csmonitor--2020-10-05--The pandemic’s bloom of startups

The pandemic’s bloom of startups

In a little-known challenge to the economic fallout of the pandemic , millions of people have turned the crisis into an opportunity for progress .
That is especially true in the United States .
According to the Census Bureau , new businesses are springing up at the fastest rate in more than a decade .
So far in 2020 , the bureau has received more than 3.2 million applications for employer identification numbers .
The comparable figure for the same period last year was 2.7 million .
Faced with furloughs or layoffs , many people are fashioning their own form @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a now-or-never time to pursue a dream .
( See related story , here . )
Choose your cliché to explain this burst of entrepreneurship : Necessity is the mother of invention .
Sweet are the uses of adversity .
If life gives you lemons ...
Some people can obtain loans , but many start with their own savings , driven by the passion of a good idea to invest in a new service or product .
They tap into unexplored creativity , flexibility , and adaptability .
“ The most important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Myriam Simpierre , who opened a neighborhood grocery in New York City , told MarketWatch .
“ Distribution channels go awry .
Prices change .
A pandemic happens .
Anything can happen .
You have to be adaptable.
” Another entrepreneur who opened a hair salon makes sure she regularly sweeps the sidewalk out front and provides a bowl of water for passing canines , giving her an opportunity to “ talk to everybody ” passing by .
In turn , she says , the neighborhood has embraced her business .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to shut down , optimistic newcomers push ahead , in part out of a joy in being their own boss .
The pandemic has produced a supercharged version of “ creative destruction , ” the theory that a good economy thrives when older businesses lose their way and innovative ones spot an opening .
That churn is also putting the lie to the idea that only big corporations will survive the pandemic .
One reason many of these new businesses are enjoying early success is that customers crave in-person buying experiences after long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s especially true when customers can meet new people , such as in a cafe .
Other entrepreneurs spot new trends – such as a strong demand for bicycles – that they can supply .
A personal trainer in Madison , Wisconsin , who lost his job , started a mobile bicycle repair business , investing about $ 1,000 in equipment .
Now he ’ s booked fixing bikes at people ’ s homes all day long , earning more than he did in his previous job .
“ It feels like I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and now I ’ m just holding on to the tail , ” he told The Wall Street Journal .
Starting a new venture can be scary .
But it can also be liberating .
People find they must draw on their innate qualities , such as a humility to serve or the courage to test a new idea .
Those are the fuel behind any new venture and are just one of the salves during the pandemic .

In a little-known challenge to the economic fallout of the pandemic, millions of people have turned the crisis into an opportunity for progress. That is especially true in the United States. According to the Census Bureau, new businesses are springing up at the fastest rate in more than a decade. So far in 2020, the bureau has received more than 3.2 million applications for employer identification numbers. The comparable figure for the same period last year was 2.7 million.
Faced with furloughs or layoffs, many people are fashioning their own form of work. They see the pandemic as a now-or-never time to pursue a dream. (See related story, here.) Choose your cliché to explain this burst of entrepreneurship: Necessity is the mother of invention. Sweet are the uses of adversity. If life gives you lemons...
Some people can obtain loans, but many start with their own savings, driven by the passion of a good idea to invest in a new service or product. They tap into unexplored creativity, flexibility, and adaptability. “The most important lesson of COVID-19 is learning to adapt,” Myriam Simpierre, who opened a neighborhood grocery in New York City, told MarketWatch. “Distribution channels go awry. Prices change. A pandemic happens. Anything can happen. You have to be adaptable.”
Another entrepreneur who opened a hair salon makes sure she regularly sweeps the sidewalk out front and provides a bowl of water for passing canines, giving her an opportunity to “talk to everybody” passing by. In turn, she says, the neighborhood has embraced her business.
While many existing businesses have been forced to shut down, optimistic newcomers push ahead, in part out of a joy in being their own boss. The pandemic has produced a supercharged version of “creative destruction,” the theory that a good economy thrives when older businesses lose their way and innovative ones spot an opening. That churn is also putting the lie to the idea that only big corporations will survive the pandemic.
One reason many of these new businesses are enjoying early success is that customers crave in-person buying experiences after long periods of social isolation. That’s especially true when customers can meet new people, such as in a cafe. Other entrepreneurs spot new trends – such as a strong demand for bicycles – that they can supply.
A personal trainer in Madison, Wisconsin, who lost his job, started a mobile bicycle repair business, investing about $1,000 in equipment. Now he’s booked fixing bikes at people’s homes all day long, earning more than he did in his previous job.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“It feels like I built a rocket and lit it – and now I’m just holding on to the tail,” he told The Wall Street Journal.
Starting a new venture can be scary. But it can also be liberating. People find they must draw on their innate qualities, such as a humility to serve or the courage to test a new idea. Those are the fuel behind any new venture and are just one of the salves during the pandemic.


csmonitor--2020-10-05--30 days to move: Renters are being evicted despite federal ban

When single mother Khalyah Jackson-Rivers lost her job in May , she fell behind on her rent despite a payment plan , eventually owing thousands of dollars to her building ’ s management company in South Carolina .
“ Then I got an eviction notice [ in July ] and a second eviction notice , and [ it ] said I had 30 days to move , ” Ms. Jackson-Rivers said by phone , worrying that she and her young daughter would have nowhere to go .
Despite a federal ban on evictions amid the coronavirus pandemic , U.S. families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their homes – and the rate of such legal filings may be speeding up , housing experts warn .
After a previous ban ended in July , the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in September issued a sweeping nationwide order temporarily halting millions of U.S. renters from being evicted , in a bid to reduce the spread of COVID-19 .
Yet thousands of eviction filings went forward in the weeks leading up to and following the start of the moratorium , brought by some of the largest landlords in the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Private Equity Stakeholder Project .
“ We saw a substantial increase in cases in the last month , including since the CDC moratorium was announced , ” the group ’ s executive director , Jim Baker , told the Thomson Reuters Foundation .
The group warned of a surge in evictions in a September report , saying that “ filings by private equity firms and other large landlords appear to be accelerating.
” Others like Princeton University ’ s Eviction Lab have noted similar trends .
The Eviction Lab reported 1,975 evictions in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week in mid-September , and more than 50,000 since the pandemic began .
Such data is notoriously difficult to gather , so to get a sense of the national picture , Mr. Baker and his colleagues have been focusing on metro areas in five states – Arizona , Florida , Georgia , Tennessee , and Texas .
