csmonitor--2020-03-18--Russia continues disinformation tactic, this time with coronavirus

Russian media have deployed a `` significant disinformation campaign '' against the West to worsen the impact of the coronavirus , generate panic , and sow distrust , according to a European Union document seen by Reuters .
The Kremlin denied the allegations on Wednesday , saying they were unfounded and lacked common sense .
The EU document said the Russian campaign , pushing fake news online in English , Spanish , Italian , German , and French , uses contradictory , confusing , and malicious reports to make it harder for the EU to communicate its response to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Russian state media and pro-Kremlin outlets regarding COVID-19 is ongoing , '' said the nine-page internal document , dated March 16 , using the name of the disease that can be caused by the coronavirus .
`` The overarching aim of Kremlin disinformation is to aggravate the public health crisis in Western countries ... in line with the Kremlin 's broader strategy of attempting to subvert European societies , '' the document produced by the EU 's foreign policy arm , the European External Action Service , said .
A specialist EU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disinformation about coronavirus since Jan. 22 , it said .
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov pointed to what he said was the lack in the EU document of a specific example or link to a specific media outlet .
`` We 're talking again about some unfounded allegations which in the current situation are probably the result of an anti-Russian obsession , '' said Mr. Peskov .
The EU document cited examples from Lithuania to Ukraine .
It said that on social media , Russian state-funded , Spanish-language RT Spanish was the 12th most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and mid-March , based on the amount of news shared on social media .
The EEAS declined to comment directly on the report .
The European Commission said it was in contact with Google , Facebook , Twitter , and Microsoft .
An EU spokesman accused Moscow of `` playing with people 's lives '' and appealed to EU citizens to `` be very careful '' and only use news sources they trust .
The EU and NATO have accused Russia of covert action , including disinformation , to try to destabilize the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russia denies any such tactics , and Russian President Vladimir Putin has accused foreign foes of targeting Russia by spreading fake news about coronavirus to whip up panic .
Russian media outlets in Europe have not been successful in reaching the broader public , but provide a platform for anti-EU populists and polarize debate , analysis by EU and non-governmental groups has shown .
The EEAS report cited riots at the end of February in Ukraine , a former Soviet republic now seeking to join the EU and NATO , as an example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It said a fake letter purporting to be from the Ukrainian health ministry falsely stated there were five coronavirus cases in the country .
Ukrainian authorities say the letter was created outside Ukraine , according to the EU report .
`` Pro-Kremlin disinformation messages advance a narrative that coronavirus is a human creation , weaponised by the West , '' said the report , first cited by the Financial Times .
It quoted fake news created by Russia in Italy , the second-most heavily affected country in the world , that health systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would choose who lived or died because of a lack of beds .
The EEAS has also shared information with Slovakia over the spread of fake news accusing the country 's prime minister , Peter Pellegrini , of being infected with the virus and saying he may have passed on the infection to others at recent summits .
In fact , EU leaders have been conferring by videoconferences since early March .
This story was reported by Reuters with additional reporting by Anastasia Teterevela in Moscow .

Russian media have deployed a "significant disinformation campaign" against the West to worsen the impact of the coronavirus, generate panic, and sow distrust, according to a European Union document seen by Reuters.
The Kremlin denied the allegations on Wednesday, saying they were unfounded and lacked common sense.
The EU document said the Russian campaign, pushing fake news online in English, Spanish, Italian, German, and French, uses contradictory, confusing, and malicious reports to make it harder for the EU to communicate its response to the pandemic.
"A significant disinformation campaign by Russian state media and pro-Kremlin outlets regarding COVID-19 is ongoing," said the nine-page internal document, dated March 16, using the name of the disease that can be caused by the coronavirus.
"The overarching aim of Kremlin disinformation is to aggravate the public health crisis in Western countries ... in line with the Kremlin's broader strategy of attempting to subvert European societies," the document produced by the EU's foreign policy arm, the European External Action Service, said.
A specialist EU database has recorded almost 80 cases of disinformation about coronavirus since Jan. 22, it said.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov pointed to what he said was the lack in the EU document of a specific example or link to a specific media outlet.
"We're talking again about some unfounded allegations which in the current situation are probably the result of an anti-Russian obsession," said Mr. Peskov.
The EU document cited examples from Lithuania to Ukraine. It said that on social media, Russian state-funded, Spanish-language RT Spanish was the 12th most popular news source on coronavirus between January and mid-March, based on the amount of news shared on social media.
The EEAS declined to comment directly on the report.
The European Commission said it was in contact with Google, Facebook, Twitter, and Microsoft. An EU spokesman accused Moscow of "playing with people's lives" and appealed to EU citizens to "be very careful" and only use news sources they trust.
The EU and NATO have accused Russia of covert action, including disinformation, to try to destabilize the West by exploiting divisions in society.
Russia denies any such tactics, and Russian President Vladimir Putin has accused foreign foes of targeting Russia by spreading fake news about coronavirus to whip up panic.
Russian media outlets in Europe have not been successful in reaching the broader public, but provide a platform for anti-EU populists and polarize debate, analysis by EU and non-governmental groups has shown.
The EEAS report cited riots at the end of February in Ukraine, a former Soviet republic now seeking to join the EU and NATO, as an example of the consequences of such disinformation.
It said a fake letter purporting to be from the Ukrainian health ministry falsely stated there were five coronavirus cases in the country. Ukrainian authorities say the letter was created outside Ukraine, according to the EU report.
"Pro-Kremlin disinformation messages advance a narrative that coronavirus is a human creation, weaponised by the West," said the report, first cited by the Financial Times.
It quoted fake news created by Russia in Italy, the second-most heavily affected country in the world, that health systems would be unable to cope and doctors would choose who lived or died because of a lack of beds.
The EEAS has also shared information with Slovakia over the spread of fake news accusing the country's prime minister, Peter Pellegrini, of being infected with the virus and saying he may have passed on the infection to others at recent summits.
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In fact, EU leaders have been conferring by videoconferences since early March.
This story was reported by Reuters with additional reporting by Anastasia Teterevela in Moscow.


csmonitor--2020-05-08--Daily for May 8, 2020

Daily for May 8, 2020

Mask or no mask ?
Reopen businesses or keep them closed ?
Trust Dr. Anthony Fauci ’ s expertise – or not so much ?
On question after question , the debates have grown heated .
Even amid a pandemic , when a sense of common purpose and shared values are essential , the nation ’ s red-blue divide seems as sharp as ever .
In some circles , wearing a mask is now seen as a liberal political statement while going maskless is a sign of “ don ’ t tread on me ” defiance .
In Texas , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for reopening her shop early became so intense that Lt. Gov .
Dan Patrick paid her $ 7,000 fine and offered to serve the rest of her sentence under house arrest .
Even the widely admired Dr. Fauci , the nation ’ s top epidemiologist , has not escaped the partisan buzzsaw .
True , he enjoys strong support in both parties , but there ’ s still a 17-point partisan gap : 88 % Democratic approval versus 71 % among Republicans , according to Gallup .
Editor ’ s note : As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coverage is free .
No paywall .
Polarization , building for decades , was already intense before COVID-19 .
Now it ’ s on steroids – especially with a presidential election just six months away .
And at a time when a shared reliance on facts and science is absolutely critical , partisanship and a deficit of trust have made fighting the virus all the more challenging .
“ For 40 years , there ’ s been a growing anti-intellectualism or perhaps populist resentment toward the traditional sources of informational authority – the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , nonpartisan government agencies , ” says David Barker , director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University in Washington .
“ We ’ ve gotten to the point , egged on by the president for four years , where maybe one-third of the country just does not trust a single word they hear from any of the traditional sources.
” It must be acknowledged that the “ traditional sources ” sometimes do get it wrong .
The mainstream media make mistakes .
In 2003 , the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faulty intelligence over weapons of mass destruction .
But each side now has its own sources of information and its own perspective in interpreting that information – coupled with a healthy dose of distrust of the other side .
On COVID-19 , two-thirds of Americans don ’ t think the official U.S. death toll – 76,600 as of Friday – is accurate , and faith in that figure is declining , according to the latest Axios-Ipsos poll .
But partisans disagree on how it ’ s wrong : Among Democrats , 63 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ given that some people are dying with COVID-19-like symptoms without being tested .
Among Republicans , on the other hand , a plurality ( 40 % ) says the figure is inflated .
Some Republicans suspect the number is being overstated to hurt President Donald Trump .
“ It just shows how sadly tribal we have become in our politics that we can ’ t even bring ourselves to accept the same set of facts , and feel compelled to question the motivations of our leaders and of each other , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Institute of Politics and Public Service and a former Democratic strategist .
Newt Gingrich sees a partisan hostility born of “ deep differences in values , worldviews , goals , and definitions of reality , ” the former Republican House speaker writes in an email .
“ The gap is now so large that each group sees its opponents as ‘ the other.
