war, which was published in an important U.S. foreign policy journal. The annual march of the Immortal Regiment, a relatively new event in which millions of Russians publicly display photos of ancestors who fought in the war, is taking place on July 26 after being postponed along with the regular parade.
There may be no simple explanations for why Russians cannot seem to ease their memories of that immense trauma inflicted by the war. It’s a basic truth that WWII impacted the former Soviet Union far more than any other participant, leaving 27 million dead and most of the European USSR in ruins. The Red Army also bore the brunt of defeating Nazi Germany, a fact that Mr. Putin’s article chided his Western readers for sometimes forgetting.
“Victory Day is the only holiday on our calendar that does not attract any controversy,” says Mikhail Chernysh, an expert with the official Institute of Sociology in Moscow. “Almost every family carries the memory of someone they lost, and just about everyone supports the idea of public remembrance.”
Critics argue that the Kremlin leans so heavily on the war because the post-Soviet Russian state lacks great achievements and the democratic legitimacy that would confer unity, and hence stages events that bespeak a time of social consolidation, a great cause, and a stirring victory.
Sergey Guneev/Host/Reuters View caption Hide caption Vladimir Putin (center), shown here attending the Victory Day Parade in Red Square on June 24, 2020, argued in his article in National Interest magazine that the West fails to remember that it was the Red Army that bore the brunt of defeating Nazi Germany.
A poll released last week by the independent Levada Center in Moscow found that a whopping 75% of Russians believe that the Soviet era was “the best time in Russian history” while only 18% disagreed. Deeper into the weeds of that survey, it becomes clear that the Soviet period is attractive because it is associated with stability, confidence in the future, a “good life,” and nostalgic memories of childhood and youth. Only 28% said they favored a return to the Soviet system, while 58% wanted Russia to follow “its own, special path.”
“Under Putin, the authorities see Victory Day as a source of legitimacy,” says Alexei Makarkin, deputy director of the independent Center for Political Technologies in Moscow. “This is understandable since our population believes that it was the most important event in Russian and, indeed, world history. There is no other proposition that enjoys such complete consensus in Russia.”
“Not just about a great victory”
One probable reason that Mr. Putin was moved to write his lengthy missive about the war was that Moscow was miffed by the lack of an invitation to attend last year’s 75th anniversary of D-Day celebrations in Britain and France – though Mr. Putin claimed otherwise, deriding the importance of D-Day in the process. Likely even more irksome to Russia was a resolution adopted by the European Union last September that seemed to declare the Soviet Union equally guilty with Nazi Germany for starting the war, because the two signed a nonaggression pact on the eve of the Nazi invasion of Poland. The Soviet invasion of Poland followed two weeks thereafter.
Much of Mr. Putin’s piece is a factual, but tortuous and one-sided, account of the events leading up to the war. It’s a familiar narrative to any Russian schoolchild, but not well-known in the West. It’s also noteworthy that, amid the polemics, he does point out that the last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, renounced the Hitler-Stalin pact and its secret protocols, which divided up Poland and the Baltic states between the USSR and Germany. The subsequent collapse of the USSR’s empire undid the geopolitical remapping that has fueled much of the vitriol between Russia and the West over the start of WWII.
Nikita Petrov, a historian and council member of Russia’s largest human rights organization, Memorial, says it’s understandable that Mr. Putin doesn’t want to address Soviet crimes and mistakes, but does want to stress its participation in the anti-Hitler coalition, which turned the USSR into a great global power.
Mr. Putin’s article concludes with an appeal for Russia and the West to heal their growing rift by holding a summit meeting like the Yalta Conference in early 1945, where Allied leaders hammered out the post-WWII global order. “It’s perfectly natural for Putin to champion the idea of a Yalta 2, because he sees this as a possible way to overcome Russia’s international isolation,” says Mr. Petrov.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In short, WWII remains a powerful memory and motivational force in Russia because it seamlessly unites popular emotions with the Kremlin’s current goals, says Mr. Chernysh.