They recorded more than 5,200 cases in these areas brought by private equity firms and other large corporate landlords during the four weeks since the CDC moratorium was announced .
“ We ’ re just scratching @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the findings are representative of broader trends , ” Mr. Baker said .
A spokeswoman for property leasing firm Invitation Homes , one of the companies highlighted by the study , said in emailed comments that “ eviction is never a course we want to pursue.
” “ We have been doing what the CDC order directs since early in the pandemic – working with our residents facing COVID-related financial hardships and offering a variety of payment options so they can stay in their homes , ” she said .
In September , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jackson-Rivers found out about the moratorium ’ s declaration form , and signed and handed it over .
She is now protected from eviction through the end of the year , but is currently moving out of her apartment anyway and into a family member ’ s house .
A spokesman for AMCS , the management company at Ms. Jackson-Rivers ’ s building , did not respond to a request for comment .
The CDC ban covers nearly all renters , said Sarah Saadian , vice president for public policy at the National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does have exemptions and requirements .
“ One of the challenges with the moratorium is that to be protected , renters have to sign a declaration form and give it to their landlord , ” she said .
Currently , property owners do not have to give formal notice to tenants about the moratorium and steps they have to take if they need its protection , Ms. Saadian said , though her office is urging federal agencies involved in housing to change that .
“ Corporate landlords are moving forward as quickly as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” she said .
“ That ’ s clearly violating the intention of the order , which is to protect individual and public health.
” Many of those evicted will move in with friends and families , Ms. Saadian said , making it harder to follow social distancing guidelines .
The National Multifamily Housing Council , which represents the apartment industry ’ s largest firms , called on congressional leaders to focus more on rental assistance , which the CDC moratorium does not provide .
“ It is far better to focus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than to try and come up with policies like eviction moratoriums that do not address the root cause and put housing providers at financial risk , ” vice president Paula Cino said in emailed comments .
Landlords and industry groups have sued over the moratorium , claiming it is unconstitutional .
Some renters have reported instances of landlords not accepting moratorium declarations .
Scott and Martine Thomas had been renting in Riverdale , Georgia , for two years when the pandemic hit this spring , forcing Ms. Thomas to take a 20 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The family has relied on that salary as Mr. Thomas cares for their two teenage sons with special needs .
While the couple was able to keep up on their rent in April and May , they started to fall behind in June , able to make only partial payments until mid-July – when their landlord asked them to move out by October .
“ We called family and friends and got the rent together , the full rent , ” Mr. Thomas said in a phone interview .
But after some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Thomases move out .
Both Mr. and Ms. Thomas had heard about the CDC moratorium , however , and after consulting with an attorney , gave the landlord the signed declaration .
Yet days later , an eviction notice was posted on their door , Mr. Thomas said .
The couple is now awaiting a court date on the eviction .
“ Fortunately I ’ m able to take advantage of the CDC moratorium because otherwise we ’ d be moving into a shelter , ” Mr. Thomas said .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the county , “ it would be just me with the kids , and my wife would be in another shelter by herself.
” The Thomases ’ landlord – they asked that he not be named publicly – did not respond to a request for comment ; a former property manager said he was no longer in that position .
Amanda Cole , the attorney who advised the Thomases on the declaration process , said communication on the issue between landlords and tenants is an ongoing gap .
Some landlords “ aren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ a declaration ] is handed to them , ” said Ms. Cole of the Atlanta Legal Aid Society .
“ But I ’ m sure a lot are aware of it , and I haven ’ t heard of any being proactive and telling clients or tenants about this option.
” This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

When single mother Khalyah Jackson-Rivers lost her job in May, she fell behind on her rent despite a payment plan, eventually owing thousands of dollars to her building’s management company in South Carolina.
“Then I got an eviction notice [in July] and a second eviction notice, and [it] said I had 30 days to move,” Ms. Jackson-Rivers said by phone, worrying that she and her young daughter would have nowhere to go.
Despite a federal ban on evictions amid the coronavirus pandemic, U.S. families are still being threatened with removal from their homes – and the rate of such legal filings may be speeding up, housing experts warn.
After a previous ban ended in July, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in September issued a sweeping nationwide order temporarily halting millions of U.S. renters from being evicted, in a bid to reduce the spread of COVID-19.
Yet thousands of eviction filings went forward in the weeks leading up to and following the start of the moratorium, brought by some of the largest landlords in the country, according to tracking by the nonprofit Private Equity Stakeholder Project.
“We saw a substantial increase in cases in the last month, including since the CDC moratorium was announced,” the group’s executive director, Jim Baker, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
The group warned of a surge in evictions in a September report, saying that “filings by private equity firms and other large landlords appear to be accelerating.”
Others like Princeton University’s Eviction Lab have noted similar trends.
The Eviction Lab reported 1,975 evictions in the 17 cities it tracks during one week in mid-September, and more than 50,000 since the pandemic began.
Such data is notoriously difficult to gather, so to get a sense of the national picture, Mr. Baker and his colleagues have been focusing on metro areas in five states – Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Tennessee, and Texas.
They recorded more than 5,200 cases in these areas brought by private equity firms and other large corporate landlords during the four weeks since the CDC moratorium was announced.
“We’re just scratching the surface, but I do think the findings are representative of broader trends,” Mr. Baker said.
A spokeswoman for property leasing firm Invitation Homes, one of the companies highlighted by the study, said in emailed comments that “eviction is never a course we want to pursue.”
“We have been doing what the CDC order directs since early in the pandemic – working with our residents facing COVID-related financial hardships and offering a variety of payment options so they can stay in their homes,” she said.
In September, after speaking with an attorney, Ms. Jackson-Rivers found out about the moratorium’s declaration form, and signed and handed it over.
She is now protected from eviction through the end of the year, but is currently moving out of her apartment anyway and into a family member’s house.
A spokesman for AMCS, the management company at Ms. Jackson-Rivers’s building, did not respond to a request for comment.
Procedural hurdle
The CDC ban covers nearly all renters, said Sarah Saadian, vice president for public policy at the National Low Income Housing Coalition, but it does have exemptions and requirements.
“One of the challenges with the moratorium is that to be protected, renters have to sign a declaration form and give it to their landlord,” she said.
Currently, property owners do not have to give formal notice to tenants about the moratorium and steps they have to take if they need its protection, Ms. Saadian said, though her office is urging federal agencies involved in housing to change that.