’ ” “ When the governor of Minnesota keeps open Planned Parenthood but closes churches , he is communicating a value set utterly alien to religiously committed people , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ divide is also shaping perceptions of the crisis , with Democratic-leaning regions hit harder by the virus than Republican-leaning areas .
People who live in cities and suburbs , where population density and demographics have so far produced the highest case loads , are literally experiencing the pandemic differently from those in rural areas .
That could soon shift : Coronavirus cases are now rising at a faster rate in rural America than in metropolitan areas , according to the Kaiser Family Foundation .
The spread to rural , redder areas brings its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more preexisting health conditions , and fewer hospitals .
Rural areas also face economic problems even when the national economy is strong .
Friday ’ s jobs report – 14.7 % of Americans unemployed in April , the highest level since the Great Depression – brought home the shocking economic impact of the virus .
Yet on the question of reopening businesses , partisan differences are again sharp , and vary depending on the type of business .
Some 61 % of Republicans support opening golf courses , while only 30 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ latest Washington Post-University of Maryland poll .
With barber shops and hair salons , 48 % of Republicans support reopening versus 15 % of Democrats .
Regarding movie theaters , the survey reports 33 % of Republicans support reopening versus 8 % of Democrats .
Then there ’ s the mask question , which has become a flashpoint for partisan sniping .
A majority in both parties say they wear a mask when leaving home , but Democrats are more likely to wear one by a margin of 17 percentage points – 76 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Mike Pence didn ’ t wear a mask on a visit last week to Minnesota ’ s Mayo Clinic , where mask usage is required , liberal outrage ensued .
He said he didn ’ t feel the need to wear one , given he is regularly tested for COVID-19 , but later he said he should have .
President Trump has yet to wear a mask in public .
On April 3 , when the Centers for Disease Control changed its guidance and recommended that Americans wear masks when outside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not to .
His actions may have swayed some Americans ’ actions .
A March academic study shows that partisan affiliation – more than age , income , or education level – was a “ huge divider ” in people ’ s reported health behaviors , such as hand-washing and canceled trips , says Shana Kushner Gadarian , political scientist at Syracuse University and co-author of the study .
“ People are taking their cues from political leadership and from doctors , and to the extent that those are different , people will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Professor Gadarian says .
In other words , mixed messages – say , on mask-wearing – may be producing a mix of behaviors .
Take Danielle Zaccagnino , a 30-something teacher in suburban Alexandria , Virginia , who says she leans liberal and has largely stayed inside since the virus outbreak started .
When she does go out , she wears an N95 mask .
She avoids the news , and keeps up with events via friends and social media .
“ The assumption is that liberals are more panicked and conservatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But “ because I limit my exposure to the conversation , I think that ’ s the main factor in how not panicked I am.
” In contrast , Stephen Hunt , a 50-something project manager in information technology , says he goes out in public all the time and doesn ’ t wear a mask or gloves .
He watches Fox News , and thinks the official death toll from COVID-19 is “ probably too high.
” Mr. Hunt , who lives in exurban King George County , Virginia , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than “ Republican , ” because the party has embraced big government .
Most important , he says , he wants the freedom to make choices for himself and be treated by the government as an individual .
The virus , he says , “ hasn ’ t changed the way we [ he and his wife ] go about our normal day-to-day business at all , other than social distancing , which we abide by of course.
” Yet beneath these apparent divisions , certain bedrock American values are still shining through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evidence that on the ground , at the community level , we actually have become less polarized and have forged strong communities , ” says Mr. Elleithee , former communications director at the Democratic National Committee .
He cites stories of people delivering groceries to elderly neighbors and drives to help keep local businesses afloat .
In late March , the Next Door app added a feature that allows neighbors to help neighbors during the pandemic .
Utility companies have features that allow people to round up their bill to help those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t come up .
“ It ’ s happening all over the country , even in polarized communities and swing districts , ” Mr. Elleithee says .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

Reopen economy with virus-immune workers? It’s a maybe. Collapse
David J. Phillip/AP View caption Hide caption Julie Janke, a medical technologist at Principle Health Systems and SynerGene Laboratory, looks over test results from a COVID-19 antibody test April 28, 2020, in Houston.
More than 327,000 people in New York have tested positive for the coronavirus that causes COVID-19. Of these cases, more than half are in New York City.
Jayne Oh isn’t one of them. But she’s convinced that she came down with COVID-19 in mid-March, just as the city went into lockdown. “It came on quite suddenly,” she says.
Ms. Oh, a marketing analytics consultant living in Brooklyn, stayed in her bedroom for three days. Her doctor advised her to isolate herself from her husband and two young children but not to go to the hospital, and within days she had begun to regain her health.
Ms. Oh is one of an untold number of New Yorkers who have had COVID-19-like symptoms and recovered, but were never tested.
The question matters not just to Ms. Oh – who wonders if she now has immunity to the virus – but to cities and states considering how to reopen. Immunity could influence how communities reopen, and how quickly they do so. A pool of immune workers, for example, could be a powerful tool to help reopen safely.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
But first officials need to understand whether COVID-19 immunity exists and how it works. And that process is proving difficult.
Medical experts and clinicians understand why policymakers anxious to find a path back to economic vitality have talked up the idea of immunity. But, says Kamran Kadkhoda, who directs the immunopathology lab at the Cleveland Clinic, a hospital in Cleveland, Ohio, “we have to do this [reopening] in a prudent manner.”
One test for potential immunity is a blood screening to look for antibodies that reveal a previous viral infection. The promise of antibody testing has captivated political and business leaders in the U.S. and elsewhere who hope it can help them revive their pandemic-crushed economies. In the U.S. alone, the unemployment rate surged to 14.7% in April as precautions against the virus stalled business activity.
SOURCE: Preliminary April data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
From hospitals in Michigan to college campuses in Arizona and software firms in California, antibody testing has already begun in an attempt to sort those who have and haven’t been infected. Cities and states are buying testing kits and partnering with research labs to screen residents.
But the flurry of interest in antibody testing as a shortcut to reopening hard-hit cities like New York has given way to humility. Gov. Andrew Cuomo initially seized on antibody tests as a way to get people back to work and children back to school. By last week, though, he had cooled on the idea after the World Health Organization warned there is no evidence of protection from reinfection. “There are a lot of unknowns about these antibodies,” says Dr. Kadkhoda.
That doesn’t mean nobody has acquired some immunity to COVID-19; in all likelihood the virus acts like other coronaviruses that infect humans, with some immunity for those who have had it, says Paula Cannon, professor of molecular microbiology and immunology at the University of Southern California’s medical school.
But how strong any immunity is and how long it lasts is unclear. “The only way we’ll know is the numbers over time,” she says.
The wait for clarity on this, coupled with the absence of a vaccine or effective medical treatments for the disease, hangs over nascent efforts to reopen the U.S. economy. While some voters chafe at social restrictions, a majority in polls express fear at a hasty reopening amid a pandemic, adding to the pressure on political leaders.
Goals of antibody testing
Antibody testing isn’t just about finding out who might have immunity. It can help in other ways. Epidemiologists want to track how far the virus has spread, how many people unwittingly had it, and to calculate the fatality rate. Initial tests in hard-hit places like New York City and northern Italy suggest that the number of confirmed cases is a fraction of the actual number.
But several countries, including the United Kingdom and Germany, have also explored the idea of “immunity certificates” for those who test positive for antibodies, allowing them to go back to work first.
Last month, Anthony Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergies and Infectious Diseases, said that the U.S. government was discussing a similar program. “I think it might actually have some merit, under certain circumstances,” he told CNN.
No country has issued immunity certificates, and analysts point to a raft of practical, legal, and ethical concerns, such as the incentive for workers to deliberately get infected or to falsely obtain certificates so they can keep their jobs. Germany’s health minister said Monday that the government would first consult a national ethics council before proceeding.
Another concern is the accuracy and consistency of antibody tests. The U.K. recently ordered 2 million home test kits from China that Prime Minister Boris Johnson said could be “a total game changer” in finding out who had immunity, only to scrap the tests as unreliable.
More than 100 different tests are now being sold in the U.S. without government approval under emergency rules, and researchers at the University of California’s San Francisco and Berkeley campuses found some produced over 10% false positives when used on pre-pandemic blood samples from patients who were thought not to have been exposed. Others showed false negatives from former COVID-19 patients. On Monday, the Food and Drug Administration said it was tightening rules on which tests could be sold.
Until we know more, antibody tests won’t provide certainty as to who can safely be exposed to the virus, says Tom Frieden, the former director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “If people take actions based on inaccurate tests, or if they presume that antibodies reflect immunity and they don’t,” they could contribute to another wave of infections.
“We all want .... normalcy”
At first, Ms. Oh figured she, her husband, and two small children must have immunity, which was a comforting idea during lockdown until she read up on the issue. Now she plans to get an antibody test at a local clinic to see if she’s positive.
