csmonitor--2020-08-05--How Trump is moving heaven and earth to motivate evangelical voters

It ’ s essential that conservative voters of faith stick with him – and stay motivated to vote , even under trying circumstances – if the president is to win a second term .
As historian John Fea says , “ He needs every one of those votes.
” Evangelicals comprise more than a third of his base .
The president ’ s judicial appointments and stance on abortion have solidified his support among this constituency .
Though their numbers are shrinking .
Little did anyone know that the United States would soon be deep in crisis .
Three months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s reelection prospects are in grave peril amid a pandemic , double-digit unemployment , and a national reckoning on race .
The campaign event was a threefer : It ginned up enthusiasm for Mr. Trump ’ s reelection among evangelical Christians ; it targeted Latino voters by taking place at one of the largest Latino evangelical churches in the country ; and it was in Florida , the nation ’ s biggest electoral battleground .
On Jan. 3 – a lifetime ago , it seems – a racially diverse crowd of thousands packed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Evangelicals for Trump .
The star attraction was Mr. Trump himself , who helicoptered in on Marine One .
It was an instantly iconic moment : President Donald Trump , standing in front of historic St. John ’ s Church near the White House , holding a Bible aloft .
The night before , the church ’ s basement had been set ablaze by protesters , one of many acts of defiance across the country sparked by the police killing of George Floyd , a Black man , in Minneapolis .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a chemical irritant to clear demonstrators who were protesting at the nearby park , allowing Mr. Trump to walk to the church unimpeded .
To the president ’ s critics , the photo-op represented a cynical attempt to wrap himself – a man not known for piety – in the imagery of faith .
To the president ’ s supporters , the message was clear : He was going to stand tough under God ’ s watchful eye .
“ He was making a very clear statement : ‘ We won ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Tony Perkins , president of the Family Research Council and an informal Trump adviser .
Mr. Perkins suggests the president could have had a racially diverse group of clergy accompany him to the church and pray together for the nation .
Mr. Trump had brought along a group of aides , many focused on national security and all white .
But the religious imagery alone served its purpose : It sent yet another signal to a large and crucial portion of his political base , religious conservatives , that he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Day , Mr. Trump ’ s reelection prospects are in grave peril amid a pandemic , double-digit unemployment , and a national reckoning on race .
It ’ s essential that conservative voters of faith , as much as any other group , stick with him – and stay motivated to vote , even under trying circumstances – if the president is to win a second term .
“ He needs every one of those votes , ” says John Fea , a historian at Messiah College in Mechanicsburg , Pennsylvania , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump.
” On Jan. 3 – a lifetime ago , it seems – a racially diverse crowd of thousands packed a suburban Miami megachurch for the launch of Evangelicals for Trump .
The star attraction was Mr. Trump himself , who helicoptered in on Marine One from his Mar-a-Lago estate to the north .
“ Jesus is my saviour , Trump is my president , ” proclaimed a sign , star-spangled in red , white , and blue and held aloft by a rallygoer .
Part religious revival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” rally , the campaign event was a threefer : It ginned up enthusiasm for Mr. Trump ’ s reelection among evangelical Christians ; it targeted Latino voters by taking place at one of the largest Latino evangelical churches in the country , El Rey Jesus ; and it was in Florida , the nation ’ s biggest electoral battleground .
Stars of evangelical conservatism turned out in force to support the president , hot on the heels of controversy over an editorial in Christianity Today supporting Mr. Trump ’ s impeachment and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions of character .
But , rallygoers made clear , any quirks of character or past immorality are beside the point .
God often uses “ flawed people ” to achieve righteous goals , they say .
And Mr. Trump is with them to the bitter end on the matters they hold most dear , from opposing abortion and LGBTQ rights to support for Israel and religious freedom .
“ I like that he ’ s politically incorrect , ” says a nurse named Malu , who declines to give her last name @ @ @ @ @ @ @ T-shirt , a MAGA hat , and a gold cross around her neck , and is excited to be at her first Trump event .
“ He ’ s like your uncle .
He says stuff , but he ’ s trying to restore American values , like Ronald Reagan.
” Little did anyone know , among the prayerful and joyous Miami crowd , that the United States would soon be deep in crisis .
Suddenly Mr. Trump faces severe headwinds in his reelection fight , and he is counting on the steadfast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ third of his base – as well as other core supporters .
“ This election is all about people who would crawl across broken glass to vote , ” Mr. Perkins says .
The latest polls show the president ’ s overall favorability trending downward , including a sharp decline among white Roman Catholics .
But white evangelical Protestant support for Mr. Trump remains remarkably stable , after spiking upward in March and sinking back to its previous level .
In July , 63 % of white Evangelicals viewed President Trump favorably , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the nonpartisan Public Religion Research Institute .
That ’ s virtually equal to the 64 % of white Evangelicals who viewed Mr. Trump favorably last year , on average , in PRRI polls .
In contrast , white Catholic support for Mr. Trump has declined from an average of 48 % in 2019 to 36 % in July 2020 .
But even holding on to record levels of support from white evangelical Protestants may not be enough to win reelection , because their proportion of the electorate is shrinking .
A decade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all voters , according to PRRI .
Four years ago , that figure was 17 % .
Now it ’ s 15 % .
That decline has also taken place in key battleground states , such as Michigan , where white evangelical Protestants now account for 15 % of the population , down from 18 % in 2016 .
In short , Mr. Trump has even less margin for error than he did in 2016 , when he won 81 % of white evangelical Protestant voters nationally ( with a 61 % favorability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not the vote , ” says Robert P. Jones , chief executive officer of PRRI .
“ If history is a guide , especially among base groups , we may have as much as 20 percentage points who say , ‘ I don ’ t really like the guy , but I ’ m going to vote for him anyway.
’ ” Mr. Trump is going all out to hold on to conservative voters of faith .
To fight abortion , he has defunded Planned Parenthood and filled federal courts with anti-abortion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the so-called Johnson Amendment , which bars religious groups from endorsing or opposing political candidates .
He reversed Obama-era protections for transgender people .
He moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem , a long-held goal not just of conservative Jews but also Christian conservatives .
In January , Mr. Trump became the first president to address the annual March for Life in person .
In May , he declared churches “ essential , ” and called on them to reopen .
On June 1 , he took his famous walk to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next day , he took a bow to conservative Catholics , laying a wreath at the shrine to Saint John Paul II in Washington , and then signed an executive order aimed at advancing international religious freedom .
Most religious conservatives applauded the moves , but not all .
Mr. Trump ’ s handling of civil unrest – specifically , a threat to use the military to quell the protests – sparked rare criticism from televangelist Pat Robertson .
“ It seems like now is the time to say , ‘ I understand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you , I think it ’ s time we love each other , ’ ” Mr. Robertson said June 2 on his TV show “ The 700 Club.
” But he was alone among major evangelical Trump supporters to push back on the president ’ s rhetoric .
Most crucial to religious conservatives , Mr. Trump has secured Senate confirmation for 200 federal judges , including two Supreme Court justices .
It is in the federal courts where the long-held dream of overturning nationwide abortion rights , enshrined in the Roe v. Wade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in June by conservative Justice Neil Gorsuch to uphold civil rights for LGBTQ people appeared to deal a blow to the president ’ s standing with Evangelicals .
After all , Mr. Trump had put Mr. Gorsuch on the Supreme Court with the full expectation that he would advance their causes .
But Christian conservative leaders say the disappointing Gorsuch opinion – mitigated soon thereafter by his vote to uphold an anti-abortion Louisiana law – will only motivate social conservatives more .
The real problem , they say , is Chief Justice John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservatives regularly .
“ At this point , what Roberts does only increases our intensity and desire for a second Trump term , so we can have one or two or more Supreme Court picks , ” says Ralph Reed , a political strategist and founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition .
If Evangelicals stay home on Nov. 3 , Mr. Reed warns , Democratic nominee Joe Biden will win , “ and we will wind up with a 38-year-old radical feminist version of Ruth Bader Ginsburg ” on the Supreme Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Mr. Trump ’ s prospects with voters of faith than a Pentecostal televangelist from Florida named Paula White .
She leads the White House Faith and Opportunity Initiative , has participated in countless gatherings of faith leaders to meet with and pray for the president , and now , amid the pandemic , is a fixture on campaign webcasts of Evangelicals for Trump .
Pastor White and Mr. Trump go way back .
In 2002 , the then-New York real estate developer saw her preaching on television , and gave her a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You ’ ve got the “ it ” factor , ’ ” Pastor White recounts at an Evangelicals for Trump event at a church near Cincinnati in early March .
“ I said , ‘ No , sir , we call that the anointing.
’ ” Soon , she says , they met in person and became fast friends .
Pastor White has been Mr. Trump ’ s personal pastor ever since , and helped him secure major evangelical support in 2016 .
And she was the first female clergy member to deliver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But her role in the Trump orbit is not without controversy .
Pastor White is associated with the so-called prosperity gospel – a belief that God promises wealth and physical well-being to the faithful ( and sometimes the heaviest tithers ) .
Some Evangelicals criticize the doctrine as transactional .
For Mr. Trump , the White connection makes sense .
Growing up , he and his family attended sermons by the Christian minister Norman Vincent Peale , similarly controversial among traditional theologians for the message captured in his bestseller , “ The Power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never been an easy fit with more conventional religious conservatives .
In January 2016 , he stumbled in a speech at the evangelical Liberty University by referring to “ Two Corinthians ” instead of “ Second Corinthians ” and cursed twice .
But he turned his missteps into a positive .
“ We ’ re going to protect Christianity , ” he told the Liberty convocation .
“ I don ’ t have to be politically correct.
” As to Mr. Trump ’ s personal faith , views differ .
Most Americans don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and fewer than half think he ’ s Christian , according to the Pew Research Center .
In the evangelical world , some leaders call him a “ baby Christian , ” someone just beginning his faith journey .
Others see his professions of faith to be purely transactional and politically motivated .
Rachel Laser , head of Americans United for Separation of Church and State , characterizes the relationship this way : “ You give me your vote and I ’ ll give you special privileges and do all I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Both parties have delivered.
” For the doubters , Vice President Mike Pence is a reassuring presence , as a man who speaks comfortably about his evangelical Christian faith and serves as an emissary to the GOP ’ s religious conservative base .
Mr. Reed , the Christian political strategist , says he was skeptical of Mr. Trump ’ s religious bona fides when they first met 10 years ago .
After all , the New Yorker was a known “ social liberal , ” thrice married , and prone to vulgar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about his change of view on abortion over a friend ’ s experience with an unplanned pregnancy and decision to keep the baby .
Mr. Reed says he thinks Mr. Trump is sincere .
But “ frankly , even if he came to his positions on the issues for reasons of political calculus , rather than a genuine change of heart , what ’ s the law against that ?
” says Mr. Reed , author of the book “ For God and Country : The Christian Case for Trump.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s smart ?
” Still , many evangelical voters want a president who sincerely believes in what he ’ s doing , not just for the sake of winning and keeping power .
At the Evangelicals for Trump event in early March , held at Solid Rock Church near Cincinnati , no one expressed doubts about Mr. Trump .
“ The Bible says he wouldn ’ t be there if God hadn ’ t put him there , ” says Marilyn Woods , a caregiver from Springdale , Ohio .
And , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more surrounded by strong Christians , ” calling it a sign of how the president values faith .
Ms. Woods offers names : Vice President Pence , Housing Secretary Ben Carson , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo , Attorney General William Barr – the last being a devout Roman Catholic .
Another attendee says he judges Mr. Trump not by his words but by his actions .
“ Politicians say the right things , but don ’ t do the right things , ” says John Settlage , a pastor in a small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is full of imperfect people who carried out His work.
” He cites King David from the Bible – a sinner who is redeemed for doing good .
Others call Mr. Trump a “ modern-day Cyrus , ” the Persian king who is a figure of deliverance in the books of Isaiah and Daniel .
“ Some people say , ‘ We see all these signs that God has chosen him , and therefore we ’ ll back him to the death , ’ ” says Marie Griffith , director of the John @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Washington University in St. Louis .
“ I don ’ t think that belief can be shaken.
” Indeed , the steadfast support of Evangelicals for Trump demonstrates her point .
Mr. Trump ’ s favorability rating among white evangelical Protestants had actually spiked in March to 77 % in the PRRI poll – a “ rally around the flag ” effect over the pandemic – and then settled back to where it was , says Dr. Jones .
The same holds true of the public ’ s view of his coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and then sank – including among white evangelical Protestants .
An ABC News/Washington Post poll in mid-July showed 68 % of white evangelical Protestants approve of Mr. Trump ’ s performance on the pandemic , still a strong rating but a drop of 16 percentage points since late May .
Overall , 38 % of Americans approve of Mr. Trump ’ s handling of the virus .
Still , despite all of the president ’ s challenges , he continues to win some converts .
A prominent example is Albert Mohler , head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who described a “ crisis of conscience ” for religious conservatives in 2016 , and didn ’ t vote for either major-party candidate .
In April , he announced he ’ ll vote for Mr. Trump .
But he still has reservations , calling Mr. Trump “ an embarrassment to evangelical Christianity ” in a New Yorker interview .
“ My shift is from reluctantly not voting for him in 2016 to what you might call reluctantly voting for him in 2020 , and hoping for his reelection , because the alternative is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
At the same time , there are Evangelicals who voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 but already know they can ’ t do so again .
Bill Werts , an engineer from Greensburg , Pennsylvania , had hopes for Mr. Trump , especially with Mr. Pence at his side .
But things soured for Mr. Werts a while ago .
“ Caging the brown children at the border was a big one for me .
I kept asking myself , are these the Christian values I ’ ve stood for all my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who calls himself a “ patriot , lifelong pro-lifer , and anti-racist.
” Mr. Werts now attends a new church , has reregistered as a Democrat , and plans to vote for Mr. Biden , albeit unenthusiastically .
In fact , Professor Fea of Messiah College sees potential for more Biden votes among moderate white evangelical Protestants like Mr. Werts – people who identify as “ pro-life ” and see the path to fighting abortion not through conservative judges but by tackling poverty .
“ They ’ re hanging on Joe Biden ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
“ But don ’ t talk about Roe v. Wade , talk about a plan to reduce the number of abortions.
” As the white evangelical Protestant population shrinks , the Trump campaign sees growth potential in the faith communities of people of color .
Black Voices for Trump and Latinos for Trump do regular outreach via web events that include a religious dimension .
In late July , the campaign held an in-person Evangelicals for Trump event in Atlanta , featuring prominent African American religious figures in a clear effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Trump won only 8 % of the African American vote and 28 % of the Latino vote – but every vote counts , especially in battleground states like Florida .
Thus the launch of Evangelicals for Trump in south Florida , with its large population of Latino immigrants , including many who fled the socialism of Cuba and Venezuela .
But placing any hope on Latino and Black Evangelicals may be a fool ’ s errand , say experts on religion and politics .
A majority of Black voters identify as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though religiosity in the Black population is declining , as it is among Americans overall .
And religious affiliation among African Americans isn ’ t a predictor of vote choice , says Andra Gillespie , a political scientist at Emory University in Atlanta .
Mr. Trump often says to Black voters “ you ’ ve got nothing to lose ” by supporting him .
“ That taps into this idea that Blacks are a captured minority and that Democrats take them for granted , ” Professor Gillespie says .
“ But if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , then that doesn ’ t work.
” Other observers suggest that Mr. Trump ’ s outreach to voters of color is mostly “ virtue signaling ” as a way to show white voters that he ’ s not racist .
Within the Latino community , which is predominantly Roman Catholic , evangelical Protestants represent just a fraction of the vote .
And many live in states that vote solidly Democratic , such as California and New York .
Four years ago , 41 % of Latino Evangelicals voted for Mr. Trump , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center Research Institute .
Now amid the pandemic , which has taken a disproportionate toll on people of color , voters in these hard-hit communities are likely basing their votes more on bread-and-butter issues – income security , health care , education – than on social issues such as abortion and gay rights , says Arlene Sánchez-Walsh , a professor of religious studies at Azusa Pacific University in Azusa , California .
“ Right now , nothing is a bigger issue for Latinos than their economic devastation and the pandemic , ” Professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Latinos work in blue-collar jobs and have been deemed essential , risking exposure to the virus , or alternatively , are now unemployed .
“ How do Latino evangelical pastors and political operatives turn that around for Trump ?
” she asks .
“ I don ’ t know.
” Then there ’ s the immigration issue .
Before Mr. Trump ’ s appearance at El Rey Jesus in January , lead pastor Guillermo Maldonado – a Honduran immigrant – told his congregation that those who are in the U.S. without legal documents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the event , according to the Miami Herald .
But even among Latino voters , the immigration issue cuts two ways .
Some who came to the U.S. legally are among the president ’ s strongest defenders on the issue .
At the January event , when Mr. Trump touted his border wall and criticized “ loopholes ” in U.S. immigration law , the crowd cheered .
Pastor Maldonado earned his own cheers , as one of the most prominent Hispanic religious leaders in the country – and an adherent of the prosperity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opening prayer on that Friday night in January was all about Mr. Trump , as the president stood in a multiethnic embrace of faith leaders .
Among those also on stage were Pastor White , his spiritual adviser ; Alveda King , the niece of the Rev .
Martin Luther King Jr. ; and Cissie Graham Lynch , granddaughter of the Rev .
Billy Graham .
“ We come together from all denominations , all races together , as the Bible says , to pray for those in authority , ” Pastor Maldonado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s turn to speak .
God is “ on our side , ” he said , to thunderous applause .