“Corporate landlords are moving forward as quickly as possible before renters hear about the moratorium,” she said. “That’s clearly violating the intention of the order, which is to protect individual and public health.”
Many of those evicted will move in with friends and families, Ms. Saadian said, making it harder to follow social distancing guidelines.
The National Multifamily Housing Council, which represents the apartment industry’s largest firms, called on congressional leaders to focus more on rental assistance, which the CDC moratorium does not provide.
“It is far better to focus on ensuring renters can pay the rent than to try and come up with policies like eviction moratoriums that do not address the root cause and put housing providers at financial risk,” vice president Paula Cino said in emailed comments.
Landlords and industry groups have sued over the moratorium, claiming it is unconstitutional.
‘We’d be moving into a shelter’
Some renters have reported instances of landlords not accepting moratorium declarations.
Scott and Martine Thomas had been renting in Riverdale, Georgia, for two years when the pandemic hit this spring, forcing Ms. Thomas to take a 20% pay cut as well as reduced hours.
The family has relied on that salary as Mr. Thomas cares for their two teenage sons with special needs.
While the couple was able to keep up on their rent in April and May, they started to fall behind in June, able to make only partial payments until mid-July – when their landlord asked them to move out by October.
“We called family and friends and got the rent together, the full rent,” Mr. Thomas said in a phone interview.
But after some back-and-forth, the landlord continued to demand that the Thomases move out.
Both Mr. and Ms. Thomas had heard about the CDC moratorium, however, and after consulting with an attorney, gave the landlord the signed declaration.
Yet days later, an eviction notice was posted on their door, Mr. Thomas said. The couple is now awaiting a court date on the eviction.
“Fortunately I’m able to take advantage of the CDC moratorium because otherwise we’d be moving into a shelter,” Mr. Thomas said.
He noted that with no co-ed shelter in the county, “it would be just me with the kids, and my wife would be in another shelter by herself.”
The Thomases’ landlord – they asked that he not be named publicly – did not respond to a request for comment; a former property manager said he was no longer in that position.
Amanda Cole, the attorney who advised the Thomases on the declaration process, said communication on the issue between landlords and tenants is an ongoing gap.
Some landlords “aren’t even aware about the moratorium until [a declaration] is handed to them,” said Ms. Cole of the Atlanta Legal Aid Society.
“But I’m sure a lot are aware of it, and I haven’t heard of any being proactive and telling clients or tenants about this option.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-06--Can campus unity get small colleges past pandemic into the future?

“ There ’ s a feeling of ‘ We ’ re all in this together , ’ ” says Dr. Stuebner , noting her school has only two cases so far .
“ People are looking out for one another.
” If small colleges can keep their infection rates low , it could make the institutions more attractive to future students .
But Robert Kelchen , an associate professor at Seton Hall University , predicts that the recession , and associated job losses , will only make families less likely to choose a costlier private college .
For now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Small colleges have typically attracted students seeking small classes and close connections with professors and peers – the “ sense of community ” the colleges promise .
Now , as colleges of all sizes preach accountability to the campus community , the leaders of some small schools are finding their students particularly receptive to that message .
Sue Stuebner , the school ’ s president , hopes her college ’ s low caseload and new academic programs will help the institution eventually recover to around 1,000 students ; enrollment is now at about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the things parents appreciate about us , ” she says .
“ But in the pandemic , safety has taken on a whole new meaning.
” At Colby-Sawyer College in New London , New Hampshire , years of declining enrollment have had one upside : plenty of space to isolate students in single dorm rooms during the pandemic .
When students at Colby College arrived on Mayflower Hill for coronavirus testing in mid-August , they got something in addition to a nasal swab : a blue bracelet with the words “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Hold the Hill ” on the other .
The bracelets , the brainchild of student leaders at the small Waterville , Maine , college , are a visual reminder of what college presidents everywhere are telling students this semester : Staying open depends on every person acting responsibly .
“ Whenever you look down at your bracelet , you remember that you need to do your part to preserve this opportunity for the whole community , ” says Sam Rosenstein , the vice president of the student government association .
Small colleges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and close connections with professors and peers – the “ sense of community ” the colleges promise .
Now , as colleges of all sizes preach accountability to the campus community , the leaders of some small schools are finding their students particularly receptive to that message .
“ There ’ s a feeling of ‘ We ’ re all in this together , ’ ” says Sue Stuebner , president of Colby-Sawyer College in New Hampshire , which has roughly 850 undergrads but only two cases so far .
“ People are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weeks into the fall semester , Colby College , with roughly 2,000 students on campus , has had only 11 positive cases – seven students and four faculty members and staffers .
The fact that it is a small school , in a small town , in a state with a low COVID-19 risk level , has certainly contributed to its success .
So has the college ’ s multimillion-dollar investment in twice-weekly testing – a regimen many poorer colleges can ’ t afford .
But small schools with less frequent testing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aren ’ t seeing many cases , either .
There are exceptions , of course – Providence College , an urban institution on the upper end of “ small ” ( roughly 4,400 undergrads ) remains under a stay-at-home order amid an outbreak that has caused at least 236 positive cases at the Rhode Island school .
Still , most of the stories of students behaving badly have come from large institutions , where off-campus parties have become superspreader events .
If small colleges can keep their infection rates low , it could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students , boosting enrollment at a time when the number of high school graduates is falling and a growing number of institutions face the threat of closure , particularly in the Northeast .
In this time of fear and uncertainty , families may gravitate to the safety and familiarity of small schools , college leaders say .
“ I honestly think this could be a game-changer , ” says Barbara Mistick , president of the National Association of Independent Colleges and Universities .
But Robert Kelchen , an associate professor at Seton Hall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t convinced .
He predicts that the recession , and associated job losses , will only make families more price-sensitive – and less likely to choose a costlier private college .
“ The only way they ’ re going to see an increase in enrollment is by giving out more financial aid , and at that point , they ’ re not getting more in the way of tuition , ” Professor Kelchen says .
“ I have a hard time seeing anything other than this accelerating the demise of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has struggled for years , particularly in the Northeast .
Between 2016 and 2019 , nearly 40 colleges closed or merged , 17 of them in New England and New York , according to a tally by Inside Higher Ed .
For every Colby with a sizable endowment , there ’ s a Colby-Sawyer that is barely scraping by .
That school ’ s current enrollment of around 850 is roughly half of what it was in the early 2000s .
Even before the pandemic hit , 30 % of private colleges tracked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were running a deficit .