“The war has all the traits of a foundational event for Russians,” he says. “It’s not just about a great victory, it’s also about our victimhood, past and present. It displays the resilience of the nation when united against overwhelming odds. It is the glue that promotes current social and political cohesion.”


csmonitor--2020-06-25--Netanyahu’s annexation dilemma: Making history, but at what cost?

“ Netanyahu thinks that history will be kind to him , ” says Yossi Klein Halevi , an Israeli writer involved in Middle East reconciliation efforts , “ if he ’ s the prime minister who succeeds in placing his imprimatur on the physical contours of the state.
” With so much potential downside , and with polls suggesting that less than 5 % of the Israeli public considers annexation a top priority , what then is motivating the prime minister ?
The door to annexation was opened by President Donald Trump ’ s peace plan , which envisions Israel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within a Palestinian state .
But unilateral annexation risks destroying the prospect for establishing such a state , turning Israel ’ s democracy into an apartheid entity responsible for 2.7 million noncitizens .
It could rupture Israel ’ s peace with Jordan , and burn ties with Gulf Arab leaders who have endorsed steps toward normalization .
Benjamin Netanyahu ’ s government says it is committed on July 1 to start moving formally toward the unilateral annexation of portions of the occupied West Bank .
But what would be a provocative step remains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repeated declarations of intent are already exacting a cost , for Israel and its few partners in the region .
The billboard next to Tel Aviv ’ s main highway pictures Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel alongside the country ’ s iconic founding prime minister , David Ben-Gurion .
Sponsored by Israeli settler hard-liners who oppose a Palestinian state , the billboard urges West Bank annexation , and contains an admonition : “ History will judge.
” Indeed , the region seems to have arrived at a fateful juncture .
Mr. Netanyahu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on July 1 to start moving formally toward the unilateral annexation of portions of the West Bank , which Israel captured from Jordan in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war .
For now , however , what would be a provocative step remains cloaked in uncertainty , even as Mr. Netanyahu ’ s repeated declarations of intent are already exacting a cost , for Israel and its few partners in the region .
The window of opportunity on annexation was opened by President Donald Trump ’ s Israeli-Palestinian peace plan , which envisions Israel incorporating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Palestinian state .
But unilateral annexation , despite the current coordination with the United States , risks destroying the prospect for establishing such a state , turning Israel ’ s democracy into an apartheid entity responsible for 2.7 million non-citizens .
It could enflame the occupied territories , rupture Israel ’ s peace with Jordan , and burn ties with Gulf Arab leaders who have endorsed small steps of normalization .
Talk of annexation has already triggered an erosion of cooperation with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas , and stark warnings from Jordan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reversal in ties .
“ Netanyahu ’ s rushed push for annexation so far has deepened cleavages within Israeli society regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict , [ and ] triggered significant downgrading of Israeli-Palestinian civil and security coordination , ” says Ofer Zalzberg , an analyst at the International Crisis Group .
“ It nourishes the sense in the leadership in Amman , Ramallah , and the Gulf that to counter annexation fallout and ensure survival , ” they would have to downgrade relations .
With so much potential downside for Israel , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 5 % of the Israeli public considers annexation a top priority , what then is motivating Mr. Netanyahu ?
“ Israel ’ s last outstanding border remaining to be defined is its most complicated border to the east , ” says Yossi Klein Halevi , an American-born Israeli writer involved in Middle East reconciliation efforts .
“ Netanyahu thinks that history will be kind to him if he ’ s the prime minister who succeeds in placing his imprimatur on the physical contours of the state.
” Yet his bid for history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unilateral annexation renders President Abbas ’ preference for peace talks with Israel laughable and boosts pressure on his government for a muscular response ; 71 % of Palestinians support severing relations with Israel and abandoning the 26-year-old Oslo peace agreements , according to a June poll .