It’s essential that conservative voters of faith stick with him – and stay motivated to vote, even under trying circumstances – if the president is to win a second term. As historian John Fea says, “He needs every one of those votes.”
Evangelicals comprise more than a third of his base. The president’s judicial appointments and stance on abortion have solidified his support among this constituency. Though their numbers are shrinking.
Little did anyone know that the United States would soon be deep in crisis. Three months before Election Day, Mr. Trump’s reelection prospects are in grave peril amid a pandemic, double-digit unemployment, and a national reckoning on race.
God is “on our side,” President Donald Trump told Evangelicals in January. Their support is steadfast, but their numbers are shrinking as a proportion of the electorate.
The campaign event was a threefer: It ginned up enthusiasm for Mr. Trump’s reelection among evangelical Christians; it targeted Latino voters by taking place at one of the largest Latino evangelical churches in the country; and it was in Florida, the nation’s biggest electoral battleground.
On Jan. 3 – a lifetime ago, it seems – a racially diverse crowd of thousands packed a suburban Miami megachurch for the launch of Evangelicals for Trump. The star attraction was Mr. Trump himself, who helicoptered in on Marine One.
It was an instantly iconic moment: President Donald Trump, standing in front of historic St. John’s Church near the White House, holding a Bible aloft.
The night before, the church’s basement had been set ablaze by protesters, one of many acts of defiance across the country sparked by the police killing of George Floyd, a Black man, in Minneapolis. On this evening, federal police had used a chemical irritant to clear demonstrators who were protesting at the nearby park, allowing Mr. Trump to walk to the church unimpeded.
To the president’s critics, the photo-op represented a cynical attempt to wrap himself – a man not known for piety – in the imagery of faith. To the president’s supporters, the message was clear: He was going to stand tough under God’s watchful eye.
Why We Wrote This God is “on our side,” President Donald Trump told Evangelicals in January. Their support is steadfast, but their numbers are shrinking as a proportion of the electorate.
“He was making a very clear statement: ‘We won’t be forced into hiding,’” says Tony Perkins, president of the Family Research Council and an informal Trump adviser.
Mr. Perkins suggests the president could have had a racially diverse group of clergy accompany him to the church and pray together for the nation. Mr. Trump had brought along a group of aides, many focused on national security and all white.
But the religious imagery alone served its purpose: It sent yet another signal to a large and crucial portion of his political base, religious conservatives, that he’s with them.
Patrick Semansky/AP View caption Hide caption President Donald Trump holds a Bible outside St. John’s Church near the White House. The photo-op was controversial because federal police cleared protesters so he could walk to the church unimpeded.
Three months before Election Day, Mr. Trump’s reelection prospects are in grave peril amid a pandemic, double-digit unemployment, and a national reckoning on race.
It’s essential that conservative voters of faith, as much as any other group, stick with him – and stay motivated to vote, even under trying circumstances – if the president is to win a second term.
“He needs every one of those votes,” says John Fea, a historian at Messiah University in Mechanicsburg, Pennsylvania, and the author of “Believe Me: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump.”
Politically-incorrect appeal
On Jan. 3 – a lifetime ago, it seems – a racially diverse crowd of thousands packed a suburban Miami megachurch for the launch of Evangelicals for Trump. The star attraction was Mr. Trump himself, who helicoptered in on Marine One from his Mar-a-Lago estate to the north.
“Jesus is my saviour, Trump is my president,” proclaimed a sign, star-spangled in red, white, and blue and held aloft by a rallygoer.
Part religious revival and part “Make America Great Again” rally, the campaign event was a threefer: It ginned up enthusiasm for Mr. Trump’s reelection among evangelical Christians; it targeted Latino voters by taking place at one of the largest Latino evangelical churches in the country, El Rey Jesus; and it was in Florida, the nation’s biggest electoral battleground.
Stars of evangelical conservatism turned out in force to support the president, hot on the heels of controversy over an editorial in Christianity Today supporting Mr. Trump’s impeachment and calling for his removal from office over questions of character.
But, rallygoers made clear, any quirks of character or past immorality are beside the point. God often uses “flawed people” to achieve righteous goals, they say. And Mr. Trump is with them to the bitter end on the matters they hold most dear, from opposing abortion and LGBTQ rights to support for Israel and religious freedom.
“I like that he’s politically incorrect,” says a nurse named Malu, who declines to give her last name. She’s wearing a Trump T-shirt, a MAGA hat, and a gold cross around her neck, and is excited to be at her first Trump event. “He’s like your uncle. He says stuff, but he’s trying to restore American values, like Ronald Reagan.”
Lynne Sladky/AP View caption Hide caption Jorge Alfonso waits to get into the El Rey Jesus church in Miami, where President Donald Trump held a rally for evangelical supporters on Jan. 3, 2020. The Trump campaign has been trying to woo Latino and Black Evangelicals to expand his base of support among religious conservatives.
Little did anyone know, among the prayerful and joyous Miami crowd, that the United States would soon be deep in crisis. Suddenly Mr. Trump faces severe headwinds in his reelection fight, and he is counting on the steadfast support of Evangelicals – more than a third of his base – as well as other core supporters.
“This election is all about people who would crawl across broken glass to vote,” Mr. Perkins says.
The latest polls show the president’s overall favorability trending downward, including a sharp decline among white Roman Catholics. But white evangelical Protestant support for Mr. Trump remains remarkably stable, after spiking upward in March and sinking back to its previous level.
In July, 63% of white Evangelicals viewed President Trump favorably, the same as in May, according to the nonpartisan Public Religion Research Institute. That’s virtually equal to the 64% of white Evangelicals who viewed Mr. Trump favorably last year, on average, in PRRI polls.
In contrast, white Catholic support for Mr. Trump has declined from an average of 48% in 2019 to 36% in July 2020. But even holding on to record levels of support from white evangelical Protestants may not be enough to win reelection, because their proportion of the electorate is shrinking. A decade ago, they represented 21% of all voters, according to PRRI. Four years ago, that figure was 17%. Now it’s 15%.
That decline has also taken place in key battleground states, such as Michigan, where white evangelical Protestants now account for 15% of the population, down from 18% in 2016.
In short, Mr. Trump has even less margin for error than he did in 2016, when he won 81% of white evangelical Protestant voters nationally (with a 61% favorability rating).
“Remember, favorability is not the vote,” says Robert P. Jones, chief executive officer of PRRI. “If history is a guide, especially among base groups, we may have as much as 20 percentage points who say, ‘I don’t really like the guy, but I’m going to vote for him anyway.’”
Mr. Trump is going all out to hold on to conservative voters of faith. To fight abortion, he has defunded Planned Parenthood and filled federal courts with anti-abortion judges. He has eased enforcement of the so-called Johnson Amendment, which bars religious groups from endorsing or opposing political candidates. He reversed Obama-era protections for transgender people. He moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, a long-held goal not just of conservative Jews but also Christian conservatives.
In January, Mr. Trump became the first president to address the annual March for Life in person. In May, he declared churches “essential,” and called on them to reopen. On June 1, he took his famous walk to St. John’s Church. The next day, he took a bow to conservative Catholics, laying a wreath at the shrine to Saint John Paul II in Washington, and then signed an executive order aimed at advancing international religious freedom.
Most religious conservatives applauded the moves, but not all. Mr. Trump’s handling of civil unrest – specifically, a threat to use the military to quell the protests – sparked rare criticism from televangelist Pat Robertson.
Brendan McDermid/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption A group of interfaith religious leaders protests against then-presidential candidate Donald Trump for his tough stands on immigration and other issues in New York in June 2016.
“It seems like now is the time to say, ‘I understand your pain, I want to comfort you, I think it’s time we love each other,’” Mr. Robertson said June 2 on his TV show “The 700 Club.” But he was alone among major evangelical Trump supporters to push back on the president’s rhetoric.
Most crucial to religious conservatives, Mr. Trump has secured Senate confirmation for 200 federal judges, including two Supreme Court justices. It is in the federal courts where the long-held dream of overturning nationwide abortion rights, enshrined in the Roe v. Wade ruling, resides.
The surprise decision in June by conservative Justice Neil Gorsuch to uphold civil rights for LGBTQ people appeared to deal a blow to the president’s standing with Evangelicals. After all, Mr. Trump had put Mr. Gorsuch on the Supreme Court with the full expectation that he would advance their causes.
But Christian conservative leaders say the disappointing Gorsuch opinion – mitigated soon thereafter by his vote to uphold an anti-abortion Louisiana law – will only motivate social conservatives more. The real problem, they say, is Chief Justice John Roberts, a Republican appointee who disappoints conservatives regularly.
“At this point, what Roberts does only increases our intensity and desire for a second Trump term, so we can have one or two or more Supreme Court picks,” says Ralph Reed, a political strategist and founder of the Faith and Freedom Coalition.
If Evangelicals stay home on Nov. 3, Mr. Reed warns, Democratic nominee Joe Biden will win, “and we will wind up with a 38-year-old radical feminist version of Ruth Bader Ginsburg” on the Supreme Court.
“Crisis of conscience”
Perhaps no figure is as important to Mr. Trump’s prospects with voters of faith than a Pentecostal televangelist from Florida named Paula White. She leads the White House Faith and Opportunity Initiative, has participated in countless gatherings of faith leaders to meet with and pray for the president, and now, amid the pandemic, is a fixture on campaign webcasts of Evangelicals for Trump.
Pastor White and Mr. Trump go way back. In 2002, the then-New York real estate developer saw her preaching on television, and gave her a call. “He said, ‘You’ve got the “it” factor,’” Pastor White recounts at an Evangelicals for Trump event at a church near Cincinnati in early March. “I said, ‘No, sir, we call that the anointing.’”