The pandemic , which has forced colleges to spend millions on online education and campus safety upgrades , has put many of those colleges into an even deeper hole .
Between March and May , the number of institutions at risk of closing within six years climbed by 110 , according to Edmit , a Boston-based college advising company .
In New England , the number of at-risk colleges doubled in that time period , an analysis by The Boston Globe found .
To survive , struggling small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new ways to compete for a shrinking number of prospective students .
By 2030 , the number of high school graduates in New England is expected to decline by 25 % from its peak in 2007 , according to the consulting firm EY-Parthenon .
For now , though , small colleges are focused on a more immediate threat : the coronavirus .
In responding to the pandemic , many small colleges are using their size and culture to their advantage .
Some are sequestering their students , closing their campuses to outside visitors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to socialize , partitioning their quads into grids so students can attend outdoor concerts and open mic nights spaced 6 feet apart .
To get students to buy into their coronavirus response plans , colleges are including them on decision-making panels and asking them to create videos educating their peers about the rules .
“ We ’ re not dictating down to the students , ” says Kristin McAndrew , vice president for enrollment and marketing at Saint Michael ’ s College in Colchester , Vermont .
“ They are responding well because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some colleges with religious affiliations are making appeals to institutional and civic values , reminding students of their responsibility to care for themselves and for one another .
“ It ’ s time for us to walk the talk of our Franciscan Catholic mission , ” Dennis DePerro , president of St. Bonaventure University in southwestern New York , says he tells his students .
At Colby-Sawyer College , years of declining enrollment have had one upside : plenty of space to isolate students in single dorm rooms during the pandemic .
Dr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ college ’ s low caseload will translate into increased enrollment , helping the college recover to around 1,000 students .
“ Safety has always been one of the things parents appreciate about us , ” she says .
“ But in the pandemic , safety has taken on a whole new meaning.
” Still , she ’ s not counting on it .
This year , the college launched five new health science majors , aimed at meeting local demand and setting the school apart .
“ The importance of distinguishing ourselves is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ You have to be able to articulate your value.
” Nick Ducoff , co-founder of Edmit , the company that forecasts college closures , agrees .
He argues that colleges that will survive the pandemic , and the coming demographic storm , are those that can show a clear “ return on investment.
” “ Colleges that invest in career outcomes are the ones that will do well , ” he says .
“ If they happen to be small schools , great .
But for those schools to do well , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

“There’s a feeling of ‘We’re all in this together,’” says Dr. Stuebner, noting her school has only two cases so far. “People are looking out for one another.”
If small colleges can keep their infection rates low, it could make the institutions more attractive to future students. But Robert Kelchen, an associate professor at Seton Hall University, predicts that the recession, and associated job losses, will only make families less likely to choose a costlier private college. For now, the focus is on the pandemic.
Small colleges have typically attracted students seeking small classes and close connections with professors and peers – the “sense of community” the colleges promise. Now, as colleges of all sizes preach accountability to the campus community, the leaders of some small schools are finding their students particularly receptive to that message.
A commitment to a deeper sense of community on campus is helping some small colleges navigate the pandemic – and perhaps long-standing financial struggles.
Sue Stuebner, the school’s president, hopes her college’s low caseload and new academic programs will help the institution eventually recover to around 1,000 students; enrollment is now at about 850. “Safety has always been one of the things parents appreciate about us,” she says. “But in the pandemic, safety has taken on a whole new meaning.”
At Colby-Sawyer College in New London, New Hampshire, years of declining enrollment have had one upside: plenty of space to isolate students in single dorm rooms during the pandemic.
When students at Colby College arrived on Mayflower Hill for coronavirus testing in mid-August, they got something in addition to a nasal swab: a blue bracelet with the words “One Colby” on one side and “Hold the Hill” on the other.
The bracelets, the brainchild of student leaders at the small Waterville, Maine, college, are a visual reminder of what college presidents everywhere are telling students this semester: Staying open depends on every person acting responsibly.
“Whenever you look down at your bracelet, you remember that you need to do your part to preserve this opportunity for the whole community,” says Sam Rosenstein, the vice president of the student government association.
Why We Wrote This A commitment to a deeper sense of community on campus is helping some small colleges navigate the pandemic – and perhaps long-standing financial struggles.
Small colleges have always attracted students seeking small classes and close connections with professors and peers – the “sense of community” the colleges promise. Now, as colleges of all sizes preach accountability to the campus community, the leaders of some small schools are finding their students particularly receptive to that message.
“There’s a feeling of ‘We’re all in this together,’” says Sue Stuebner, president of Colby-Sawyer College in New Hampshire, which has roughly 850 undergrads but only two cases so far. “People are looking out for one another.”
So far, lower caseloads
Seven weeks into the fall semester, Colby College, with roughly 2,000 students on campus, has had only 11 positive cases – seven students and four faculty members and staffers. The fact that it is a small school, in a small town, in a state with a low COVID-19 risk level, has certainly contributed to its success. So has the college’s multimillion-dollar investment in twice-weekly testing – a regimen many poorer colleges can’t afford.
But small schools with less frequent testing, in states with higher COVID-19 caseloads, aren’t seeing many cases, either. There are exceptions, of course – Providence College, an urban institution on the upper end of “small” (roughly 4,400 undergrads) remains under a stay-at-home order amid an outbreak that has caused at least 236 positive cases at the Rhode Island school. Still, most of the stories of students behaving badly have come from large institutions, where off-campus parties have become superspreader events.
Gabe Souza/Colby College View caption Hide caption Justin Masella (left) and Robyn Pirie, both class of 2021, wear One Colby bracelets while working outside the Schair-Swenson-Watson Alumni Center, Sept. 14, 2020.
If small colleges can keep their infection rates low, it could make the institutions more attractive to future students, boosting enrollment at a time when the number of high school graduates is falling and a growing number of institutions face the threat of closure, particularly in the Northeast. In this time of fear and uncertainty, families may gravitate to the safety and familiarity of small schools, college leaders say.
“I honestly think this could be a game-changer,” says Barbara Mistick, president of the National Association of Independent Colleges and Universities.
But Robert Kelchen, an associate professor at Seton Hall University who has studied college closures, isn’t convinced. He predicts that the recession, and associated job losses, will only make families more price-sensitive – and less likely to choose a costlier private college.
“The only way they’re going to see an increase in enrollment is by giving out more financial aid, and at that point, they’re not getting more in the way of tuition,” Professor Kelchen says. “I have a hard time seeing anything other than this accelerating the demise of the most at-risk colleges.”