The Palestinian leader has rolled back cooperation with Israel – a move ironically that hurts his own public and threatens to unravel his rule .
And because annexing parts of the West Bank would make a Palestinian state there less viable , it stokes Jordanian King @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s majority Palestinian population will claim Jordan as their nation-state .
That ’ s why King Abdullah and Jordanian officials have warned Israel and the U.S. multiple times in the past six months that annexation was a “ red line ” that would violate the two countries ’ peace treaty .
“ Jordan is committed to the peace treaty , and it considers the treaty in its national strategic interests , ” says Mohammad Momani , a former minister of media affairs .
“ But if the other side is not abiding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only logical for Jordan to reconsider articles within the treaty.
” While Jordan has maintained coordination with Israel on Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem ’ s Old City , officials close to the government in Amman say it has downgraded cooperation on communal services .
Gulf Arab officials and observers accuse Mr. Netanyahu of jeopardizing a careful and unprecedented thawing of ties that Gulf leaders pursued with Israel at the expense of their own domestic politics .
Mr. Netanyahu pushed for normalization without a Palestinian peace agreement by making common cause @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Gulf even lent the Trump administration ’ s “ deal of the century ” a veneer of legitimacy in hopes it could lead to an agreement on a Palestinian state .
But unilateral annexation puts those governments at risk because it threatens to incite grassroots unrest across a region already suffering economically .
Taking the unusual step of penning an op-ed in an Israeli newspaper , Yousef Al Otaiba , the UAE ambassador to the U.S. , wrote that annexation renders improved security ties and normalization impossible .
“ The message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is either annexation or normalization , ” says Abdulkhaleq Abdulla , an Emirati political analyst .
“ If the Netanyahu government really goes through with annexation , they should expect a huge setback.
” Pushback from Europe and U.S. Mr. Netanyahu hasn ’ t laid out the scope of the annexation because he is navigating opposition from multiple directions domestically – ranging from maximalist demands from Jewish settlers who oppose the Trump plan ’ s call for a Palestinian state , to criticism of annexation by Israeli security experts .
He also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the U.S. from pro-Israel members of the Democratic Party who warn that shared democratic values are at stake .
Observers have been left to guess whether he will redraw Israel ’ s borders to incorporate some 30 % of the West Bank , where hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers reside , or , more symbolically , extend Israeli law to clusters of large Jewish settlement suburbs of Jerusalem .
Mr. Netanyahu , the son of a history professor , sees an opening to take advantage of the most pro-Israeli diplomatic initiative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believes that warnings of local and regional upheaval – and of a rupture with the Arab world – are overblown , says Tal Shalev , a political columnist at Walla !
News .
“ He doesn ’ t have any diplomatic achievement for the history books .
He wants to be responsible for this move , ” she says .
“ He is not sure that President Trump will be reelected to implement his pro-Israel views .
He thinks he has a limited window of opportunity to change the way things are perceived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faces a dilemma in that annexation strengthens his militant Islamist rival , Hamas , which controls Gaza .
However , endorsing armed resistance to Israel and cutting ties completely risks the implosion of his autonomy government and his political power base .
So far , he has downgraded security cooperation and refused to accept the transfer of Palestinian tax revenues collected by Israel , signaling to Israel about the costs of shouldering responsibility for the welfare of 2.7 million West Bank Palestinians should the Palestinian Authority collapse .
Annexation “ is the final @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solution and the peace process .
This is the first time that [ the Palestinian leadership ] is realizing that it ’ s the formal end , ” and that it ’ s being backed by the U.S. , says Diana Buttu , a former member of the Palestinian negotiations team .
“ Oslo was supposed to be five years .
... With annexation , the thinking is that we ’ ve got to put an end to Oslo – that means putting an end to the fundamentals of it , which takes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shifts it to the Palestinian Authority.
” However , the pain of shifting the burden to Israel is being shouldered by average Palestinians amid pandemic-induced struggles .