Soon, she says, they met in person and became fast friends. Pastor White has been Mr. Trump’s personal pastor ever since, and helped him secure major evangelical support in 2016. And she was the first female clergy member to deliver a prayer at a presidential inauguration.
But her role in the Trump orbit is not without controversy. Pastor White is associated with the so-called prosperity gospel – a belief that God promises wealth and physical well-being to the faithful (and sometimes the heaviest tithers). Some Evangelicals criticize the doctrine as transactional.
For Mr. Trump, the White connection makes sense. Growing up, he and his family attended sermons by the Christian minister Norman Vincent Peale, similarly controversial among traditional theologians for the message captured in his bestseller, “The Power of Positive Thinking.”
Tom Brenner/Reuters View caption Hide caption An audience member stands during a song ahead of Mr. Trump’s remarks at an Evangelicals for Trump event at a church in Miami in January 2020.
Mr. Trump has never been an easy fit with more conventional religious conservatives. In January 2016, he stumbled in a speech at the evangelical Liberty University by referring to “Two Corinthians” instead of “Second Corinthians” and cursed twice.
But he turned his missteps into a positive. “We’re going to protect Christianity,” he told the Liberty convocation. “I don’t have to be politically correct.”
As to Mr. Trump’s personal faith, views differ. Most Americans don’t see the president as religious, and fewer than half think he’s Christian, according to the Pew Research Center. In the evangelical world, some leaders call him a “baby Christian,” someone just beginning his faith journey.
Others see his professions of faith to be purely transactional and politically motivated. Rachel Laser, head of Americans United for Separation of Church and State, characterizes the relationship this way: “You give me your vote and I’ll give you special privileges and do all I can to codify your worldview in our government. Both parties have delivered.”
For the doubters, Vice President Mike Pence is a reassuring presence, as a man who speaks comfortably about his evangelical Christian faith and serves as an emissary to the GOP’s religious conservative base.
Mr. Reed, the Christian political strategist, says he was skeptical of Mr. Trump’s religious bona fides when they first met 10 years ago. After all, the New Yorker was a known “social liberal,” thrice married, and prone to vulgar language. Then he heard Mr. Trump talk about his change of view on abortion over a friend’s experience with an unplanned pregnancy and decision to keep the baby. Mr. Reed says he thinks Mr. Trump is sincere.
But “frankly, even if he came to his positions on the issues for reasons of political calculus, rather than a genuine change of heart, what’s the law against that?” says Mr. Reed, author of the book “For God and Country: The Christian Case for Trump.” “So we punish him because he’s smart?”
Still, many evangelical voters want a president who sincerely believes in what he’s doing, not just for the sake of winning and keeping power. At the Evangelicals for Trump event in early March, held at Solid Rock Church near Cincinnati, no one expressed doubts about Mr. Trump.
“The Bible says he wouldn’t be there if God hadn’t put him there,” says Marilyn Woods, a caregiver from Springdale, Ohio.
And, she adds, “he is more and more surrounded by strong Christians,” calling it a sign of how the president values faith. Ms. Woods offers names: Vice President Pence, Housing Secretary Ben Carson, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, Attorney General William Barr – the last being a devout Roman Catholic.
Another attendee says he judges Mr. Trump not by his words but by his actions. “Politicians say the right things, but don’t do the right things,” says John Settlage, a pastor in a small rural Ohio church. “The Scripture is full of imperfect people who carried out His work.”
He cites King David from the Bible – a sinner who is redeemed for doing good. Others call Mr. Trump a “modern-day Cyrus,” the Persian king who is a figure of deliverance in the books of Isaiah and Daniel.
“Some people say, ‘We see all these signs that God has chosen him, and therefore we’ll back him to the death,’” says Marie Griffith, director of the John C. Danforth Center on Religion and Politics at Washington University in St. Louis. “I don’t think that belief can be shaken.”
Indeed, the steadfast support of Evangelicals for Trump demonstrates her point.
Mr. Trump’s favorability rating among white evangelical Protestants had actually spiked in March to 77% in the PRRI poll – a “rally around the flag” effect over the pandemic – and then settled back to where it was, says Dr. Jones, author of the new book "White Too Long."
The same holds true of the public’s view of his coronavirus response, which was initially relatively high and then sank – including among white evangelical Protestants. An ABC News/Washington Post poll in mid-July showed 68% of white evangelical Protestants approve of Mr. Trump’s performance on the pandemic, still a strong rating but a drop of 16 percentage points since late May. Overall, 38% of Americans approve of Mr. Trump’s handling of the virus.
Still, despite all of the president’s challenges, he continues to win some converts. A prominent example is Albert Mohler, head of The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, who described a “crisis of conscience” for religious conservatives in 2016, and didn’t vote for either major-party candidate. In April, he announced he’ll vote for Mr. Trump.
But he still has reservations, calling Mr. Trump “an embarrassment to evangelical Christianity” in a New Yorker interview.
“My shift is from reluctantly not voting for him in 2016 to what you might call reluctantly voting for him in 2020, and hoping for his reelection, because the alternative is increasingly unthinkable,” Mr. Mohler said.
At the same time, there are Evangelicals who voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 but already know they can’t do so again. Bill Werts, an engineer from Greensburg, Pennsylvania, had hopes for Mr. Trump, especially with Mr. Pence at his side. But things soured for Mr. Werts a while ago.
“Caging the brown children at the border was a big one for me. I kept asking myself, are these the Christian values I’ve stood for all my life?” says Mr. Werts, who calls himself a “patriot, lifelong pro-lifer, and anti-racist.”
Mr. Werts now attends a new church, has reregistered as a Democrat, and plans to vote for Mr. Biden, albeit unenthusiastically.
In fact, Professor Fea of Messiah College sees potential for more Biden votes among moderate white evangelical Protestants like Mr. Werts – people who identify as “pro-life” and see the path to fighting abortion not through conservative judges but by tackling poverty. “They’re hanging on Joe Biden’s every word,” Professor Fea says. “But don’t talk about Roe v. Wade, talk about a plan to reduce the number of abortions.”
Every vote counts
As the white evangelical Protestant population shrinks, the Trump campaign sees growth potential in the faith communities of people of color. Black Voices for Trump and Latinos for Trump do regular outreach via web events that include a religious dimension. In late July, the campaign held an in-person Evangelicals for Trump event in Atlanta, featuring prominent African American religious figures in a clear effort to reach Black voters.
In 2016, Mr. Trump won only 8% of the African American vote and 28% of the Latino vote – but every vote counts, especially in battleground states like Florida. Thus the launch of Evangelicals for Trump in south Florida, with its large population of Latino immigrants, including many who fled the socialism of Cuba and Venezuela.
But placing any hope on Latino and Black Evangelicals may be a fool’s errand, say experts on religion and politics. A majority of Black voters identify as Evangelical or “born again,” though religiosity in the Black population is declining, as it is among Americans overall. And religious affiliation among African Americans isn’t a predictor of vote choice, says Andra Gillespie, a political scientist at Emory University in Atlanta.
Mr. Trump often says to Black voters “you’ve got nothing to lose” by supporting him. “That taps into this idea that Blacks are a captured minority and that Democrats take them for granted,” Professor Gillespie says. “But if the alternative is someone who uses racist language, then that doesn’t work.”
Other observers suggest that Mr. Trump’s outreach to voters of color is mostly “virtue signaling” as a way to show white voters that he’s not racist.
Within the Latino community, which is predominantly Roman Catholic, evangelical Protestants represent just a fraction of the vote. And many live in states that vote solidly Democratic, such as California and New York.
Four years ago, 41% of Latino Evangelicals voted for Mr. Trump, according to the Wheaton College Billy Graham Center Research Institute. Now amid the pandemic, which has taken a disproportionate toll on people of color, voters in these hard-hit communities are likely basing their votes more on bread-and-butter issues – income security, health care, education – than on social issues such as abortion and gay rights, says Arlene Sánchez-Walsh, a professor of religious studies at Azusa Pacific University in Azusa, California. “Right now, nothing is a bigger issue for Latinos than their economic devastation and the pandemic,” Professor Sánchez-Walsh says.
She notes that many Latinos work in blue-collar jobs and have been deemed essential, risking exposure to the virus, or alternatively, are now unemployed. “How do Latino evangelical pastors and political operatives turn that around for Trump?” she asks. “I don’t know.”
Then there’s the immigration issue. Before Mr. Trump’s appearance at El Rey Jesus in January, lead pastor Guillermo Maldonado – a Honduran immigrant – told his congregation that those who are in the U.S. without legal documents need not fear deportation if they attend the event, according to the Miami Herald.
But even among Latino voters, the immigration issue cuts two ways. Some who came to the U.S. legally are among the president’s strongest defenders on the issue. At the January event, when Mr. Trump touted his border wall and criticized “loopholes” in U.S. immigration law, the crowd cheered.
Pastor Maldonado earned his own cheers, as one of the most prominent Hispanic religious leaders in the country – and an adherent of the prosperity gospel.
But the pastor’s opening prayer on that Friday night in January was all about Mr. Trump, as the president stood in a multiethnic embrace of faith leaders. Among those also on stage were Pastor White, his spiritual adviser; Alveda King, the niece of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.; and Cissie Graham Lynch, granddaughter of the Rev. Billy Graham.
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“We come together from all denominations, all races together, as the Bible says, to pray for those in authority,” Pastor Maldonado said.
Soon, it was Mr. Trump’s turn to speak. God is “on our side,” he said, to thunderous applause.