“I [would] know that I had it, I’m OK, and I survived. I would feel more ready to get back out there,” she says. Six or more weeks into the lockdown, she says “we all want to take some steps towards normalcy, what we had before.”
Antibody tests can offer “a certain peace of mind,” even though a positive result provides no guarantee of immunity, says Dr. Cannon. “I think there’s value as an individual, if you understand what the result means.”
New York City Council member Ritchie Torres knows he had COVID-19. He tested positive in March and self-isolated in his apartment in the Bronx district he has represented since 2013. It was a relatively mild case, and he was soon back at work remotely, shoring up services in what has become the city’s coronavirus epicenter.
Mr. Torres knows that he can’t assume he has immunity, so he’s not visited his mother, who lives alone, out of caution.
But he also knows that every day that New York is closed for business, the city sinks deeper into a financial black hole. The city’s comptroller said Tuesday that 1 in 5 New Yorkers is likely to be out of work by the end of June and that it would take years for employment to recover to pre-pandemic levels.
“The whole ecosystem of New York City is at risk,” says Mr. Torres.
He understands the risk of antibody testing that could give New Yorkers who test positive a false sense of security. For now, he says, there is no failsafe option. “We [would] have to be honest and say that we’re opening the economy based on a presumption of immunity rather than a knowledge of it.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-05-08--'First step to justice': Father, son charged with Arbery's death

Georgia authorities arrested a white father and son Thursday and charged them with murder in the February shooting death of a black man they had pursued in a truck after spotting him running in their neighborhood .
The charges came more than two months after Ahmaud Arbery was killed on a residential street just outside the port city of Brunswick .
National outrage over the case swelled this week after cellphone video that appeared to show the shooting .
Those close to Mr. Arbery celebrated the news but also expressed frustration at the long wait .
`` This should have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Akeem Baker , one of Mr. Arbery 's close friends in Brunswick .
`` There 's no way without the video this would have occurred .
I 'm just glad the light 's shining very bright on this situation . ''
Gregory McMichael previously told police that he and his son chased after Mr. Arbery because they suspected him of being a burglar .
Mr. Arbery 's mother , Wanda Cooper Jones , has said she thinks her son , a former football player , was just jogging in the Satilla Shores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sunday afternoon .
Benjamin Crump , an attorney for the slain man 's father , Marcus Arbery , said it was outrageous that it took so long for arrests to be made .
`` This is the first step to justice , '' Mr. Crump said in a statement .
`` This murderous father and son duo took the law into their own hands .
It 's a travesty of justice that they enjoyed their freedom for 74 days after taking the life of a young black man who was simply jogging .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the arrests the day after it began its own investigation at the request of an outside prosecutor .
The agency said in a news release that Gregory McMichael and his 34-year-old son , Travis McMichael , had both been jailed on charges of murder and aggravated assault .
The GBI news release said the McMichaels `` confronted Mr. Arbery with two firearms .
During the encounter , Travis McMichael shot and killed Mr .
Arbery . ''
No other details were immediately released .
It was not immediately known whether either of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the charges .
Gregory McMichael served as an investigator for Glynn County District Attorney Jackie Johnson .
He retired last year .
The connection caused Ms. Johnson to recuse herself from the case .
At a news conference before the arrests were announced Thursday , Republican Gov .
Brian Kemp told reporters he was confident state investigators would `` find the truth . ''
`` Earlier this week , I watched the video depicting Mr. Arbery 's last moments alive , '' Mr. Kemp told a news conference in Atlanta .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ horrific , and Georgians deserve answers . ''
Gregory McMichael told police he suspected the runner was the same man filmed by a security camera committing a break-in .
He and his grown son , Travis McMichael , grabbed guns and began a pursuit in the truck .
The video shows a black man running at a jogging pace on the left side of a road .
A truck is parked in the road ahead of him .
One of the white men is inside the pickup 's bed .
The other is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ door .
The runner crosses the road to pass the pickup on the passenger side , then crosses back in front of the truck .
A gunshot sounds , and the video shows the runner grappling with a man in the street over what appears to be a shotgun or rifle .
A second shot can be heard , and the runner can be seen punching the man .
A third shot is fired at point-blank range .
The runner staggers a few feet and falls face down .
Brunswick defense attorney Alan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who shared the video with the radio station .
In a statement , Mr. Tucker said he was n't representing anyone involved in the case .
He said he released the video `` because my community was being ripped apart by erroneous accusations and assumptions . ''
Mr. Tucker did not say how he obtained the video .
He did not immediately respond to a phone message or an email .
The outcry over the killing reached the White House , where President Donald Trump offered condolences Thursday to Mr. Arbery 's family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing , '' Mr. Trump said in the Oval Office , `` but I will be given a full report this evening . ''
Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has called Mr. Arbery 's death a `` murder . ''
During an online roundtable Thursday , Mr. Biden compared the video to seeing Mr. Arbery `` lynched before our very eyes . ''
The outside prosecutor overseeing the case , Tom Durden , had said Monday that he wanted a grand jury to decide whether charges are warranted .
Georgia courts are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Georgia authorities arrested a white father and son Thursday and charged them with murder in the February shooting death of a black man they had pursued in a truck after spotting him running in their neighborhood.
The charges came more than two months after Ahmaud Arbery was killed on a residential street just outside the port city of Brunswick. National outrage over the case swelled this week after cellphone video that appeared to show the shooting.
Those close to Mr. Arbery celebrated the news but also expressed frustration at the long wait.
"This should have occurred the day it happened," said Akeem Baker, one of Mr. Arbery's close friends in Brunswick. "There's no way without the video this would have occurred. I'm just glad the light's shining very bright on this situation."
Gregory McMichael previously told police that he and his son chased after Mr. Arbery because they suspected him of being a burglar. Mr. Arbery's mother, Wanda Cooper Jones, has said she thinks her son, a former football player, was just jogging in the Satilla Shores neighborhood before he was killed on a Sunday afternoon.
Benjamin Crump, an attorney for the slain man's father, Marcus Arbery, said it was outrageous that it took so long for arrests to be made.
"This is the first step to justice," Mr. Crump said in a statement. "This murderous father and son duo took the law into their own hands. It's a travesty of justice that they enjoyed their freedom for 74 days after taking the life of a young black man who was simply jogging."
The Georgia Bureau of Investigation announced the arrests the day after it began its own investigation at the request of an outside prosecutor. The agency said in a news release that Gregory McMichael and his 34-year-old son, Travis McMichael, had both been jailed on charges of murder and aggravated assault.
The GBI news release said the McMichaels "confronted Mr. Arbery with two firearms. During the encounter, Travis McMichael shot and killed Mr. Arbery." No other details were immediately released.
It was not immediately known whether either of the McMichaels had an attorney who could comment on the charges.
Gregory McMichael served as an investigator for Glynn County District Attorney Jackie Johnson. He retired last year. The connection caused Ms. Johnson to recuse herself from the case.
At a news conference before the arrests were announced Thursday, Republican Gov. Brian Kemp told reporters he was confident state investigators would "find the truth."
"Earlier this week, I watched the video depicting Mr. Arbery's last moments alive," Mr. Kemp told a news conference in Atlanta. "I can tell you it's absolutely horrific, and Georgians deserve answers."
Gregory McMichael told police he suspected the runner was the same man filmed by a security camera committing a break-in. He and his grown son, Travis McMichael, grabbed guns and began a pursuit in the truck.
The video shows a black man running at a jogging pace on the left side of a road. A truck is parked in the road ahead of him. One of the white men is inside the pickup's bed. The other is standing beside the open driver's side door.
The runner crosses the road to pass the pickup on the passenger side, then crosses back in front of the truck. A gunshot sounds, and the video shows the runner grappling with a man in the street over what appears to be a shotgun or rifle. A second shot can be heard, and the runner can be seen punching the man. A third shot is fired at point-blank range. The runner staggers a few feet and falls face down.
Brunswick defense attorney Alan Tucker identified himself Thursday as the person who shared the video with the radio station. In a statement, Mr. Tucker said he wasn't representing anyone involved in the case. He said he released the video "because my community was being ripped apart by erroneous accusations and assumptions."
Mr. Tucker did not say how he obtained the video. He did not immediately respond to a phone message or an email.
The outcry over the killing reached the White House, where President Donald Trump offered condolences Thursday to Mr. Arbery's family.
"It's a very sad thing," Mr. Trump said in the Oval Office, "but I will be given a full report this evening."
Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden has called Mr. Arbery's death a "murder." During an online roundtable Thursday, Mr. Biden compared the video to seeing Mr. Arbery "lynched before our very eyes."
The outside prosecutor overseeing the case, Tom Durden, had said Monday that he wanted a grand jury to decide whether charges are warranted. Georgia courts are still largely closed because of the coronavirus.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-04-09--Daily for April 9, 2020

Daily for April 9, 2020

It ’ s a muggy Saturday night in February , and a man arrives outside a home in a quiet , middle-class neighborhood in this Brazilian city at the center of South America .