Unemployment is on the rise as day laborers from the West Bank can ’ t reach jobs in Israel , and hundreds of Palestinian medical patients aren ’ t getting permits to travel for treatment at Israeli hospitals .
Mr. Abbas is taking the middle path “ between doing nothing and continuing coordination , and going all the way , in opposition , ’ ’ says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to signal non-acceptance while keeping the PA intact and the very basic Oslo agreement intact.
” In the end , observers both inside and outside Israel believe Mr. Netanyahu will try to satisfy everyone by postponing the move , or perhaps by making do with a symbolic declaration of sovereignty over settlements around Jerusalem .
That would change little on the ground , and could still be digestible , he may feel , by Israel ’ s Arab neighbors and by the international community while allowing him a place in Israeli history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even a partial measure will justify a severing of cooperation .
It would be difficult for Arab countries , too , to accept an attempt at nuanced annexation .
“ You can bet that Arab governments will be a hundred times more reluctant to talk about cooperation or peace with Israel , ” says Mr. Momani , the former Jordanian official .
“ This move is already poisoning the well of good will ; if annexation goes through , the whole environment will be poisoned .
”

“Netanyahu thinks that history will be kind to him,” says Yossi Klein Halevi, an Israeli writer involved in Middle East reconciliation efforts, “if he’s the prime minister who succeeds in placing his imprimatur on the physical contours of the state.”
With so much potential downside, and with polls suggesting that less than 5% of the Israeli public considers annexation a top priority, what then is motivating the prime minister?
Just talk of Israel unilaterally annexing West Bank lands is sending shudders through the Middle East, with dire warnings of blowback on several fronts. So what is driving Benjamin Netanyahu? And will he flinch?
The door to annexation was opened by President Donald Trump’s peace plan, which envisions Israel incorporating hundreds of Jewish settlements alongside and within a Palestinian state. But unilateral annexation risks destroying the prospect for establishing such a state, turning Israel’s democracy into an apartheid entity responsible for 2.7 million noncitizens. It could rupture Israel’s peace with Jordan, and burn ties with Gulf Arab leaders who have endorsed steps toward normalization.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s government says it is committed on July 1 to start moving formally toward the unilateral annexation of portions of the occupied West Bank. But what would be a provocative step remains cloaked in uncertainty, even as the repeated declarations of intent are already exacting a cost, for Israel and its few partners in the region.
The billboard next to Tel Aviv’s main highway pictures Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel alongside the country’s iconic founding prime minister, David Ben-Gurion.
Sponsored by Israeli settler hard-liners who oppose a Palestinian state, the billboard urges West Bank annexation, and contains an admonition: “History will judge.”
Indeed, the region seems to have arrived at a fateful juncture. Mr. Netanyahu’s government says it is committed on July 1 to start moving formally toward the unilateral annexation of portions of the West Bank, which Israel captured from Jordan in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war.
Why We Wrote This Just talk of Israel unilaterally annexing West Bank lands is sending shudders through the Middle East, with dire warnings of blowback on several fronts. So what is driving Benjamin Netanyahu? And will he flinch?
For now, however, what would be a provocative step remains cloaked in uncertainty, even as Mr. Netanyahu’s repeated declarations of intent are already exacting a cost, for Israel and its few partners in the region.
The window of opportunity on annexation was opened by President Donald Trump’s Israeli-Palestinian peace plan, which envisions Israel incorporating hundreds of Jewish settlements alongside and within a Palestinian state.
But unilateral annexation, despite the current coordination with the United States, risks destroying the prospect for establishing such a state, turning Israel’s democracy into an apartheid entity responsible for 2.7 million non-citizens. It could enflame the occupied territories, rupture Israel’s peace with Jordan, and burn ties with Gulf Arab leaders who have endorsed small steps of normalization.
Talk of annexation has already triggered an erosion of cooperation with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, and stark warnings from Jordan and the United Arab Emirates about a reversal in ties.