csmonitor--2020-08-05--On the road to reopening schools, a new obstacle: School buses

School districts nationwide puzzling over how to safely educate children during a pandemic have a more immediate challenge – getting 26 million bus-riding students there in the first place .
Few challenges are proving to be more daunting than figuring out how to maintain social distance on school buses .
A wide array of strategies have emerged to reduce the health risks but nobody has found a silver bullet .
Should students with COVID-19 symptoms be isolated at the front of the school bus ?
Should bus seats be assigned ?
Should buses be loaded from the back ?
Should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a time ?
“ The transportation professionals are left with the issue of , OK , you ’ ve got little Billy at the bus stop .
Mom ’ s not there and he ’ s got a temperature .
That ’ s a dilemma , ” said Steve Simmons , a bus safety expert who used to head pupil transportation for Columbus , Ohio , public schools .
“ We can ’ t answer those kinds of questions .
I don ’ t think anybody can.
” Mr. Simmons , president of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was part of team of industry and school officials who produced a 70-page report on ways to lower the risk of COVID-19 transmission .
Many schools have been surveying parents to determine how many students will take the bus and how many will be privately driven to school .
Others are making decisions about bus capacity that involve a trade-off between safety and affordability .
The task force report warned that a 6-foot social distancing regulation “ is not financially nor operationally feasible , ” and that “ current thinking ” is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students , or more if family members sit together .
Some large districts will nonetheless “ jam ‘ em in ” the school bus , ” Mr. Simmons said , while other districts plan to stagger school start times or teach half the students in the morning and the rest in the afternoon , with two sets of bus runs .
School transportation plans are “ just one of the many ways we ’ re seeing inequities playing out in this pandemic , ” said Deborah Gordon Klehr , executive director of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some districts are saying that they will cut back on the number of students offered transportation , or expect more parents to drive their students to school , ” she said .
“ Students and families with fewer resources are going to be the ones hurt by this.
” Kim Blodgett quit her job as a fourth-grade teacher this year in order to drive her 5-year-old son to the Oklahoma School for the Deaf , concerned the twice-daily , 45-minute bus ride from their home in Norman was too risky .
“ So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control over any of this that ’ s happened , ” Ms. Blodgett said .
“ They have to work , they have to send their kids to school .
They have to put their kids on that bus .
It ’ s a horrible situation all the way around.
” Mr. Simmons said most bus drivers are old enough to put them at heightened risk for severe illness if they catch the virus .
They will have to decide whether to continue driving – a job that typically does not pay much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own safety , which could worsen a years-long national school bus driver shortage .
Schools will have to decide what cleaning standards they want to set and whether to add sneeze guards or similar barriers among students and between students and bus drivers .
In Pennsylvania , the Transportation Department shot down a proposal to install plastic barriers around bus drivers , telling a school bus contractor there is not evidence it would make students or drivers safer .
In New York , hand sanitizer isn ’ t even allowed on buses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ potential liability to the carrier or district , ” according to guidance from the state ’ s school reopening task force .
The task force report said a survey of bus contractors found they were unanimously opposed to taking students ’ temperatures , as some districts have considered .
The contractors said drivers and bus monitors do not want to have to interpret health data , among other objections .
Getting on and off the bus is considered a time of heightened risk .
Pennsylvania districts are considering assigned bus seating , making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and emptying them from the front .
A suburban Philadelphia school district ’ s reopening plan states that students with symptoms should be placed in the front seat of the bus and brought to the school nurse .
Another mandates that no students with symptoms will be sent on a bus or brought to school .
Districts are designating rooms where sick or potentially sick children can be isolated until their parents can retrieve them .
Pottstown , Pennsylvania , schools have proposed keeping windows on its few buses open , a plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in winter .
New York ’ s statewide recommendation is for windows to remain cracked if the outside temperature is at least 45 degrees Fahrenheit .
Public schools in Providence , Rhode Island , had considered making all students attend the schools that are located closest to their homes as a way to limit ridership , but officials withdrew that proposal after parents objected .
The Kentucky Education Department suggests schools institute “ walking school buses , ” a system used in at least two other states in which adults chaperone groups of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with designated bus stops and pickup times .
Kentucky Education Department spokesperson Toni Konz Tatman said there has been no word yet of any districts giving the walking school buses a try .
Bus plans are expected to be tweaked over the first weeks and months of school , but if a major outbreak is linked to bus transportation , parents will have to decide whether to vote with their feet and go another route .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