Yearslong struggle
The private-college sector has struggled for years, particularly in the Northeast. Between 2016 and 2019, nearly 40 colleges closed or merged, 17 of them in New England and New York, according to a tally by Inside Higher Ed. For every Colby with a sizable endowment, there’s a Colby-Sawyer that is barely scraping by. That school’s current enrollment of around 850 is roughly half of what it was in the early 2000s.
Even before the pandemic hit, 30% of private colleges tracked by the rating agency Moody’s were running a deficit. The pandemic, which has forced colleges to spend millions on online education and campus safety upgrades, has put many of those colleges into an even deeper hole. Between March and May, the number of institutions at risk of closing within six years climbed by 110, according to Edmit, a Boston-based college advising company. In New England, the number of at-risk colleges doubled in that time period, an analysis by The Boston Globe found.
To survive, struggling small colleges will have to come up with new ways to compete for a shrinking number of prospective students. By 2030, the number of high school graduates in New England is expected to decline by 25% from its peak in 2007, according to the consulting firm EY-Parthenon.
For now, though, small colleges are focused on a more immediate threat: the coronavirus.
Advantages: size, culture
In responding to the pandemic, many small colleges are using their size and culture to their advantage. Some are sequestering their students, closing their campuses to outside visitors. Others are offering students safe ways to socialize, partitioning their quads into grids so students can attend outdoor concerts and open mic nights spaced 6 feet apart.
To get students to buy into their coronavirus response plans, colleges are including them on decision-making panels and asking them to create videos educating their peers about the rules.
“We’re not dictating down to the students,” says Kristin McAndrew, vice president for enrollment and marketing at Saint Michael’s College in Colchester, Vermont. “They are responding well because they are part of the conversation.”
Some colleges with religious affiliations are making appeals to institutional and civic values, reminding students of their responsibility to care for themselves and for one another.
“It’s time for us to walk the talk of our Franciscan Catholic mission,” Dennis DePerro, president of St. Bonaventure University in southwestern New York, says he tells his students.
At Colby-Sawyer College, years of declining enrollment have had one upside: plenty of space to isolate students in single dorm rooms during the pandemic.
Dr. Stuebner, the president, hopes her college’s low caseload will translate into increased enrollment, helping the college recover to around 1,000 students.
“Safety has always been one of the things parents appreciate about us,” she says. “But in the pandemic, safety has taken on a whole new meaning.”
Still, she’s not counting on it. This year, the college launched five new health science majors, aimed at meeting local demand and setting the school apart.
“The importance of distinguishing ourselves is still critical,” she says. “You have to be able to articulate your value.”
Nick Ducoff, co-founder of Edmit, the company that forecasts college closures, agrees. He argues that colleges that will survive the pandemic, and the coming demographic storm, are those that can show a clear “return on investment.”
“Colleges that invest in career outcomes are the ones that will do well,” he says. “If they happen to be small schools, great. But for those schools to do well, community isn’t going to be enough.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-10-06--The papyrus, the professor, and a scandal that ensnared Harvard Divinity School

The story made international headlines in 2012 .
During an academic conference on Egypt ’ s earliest Christians , a renowned feminist historian of Christianity announced a potentially momentous discovery : a second-century papyrus fragment , about the size of a business card , that suggested that Jesus and Mary Magdalene might have been married .
The magnitude of such a discovery , if verified , would be hard to overstate .
It had the potential to upend many fundamental precepts of Roman Catholic dogma , from priestly celibacy to the role of women in the Church and in marriage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of scholars quickly morphed into an international media circus .
News of the papyrus fragment spread like a brush fire around the globe , followed soon by strong and divided public reaction .
The story of that papyrus , and the bizarre events surrounding it , is the subject of “ Veritas : A Harvard Professor , a Con Man and the Gospel of Jesus 's Wife.
” Author Ariel Sabar is an experienced journalist .
Here he puts his considerable investigative chops to work and fashions a cautionary tale about experts and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absorbing .
At the center of Sabar ’ s story is Karen King , the first woman to be named Hollis Professor of Divinity at Harvard Divinity School , the oldest endowed chair in the country .
An internationally recognized scholar of biblical history , King is a specialist in non-canonical gospels , documents from the first centuries of Christian history that early Church fathers considered heretical and excluded from the New Testament .
King ’ s career had been built on interpreting these apocryphal works , especially the Gospel of Mary , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understanding of the role of women in the founding of Christianity .
What excited King the most about the newly discovered papyrus was that it described Mary not only as Jesus ’ s wife , but as his disciple , equal to his male followers .
An email in 2010 from someone unknown to her , but identifying himself as a papyrus collector , brought the fragment to King ’ s attention .
He claimed it was one of several papyri he had purchased from another collector .
Might she be interested ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abruptly , a year later , apparently convinced of its authenticity , she got back in touch .
Soon , the papyrus was donated to Harvard , a Smithsonian documentary was in the works and King was off to Rome to announce to the world the fragment that she had named , provocatively , “ The Gospel of Jesus ’ s Wife.
” Questions about the authenticity of the papyrus surfaced immediately .
Doubts were raised about everything from the perfectly square shape of the fragment and the modern-looking script to a grammatical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questioned the provenance of the papyrus and the identity of the anonymous donor , whose identity King guarded closely .
Sabar , who initially reported on the papyrus for Smithsonian magazine and later for The Atlantic , delves into these questions far more rigorously than did King herself .
While an article on the fragment by King was spending its way through a slipshod peer review and into the pages of the prestigious Harvard Theological Review , Sabar was probing deeply into every nook , cranny and crevice of the fragment ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of every person and every institution associated with it and with King .
The most extraordinary cranny he explores is the anonymous “ papyrus collector , ” who turns out to be one Walter Fritz , a German immigrant living in Florida .
A habitual liar and schemer , Fritz had studied Egyptology in Berlin before dropping out and later worked briefly as director of the Stasi Museum , located in the former headquarters of East Germany ’ s notorious secret police .
During the time he was corresponding with King about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was making pornographic videos featuring his wife .
That all this information was ferreted out by Sabar and not by King is one of the many strange twists in this strange tale .
For a historian at the top of her field , when it came to the papyrus , King displays not only an astonishing lack of interest in the real Fritz and the provenance of the papyrus , but a general disregard for scholarly rigor .