“Netanyahu’s rushed push for annexation so far has deepened cleavages within Israeli society regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, [and] triggered significant downgrading of Israeli-Palestinian civil and security coordination,” says Ofer Zalzberg, an analyst at the International Crisis Group. “It nourishes the sense in the leadership in Amman, Ramallah, and the Gulf that to counter annexation fallout and ensure survival,” they would have to downgrade relations.
Debbie Hill/AP View caption Hide caption Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu visits the area where a new section is to be built in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Har Homa on Feb. 20, 2020. Palestinians regard the neighborhood as a settlement.
With so much potential downside for Israel, and with two recent polls suggesting that less than 5% of the Israeli public considers annexation a top priority, what then is motivating Mr. Netanyahu?
“Israel’s last outstanding border remaining to be defined is its most complicated border to the east,” says Yossi Klein Halevi, an American-born Israeli writer involved in Middle East reconciliation efforts. “Netanyahu thinks that history will be kind to him if he’s the prime minister who succeeds in placing his imprimatur on the physical contours of the state.”
Yet his bid for history carries costs for others as well. Unilateral annexation renders President Abbas’ preference for peace talks with Israel laughable and boosts pressure on his government for a muscular response; 71% of Palestinians support severing relations with Israel and abandoning the 26-year-old Oslo peace agreements, according to a June poll. The Palestinian leader has rolled back cooperation with Israel – a move ironically that hurts his own public and threatens to unravel his rule.
Jordanian concerns
And because annexing parts of the West Bank would make a Palestinian state there less viable, it stokes Jordanian King Abdullah’s concern that his country’s majority Palestinian population will claim Jordan as their nation-state. That’s why King Abdullah and Jordanian officials have warned Israel and the U.S. multiple times in the past six months that annexation was a “red line” that would violate the two countries’ peace treaty.
“Jordan is committed to the peace treaty, and it considers the treaty in its national strategic interests,” says Mohammad Momani, a former minister of media affairs. “But if the other side is not abiding by the treaty, then it is only logical for Jordan to reconsider articles within the treaty.”
While Jordan has maintained coordination with Israel on Muslim and Christian holy sites in Jerusalem’s Old City, officials close to the government in Amman say it has downgraded cooperation on communal services.
Ariel Schalit/AP View caption Hide caption An aerial view shows the northern West Bank settlement of Ma'ale Efraim in the hills above the Jordan Valley, Feb. 18, 2020. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is weighing whether to annex the valley and all of Israel's far-flung West Bank settlements.
Gulf Arab officials and observers accuse Mr. Netanyahu of jeopardizing a careful and unprecedented thawing of ties that Gulf leaders pursued with Israel at the expense of their own domestic politics. Mr. Netanyahu pushed for normalization without a Palestinian peace agreement by making common cause against Iran, in coordination with Washington.
The Gulf even lent the Trump administration’s “deal of the century” a veneer of legitimacy in hopes it could lead to an agreement on a Palestinian state. But unilateral annexation puts those governments at risk because it threatens to incite grassroots unrest across a region already suffering economically.
Taking the unusual step of penning an op-ed in an Israeli newspaper, Yousef Al Otaiba, the UAE ambassador to the U.S., wrote that annexation renders improved security ties and normalization impossible.
“The message from the UAE is very clear: It is either annexation or normalization,” says Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an Emirati political analyst. “If the Netanyahu government really goes through with annexation, they should expect a huge setback.”
Pushback from Europe and U.S.
Mr. Netanyahu hasn’t laid out the scope of the annexation because he is navigating opposition from multiple directions domestically – ranging from maximalist demands from Jewish settlers who oppose the Trump plan’s call for a Palestinian state, to criticism of annexation by Israeli security experts. He also faces pushback from European countries, and in the U.S. from pro-Israel members of the Democratic Party who warn that shared democratic values are at stake.