He takes out a black recorder from an instrument case and begins blowing the tune to “ The Internationale , ” the 19th-century left-wing anthem .
This is the owners ’ cue to unlatch their gate .
Each month the password changes , and visitors only receive the address after members scrutinize their social media to vet their political leanings .
Welcome to the Secret Bar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ couple worried about Brazil ’ s increasingly authoritarian and illiberal turn under President Jair Bolsonaro .
“ The first rule is you can ’ t be fascist , misogynist , xenophobic , or share any of the intolerance of Bolsonaro , ” says Cristiana Vasconcelos , one of the founders .
It ’ s a meeting of like minds , filled with former union leaders , writers , anarchists , teachers , and students who feel like a minority in this Bolsonaro stronghold .
But the goals , on this pleasant , plant-filled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ art , aim higher than just a night out .
This gathering is one of many efforts , small and large , aiming to organize resistance against the right-wing former army captain who is testing Brazil ’ s young democracy .
Bolsonaro critics ’ more existential fears have been realized in his handling of the coronavirus .
The president is one of the highest-profile skeptics of painful lockdown measures , prioritizing economic growth and dismissing COVID-19 as “ a little cold.
” During protests against Brazil ’ s other branches of government March @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , against public health guidelines , and he has downplayed the importance of physical distancing measures enforced around the globe .
The country now has some 16,000 cases , and more than 800 people have died .
Concern over Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s disdain for democratic norms , however , long predates the current crisis .
In the past three years , Brazil has veered away from democracy more quickly than almost any other country in the world , says Staffan Lindberg , executive director of Varieties of Democracy ( V-Dem ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Gothenburg in Sweden .
That paved the way for Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s rise and has accelerated what he calls the “ third wave of autocratization ” washing over more than a third of the global population , from India , Turkey , and the United States to many Eastern European countries .
Some countries on the list are still well in the democratic camp , including the U.S .
Yet for the first time since 2001 , autocracies rule a majority of the world – 54 % of the global @ @ @ @ @ @ @ released March 20 .
The first wave arrived in the 1930s , as democracies broke down in the lead-up to World War II .
The second hit in the 1960s and ’ 70s , when many recently decolonized democracies reversed to strongman rule .
Whereas sudden military coups often ushered in the first two , this third wave has built more gradually , with a media outlet closed down here , a court intimidated there , making it hard to know when to react and how .
But this era may offer more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracies .
The V-Dem report shows that the share of countries with substantial pro-democracy protests , in which citizens took to the streets to demand clean elections or defend civil liberties and the rule of law , rose from 27 % in 2009 to 44 % in 2019 , an all-time high .
“ The fact that it goes relatively slowly and that there ’ s still quite a strong international norm [ for liberal democracy ] provides a window of hope and opportunity , ” Dr. Lindberg says .
“ It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see happening now have to run their course into dictatorship.
” The Secret Bar is closed for now , because of the coronavirus , but its founders are finally seeing the protests they aimed to generate .
As many people around the world lean out their windows , banging on pots and pans to cheer on medical workers , Brazilians in major cities are banging theirs to call for Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s resignation .
In much of Brazil , opposition has been quiet until now .
In that silence , most see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upheaval .
In 2014 , when the Workers ’ Party was in power , one of the most complex corruption scandals in South American history broke .
Called “ Car Wash , ” for the site of the first investigation , it engulfed former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva , known as Lula , and left political disillusionment in its wake .
Like U.S. President Donald Trump , with his call to “ drain the swamp , ” Mr. Bolsonaro promised in his 2018 campaign an anti-establishment approach to crack down on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around .
It won him 55 % of the vote .
He is often dubbed “ Trump of the Tropics , ” and like every byname it ’ s overly simplistic .
But like his American counterpart , Mr. Bolsonaro tests all conventions , and often with gusto .
As a national legislator , he once told a congresswoman she wasn ’ t worth raping , and that he ’ d rather a son be killed than be gay .
Three “ B ’ s ” are said to have won him the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beef .
And in Cuiabá , the state capital of Mato Grosso , lies the beef vote .
The once sleepy capital , considered a gate to the Amazon , has grown rapidly alongside growth in agribusiness , from cattle ranching to commodity exports like soy and corn .
Rafael Yonekubo runs a state grassroots campaign called Direita Mato Grosso , whose WhatsApp groups have attracted young voters concerned about corruption and crime .
A jeweler who was once assaulted at gunpoint inside his store , he was drawn to Mr. Bolsonaro ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” like himself , who should be able to carry guns to protect themselves from the “ bandits.
” “ We were all sick of a lack of security , while the level of corruption was mounting , ” Mr. Yonekubo says .
For Edson Arruda , a young pastor at a tiny storefront evangelical church in downtown Cuiabá , it ’ s about “ Bibles.
” On a recent Monday , two dozen members show up for noon service .
Music blares as the bishop enters the room , apologizing for being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ songs on his laptop , as the congregation belts out words by heart .
“ Bolsonaro embraces family values , and the family is the base of our society , ” says Mr. Arruda .
“ That ’ s why 90 % of the people here support him.
” That support has dipped since the election .
But from the streets , it ’ s often hard to perceive .
There have been some protests , especially over environmental policies .
Dozens of demonstrations took place this summer , when Amazon fires drew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them as a left-wing conspiracy .
There have been growing calls for impeachment from intellectuals and , increasingly , the political opposition .
But as the rest of Latin America erupted in protest last year , Brazil was eerily quiet , says Carlos Sanches , co-founder of the Secret Bar .
Hoping to invigorate the opposition , he and Ms. Vasconcelos began their gatherings , modeling them on Prohibition-era speak-easies in the U.S. About 70 people turned up to monthly meetings , and they plan to seed the movement in other cities , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Similar fears about democracy ’ s fragility extend beyond Brazil .
According to the latest Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University , which has tracked regional attitudes since 2004 , support for democracy is at an all-time low .
Amid corruption , crime , and weakened economies that followed the commodities boom in the 2000s , many voters decided strongman leadership is needed .
Only 60 % of Brazilians say that democracy is the best form of government .
Luiz Inácio Almeide , a retired engineer , sits on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where colonial facades are splashed with vibrant street art .
He says he supports democracy , freedom of expression , and personal choice , and admires former U.S. President Barack Obama .
But he welcomes Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s new style and army background .
“ The country needs military discipline , after so many years of corruption and lies , ” Mr. Almeide says .
But for others it ’ s an ominous turn .
Mr. Bolsonaro has often voiced nostalgia for Brazil ’ s military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military men and attacked democratic institutions like the free press , Supreme Court , and Congress .
“ I think left to his own devices , he is a threat to democracy , ” says Thomas Trebat , director of Columbia University ’ s Global Center in Rio de Janeiro .
While the Brazilian media and opposition have proved a formidable defense , he says , “ as long as you ’ ve got a guy lighting matches near a room full of gasoline cans , you ’ ve got to worry.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just 34 % of Brazilians support the president , according to a Datafolha poll , and 15 % of respondents who voted for him now say they regret it .
The pots-and-pans protests may mark a turn , as well .
Governors who once supported Mr. Bolsonaro have since publicly condemned his policies on the coronavirus , and a divided opposition has united , increasing calls for the president ’ s impeachment .
Still , 59 % of Brazilians don ’ t want to see him resign , according to another Datafolha poll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people are just waiting for [ Mr. Bolsonaro ] to fall , ” Mr. Sanches said at a gathering of friends .
And he says that could be too late .
Cândido Moreira Rodrigues , a history professor at the Federal University of Mato Grosso , spends a good deal of his time trying to dissect Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s support .
His desk is littered with books about democracy and its decline : Robert Paxton ’ s “ The Anatomy of Fascism , ” or Manuel Castells ’ “ Rupture : The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ analysts studying democracy ’ s demise worldwide , the professor believes that the electorate no longer trusts politicians to address their problems , against the backdrop of rising inequalities and a globalized economy .
At the same time , cultural wars have upended values systems in ways radicals across the spectrum have seized upon .
“ The far-right in Brazil has used the opportunity of this fracture to say , ‘ We are the only option , ’ ” Dr. Rodrigues says .
He doesn ’ t believe an old-style military coup is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new form , like Donald Trump has used to subvert democracy , is possible.
” In Brazil , such fractures have led to toxic polarization – a fundamental feature of autocratization , according to V-Dem .
Henrique Lopes do Nascimento , who works at the teachers union of Mato Grosso , says that some teachers have been scared about reports of parents complaining lessons about the fall of the military dictatorship were communist propaganda .
“ Teachers complain about being afraid to express their opinions in the school space , for fear of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he says .
The same is true in the streets .
“ If you don ’ t support Bolsonaro , you are called thieves , jerks , ” and , of course , “ a communist , ” says Secret Bar founder Ms. Vasconcelos , although it cuts both ways .
The Secret Bar doesn ’ t allow in people who voted for Mr. Bolsonaro , even if they now regret it .