Sabar does an exemplary job of not only digging into every facet , and then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the long con he pulled on King and Harvard , but in digesting it all and synthesizing it into a comprehensible and exciting narrative .
It ’ s a wild and educational ride .
Along the way , readers learn about early Christian history , the vagaries of Copitic script and grammar , the place of papyrus in written communication , methods of dating antiquities , the psychology of the con artist and a great deal more .
Why was King susceptible to such a fraud ?
Had the papyrus proved authentic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to feminist ideas she had spent much of her career promoting .
An identity crisis at Harvard Divinity School and the desire to gin up some excitement around the venerable , if dusty , institution , may have played a part in papyrus drama , though both King and the university have refused to shed any light on the question .
Despite the controversy , King is still the Hollis Professor of Divinity at Harvard .
Even if the author burrows a bit deep in the weeds in some of his research , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great .
In “ Veritas , ” Sabar turns a complex , esoteric story into a page turner , and reaffirms the adage that truth is stranger than fiction .

The story made international headlines in 2012. During an academic conference on Egypt’s earliest Christians, a renowned feminist historian of Christianity announced a potentially momentous discovery: a second-century papyrus fragment, about the size of a business card, that suggested that Jesus and Mary Magdalene might have been married.
The magnitude of such a discovery, if verified, would be hard to overstate. It had the potential to upend many fundamental precepts of Roman Catholic dogma, from priestly celibacy to the role of women in the Church and in marriage. What began as a quiet gathering of scholars quickly morphed into an international media circus. News of the papyrus fragment spread like a brush fire around the globe, followed soon by strong and divided public reaction.
The story of that papyrus, and the bizarre events surrounding it, is the subject of “Veritas: A Harvard Professor, a Con Man and the Gospel of Jesus's Wife.” Author Ariel Sabar is an experienced journalist. Here he puts his considerable investigative chops to work and fashions a cautionary tale about experts and expertise that is minutely researched and thoroughly absorbing.
At the center of Sabar’s story is Karen King, the first woman to be named Hollis Professor of Divinity at Harvard Divinity School, the oldest endowed chair in the country. An internationally recognized scholar of biblical history, King is a specialist in non-canonical gospels, documents from the first centuries of Christian history that early Church fathers considered heretical and excluded from the New Testament. King’s career had been built on interpreting these apocryphal works, especially the Gospel of Mary, which she believed gave a more accurate understanding of the role of women in the founding of Christianity. What excited King the most about the newly discovered papyrus was that it described Mary not only as Jesus’s wife, but as his disciple, equal to his male followers.
An email in 2010 from someone unknown to her, but identifying himself as a papyrus collector, brought the fragment to King’s attention. He claimed it was one of several papyri he had purchased from another collector. Might she be interested? Initially, King brushed him off. Abruptly, a year later, apparently convinced of its authenticity, she got back in touch. Soon, the papyrus was donated to Harvard, a Smithsonian documentary was in the works and King was off to Rome to announce to the world the fragment that she had named, provocatively, “The Gospel of Jesus’s Wife.”
Questions about the authenticity of the papyrus surfaced immediately. Doubts were raised about everything from the perfectly square shape of the fragment and the modern-looking script to a grammatical error in the Coptic text. Many questioned the provenance of the papyrus and the identity of the anonymous donor, whose identity King guarded closely.
Sabar, who initially reported on the papyrus for Smithsonian magazine and later for The Atlantic, delves into these questions far more rigorously than did King herself. While an article on the fragment by King was spending its way through a slipshod peer review and into the pages of the prestigious Harvard Theological Review, Sabar was probing deeply into every nook, cranny and crevice of the fragment’s story, as well as the story of every person and every institution associated with it and with King.
The most extraordinary cranny he explores is the anonymous “papyrus collector,” who turns out to be one Walter Fritz, a German immigrant living in Florida. A habitual liar and schemer, Fritz had studied Egyptology in Berlin before dropping out and later worked briefly as director of the Stasi Museum, located in the former headquarters of East Germany’s notorious secret police. During the time he was corresponding with King about the papyrus, his primary source of income was making pornographic videos featuring his wife.
That all this information was ferreted out by Sabar and not by King is one of the many strange twists in this strange tale. For a historian at the top of her field, when it came to the papyrus, King displays not only an astonishing lack of interest in the real Fritz and the provenance of the papyrus, but a general disregard for scholarly rigor.
Sabar does an exemplary job of not only digging into every facet, and then some, of the story of Fritz and the long con he pulled on King and Harvard, but in digesting it all and synthesizing it into a comprehensible and exciting narrative. It’s a wild and educational ride. Along the way, readers learn about early Christian history, the vagaries of Copitic script and grammar, the place of papyrus in written communication, methods of dating antiquities, the psychology of the con artist and a great deal more.
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Why was King susceptible to such a fraud? Had the papyrus proved authentic, it would have lent great support to feminist ideas she had spent much of her career promoting. An identity crisis at Harvard Divinity School and the desire to gin up some excitement around the venerable, if dusty, institution, may have played a part in papyrus drama, though both King and the university have refused to shed any light on the question. Despite the controversy, King is still the Hollis Professor of Divinity at Harvard.
Even if the author burrows a bit deep in the weeds in some of his research, the rewards for the reader are still great. In “Veritas,” Sabar turns a complex, esoteric story into a page turner, and reaffirms the adage that truth is stranger than fiction.


csmonitor--2020-10-06--With Amy Coney Barrett, a once-fringe legal philosophy goes mainstream

Some critics are concerned however .
In one of her final dissents , Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg warned of allowing “ the religious beliefs of some to overwhelm the rights and interests of others who do not share those beliefs.
” “ True tolerance , where people of different views and faiths , can peacefully coexist , ” says Matt Sharp , senior counsel for the nonprofit Alliance Defending Freedom .
“ That is ultimately what we ’ re advocating for.
” The conservative Christian legal movement behind this thought is now poised to move from the periphery of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court nomination – and quite possible confirmation – of Amy Coney Barrett .
Law in the U.S. could shift substantially – starting perhaps as soon as the Supreme Court term that opened this week – toward favoring religious liberty over all other rights , legal experts say .
A generation of judges and lawyers are now coming to the fore with backgrounds in fighting to preserve Christianity as a protected class .
They believe they need to protect Christians from being targeted and criminalized for their beliefs – even if that means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discrimination on the basis of gender or sexual orientation .