Observers have been left to guess whether he will redraw Israel’s borders to incorporate some 30% of the West Bank, where hundreds of thousands of Jewish settlers reside, or, more symbolically, extend Israeli law to clusters of large Jewish settlement suburbs of Jerusalem.
Mr. Netanyahu, the son of a history professor, sees an opening to take advantage of the most pro-Israeli diplomatic initiative ever by a U.S. government, and believes that warnings of local and regional upheaval – and of a rupture with the Arab world – are overblown, says Tal Shalev, a political columnist at Walla! News.
“He doesn’t have any diplomatic achievement for the history books. He wants to be responsible for this move,” she says. “He is not sure that President Trump will be reelected to implement his pro-Israel views. He thinks he has a limited window of opportunity to change the way things are perceived about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”
Amir Cohen/Reuters View caption Hide caption Israelis protest under coronavirus restrictions against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's plan to annex parts of the occupied West Bank, in Tel Aviv, June 6, 2020.
Mr. Abbas faces a dilemma in that annexation strengthens his militant Islamist rival, Hamas, which controls Gaza. However, endorsing armed resistance to Israel and cutting ties completely risks the implosion of his autonomy government and his political power base.
So far, he has downgraded security cooperation and refused to accept the transfer of Palestinian tax revenues collected by Israel, signaling to Israel about the costs of shouldering responsibility for the welfare of 2.7 million West Bank Palestinians should the Palestinian Authority collapse.
Annexation “is the final blow to the realization of the two-state solution and the peace process. This is the first time that [the Palestinian leadership] is realizing that it’s the formal end,” and that it’s being backed by the U.S., says Diana Buttu, a former member of the Palestinian negotiations team.
“Oslo was supposed to be five years. ... With annexation, the thinking is that we’ve got to put an end to Oslo – that means putting an end to the fundamentals of it, which takes away responsibility from the Israeli authority and shifts it to the Palestinian Authority.”
Postponed move?
However, the pain of shifting the burden to Israel is being shouldered by average Palestinians amid pandemic-induced struggles. Unemployment is on the rise as day laborers from the West Bank can’t reach jobs in Israel, and hundreds of Palestinian medical patients aren’t getting permits to travel for treatment at Israeli hospitals.
Mr. Abbas is taking the middle path “between doing nothing and continuing coordination, and going all the way, in opposition,’’ says Mr. Zalzberg. “He’s trying to signal non-acceptance while keeping the PA intact and the very basic Oslo agreement intact.”
In the end, observers both inside and outside Israel believe Mr. Netanyahu will try to satisfy everyone by postponing the move, or perhaps by making do with a symbolic declaration of sovereignty over settlements around Jerusalem. That would change little on the ground, and could still be digestible, he may feel, by Israel’s Arab neighbors and by the international community while allowing him a place in Israeli history.
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Yet, warn Palestinian officials, even a partial measure will justify a severing of cooperation. It would be difficult for Arab countries, too, to accept an attempt at nuanced annexation.
“You can bet that Arab governments will be a hundred times more reluctant to talk about cooperation or peace with Israel,” says Mr. Momani, the former Jordanian official. “This move is already poisoning the well of good will; if annexation goes through, the whole environment will be poisoned.”


csmonitor--2020-06-25--Walls between faiths fall to the coronavirus challenge

For religious groups , the global nature of the coronavirus has led to a global opportunity .
Many more faiths are now cooperating – even during the self-exile of a lockdown .
They are holding interreligious services – virtually , of course , which makes it easier for congregants to mix .
They are joining forces to serve those afflicted by COVID-19 – the need is huge with nearly half a million people having died , often alone .
They are working together to deal with people ’ s questions about the meaning of the pandemic and to share prayers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United Nations is joining in .
UNICEF has launched a multireligious initiative to support the spiritual and emotional care of children during the crisis .
In May , U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres urged religious leaders to promote mutual respect and understanding as a way to counter the social strains caused by the pandemic .