School districts nationwide puzzling over how to safely educate children during a pandemic have a more immediate challenge – getting 26 million bus-riding students there in the first place.
Few challenges are proving to be more daunting than figuring out how to maintain social distance on school buses. A wide array of strategies have emerged to reduce the health risks but nobody has found a silver bullet.
Should students with COVID-19 symptoms be isolated at the front of the school bus? Should bus seats be assigned? Should buses be loaded from the back? Should buses only carry a few students at a time?
“The transportation professionals are left with the issue of, OK, you’ve got little Billy at the bus stop. Mom’s not there and he’s got a temperature. That’s a dilemma,” said Steve Simmons, a bus safety expert who used to head pupil transportation for Columbus, Ohio, public schools. “We can’t answer those kinds of questions. I don’t think anybody can.”
Mr. Simmons, president of the National Association for Pupil Transportation, was part of team of industry and school officials who produced a 70-page report on ways to lower the risk of COVID-19 transmission.
Many schools have been surveying parents to determine how many students will take the bus and how many will be privately driven to school. Others are making decisions about bus capacity that involve a trade-off between safety and affordability.
The task force report warned that a 6-foot social distancing regulation “is not financially nor operationally feasible,” and that “current thinking” is that a 72-student capacity bus can accommodate 24 students, or more if family members sit together.
Some large districts will nonetheless “jam ‘em in” the school bus,” Mr. Simmons said, while other districts plan to stagger school start times or teach half the students in the morning and the rest in the afternoon, with two sets of bus runs.
School transportation plans are “just one of the many ways we’re seeing inequities playing out in this pandemic,” said Deborah Gordon Klehr, executive director of the Education Law Center in Philadelphia.
“Some districts are saying that they will cut back on the number of students offered transportation, or expect more parents to drive their students to school,” she said. “Students and families with fewer resources are going to be the ones hurt by this.”
Kim Blodgett quit her job as a fourth-grade teacher this year in order to drive her 5-year-old son to the Oklahoma School for the Deaf, concerned the twice-daily, 45-minute bus ride from their home in Norman was too risky.
“So many parents feel like they have no control over any of this that’s happened,” Ms. Blodgett said. “They have to work, they have to send their kids to school. They have to put their kids on that bus. It’s a horrible situation all the way around.”
Mr. Simmons said most bus drivers are old enough to put them at heightened risk for severe illness if they catch the virus. They will have to decide whether to continue driving – a job that typically does not pay much – or to stay home and prioritize their own safety, which could worsen a years-long national school bus driver shortage.
Schools will have to decide what cleaning standards they want to set and whether to add sneeze guards or similar barriers among students and between students and bus drivers.
In Pennsylvania, the Transportation Department shot down a proposal to install plastic barriers around bus drivers, telling a school bus contractor there is not evidence it would make students or drivers safer. In New York, hand sanitizer isn’t even allowed on buses “due to its combustible composition and potential liability to the carrier or district,” according to guidance from the state’s school reopening task force.
The task force report said a survey of bus contractors found they were unanimously opposed to taking students’ temperatures, as some districts have considered. The contractors said drivers and bus monitors do not want to have to interpret health data, among other objections.
Getting on and off the bus is considered a time of heightened risk. Pennsylvania districts are considering assigned bus seating, making students fill empty buses from the back and emptying them from the front.
A suburban Philadelphia school district’s reopening plan states that students with symptoms should be placed in the front seat of the bus and brought to the school nurse. Another mandates that no students with symptoms will be sent on a bus or brought to school.
Districts are designating rooms where sick or potentially sick children can be isolated until their parents can retrieve them.
Pottstown, Pennsylvania, schools have proposed keeping windows on its few buses open, a plan that will be difficult to carry out in winter. New York’s statewide recommendation is for windows to remain cracked if the outside temperature is at least 45 degrees Fahrenheit.
Public schools in Providence, Rhode Island, had considered making all students attend the schools that are located closest to their homes as a way to limit ridership, but officials withdrew that proposal after parents objected.
The Kentucky Education Department suggests schools institute “walking school buses,” a system used in at least two other states in which adults chaperone groups of students walking to and from school together, with designated bus stops and pickup times. Kentucky Education Department spokesperson Toni Konz Tatman said there has been no word yet of any districts giving the walking school buses a try.
Bus plans are expected to be tweaked over the first weeks and months of school, but if a major outbreak is linked to bus transportation, parents will have to decide whether to vote with their feet and go another route.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-05--White House struggles with mixed messages on COVID-19

In the early days of the coronavirus crisis , President Donald Trump was flanked in the White House briefing room by a team of public health experts in a seeming portrait of unity to confront the disease that was ravaging the globe .
But as the crisis has spread to all reaches of the country , with escalating deaths and little sense of endgame , a chasm has widened between the Republican president and the experts .
The result : daily delivery of a mixed message to the public at a moment when coherence is most needed .
Mr. Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States has no rival in its response to the pandemic .
They point to the fact that the U.S. has administered more virus tests than any other nation and that the percentage of deaths among those infected is among the lowest .
“ Right now , I think it ’ s under control , ” Mr. Trump said during an interview with Axios .
He added , “ We have done a great job.
” But the surge in infections , hospitalizations , and deaths tells a different story .
And it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of step with the federal government ’ s own medical and public health experts .
The U.S. death toll , which stands at more than 156,000 , is expected to accelerate .
The latest composite forecast from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention projects an average of nearly 1,000 deaths per day through Aug. 22 .
Dr. Deborah Birx , White House coronavirus task force coordinator , warned this week that the virus has become “ extraordinarily widespread . ''
Mr. Trump did n't like that .
He dismissed her comment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was capitulating to criticism from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , who had earlier criticized Dr. Birx .
Adm. Brett Giroir , the assistant secretary of Health and Human Services , who has avoided contradicting the president throughout the crisis , said on Sunday it was time to “ move on ” from the debate over hydroxychloroquine , a drug Mr. Trump continues to promote as a COVID-19 treatment even though there is no clear evidence it is effective .
Dr. Robert Redfield , head of the CDC , last week acknowledged during an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government response to the virus was too slow .
“ It ’ s not a separation from the president , it ’ s a cavernous gap , ” said Lawrence Gostin , a public health expert at Georgetown University .
“ What we ’ re seeing is that scientists will no longer be cowed by the White House.
” Until recently , the medical experts on the White House coronavirus task force have walked a tightrope .
They have been pressing to deliver the best science to the public while trying to avoid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in hopes of maintaining influence in the decision-making process .
The effort has played out , at moments , as an awkward dance .
For months now , the West Wing has controlled the media schedule of Dr. Anthony Fauci , who drew the ire of the president and his advisers in the early days of the pandemic because of the outsized media attention he received and his perceived willingness to contradict the president , according to three White House officials and Republicans close to the West Wing not authorized to speak publicly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s top infectious disease expert , has struck a far more cautious tone than Mr. Trump or any other member of the task force about the nation ’ s move to “ reopen , ” provoking the frustration of a president who sees a resurgent economy as key to winning another four years in office .
Dr. Birx , until recently , had largely stayed on the president ’ s good side , though her depictions of the pandemic fight drew recent skepticism from Democrats and other public health officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Birx privately as well as in his public comments this week for not striking a more optimistic tone about states that are doing well and for saying she had “ tremendous respect ” for Mr. Trump ’ s rival Ms. Pelosi , the officials said .
Throughout the pandemic , some government public health officials have privately expressed worry to West Wing staffers that they are fearful of contradicting the president even as they try to focus on the data and the science behind the administration ’ s response to the virus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been a concerted effort to appear that the team and the Oval Office are speaking with one voice .
Dr. Redfield disputed on Monday that the health officials were looking to distance themselves from the president .
“ I don ’ t think that ’ s an accurate characterization , ” Dr. Redfield said in an interview .
He added , ” I think we communicate freely and directly as we see the outbreak as members of the task force.
” On Monday , Mr. Trump seemed to walk back from his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bait ” from Ms. Pelosi and said that he had great respect for the doctor .
He suggested his frustration was spurred by his administration not receiving proper credit for testing so many people or for pushing to replenish the stockpile of ventilators early in the crisis .
On Tuesday , he said that the U.S. has increased testing capacity by 32,000 % since March 12 and has “ far and away the most testing capacity in the world.
” Mr. Trump in early March declared “ anybody that needs a test @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in many parts of the country , it can still take a week or longer for patients to receive test results .
His statements give short shrift to the fact that the U.S. has the world ’ s fourth highest per capita virus death rate , according to Johns Hopkins University ’ s coronavirus resource center .
In the Axios interview , Mr. Trump insisted that the appropriate statistic to judge the virus response is the ratio of deaths to cases .
By that metric , the U.S. ranks 14th among the 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , India , Argentina , Russia , South Africa , and Bangladesh all have lower rates of deaths to infections , according to the Johns Hopkins-compiled data .
Mr. Trump ’ s undercutting of his health advisers makes it all but impossible for the federal government to speak with a single , authoritative voice at a time of national crisis , critics say .
“ It ’ s a very dangerous place for the country to be , ” said Kathleen Sebelius , health and human services secretary under President Barack Obama .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ very dangerous , is that we continue to have a White House that has made a public health crisis in this country into a debate about whether people like Donald Trump or not .
We have never seen a situation like this before , and we are paying the price.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Mike Stobbe in New York contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage @ @ @ @ @ @

Aamer Madhani, Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar, and Jonathan Lemire

In the early days of the coronavirus crisis, President Donald Trump was flanked in the White House briefing room by a team of public health experts in a seeming portrait of unity to confront the disease that was ravaging the globe.
But as the crisis has spread to all reaches of the country, with escalating deaths and little sense of endgame, a chasm has widened between the Republican president and the experts. The result: daily delivery of a mixed message to the public at a moment when coherence is most needed.
Mr. Trump and his political advisers insist that the United States has no rival in its response to the pandemic. They point to the fact that the U.S. has administered more virus tests than any other nation and that the percentage of deaths among those infected is among the lowest.
“Right now, I think it’s under control,” Mr. Trump said during an interview with Axios. He added, “We have done a great job.”
But the surge in infections, hospitalizations, and deaths tells a different story. And it suggests that the president is increasingly out of step with the federal government’s own medical and public health experts.
The U.S. death toll, which stands at more than 156,000, is expected to accelerate. The latest composite forecast from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention projects an average of nearly 1,000 deaths per day through Aug. 22.
Dr. Deborah Birx, White House coronavirus task force coordinator, warned this week that the virus has become “extraordinarily widespread."
Mr. Trump didn't like that. He dismissed her comment as “pathetic” and charged she was capitulating to criticism from House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who had earlier criticized Dr. Birx.
Adm. Brett Giroir, the assistant secretary of Health and Human Services, who has avoided contradicting the president throughout the crisis, said on Sunday it was time to “move on” from the debate over hydroxychloroquine, a drug Mr. Trump continues to promote as a COVID-19 treatment even though there is no clear evidence it is effective.
Dr. Robert Redfield, head of the CDC, last week acknowledged during an ABC News interview that the initial federal government response to the virus was too slow.
“It’s not a separation from the president, it’s a cavernous gap,” said Lawrence Gostin, a public health expert at Georgetown University. “What we’re seeing is that scientists will no longer be cowed by the White House.”
Until recently, the medical experts on the White House coronavirus task force have walked a tightrope. They have been pressing to deliver the best science to the public while trying to avoid appearing to directly contradict Mr. Trump – in hopes of maintaining influence in the decision-making process.
The effort has played out, at moments, as an awkward dance.
For months now, the West Wing has controlled the media schedule of Dr. Anthony Fauci, who drew the ire of the president and his advisers in the early days of the pandemic because of the outsized media attention he received and his perceived willingness to contradict the president, according to three White House officials and Republicans close to the West Wing not authorized to speak publicly about private conversations.
Dr. Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease expert, has struck a far more cautious tone than Mr. Trump or any other member of the task force about the nation’s move to “reopen,” provoking the frustration of a president who sees a resurgent economy as key to winning another four years in office.
Dr. Birx, until recently, had largely stayed on the president’s good side, though her depictions of the pandemic fight drew recent skepticism from Democrats and other public health officials. But Mr. Trump also criticized Dr. Birx privately as well as in his public comments this week for not striking a more optimistic tone about states that are doing well and for saying she had “tremendous respect” for Mr. Trump’s rival Ms. Pelosi, the officials said.
Throughout the pandemic, some government public health officials have privately expressed worry to West Wing staffers that they are fearful of contradicting the president even as they try to focus on the data and the science behind the administration’s response to the virus, officials said. But publicly, there has been a concerted effort to appear that the team and the Oval Office are speaking with one voice.
Dr. Redfield disputed on Monday that the health officials were looking to distance themselves from the president.
“I don’t think that’s an accurate characterization,” Dr. Redfield said in an interview. He added, ”I think we communicate freely and directly as we see the outbreak as members of the task force.”
On Monday, Mr. Trump seemed to walk back from his criticism that Dr. Birx was “taking the bait” from Ms. Pelosi and said that he had great respect for the doctor.
He suggested his frustration was spurred by his administration not receiving proper credit for testing so many people or for pushing to replenish the stockpile of ventilators early in the crisis. On Tuesday, he said that the U.S. has increased testing capacity by 32,000% since March 12 and has “far and away the most testing capacity in the world.”
Mr. Trump in early March declared “anybody that needs a test gets a test." Yet, in many parts of the country, it can still take a week or longer for patients to receive test results.
His statements give short shrift to the fact that the U.S. has the world’s fourth highest per capita virus death rate, according to Johns Hopkins University’s coronavirus resource center.
In the Axios interview, Mr. Trump insisted that the appropriate statistic to judge the virus response is the ratio of deaths to cases. By that metric, the U.S. ranks 14th among the 20 countries most affected by COVID-19. Chile, India, Argentina, Russia, South Africa, and Bangladesh all have lower rates of deaths to infections, according to the Johns Hopkins-compiled data.
Mr. Trump’s undercutting of his health advisers makes it all but impossible for the federal government to speak with a single, authoritative voice at a time of national crisis, critics say.
“It’s a very dangerous place for the country to be,” said Kathleen Sebelius, health and human services secretary under President Barack Obama. “The reason I say it is very dangerous, is that we continue to have a White House that has made a public health crisis in this country into a debate about whether people like Donald Trump or not. We have never seen a situation like this before, and we are paying the price.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Mike Stobbe in New York contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-05--Will Obama endorsements matter in November?

With some fanfare , former President Barack Obama issued his first round of down-ballot endorsements this week - 118 candidates in 17 states , including 51 candidates for the U.S. House and five U.S. Senate candidates .
Until recently , President Obama has kept relatively quiet on political matters , following the traditional behavior of ex-presidents toward their successors .
But with three months to go before Election Day , he ’ s speaking up more .
His eulogy last Thursday for civil-rights icon John Lewis , the longtime Georgia Democratic congressman , honored a man who devoted his life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and helped pave the way for Mr. Obama himself to become the nation ’ s first Black president .
Just as significantly , the speech delved into politics , as a tool for effecting change .
Mr. Obama called for measures to enhance voting rights , and , controversially , raised ending the filibuster – a Senate rule that effectively requires 60 votes to pass legislation – to bring about reforms .
The former president called on Americans to carry on Representative Lewis ’ s legacy by voting .
“ He knew that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Mr. Obama said .
Mr. Obama is central to party efforts to spur turnout for his former vice president , Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
And inspiring Black voters is key .
But a recent American University survey of Black Americans in six swing states identified potential trouble : Those under age 30 have far less enthusiasm for Mr. Biden than their elders .
Among those under 30 , only 47 % plan to vote for Mr. Biden , with 8 % voting for President Trump and the rest voting for someone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting .
Among those over 30 , 73 % plan to vote for Mr. Biden and those over 60 , nearly 90 % .
If Mr. Biden does win , he ’ ll need Democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress to enact his agenda .
Which brings us back to Mr. Obama ’ s efforts to elect more Democrats down-ballot .
Mr. Obama ’ s endorsements focus on holding and building on Democratic gains in the House in 2018 , and then helping the party win control of the Senate .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican incumbents in Colorado , Iowa , Maine , North Carolina , and South Carolina .
He also endorses dozens of Democrats running for state legislatures , with an eye toward fighting partisan gerrymandering as states redraw legislative districts after the 2020 Census .
How much sway do endorsements actually have ?
Usually not much .
But Mr. Obama remains a popular figure in the party .
And between now and Election Day , anybody who can rally Democratic voters – even just virtually – will be giving it all they ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re thinking at csmpolitics @ csmonitor.com .

Dear reader:
With some fanfare, former President Barack Obama issued his first round of down-ballot endorsements this week - 118 candidates in 17 states, including 51 candidates for the U.S. House and five U.S. Senate candidates.
Until recently, President Obama has kept relatively quiet on political matters, following the traditional behavior of ex-presidents toward their successors. But with three months to go before Election Day, he’s speaking up more.
His eulogy last Thursday for civil-rights icon John Lewis, the longtime Georgia Democratic congressman, honored a man who devoted his life to the cause of racial equality – and helped pave the way for Mr. Obama himself to become the nation’s first Black president.
Just as significantly, the speech delved into politics, as a tool for effecting change. Mr. Obama called for measures to enhance voting rights, and, controversially, raised ending the filibuster – a Senate rule that effectively requires 60 votes to pass legislation – to bring about reforms.
The former president called on Americans to carry on Representative Lewis’s legacy by voting. “He knew that the march is not yet over,” Mr. Obama said.
Mr. Obama is central to party efforts to spur turnout for his former vice president, Democratic nominee Joe Biden. And inspiring Black voters is key. But a recent American University survey of Black Americans in six swing states identified potential trouble: Those under age 30 have far less enthusiasm for Mr. Biden than their elders.
Among those under 30, only 47% plan to vote for Mr. Biden, with 8% voting for President Trump and the rest voting for someone else, undecided, or just not voting. Among those over 30, 73% plan to vote for Mr. Biden and those over 60, nearly 90%.
If Mr. Biden does win, he’ll need Democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress to enact his agenda. Which brings us back to Mr. Obama’s efforts to elect more Democrats down-ballot. Mr. Obama’s endorsements focus on holding and building on Democratic gains in the House in 2018, and then helping the party win control of the Senate. There, Mr. Obama endorses Democrats taking on Republican incumbents in Colorado, Iowa, Maine, North Carolina, and South Carolina.
He also endorses dozens of Democrats running for state legislatures, with an eye toward fighting partisan gerrymandering as states redraw legislative districts after the 2020 Census.
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How much sway do endorsements actually have? Usually not much. But Mr. Obama remains a popular figure in the party. And between now and Election Day, anybody who can rally Democratic voters – even just virtually – will be giving it all they’ve got.
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.