“ Us versus them ” is inherent in the “ good versus bad ” talk that Mr. Yonekubo references , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has them .
When Brazilian filmmaker Petra Costa was nominated for an Oscar this year for her documentary “ The Edge of Democracy ” – which takes a decidedly left-wing stance on the politics leading up to Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s victory – the government issued a statement calling her an “ anti-Brazil activist.
” “ Polarization becomes dangerous to democracy and becomes a useful tool for ‘ wannabe dictators ’ when that means that you no longer have a dialogue with the other side , ” says Dr. Lindberg , of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen as an enemy and it becomes more like a war .
You either win or you lose .
And if the other side wins , then they ’ re going to take everything from you or take all the things from you that you cherish .
So it becomes an issue of life and death .
That creates fear.
” Edna Mahnic admits to feeling some of that fear , but it doesn ’ t show .
A local politician for the opposition Workers ’ Party in Primavera do Leste , three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not hiding her allegiances this morning : Her blouse , big beaded necklace , and fingernails are all red , the international symbol of socialism .
But she has been shaken since last spring .
The problem started after Mr. Bolsonaro railed against Brazil ’ s becoming a haven for gay sex tourism .
“ If you want to come here and have sex with a woman , go for your life , ” he added – angering many , including Ms. Mahnic , who said his comments were misogynistic , implicitly putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tourism and prostitution .
“ I ’ m a woman , I ’ m a mother , I ’ m a daughter , ” she says .
“ I ’ m also a representative .
And the only one who represents the other side , ” she says .
“ I had to take a stand.
” She became an immediate target .
Online critics accused her of calling all Brazilian women prostitutes , and the vitriol continues .
Sometimes she wonders if the attacks online could turn into a real attack on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ running for reelection in municipal elections this fall – the first major test for Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s strength .
“ We have to defend democracy , and we can not lose the right of democratic choice , even if it is weakened , ” she says .
“ For Brazilians , we ’ ve only been able to vote for a short time .
We can not lose the right to say what we think and choose what we want .
”

Democracy around the world is down but not out. Test case: Brazil. Collapse
It’s a muggy Saturday night in February, and a man arrives outside a home in a quiet, middle-class neighborhood in this Brazilian city at the center of South America. He takes out a black recorder from an instrument case and begins blowing the tune to “The Internationale,” the 19th-century left-wing anthem.
This is the owners’ cue to unlatch their gate. Each month the password changes, and visitors only receive the address after members scrutinize their social media to vet their political leanings.
Welcome to the Secret Bar, started late last year by a couple worried about Brazil’s increasingly authoritarian and illiberal turn under President Jair Bolsonaro. “The first rule is you can’t be fascist, misogynist, xenophobic, or share any of the intolerance of Bolsonaro,” says Cristiana Vasconcelos, one of the founders.
It’s a meeting of like minds, filled with former union leaders, writers, anarchists, teachers, and students who feel like a minority in this Bolsonaro stronghold. But the goals, on this pleasant, plant-filled patio decorated with paper lanterns and homemade art, aim higher than just a night out. This gathering is one of many efforts, small and large, aiming to organize resistance against the right-wing former army captain who is testing Brazil’s young democracy.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Cristiana Vasconcelos, holding her baby, and her husband, Carlos Sanches (right), chat with friends during a gathering at their home Feb. 1, 2020, in Cuiabá. The couple started "Secret Bar" gatherings to try and push back against the Bolsonaro government's turn toward the right.
Bolsonaro critics’ more existential fears have been realized in his handling of the coronavirus. The president is one of the highest-profile skeptics of painful lockdown measures, prioritizing economic growth and dismissing COVID-19 as “a little cold.” During protests against Brazil’s other branches of government March 15, he shook supporters’ hands, against public health guidelines, and he has downplayed the importance of physical distancing measures enforced around the globe. The country now has some 16,000 cases, and more than 800 people have died.
Concern over Mr. Bolsonaro’s disdain for democratic norms, however, long predates the current crisis. In the past three years, Brazil has veered away from democracy more quickly than almost any other country in the world, says Staffan Lindberg, executive director of Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem), which measures global democracy, at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden. That paved the way for Mr. Bolsonaro’s rise and has accelerated what he calls the “third wave of autocratization” washing over more than a third of the global population, from India, Turkey, and the United States to many Eastern European countries.
Some countries on the list are still well in the democratic camp, including the U.S. Yet for the first time since 2001, autocracies rule a majority of the world – 54% of the global population – according to a report V-Dem released March 20.
The first wave arrived in the 1930s, as democracies broke down in the lead-up to World War II. The second hit in the 1960s and ’70s, when many recently decolonized democracies reversed to strongman rule. Whereas sudden military coups often ushered in the first two, this third wave has built more gradually, with a media outlet closed down here, a court intimidated there, making it hard to know when to react and how.
SOURCE: The Economist Intelligence Unit 2019 Democracy Index | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
But this era may offer more opportunities to mobilize to shore up faltering democracies. The V-Dem report shows that the share of countries with substantial pro-democracy protests, in which citizens took to the streets to demand clean elections or defend civil liberties and the rule of law, rose from 27% in 2009 to 44% in 2019, an all-time high.
“The fact that it goes relatively slowly and that there’s still quite a strong international norm [for liberal democracy] provides a window of hope and opportunity,” Dr. Lindberg says. “It’s not inevitable that these processes we see happening now have to run their course into dictatorship.”
The Secret Bar is closed for now, because of the coronavirus, but its founders are finally seeing the protests they aimed to generate. As many people around the world lean out their windows, banging on pots and pans to cheer on medical workers, Brazilians in major cities are banging theirs to call for Mr. Bolsonaro’s resignation.
Bolsonaro’s three B’s
In much of Brazil, opposition has been quiet until now. In that silence, most see weariness from half a decade of political upheaval.
In 2014, when the Workers’ Party was in power, one of the most complex corruption scandals in South American history broke. Called “Car Wash,” for the site of the first investigation, it engulfed former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, known as Lula, and left political disillusionment in its wake.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Tall buildings dot the skyline of Cuiabá, which has a population of more than 600,000 people. Cuiabá is the capital of the central state of Mato Grosso.
Like U.S. President Donald Trump, with his call to “drain the swamp,” Mr. Bolsonaro promised in his 2018 campaign an anti-establishment approach to crack down on corruption and crime and turn the economy around. It won him 55% of the vote.
He is often dubbed “Trump of the Tropics,” and like every byname it’s overly simplistic. But like his American counterpart, Mr. Bolsonaro tests all conventions, and often with gusto. As a national legislator, he once told a congresswoman she wasn’t worth raping, and that he’d rather a son be killed than be gay.
Three “B’s” are said to have won him the presidency: Bible, bullet, and beef. And in Cuiabá, the state capital of Mato Grosso, lies the beef vote. The once sleepy capital, considered a gate to the Amazon, has grown rapidly alongside growth in agribusiness, from cattle ranching to commodity exports like soy and corn.
Rafael Yonekubo runs a state grassroots campaign called Direita Mato Grosso, whose WhatsApp groups have attracted young voters concerned about corruption and crime. A jeweler who was once assaulted at gunpoint inside his store, he was drawn to Mr. Bolsonaro’s early speeches about “good guys” like himself, who should be able to carry guns to protect themselves from the “bandits.”
“We were all sick of a lack of security, while the level of corruption was mounting,” Mr. Yonekubo says.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Rafael Yonekubo, the coordinator for Direita MT, organizes grassroots support for President Jair Bolsonaro.
For Edson Arruda, a young pastor at a tiny storefront evangelical church in downtown Cuiabá, it’s about “Bibles.” On a recent Monday, two dozen members show up for noon service. Music blares as the bishop enters the room, apologizing for being late. He fires up Christian YouTube songs on his laptop, as the congregation belts out words by heart.
“Bolsonaro embraces family values, and the family is the base of our society,” says Mr. Arruda. “That’s why 90% of the people here support him.”
Defending democracy?
That support has dipped since the election. But from the streets, it’s often hard to perceive.
There have been some protests, especially over environmental policies. Dozens of demonstrations took place this summer, when Amazon fires drew international attention, after the president decried them as a left-wing conspiracy. There have been growing calls for impeachment from intellectuals and, increasingly, the political opposition.
But as the rest of Latin America erupted in protest last year, Brazil was eerily quiet, says Carlos Sanches, co-founder of the Secret Bar. Hoping to invigorate the opposition, he and Ms. Vasconcelos began their gatherings, modeling them on Prohibition-era speak-easies in the U.S. About 70 people turned up to monthly meetings, and they plan to seed the movement in other cities, though that has been stymied by COVID-19.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Luiz Inacio Almeide sits outside a cafe in the Centro Historico of Cuiaba. He says he likes Jair Bolsonaro because the president is a former military officer and the country needs discipline.
Similar fears about democracy’s fragility extend beyond Brazil. According to the latest Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University, which has tracked regional attitudes since 2004, support for democracy is at an all-time low. Amid corruption, crime, and weakened economies that followed the commodities boom in the 2000s, many voters decided strongman leadership is needed. Only 60% of Brazilians say that democracy is the best form of government.