In the United States , more than 100 faith leaders held a National Day of Mourning and Lament on June 1 .
In London , St. Paul ’ s Cathedral has set up an online interfaith memorial , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and others to honor the deceased in Britain .
Most of the cooperation is local .
On New York ’ s Staten Island , for example , clergy from different religions livestreamed a grieving service June 11 for the more than 1,000 people lost to the virus .
In Detroit , different faiths are coordinating efforts to serve the community with food and other supplies – regardless of a recipient ’ s beliefs .
“ Believers , facing an adversary like this one , lean upon the universal power of love , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their neighbors , ” said Victor Begg , emeritus senior adviser of the Michigan Muslim Community Council .
One of the more unusual examples of cross-faith cooperation is led by Alon Goshen-Gottstein , the director of the Jerusalem-based Elijah Interfaith Institute .
He has interviewed dozens of spiritual leaders in 15 countries on video about what he calls Coronaspection , or a reflection on how the crisis has positioned people “ in relation to God and to true reality.
” The list includes Bosnia ’ s Grand Mufti Mustafa Ceric , Russia ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby .
The topics range from mastering fear to how to make one ’ s home the center of worship .
A common thread is that religions have a shared spiritual foundation .
The coronavirus , U.S. imam Feisal Abdul Rauf told Mr. Goshen-Gottstein , “ is de-emphasizing the physical dimension and exemplifying the nonphysical dimensions of our interconnectivity.
” The spiritual challenges of the crisis are universal .
For most religions , so are their responses .
Their growth in understanding each other and in working together is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring solace and healing solutions to millions .

For religious groups, the global nature of the coronavirus has led to a global opportunity. Many more faiths are now cooperating – even during the self-exile of a lockdown.
They are holding interreligious services – virtually, of course, which makes it easier for congregants to mix. They are joining forces to serve those afflicted by COVID-19 – the need is huge with nearly half a million people having died, often alone. They are working together to deal with people’s questions about the meaning of the pandemic and to share prayers, often of gratitude.
Even the United Nations is joining in. UNICEF has launched a multireligious initiative to support the spiritual and emotional care of children during the crisis. In May, U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres urged religious leaders to promote mutual respect and understanding as a way to counter the social strains caused by the pandemic.
In the United States, more than 100 faith leaders held a National Day of Mourning and Lament on June 1. In London, St. Paul’s Cathedral has set up an online interfaith memorial, which invites Christians, Muslims, Jewish people, and others to honor the deceased in Britain.
Most of the cooperation is local. On New York’s Staten Island, for example, clergy from different religions livestreamed a grieving service June 11 for the more than 1,000 people lost to the virus. In Detroit, different faiths are coordinating efforts to serve the community with food and other supplies – regardless of a recipient’s beliefs.
“Believers, facing an adversary like this one, lean upon the universal power of love, mercy, service, and care for their neighbors,” said Victor Begg, emeritus senior adviser of the Michigan Muslim Community Council.
One of the more unusual examples of cross-faith cooperation is led by Alon Goshen-Gottstein, the director of the Jerusalem-based Elijah Interfaith Institute. He has interviewed dozens of spiritual leaders in 15 countries on video about what he calls Coronaspection, or a reflection on how the crisis has positioned people “in relation to God and to true reality.” The list includes Bosnia’s Grand Mufti Mustafa Ceric, Russia’s Chief Rabbi Berel Lazar, and Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby. The topics range from mastering fear to how to make one’s home the center of worship.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
A common thread is that religions have a shared spiritual foundation. The coronavirus, U.S. imam Feisal Abdul Rauf told Mr. Goshen-Gottstein, “is de-emphasizing the physical dimension and exemplifying the nonphysical dimensions of our interconnectivity.”
The spiritual challenges of the crisis are universal. For most religions, so are their responses. Their growth in understanding each other and in working together is faith in action. That can only bring solace and healing solutions to millions.