csmonitor--2020-08-06--Consonants that went to wrack and ruin

Consonants that went to wrack and ruin

Why are so many common English words spelled with an initial w but pronounced as if they begin with an r sound ?
Write , wrong , wrist , wrath – these are among the oldest words in English .
Like hw- , hr- , and kn- , wr- is one of “ ye olde ” consonant clusters that was pronounced in Anglo-Saxon English but has changed or disappeared in modern English .
Though today we don ’ t pronounce the k of knee , it ’ s pretty easy to do .
Some dialects of English still pronounce the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ letters are reversed in words such as what and when .
( My first grade teacher insisted that which and witch were not homonyms , to the great confusion of the children in her class , in whose dialect they were homonyms . )
But if you were going to pronounce each letter , how would you say wr , or , even worse , wl , which occurred in Old English words like wlanc ( “ bold ; splendid ” ) and wlite ( “ face ; beauty ” ) ?
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were hard to say even for Anglo-Saxons , and cites spellings such as werritt for writ as evidence of “ early difficulty in pronouncing the combination.
” The unwieldiness has led some linguists to argue that both letters in these pairs were not pronounced .
Philologist Donka Minkova makes a convincing argument that Anglo-Saxons were indeed pronouncing both letters , stumbling over write , wreath , and so on .
She looks at Anglo-Saxon and medieval alliterative verse – poems that are structured by the repetition of the initial sounds of words , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Layamon ’ s “ Brut , ” for example , contains lines such as “ he letten writen a writ ; & wel hit lette dihten ” ( “ he had a well-written writ written ” ) .
The poem “ Cleanness ” has an even more alliterative line : “ Wlonk whit watz her wede , ” something like “ Wondrous white was what they wore.
” By the 15th century , the w sound was disappearing , which led to a spelling free-for-all .
If you weren ’ t pronouncing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
So wrong appeared as “ rong ” and wring as “ ringe.
” Conversely , if some r words began with a silent w , why not all of them ?
So “ rathe ” ( an old word for “ advice ” ) could be wrath , and “ runkel ” could be wrinkle .
These words were standardized into their current forms in the 18th century , and we now have no trouble remembering which words begin with w – except with rack and wrack .
As we talked about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insist on sticking wrack where rack belongs ?
It seems to me that the archaic tone of nerve-racking must play a part .
Though this word was first used in the 20th century , it sounds old-fashioned , and ye olde wr- consonant cluster seems more appropriate .

Why are so many common English words spelled with an initial w but pronounced as if they begin with an r sound? Write, wrong, wrist, wrath – these are among the oldest words in English. Like hw-, hr-, and kn-, wr- is one of “ye olde” consonant clusters that was pronounced in Anglo-Saxon English but has changed or disappeared in modern English.
Though today we don’t pronounce the k of knee, it’s pretty easy to do. Some dialects of English still pronounce the h of hw-, though now the letters are reversed in words such as what and when. (My first grade teacher insisted that which and witch were not homonyms, to the great confusion of the children in her class, in whose dialect they were homonyms.) But if you were going to pronounce each letter, how would you say wr, or, even worse, wl, which occurred in Old English words like wlanc (“bold; splendid”) and wlite (“face; beauty”)?
The Oxford English Dictionary speculates that these clusters were hard to say even for Anglo-Saxons, and cites spellings such as werritt for writ as evidence of “early difficulty in pronouncing the combination.” The unwieldiness has led some linguists to argue that both letters in these pairs were not pronounced.
Philologist Donka Minkova makes a convincing argument that Anglo-Saxons were indeed pronouncing both letters, stumbling over write, wreath, and so on. She looks at Anglo-Saxon and medieval alliterative verse – poems that are structured by the repetition of the initial sounds of words, not by rhyme. A 12th-century poem, Layamon’s “Brut,” for example, contains lines such as “he letten writen a writ; & wel hit lette dihten” (“he had a well-written writ written”). The poem “Cleanness” has an even more alliterative line: “Wlonk whit watz her wede,” something like “Wondrous white was what they wore.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
By the 15th century, the w sound was disappearing, which led to a spelling free-for-all. If you weren’t pronouncing the w, then why use it? So wrong appeared as “rong” and wring as “ringe.” Conversely, if some r words began with a silent w, why not all of them? So “rathe” (an old word for “advice”) could be wrath, and “runkel” could be wrinkle.
These words were standardized into their current forms in the 18th century, and we now have no trouble remembering which words begin with w – except with rack and wrack. As we talked about in another column, why do we insist on sticking wrack where rack belongs? It seems to me that the archaic tone of nerve-racking must play a part. Though this word was first used in the 20th century, it sounds old-fashioned, and ye olde wr- consonant cluster seems more appropriate.


csmonitor--2020-08-06--For Lebanese, government dysfunction has a new, tragic cost

“ These serial economic crises don ’ t quite capture the frustration and humiliation of daily life in Lebanon – the lying and cheating involved in navigating it , the sectarian pettiness , the corruption , the power cuts , the disappearing savings , the currency collapse , ” says Faysal Itani at Georgetown University .
“ No sane or decent person would accept to live that way , ” he says .
Yet the Beirut event is so dramatic , analysts say , it could become a catalyst for reform , not only by reinvigorating the anti-establishment protests , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the flow of donor aid now beginning to pour into the country is channeled through “ clean ” hands and not given directly to the government .
Ironically , the system of unaccountable sectarian fiefdoms was codified by the very power-sharing agreement that helped end the country ’ s 15-year civil war .
Anger at that system , and at the elites who have profited from it , is what sent Lebanese protesters into the streets last fall .
For many Lebanese , the culprit of the Beirut explosion that has claimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to 300,000 homeless is an ingrained political culture of incompetence and corruption that allowed a hazardous material to be stored for years at the port with minimal safeguards .
Faysal Itani hasn ’ t forgotten the sweltering summer he worked at the Beirut port as a teenager in the late 1990s , because after 15 years of civil war , it was a rare period of hope , optimism , and rebuilding for Lebanon .
Forced to take the menial job by his father as a “ character-building exercise , ” Mr. Itani @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an aged administrative complex .
Fellow workers teased him for his enthusiasm , “ but spirits were high enough , and things did get done.
” By then , the rejuvenated face of Beirut had already changed dramatically since the end of the war in 1990 , when Mr. Itani used to play a game with his father about who could be the first to spot a building not scarred by fighting .
Yet Lebanon ’ s tragedy was far from over , a reality reflected in the downward trajectory from those days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government dysfunction and corruption , to the mammoth explosion at the port Tuesday .
The blast , one of the most powerful non-nuclear explosions in history , was attributed to 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate .
The substance – just two tons of it were used in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing – was stored with few safeguards after being offloaded in 2014 from a ship that ran into legal trouble and was abandoned by its Russian owner .
Multiple warnings from lawyers , customs officials , and state security organs to remove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has claimed 157 lives so far , injured 5,000 , left up to 300,000 homeless , wrought an estimated $ 3 billion in damages , and decimated a sizable portion of the city – along with any residual credibility of Lebanon ’ s widely despised ruling elite .
Still , the event was so dramatic , analysts say , it could become a catalyst for reform , not only by reinvigorating the anti-establishment protests that swept the country last fall and winter , but also , perhaps , by ensuring that the flow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the country is channeled through “ clean ” hands and not given directly to the government .
Indeed for many Lebanese – already reeling from a pandemic and collapsing economy – the culprit of the explosion is an ingrained political culture of incompetence and corruption stemming from calcified and unaccountable sectarian fiefdoms that fail to provide services , have enriched and empowered a few , and brought misery and poverty to most .
It was a system codified , ironically , by the very power-sharing agreement that helped end the civil war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t quite capture the frustration and humiliation of daily life in Lebanon – the lying and cheating involved in navigating it , the sectarian pettiness , the corruption , the power cuts , the disappearing savings , the currency collapse , ” says Mr. Itani , who today is a deputy director at the Center for Global Policy and adjunct professor of Middle East politics at Georgetown University in Washington .
“ No sane or decent person would accept to live that way , ” says Mr. Itani .
Even by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experiment was falling apart.
” Anger has only grown as Lebanese sweep up the glass from the destruction of one third of their capital .
Trending on social media are the words , in Arabic , “ Hang up the nooses , ” in reference to toppling the sectarian ruling class – the top demand of protesters who took to the streets nationwide last October .
A Lebanese surgeon , Bassam Osman , summed up his emotions on Twitter after ending 52 hours of nonstop work treating patients .
“ The greatest feeling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not despair , it is abandonment , ” wrote Dr. Osman , a surgeon at the American University of Beirut Medical Center .
“ We already lost all hope in ... a criminal personnel that is governing us against our will , ” he wrote .
“ People don ’ t want to hear that they are strong or they will rise .
They are not .
They are broken , they are helpless , they are abandoned .
… They need something to lean on , at least for a breath.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ present port officials had been put under house arrest .
Prime Minister Hassan Diab vowed that the explosion “ will not fly by without accountability , ” and that those responsible “ will pay the price.
” And yet , when President Emmanuel Macron of France , Lebanon ’ s former colonial power , arrived Thursday , he upstaged every member of Lebanon ’ s political elite by visiting devastated parts of Beirut before any of them had .
Mr. Macron was mobbed by crowds in the street calling for the “ fall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He replied by saying he would “ talk to all political forces to ask them for a new pact.
” “ What is also needed is political change .
This explosion should be the start of a new era , ” he said , adding that Lebanon would “ continue to sink ” without reforms .
Rami Khouri , a professor of journalism and the director of global engagement at the American University of Beirut , says Lebanon ’ s immediate focus is the humanitarian emergency , but a political reckoning is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be intense political focus on finally forcing the government to actually act responsibly , or get out of the way , and hold the real people accountable for this particular crime , ” says Professor Khouri , contacted in Cambridge , Massachusetts .
If there are trials and the guilty are imprisoned , he says , it could “ open the door ” to ending impunity and going after those who are responsible for but failed to keep electricity running , water clean , and garbage collected .
The presence of such a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for so many years , for example , “ is typical of many levels of incompetence in many different arenas – we just don ’ t know about them , ” Professor Khouri says .
“ What ’ s going on with people distributing obsolete food , or medicine that ’ s no good ?
Or giving licenses away to people surreptitiously ?
There are so many things being done by government officials to make money , and we just don ’ t know about them , ” he says .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figuratively , exploded into the open.
” But perhaps even more corrosive to Lebanon ’ s social fabric over the decades has been the steady assault on good governance wrought by the system of dividing political posts and spoils – and thereby economic goodies – according to sect .
“ People are hired for political or sectarian affiliation rather than competence , are demoralized , and are compromised by corruption , ” says Mr. Itani , who is not surprised that those in charge “ did not care enough ” to solve the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s difficult to convey how this looks up close without a long series of anecdotes , but the notion of public good and civic duty in Lebanon is absent , ” he says .
One place to start could be handling the influx of aid by an oversight body composed of a few respected individuals , charitable societies , donors , and others with “ clean ” hands , says Mr. Khouri of AUB .
“ Their job is to disperse the money and monitor how it is spent , quickly and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go buy cars for somebody ’ s cousin , ” says Mr. Khouri .
Mr. Macron also heard worry from the streets that foreign aid will be stolen .
“ I guarantee you this : Aid will not go to corrupt hands , ” he said .
Yet Mr. Khouri hopes his consortium idea could have a broader impact .
“ The most important thing is this would be a model for beginning the process of reforms , that the government no longer has full sovereignty , ” he says .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people don ’ t trust you , and we [ donors ] don ’ t trust you .
And that ’ s because you ’ ve shown for the last 30 years you ’ re not trustworthy .
You ’ ve failed your people .
’ ”