Luiz Inácio Almeide, a retired engineer, sits on a patio in the historic center of Cuiabá, where colonial facades are splashed with vibrant street art. He says he supports democracy, freedom of expression, and personal choice, and admires former U.S. President Barack Obama. But he welcomes Mr. Bolsonaro’s new style and army background. “The country needs military discipline, after so many years of corruption and lies,” Mr. Almeide says.
But for others it’s an ominous turn. Mr. Bolsonaro has often voiced nostalgia for Brazil’s military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985. He has filled his cabinet with military men and attacked democratic institutions like the free press, Supreme Court, and Congress.
“I think left to his own devices, he is a threat to democracy,” says Thomas Trebat, director of Columbia University’s Global Center in Rio de Janeiro. While the Brazilian media and opposition have proved a formidable defense, he says, “as long as you’ve got a guy lighting matches near a room full of gasoline cans, you’ve got to worry.”
SOURCE: Varieties of Democracy Report 2020 | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Today, amid the coronavirus crisis, just 34% of Brazilians support the president, according to a Datafolha poll, and 15% of respondents who voted for him now say they regret it. The pots-and-pans protests may mark a turn, as well. Governors who once supported Mr. Bolsonaro have since publicly condemned his policies on the coronavirus, and a divided opposition has united, increasing calls for the president’s impeachment.
Still, 59% of Brazilians don’t want to see him resign, according to another Datafolha poll released last week.
“It seems people are just waiting for [Mr. Bolsonaro] to fall,” Mr. Sanches said at a gathering of friends.
And he says that could be too late.
Us versus them
Cândido Moreira Rodrigues, a history professor at the Federal University of Mato Grosso, spends a good deal of his time trying to dissect Mr. Bolsonaro’s support. His desk is littered with books about democracy and its decline: Robert Paxton’s “The Anatomy of Fascism,” or Manuel Castells’ “Rupture: The Crisis of Liberal Democracy.”
Like many analysts studying democracy’s demise worldwide, the professor believes that the electorate no longer trusts politicians to address their problems, against the backdrop of rising inequalities and a globalized economy. At the same time, cultural wars have upended values systems in ways radicals across the spectrum have seized upon.
“The far-right in Brazil has used the opportunity of this fracture to say, ‘We are the only option,’” Dr. Rodrigues says. He doesn’t believe an old-style military coup is likely, but warns that “a new form, like Donald Trump has used to subvert democracy, is possible.”
In Brazil, such fractures have led to toxic polarization – a fundamental feature of autocratization, according to V-Dem.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Henrique Lopes do Nascimento, who works at the teachers union of Mato Gross, stands in a classroom Feb. 3, 2020, in Cuiabá. He says teachers are afraid to teach history amid Brazil's polarization since Jair Bolsonaro came to office.
Henrique Lopes do Nascimento, who works at the teachers union of Mato Grosso, says that some teachers have been scared about reports of parents complaining lessons about the fall of the military dictatorship were communist propaganda. “Teachers complain about being afraid to express their opinions in the school space, for fear of being labeled, and watched,” he says.
The same is true in the streets. “If you don’t support Bolsonaro, you are called thieves, jerks,” and, of course, “a communist,” says Secret Bar founder Ms. Vasconcelos, although it cuts both ways. The Secret Bar doesn’t allow in people who voted for Mr. Bolsonaro, even if they now regret it.
“Us versus them” is inherent in the “good versus bad” talk that Mr. Yonekubo references, and the discourse about family values and who has them. When Brazilian filmmaker Petra Costa was nominated for an Oscar this year for her documentary “The Edge of Democracy” – which takes a decidedly left-wing stance on the politics leading up to Mr. Bolsonaro’s victory – the government issued a statement calling her an “anti-Brazil activist.”
“Polarization becomes dangerous to democracy and becomes a useful tool for ‘wannabe dictators’ when that means that you no longer have a dialogue with the other side,” says Dr. Lindberg, of V-Dem. “The other side is seen as an enemy and it becomes more like a war. You either win or you lose. And if the other side wins, then they’re going to take everything from you or take all the things from you that you cherish. So it becomes an issue of life and death. That creates fear.”
Edna Mahnic admits to feeling some of that fear, but it doesn’t show. A local politician for the opposition Workers’ Party in Primavera do Leste, three hours east of Cuiabá, she is not hiding her allegiances this morning: Her blouse, big beaded necklace, and fingernails are all red, the international symbol of socialism.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Edna Mahnic, a city councilwoman from a nearby town, speaks about the political climate in Brazil. Ms. Mahnic was harassed online and on the street as an opposition leader in a city with strong support for President Jair Bolsonaro. She wears red to represent the Workers' Party.
But she has been shaken since last spring. The problem started after Mr. Bolsonaro railed against Brazil’s becoming a haven for gay sex tourism. “If you want to come here and have sex with a woman, go for your life,” he added – angering many, including Ms. Mahnic, who said his comments were misogynistic, implicitly putting out a welcome mat for straight sex tourism and prostitution.
“I’m a woman, I’m a mother, I’m a daughter,” she says. “I’m also a representative. And the only one who represents the other side,” she says. “I had to take a stand.”
She became an immediate target. Online critics accused her of calling all Brazilian women prostitutes, and the vitriol continues. Sometimes she wonders if the attacks online could turn into a real attack on the street. Still, she is running for reelection in municipal elections this fall – the first major test for Mr. Bolsonaro’s strength.
“We have to defend democracy, and we cannot lose the right of democratic choice, even if it is weakened,” she says. “For Brazilians, we’ve only been able to vote for a short time. We cannot lose the right to say what we think and choose what we want.”


csmonitor--2020-04-09--Why COVID-19 death rate is highest among black Americans

As the coronavirus tightens its grip across the country , it is cutting a particularly devastating swath through an already vulnerable population – black Americans .
Democratic lawmakers and community leaders in cities hard-hit by the pandemic have been sounding the alarm over what they see as a disturbing trend of the virus killing African Americans at a higher rate , along with a lack of overall information about the race of victims as the nation 's death toll mounts .
Among the cities where black residents have been hard-hit : New York , Detroit , New Orleans , Chicago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look , the coronavirus is devastating our communities , '' said Derrick Johnson , president and CEO of the NAACP .
Of the victims whose demographic data was publicly shared by officials – nearly 3,300 of the nation 's 13,000 deaths thus far – about 42 % were black , according to an Associated Press analysis .
African Americans account for roughly 21 % of the total population in the areas covered by the analysis .
The AP 's analysis is one of the first attempts to examine the racial disparities of COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examining more than 4,450 deaths and 52,000 COVID-19 cases from across the country , relying on the handful of state and local governments that have released victims ' race .
A history of systemic racism and inequity in access to health care and economic opportunity has made many African Americans far more vulnerable to the virus .
Black adults suffer from higher rates of obesity , diabetes , and asthma , which make them more susceptible , and also are more likely to be uninsured .
They also often report that medical professionals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek treatment .
`` The rate at which black people are dying , compared to whites , is really just astounding , '' said Courtney Cogburn , an associate professor at the Columbia University School of Social Work .
`` There are patterns at this intersection of race and socioeconomic status that make it very clear this is just not a story about poverty . ''
President Donald Trump and the government 's top infectious disease expert , Dr. Anthony Fauci , acknowledged the higher death rate among African Americans during Tuesday 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it a `` tremendous challenge , '' and suggested that federal health officials could release national racial and ethnic COVID-19 data within days .
For its analysis , the AP made requests of COVID-19 racial breakdowns in states , cities , and counties nationwide , ultimately gathering data from eight states , six major U.S. cities , including New York City and the District of Columbia , and six of Florida 's largest counties .
The data collected ranges from New York to Illinois to Alabama to San Diego , and covers an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly 43 % of whom are nonwhite .
Other minority groups ' cases and deaths are fairly in line with their demographics , although those among Hispanic individuals in some hot spots are still high .
The data came mostly from large , racially diverse cities and states , but even in states where nonwhite populations are large , the impact of COVID-19 was outsized , particularly on the black community .
The effect was so large that even if the 1,200 death cases that the AP excluded from its analysis because they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned out to be white patients , blacks still would be overrepresented in the share of cases – and even more so in the share of deaths .
For instance , Louisiana tracked demographic data in 512 deaths and found 70 % of victims were black , despite African Americans comprising just 32 % of the state 's population .
In Michigan , more than half of the deaths where race data was collected were black residents ; the state 's population is 14 % black .
Illinois ' population is 17 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as of Monday , 63 % of its caseload of more than 9,000 COVID cases with racial data recorded were nonwhite residents , and at least 40 % of the state 's 307 victims were black .
ZIP code data in New York City released last week showed that black , brown , and immigrant communities are disproportionately represented among the diagnosed virus cases and deaths .