Before she joined 100 fellow law students at the Blackstone Legal Fellowship , Leah Boyd , now a practicing attorney in Amarillo , Texas , felt discouraged and hopeless in her first year of law school .
These were the people who were going to be shaping the laws and the culture in the United States , she said in a 2015 video promoting the fellowship , “ and they have absolutely no moral compass.
” “ Just to know that I was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me to not give up , ” she added .
The Blackstone fellowship , organized for 20 years by the nonprofit Alliance Defending Freedom , aims to train Christian lawyers to “ foster legal systems that fully protect our God-given rights.
” The program ’ s student and teacher alumni now include dozens of law clerks , a U.S. senator , and at least six federal judges – most notably Judge Amy Coney Barrett , who could soon become the youngest member of the U.S Supreme Court .
The reach of the ADF @ @ @ @ @ @ @ further still .
If Judge Barrett is confirmed , it would represent a culmination of decadeslong efforts by the conservative Christian legal movement to move from the periphery of the legal world into the mainstream .
And it is coming at the same time that fewer Americans – just 65 % – identify themselves as Christian .
The ADF is one of several richly funded conservative Christian legal organizations ( CCLOs ) that constitute that movement , training lawyers , arguing – and winning – high-profile religious liberty cases in the courts , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics .
That movement is now reaching maturity , and law in the U.S. is thus poised to shift – starting perhaps as soon as the Supreme Court term that began this week – substantially toward favoring religious liberty over all other rights , legal experts say .
Indeed , among the movement ’ s stated goals is the protection of free exercise of religion as a fundamental right above all others .
Such a shift in the law could prompt the diminishment of other rights , such as abortion access and same-sex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part , say that they just want to ensure that courts give religious beliefs the respect and protection they deserve .
“ True tolerance , where people of different views and faiths can peacefully coexist – that is ultimately what we ’ re advocating for , ” says Matt Sharp , senior counsel for the ADF .
Judge Barrett , a former professor at Notre Dame Law School whom President Donald Trump appointed to the 7th U.S .
Circuit Court of Appeals in 2017 , is expected to begin her confirmation hearings for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ devout Roman Catholic , she has no direct affiliations with any CCLOs , and in her brief time on the 7th Circuit she has not developed a deep record on religious liberty or other rights , like abortion and same-sex marriage , with which it has often conflicted .
If confirmed , she would join a conservative high court that has been incrementally expanding free exercise protections along with other rights that conservative Christians see as limiting their religious freedom .
CCLOs began to form around this issue decades ago , says Jordan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Christian legal organization , the American Center for Law and Justice ( ACLJ ) .
The establishment clause in the First Amendment , which prohibits the establishment of religion by Congress , “ had basically eaten the free exercise of religion away.
” “ It shouldn ’ t be more important than any other First Amendment right , but it was trampled on , ” he adds .
“ And I wouldn ’ t say it ’ s come back.
” The rise of CCLOs was prompted by , and modeled on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American Civil Liberties Union and the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund ( LDF ) .
“ In the 1950s , ’ 60s , ’ 70s , it was very much a story of progressive religious impulses that held political sway , ” says Laura Olson , a political scientist at Clemson University who researches religion and politics .
While the Rev .
Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s group successfully lobbied for civil rights legislation like the Voting Rights Act , the NAACP LDF won a series of court cases beginning in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court ’ s landmark Brown v. Board of Education ruling that ended racial segregation in public schools .
The conservative religious movement began in the late 1970s and ’ 80s as a reaction to what it saw as an erosion of traditional family values and government intrusion on religion – most notably to end racial segregation in Christian schools .
But groups like Jerry Falwell Sr. ’ s Moral Majority still struggled to break into Washington ’ s elite circles .
“ They ’ ve been outsiders to the mainstream of the conservative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a political scientist at the University of Denver who studies the Christian conservative movement .
So , he adds , “ they developed their own institutions and resources to make a parallel conservative Christian movement.
” Conservative legal groups like the ADF , ACLJ , the Becket Fund , the First Liberty Institute , and the Thomas More Society were all formed in the 1990s .
Most of these groups are tax-exempt 501 ( c ) 3 nonprofits , and thus not required to publicly identify donors .
But they are well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 61 million , the ACLJ almost $ 23 million , and the Becket Fund almost $ 7 million , according to their most recent 12-month tax-filing period .
( For comparison , Lambda Legal , a national nonprofit that advocates for LGBTQ rights , raised just over $ 17 million in the 12 months of its most recent tax filing . )
And unlike their common opponents on the left , conservative Christian legal groups have always focused entirely on religious liberty issues .
“ They have a longing for what religious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Katherine Franke , a professor at Columbia Law School and founder-director of the school ’ s Law , Rights and Religion Project .
“ They ’ re trying to have the courts reread the Constitution in a way that elevates religious liberty rights over all other individual rights , as well as the public interest.
” Some of the Supreme Court ’ s more conservative justices agree .
This week , in a short opinion declining to hear a case related to same-sex marriage , Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito criticized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s 2015 ruling legalizing same-sex marriage , as having “ ruinous consequences for religious liberty ” by “ choosing to privilege a novel constitutional right.
” The court ’ s recent grappling with religious liberty claims has focused primarily on two issues : religious institutions ’ ability to access state funding , and religious individuals ’ ability to exercise their beliefs around sexual norms in public life and in their private business .
For the most part , the court has narrowly favored religious liberty .
Religious institutions and businesses have been granted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been given access to state funding .
A state has been rebuked for punishing a Christian cake shop owner for refusing to make a cake for a same-sex wedding .
Many of these cases have been pushed by CCLOs .
Of the 11 cases it has been lead counsel for at the Supreme Court , the Becket Fund has won nine .
The ADF had more Supreme Court wins in First Amendment cases than any other litigant between 2013 and 2017 , according to Empirical SCOTUS .
In every religious liberty case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend-of-the-court briefs filed by CCLOs .
The hundreds of mostly young , conservative federal judges appointed by President Trump – not least Supreme Court Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh – have certainly helped in that regard , say lawyers for conservative Christian groups .
“ We ’ ve seen a lot of positive change on the courts , ” says Michael Berry , general counsel for the First Liberty Institute .
“ By and large the president [ has a strong ] record of nominating originalist , constitutionalist judges.
” And among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has confirmed are six who are alumni of conservative Christian legal organizations .
Those six include Kyle Duncan , a 5th Circuit Court of Appeals judge who was general counsel for the Becket Fund , and Lawrence VanDyke , a 9th Circuit Court of Appeals judge who was a Blackstone fellow and listed by the ADF as an “ allied attorney.