“These serial economic crises don’t quite capture the frustration and humiliation of daily life in Lebanon – the lying and cheating involved in navigating it, the sectarian pettiness, the corruption, the power cuts, the disappearing savings, the currency collapse,” says Faysal Itani at Georgetown University. “No sane or decent person would accept to live that way,” he says.
Yet the Beirut event is so dramatic, analysts say, it could become a catalyst for reform, not only by reinvigorating the anti-establishment protests, but also, perhaps, by ensuring that the flow of donor aid now beginning to pour into the country is channeled through “clean” hands and not given directly to the government.
The Lebanese people, already tired of widespread corruption and entitled elites’ governmental fiefdoms, took to the streets last fall. The explosion in Beirut’s port is a tragic reaffirmation of their grievances.
Ironically, the system of unaccountable sectarian fiefdoms was codified by the very power-sharing agreement that helped end the country’s 15-year civil war. Anger at that system, and at the elites who have profited from it, is what sent Lebanese protesters into the streets last fall.
For many Lebanese, the culprit of the Beirut explosion that has claimed more than 150 lives and left up to 300,000 homeless is an ingrained political culture of incompetence and corruption that allowed a hazardous material to be stored for years at the port with minimal safeguards.
Faysal Itani hasn’t forgotten the sweltering summer he worked at the Beirut port as a teenager in the late 1990s, because after 15 years of civil war, it was a rare period of hope, optimism, and rebuilding for Lebanon.
Forced to take the menial job by his father as a “character-building exercise,” Mr. Itani inputted shipping data into obsolete computers at an aged administrative complex. Fellow workers teased him for his enthusiasm, “but spirits were high enough, and things did get done.”
By then, the rejuvenated face of Beirut had already changed dramatically since the end of the war in 1990, when Mr. Itani used to play a game with his father about who could be the first to spot a building not scarred by fighting.
Why We Wrote This The Lebanese people, already tired of widespread corruption and entitled elites’ governmental fiefdoms, took to the streets last fall. The explosion in Beirut’s port is a tragic reaffirmation of their grievances.
Yet Lebanon’s tragedy was far from over, a reality reflected in the downward trajectory from those days of optimism, directly through decades of government dysfunction and corruption, to the mammoth explosion at the port Tuesday.
The blast, one of the most powerful non-nuclear explosions in history, was attributed to 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate. The substance – just two tons of it were used in the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing – was stored with few safeguards after being offloaded in 2014 from a ship that ran into legal trouble and was abandoned by its Russian owner. Multiple warnings from lawyers, customs officials, and state security organs to remove the material were ignored.
The blast has claimed 157 lives so far, injured 5,000, left up to 300,000 homeless, wrought an estimated $3 billion in damages, and decimated a sizable portion of the city – along with any residual credibility of Lebanon’s widely despised ruling elite.
Mohamed Azakir/Reuters View caption Hide caption A view on Aug. 5, 2020 shows damaged buildings near the site of Tuesday's blast in Beirut's port area.
Still, the event was so dramatic, analysts say, it could become a catalyst for reform, not only by reinvigorating the anti-establishment protests that swept the country last fall and winter, but also, perhaps, by ensuring that the flow of donor aid now beginning to pour into the country is channeled through “clean” hands and not given directly to the government.
Indeed for many Lebanese – already reeling from a pandemic and collapsing economy – the culprit of the explosion is an ingrained political culture of incompetence and corruption stemming from calcified and unaccountable sectarian fiefdoms that fail to provide services, have enriched and empowered a few, and brought misery and poverty to most. It was a system codified, ironically, by the very power-sharing agreement that helped end the civil war.
“These serial economic crises don’t quite capture the frustration and humiliation of daily life in Lebanon – the lying and cheating involved in navigating it, the sectarian pettiness, the corruption, the power cuts, the disappearing savings, the currency collapse,” says Mr. Itani, who today is a deputy director at the Center for Global Policy and adjunct professor of Middle East politics at Georgetown University in Washington.
“No sane or decent person would accept to live that way,” says Mr. Itani. Even by the early 2000s it was “clear this experiment was falling apart.”
Anger has only grown as Lebanese sweep up the glass from the destruction of one third of their capital. Trending on social media are the words, in Arabic, “Hang up the nooses,” in reference to toppling the sectarian ruling class – the top demand of protesters who took to the streets nationwide last October.
A Lebanese surgeon, Bassam Osman, summed up his emotions on Twitter after ending 52 hours of nonstop work treating patients.
“The greatest feeling is not sadness, not anger, not despair, it is abandonment,” wrote Dr. Osman, a surgeon at the American University of Beirut Medical Center.
“We already lost all hope in ... a criminal personnel that is governing us against our will,” he wrote. “People don’t want to hear that they are strong or they will rise. They are not. They are broken, they are helpless, they are abandoned. … They need something to lean on, at least for a breath.”
Thibault Camus/Reuters View caption Hide caption President Emmanuel Macron of France, Lebanon's former colonial power, gestures as he visits a devastated street in Beirut, Aug. 6, 2020.
Lebanese officials announced that several past and present port officials had been put under house arrest. Prime Minister Hassan Diab vowed that the explosion “will not fly by without accountability,” and that those responsible “will pay the price.”
And yet, when President Emmanuel Macron of France, Lebanon’s former colonial power, arrived Thursday, he upstaged every member of Lebanon’s political elite by visiting devastated parts of Beirut before any of them had.
Mr. Macron was mobbed by crowds in the street calling for the “fall of the regime” and for revolution. He replied by saying he would “talk to all political forces to ask them for a new pact.”
“What is also needed is political change. This explosion should be the start of a new era,” he said, adding that Lebanon would “continue to sink” without reforms.
Rami Khouri, a professor of journalism and the director of global engagement at the American University of Beirut, says Lebanon’s immediate focus is the humanitarian emergency, but a political reckoning is inevitable.
“There is going to be intense political focus on finally forcing the government to actually act responsibly, or get out of the way, and hold the real people accountable for this particular crime,” says Professor Khouri, contacted in Cambridge, Massachusetts.
If there are trials and the guilty are imprisoned, he says, it could “open the door” to ending impunity and going after those who are responsible for but failed to keep electricity running, water clean, and garbage collected.
The presence of such a large stockpile of hazardous chemicals in Beirut for so many years, for example, “is typical of many levels of incompetence in many different arenas – we just don’t know about them,” Professor Khouri says.
Hussein Malla/AP View caption Hide caption A woman takes pictures on her phone of a damaged church, after Tuesday's explosion in the seaport of Beirut, Lebanon, Aug. 5, 2020.
“What’s going on with people distributing obsolete food, or medicine that’s no good? Or giving licenses away to people surreptitiously? There are so many things being done by government officials to make money, and we just don’t know about them,” he says. “It just happened that this, literally and figuratively, exploded into the open.”
But perhaps even more corrosive to Lebanon’s social fabric over the decades has been the steady assault on good governance wrought by the system of dividing political posts and spoils – and thereby economic goodies – according to sect.
“People are hired for political or sectarian affiliation rather than competence, are demoralized, and are compromised by corruption,” says Mr. Itani, who is not surprised that those in charge “did not care enough” to solve the problem at the port.
“It’s difficult to convey how this looks up close without a long series of anecdotes, but the notion of public good and civic duty in Lebanon is absent,” he says.
One place to start could be handling the influx of aid by an oversight body composed of a few respected individuals, charitable societies, donors, and others with “clean” hands, says Mr. Khouri of AUB.
“Their job is to disperse the money and monitor how it is spent, quickly and properly where it is needed – not to go buy cars for somebody’s cousin,” says Mr. Khouri.
Mr. Macron also heard worry from the streets that foreign aid will be stolen. “I guarantee you this: Aid will not go to corrupt hands,” he said.
Yet Mr. Khouri hopes his consortium idea could have a broader impact.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“The most important thing is this would be a model for beginning the process of reforms, that the government no longer has full sovereignty,” he says.
“That sends the message: ‘Your people don’t trust you, and we [donors] don’t trust you. And that’s because you’ve shown for the last 30 years you’re not trustworthy. You’ve failed your people.’”