On Wednesday , the city 's Department of Health released racial data showing 27.5 % of the victims whose race is known are black , although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the population .
`` It 's sick .
It 's troubling .
It 's wrong , '' Mayor Bill de Blasio said , `` and we are going to fight back with everything we 've got . ''
The scattered release of data comes as the Centers for Disease Protection and Control is under increasing pressure to be more transparent about the toll of the virus on communities of color .
The agency has not publicly reported racial or ethnic demographic data for COVID-19 tests performed across the country , though its own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and cases includes a section for indicating the race or ethnicity of those tested .
On Wednesday , the CDC did release racial data for March hospitalizations in 14 states that showed a third of patients were black .
Of the entities that released racial data to the AP , much of it remained sorely lacking .
Overall , more than a third of the caseload records did not include race and , in some places , such as Virginia and parts of Florida , that number was more than a half .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Lawyers ' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law , told the AP it would be `` indefensible '' if the federal government was concealing any testing and treatment data .
The committee , along with hundreds of medical professionals , sent a letter to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar on Monday urging him to ensure his agency will `` collect , monitor , and disseminate racial data '' for the coronavirus .
African Americans and members of some ethnicities share an additional vulnerability : They are overrepresented among workers like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emergency dispatchers , and public transportation employees who can not telecommute .
That forces them out into the general public at a time when others are under strict stay-at-home orders .
`` All one has to do is stand on a platform and you 'll see that the trains are filled with black and brown and low-income people going into communities to service those who are able to telecommute , '' said Eric Adams , president of New York City 's Brooklyn borough .
Milwaukee community organizer Sylvester Jackson , who was recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city 's predominantly black north side , home to a concentration of cases .
`` It is unbelievable that people on one side of this city are dying like this , '' he said .
The pastor of a black church in Baton Rouge was one of Louisiana 's first confirmed coronavirus deaths , followed days later by the loss of a Shreveport clergyman known for his street ministries .
The virus claimed one of the state 's most revered musicians , Ellis Marsalis , along with a popular New Orleans DJ who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's bounce music scene .
In Detroit , the deaths include Gloria Smith , a fixture at the city 's African World Festival , who died within a week of her husband , and educator and playwright Brenda Perryman .
Marsha Battle Philpot , a writer and cultural historian known as Marsha Music , said a Facebook memorial page is flooded daily with stories of loss among black people in Detroit .
`` I think this is going to be a collective loss that is going to reverberate through generations , '' she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Associated Press .
Stafford reported from Detroit , Morrison from New York , and Hoyer from Washington .
AP writers Sophia Tareen in Chicago , Deb Riechmann in Washington , Ashraf Khalil in Washington , Mike Stobbe in New York , Jay Reeves in Birmingham , Alabama , and Josh Hoffner in Phoenix contributed .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

As the coronavirus tightens its grip across the country, it is cutting a particularly devastating swath through an already vulnerable population – black Americans.
Democratic lawmakers and community leaders in cities hard-hit by the pandemic have been sounding the alarm over what they see as a disturbing trend of the virus killing African Americans at a higher rate, along with a lack of overall information about the race of victims as the nation's death toll mounts.
Among the cities where black residents have been hard-hit: New York, Detroit, New Orleans, Chicago, and Milwaukee.
"Everywhere we look, the coronavirus is devastating our communities," said Derrick Johnson, president and CEO of the NAACP.
Of the victims whose demographic data was publicly shared by officials – nearly 3,300 of the nation's 13,000 deaths thus far – about 42% were black, according to an Associated Press analysis. African Americans account for roughly 21% of the total population in the areas covered by the analysis.
The AP's analysis is one of the first attempts to examine the racial disparities of COVID-19 cases and deaths nationwide. It involved examining more than 4,450 deaths and 52,000 COVID-19 cases from across the country, relying on the handful of state and local governments that have released victims' race.
A history of systemic racism and inequity in access to health care and economic opportunity has made many African Americans far more vulnerable to the virus. Black adults suffer from higher rates of obesity, diabetes, and asthma, which make them more susceptible, and also are more likely to be uninsured. They also often report that medical professionals take their ailments less seriously when they seek treatment.
"The rate at which black people are dying, compared to whites, is really just astounding," said Courtney Cogburn, an associate professor at the Columbia University School of Social Work. "There are patterns at this intersection of race and socioeconomic status that make it very clear this is just not a story about poverty."
President Donald Trump and the government's top infectious disease expert, Dr. Anthony Fauci, acknowledged the higher death rate among African Americans during Tuesday's White House briefing. The president called it a "tremendous challenge," and suggested that federal health officials could release national racial and ethnic COVID-19 data within days.
For its analysis, the AP made requests of COVID-19 racial breakdowns in states, cities, and counties nationwide, ultimately gathering data from eight states, six major U.S. cities, including New York City and the District of Columbia, and six of Florida's largest counties.
The data collected ranges from New York to Illinois to Alabama to San Diego, and covers an area that represents 82 million Americans, nearly 43% of whom are nonwhite. Other minority groups' cases and deaths are fairly in line with their demographics, although those among Hispanic individuals in some hot spots are still high.
The data came mostly from large, racially diverse cities and states, but even in states where nonwhite populations are large, the impact of COVID-19 was outsized, particularly on the black community. The effect was so large that even if the 1,200 death cases that the AP excluded from its analysis because they were recorded as "race unknown" turned out to be white patients, blacks still would be overrepresented in the share of cases – and even more so in the share of deaths.
For instance, Louisiana tracked demographic data in 512 deaths and found 70% of victims were black, despite African Americans comprising just 32% of the state's population. In Michigan, more than half of the deaths where race data was collected were black residents; the state's population is 14% black.
Illinois' population is 17% Hispanic and 14% black yet, as of Monday, 63% of its caseload of more than 9,000 COVID cases with racial data recorded were nonwhite residents, and at least 40% of the state's 307 victims were black.
ZIP code data in New York City released last week showed that black, brown, and immigrant communities are disproportionately represented among the diagnosed virus cases and deaths. On Wednesday, the city's Department of Health released racial data showing 27.5% of the victims whose race is known are black, although blacks are only about 22% of the population.
"It's sick. It's troubling. It's wrong," Mayor Bill de Blasio said, "and we are going to fight back with everything we've got."
The scattered release of data comes as the Centers for Disease Protection and Control is under increasing pressure to be more transparent about the toll of the virus on communities of color.
The agency has not publicly reported racial or ethnic demographic data for COVID-19 tests performed across the country, though its own standardized form required for reporting COVID-19 tests and cases includes a section for indicating the race or ethnicity of those tested. On Wednesday, the CDC did release racial data for March hospitalizations in 14 states that showed a third of patients were black.
Of the entities that released racial data to the AP, much of it remained sorely lacking. Overall, more than a third of the caseload records did not include race and, in some places, such as Virginia and parts of Florida, that number was more than a half.
Kristen Clarke, president and executive director of Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, told the AP it would be "indefensible" if the federal government was concealing any testing and treatment data. The committee, along with hundreds of medical professionals, sent a letter to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar on Monday urging him to ensure his agency will "collect, monitor, and disseminate racial data" for the coronavirus.
African Americans and members of some ethnicities share an additional vulnerability: They are overrepresented among workers like nurse aides, grocery store clerks, emergency dispatchers, and public transportation employees who cannot telecommute. That forces them out into the general public at a time when others are under strict stay-at-home orders.
"All one has to do is stand on a platform and you'll see that the trains are filled with black and brown and low-income people going into communities to service those who are able to telecommute," said Eric Adams, president of New York City's Brooklyn borough.
Milwaukee community organizer Sylvester Jackson, who was recently diagnosed with COVID-19, lives on the city's predominantly black north side, home to a concentration of cases. "It is unbelievable that people on one side of this city are dying like this," he said.
Each loss leaves a ripple, forever altering families and communities.
The pastor of a black church in Baton Rouge was one of Louisiana's first confirmed coronavirus deaths, followed days later by the loss of a Shreveport clergyman known for his street ministries. The virus claimed one of the state's most revered musicians, Ellis Marsalis, along with a popular New Orleans DJ who was a leading figure in the city's bounce music scene.
In Detroit, the deaths include Gloria Smith, a fixture at the city's African World Festival, who died within a week of her husband, and educator and playwright Brenda Perryman.
Marsha Battle Philpot, a writer and cultural historian known as Marsha Music, said a Facebook memorial page is flooded daily with stories of loss among black people in Detroit.
"I think this is going to be a collective loss that is going to reverberate through generations," she said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Stafford reported from Detroit, Morrison from New York, and Hoyer from Washington. AP writers Sophia Tareen in Chicago, Deb Riechmann in Washington, Ashraf Khalil in Washington, Mike Stobbe in New York, Jay Reeves in Birmingham, Alabama, and Josh Hoffner in Phoenix contributed.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-05-12--Keep working from home? How office-life will change after COVID.

Office jobs are never going to be the same .
When workers around the world eventually return to their desks , they 'll find many changes due to the pandemic .
For a start , fewer people will go back to their offices as the coronavirus crisis makes working from home more accepted , health concerns linger , and companies weigh up rent savings and productivity benefits .
For the rest , changes will begin with the commute as workers arrive in staggered shifts to avoid rush hour crowds .
Staff might take turns working alternate days in the office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ digital sensors could remind people to stand apart and cubicles might even make a comeback .
`` This is going to be a catalyst for things that people were too scared to do before , '' said John Furneaux , CEO of Hive , a New York City-based workplace software startup .
The pandemic `` gives added impetus to allow us and others to make changes to century-old working practices . ''
Hive plans to help employees avoid packed rush hour subway commutes by starting at different hours , said Mr. Furneaux , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Britain , the government is considering asking employers to do the same .
At bigger companies , senior executives are rethinking cramming downtown office towers with workers .
British bank Barclays is making a `` long-term adjustment in how we think about our location strategy , '' CEO Jes Staley said .
`` The notion of putting 7,000 people in a building may be a thing of the past . ''
That is already happening in China , where lockdowns started easing in March .
Beijing municipal authorities limited the number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 50 % of usual staffing levels , required office workers to wear face masks , and sit at least 3.3 feet apart .
At a minimum , the COVID-19 crisis could be the death knell for some recent polarizing office trends , such as the shared workspaces used by many tech startups to create a more casual and creative environment .
Cubicles and partitions are making a return as the virus speeds the move away from open plan office spaces , architects say .
Design firm Bergmeyer is reinstalling dividers on 85 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been removed over the years .
That `` will return a greater degree of privacy to the individual desks , in addition to the physical barrier which this health crisis now warrants , '' said Vice President Rachel Zsembery .
There 's no rush to return .
At Google and Facebook , employees will be able to work remotely until the end of the year .
Other firms have realized they do n't even need an office .
Executives at San Francisco teamwork startup Range had given notice on their office because they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's shelter in place order was issued , they instead scrapped their search and decided to go all remote indefinitely , a move that would save six figures on rent .
`` We were looking at the writing on the wall , '' said co-founder Jennifer Dennard .
One upside of having an all-remote workforce is that the company can hire from a broader pool of candidates beyond San Francisco , where astronomical housing costs have priced out many .
But Ms. Dennard said the downside is that it eliminates the `` chaotic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff members that can spark creativity , so the company is planning more online collaboration to let this happen .
Good Brothers Digital , a public relations firm in Wales , also ditched its office space in downtown Cardiff .
Director Martyn John said productivity is just as high as it was before the pandemic forced them to work from home , so he decided to give up the company 's office space to save on rent , one of his biggest expenses .
Why drag employees into the office if they 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` People are just going to expect it now . ''
The work from home trend will continue accelerating even after the pandemic ends , according to consultancy Gartner .
After the pandemic , 41 % of employees expect to work remotely at least some of the time , up from 30 % before the outbreak , according to 220 human resources executives it surveyed .
Not all companies can go fully remote , especially big corporations with thousands of staff .
Even so , they 're thinking carefully about who should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and should continue to work from home .
At Dell , more people are going to work from home but `` we 're still going to need offices , '' because some jobs are best done there , said Chief Digital Officer Jen Felch .
She cited customer support staff , who can access more resources at the office to diagnose equipment problems .
More than 90 % of Dell 's 165,000 full-time global staff are working remotely during the pandemic , compared with 30 % before it started .
Once lockdown sends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above 50 % .
The outbreak is also going to force companies to take hygiene much more seriously .
`` The amount of people cleaning and sanitizing an office is going to shoot through the roof , '' said Brian Kropp , Gartner 's chief of human resources research .
Extra attention will go to places like conference rooms , which will have to be cleaned between uses , bringing added disruption , he said .
Or companies could do away with in-person meetings altogether .
`` What 's the point of sanitizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them all in the same room , '' said Hive 's Mr. Furneaux , who said he 's thinking carefully about how to hold events such as `` all-hands meetings '' for his 70 staff .
`` We might get the weird scenario of in-office conference calls . ''
High tech solutions will play a role , such as sensors to remind people to maintain social distancing , said Joanna Daly , vice president for corporate health and safety at IBM .
Existing industrial sensor technology could easily be adapted to offices , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : `` We 'd want our phones to buzz if we got closer than 2 meters [ 6 feet ] while we were having a conversation , '' she said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Office jobs are never going to be the same.
When workers around the world eventually return to their desks, they'll find many changes due to the pandemic. For a start, fewer people will go back to their offices as the coronavirus crisis makes working from home more accepted, health concerns linger, and companies weigh up rent savings and productivity benefits.
For the rest, changes will begin with the commute as workers arrive in staggered shifts to avoid rush hour crowds. Staff might take turns working alternate days in the office to reduce crowding. Floor markings or digital sensors could remind people to stand apart and cubicles might even make a comeback.
"This is going to be a catalyst for things that people were too scared to do before," said John Furneaux, CEO of Hive, a New York City-based workplace software startup. The pandemic "gives added impetus to allow us and others to make changes to century-old working practices."
Hive plans to help employees avoid packed rush hour subway commutes by starting at different hours, said Mr. Furneaux, who thinks he had the virus. In Britain, the government is considering asking employers to do the same.
At bigger companies, senior executives are rethinking cramming downtown office towers with workers. British bank Barclays is making a "long-term adjustment in how we think about our location strategy," CEO Jes Staley said. "The notion of putting 7,000 people in a building may be a thing of the past."
That is already happening in China, where lockdowns started easing in March. Beijing municipal authorities limited the number of people in each office to no more than 50% of usual staffing levels, required office workers to wear face masks, and sit at least 3.3 feet apart.
At a minimum, the COVID-19 crisis could be the death knell for some recent polarizing office trends, such as the shared workspaces used by many tech startups to create a more casual and creative environment. Cubicles and partitions are making a return as the virus speeds the move away from open plan office spaces, architects say.
Design firm Bergmeyer is reinstalling dividers on 85 desks at its Boston office that had been removed over the years. That "will return a greater degree of privacy to the individual desks, in addition to the physical barrier which this health crisis now warrants," said Vice President Rachel Zsembery.
There's no rush to return. At Google and Facebook, employees will be able to work remotely until the end of the year. Other firms have realized they don't even need an office.
Executives at San Francisco teamwork startup Range had given notice on their office because they wanted someplace bigger. But when California's shelter in place order was issued, they instead scrapped their search and decided to go all remote indefinitely, a move that would save six figures on rent.
"We were looking at the writing on the wall," said co-founder Jennifer Dennard.
One upside of having an all-remote workforce is that the company can hire from a broader pool of candidates beyond San Francisco, where astronomical housing costs have priced out many. But Ms. Dennard said the downside is that it eliminates the "chaotic interruptions" – the chance encounters between staff members that can spark creativity, so the company is planning more online collaboration to let this happen.
Good Brothers Digital, a public relations firm in Wales, also ditched its office space in downtown Cardiff. Director Martyn John said productivity is just as high as it was before the pandemic forced them to work from home, so he decided to give up the company's office space to save on rent, one of his biggest expenses.
Why drag employees into the office if they're happier working from home, he reasons.
"People are just going to expect it now."
The work from home trend will continue accelerating even after the pandemic ends, according to consultancy Gartner.
After the pandemic, 41% of employees expect to work remotely at least some of the time, up from 30% before the outbreak, according to 220 human resources executives it surveyed.
Not all companies can go fully remote, especially big corporations with thousands of staff. Even so, they're thinking carefully about who should return to the office and who can and should continue to work from home.
At Dell, more people are going to work from home but "we're still going to need offices," because some jobs are best done there, said Chief Digital Officer Jen Felch. She cited customer support staff, who can access more resources at the office to diagnose equipment problems.
More than 90% of Dell's 165,000 full-time global staff are working remotely during the pandemic, compared with 30% before it started. Once lockdown sends, she estimates that number will be above 50%.
The outbreak is also going to force companies to take hygiene much more seriously.
"The amount of people cleaning and sanitizing an office is going to shoot through the roof," said Brian Kropp, Gartner's chief of human resources research.
Extra attention will go to places like conference rooms, which will have to be cleaned between uses, bringing added disruption, he said.
Or companies could do away with in-person meetings altogether.
"What's the point of sanitizing everybody's desk if you're getting them all in the same room," said Hive's Mr. Furneaux, who said he's thinking carefully about how to hold events such as "all-hands meetings" for his 70 staff. "We might get the weird scenario of in-office conference calls."
High tech solutions will play a role, such as sensors to remind people to maintain social distancing, said Joanna Daly, vice president for corporate health and safety at IBM.
Existing industrial sensor technology could easily be adapted to offices, said Ms. Daly.
One possible example: "We'd want our phones to buzz if we got closer than 2 meters [6 feet] while we were having a conversation," she said.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.