” Judge Barrett ’ s short tenure on the 7th Circuit hasn ’ t brought any rulings from her on issues like abortion , marriage equality , or free exercise rights .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ social conservatives , and if confirmed would likely align with the court ’ s most conservative justices .
Affiliations with nonprofit legal groups are by no means disqualifying for a judge .
Justices Thurgood Marshall and Ruth Bader Ginsburg , totemic jurists for progressives , spent much of their careers with the NAACP and the American Civil Liberties Union .
And judges are , regardless , expected to set their personal beliefs aside in deciding cases , unlike lawyers , who are expected to advocate fiercely for their clients .
But working in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Christian lawyer , can mean being “ a different kind of lawyer , ” as Judge Barrett described in a 2006 commencement speech at Notre Dame Law School – the school where she was voted “ professor of the year ” three times .
“ Your legal career is but a means to an end , ” she told the graduates .
“ That end is building the kingdom of God.
” If you ask CCLO attorneys what the “ end ” is , most say it ’ s for the free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and deference of a fundamental right .
In a landmark 1990 opinion , the late Justice Antonin Scalia explained why courts have chosen to not do that .
The case , Employment Division v. Smith , concerned whether it was unconstitutional to deny state unemployment benefits to two Native American men for ingesting peyote , a controlled substance , as part of their religious ceremonies .
But obligating someone to obey a law only when it coincides with their religious beliefs , wrote Justice Scalia , “ permit [ s ] him , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to become a law unto himself.
’ ” The case this term concerns a Catholic agency being banned from the city of Philadelphia ’ s foster program because it refuses to license same-sex couples .
The court – which by the scheduled Nov. 4 oral argument may include a newly appointed Justice Barrett – could overturn Scalia ’ s opinion in Smith .
As a result , it could be much easier for religious objectors to gain exemptions from laws .
“ Some religious exemptions are appropriate and necessary , ” says Professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But “ they need to be given sparingly , or else we really undermine democracy itself.
” Special protection for religious liberty is especially needed now “ to ensure that those viewed as ‘ out of step ’ [ with social and cultural change ] are not effectively expelled from society , ” writes Catholic Archbishop Jerome Listecki of Milwaukee in a friend-of-the-court brief filed in the case .
“ That anticipated time is already here , ” he adds , quoting Justice Alito ’ s dissent in Obergefell that those with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will risk being labeled as bigots and treated as such by governments , employers , and schools.
” Persecution of Christians is a major concern for CCLOs and jurists like Justice Alito .
In one concurrence last term , he compared the anti-Catholic animus that motivated 18th-century laws banning public funding for religious schools to the racial animus that motivated Jim Crow laws .
He illustrated the point with a political cartoon from the time depicting Catholic priests as crocodiles slithering toward schoolchildren .
The court struck down that state ban , continuing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ free exercise protections .
This term that pace of change could accelerate – especially if Judge Barrett is confirmed .
Justice Ginsburg , in one of her final dissents , criticized the court ’ s movement in this direction .
The majority , she wrote , “ casts totally aside countervailing rights and interests in its zeal to secure religious rights to the nth degree , ” allowing “ the religious beliefs of some to overwhelm the rights and interests of others who do not share those beliefs.
” For their part , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for all faiths , not just Christianity , and that they are just fighting for the freedom to practice their own faiths , not impose them on others .
“ If we ’ re able to protect and advance religious freedoms for minority faith groups , I think that benefits all other faith groups , even those in the perceived majority , ” says Mr. Berry , the First Liberty Institute ’ s general counsel .
He ’ s been at First Liberty for eight years , and he says each year has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m not sure it will ever end , ” he adds .
“ So long as there are people who want to silence dissent and silence people with a religious belief they disagree with , we will always have work .
”

Some critics are concerned however. In one of her final dissents, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg warned of allowing “the religious beliefs of some to overwhelm the rights and interests of others who do not share those beliefs.”
“True tolerance, where people of different views and faiths, can peacefully coexist,” says Matt Sharp, senior counsel for the nonprofit Alliance Defending Freedom. “That is ultimately what we’re advocating for.”
Is the First Amendment the most important? Adherents of the conservative Christian legal movement believe so – particularly the Free Exercise clause, which they argue has been given short shrift as America has become less religious.
The conservative Christian legal movement behind this thought is now poised to move from the periphery of the legal world into the mainstream with the Supreme Court nomination – and quite possible confirmation – of Amy Coney Barrett. Law in the U.S. could shift substantially – starting perhaps as soon as the Supreme Court term that opened this week – toward favoring religious liberty over all other rights, legal experts say.
A generation of judges and lawyers are now coming to the fore with backgrounds in fighting to preserve Christianity as a protected class. They believe they need to protect Christians from being targeted and criminalized for their beliefs – even if that means rolling back precedents on abortion and permitting discrimination on the basis of gender or sexual orientation.
Before she joined 100 fellow law students at the Blackstone Legal Fellowship, Leah Boyd, now a practicing attorney in Amarillo, Texas, felt discouraged and hopeless in her first year of law school.
These were the people who were going to be shaping the laws and the culture in the United States, she said in a 2015 video promoting the fellowship, “and they have absolutely no moral compass.”
“Just to know that I was not alone was encouraging, and helped me to not give up,” she added.
Why We Wrote This Is the First Amendment the most important? Adherents of the conservative Christian legal movement believe so – particularly the Free Exercise clause, which they argue has been given short shrift as America has become less religious.
The Blackstone fellowship, organized for 20 years by the nonprofit Alliance Defending Freedom, aims to train Christian lawyers to “foster legal systems that fully protect our God-given rights.” The program’s student and teacher alumni now include dozens of law clerks, a U.S. senator, and at least six federal judges – most notably Judge Amy Coney Barrett, who could soon become the youngest member of the U.S Supreme Court.
The reach of the ADF and other conservative Christian legal organizations is further still. If Judge Barrett is confirmed, it would represent a culmination of decadeslong efforts by the conservative Christian legal movement to move from the periphery of the legal world into the mainstream. And it is coming at the same time that fewer Americans – just 65% – identify themselves as Christian.
The ADF is one of several richly funded conservative Christian legal organizations (CCLOs) that constitute that movement, training lawyers, arguing – and winning – high-profile religious liberty cases in the courts, and increasing their influence on policy and politics. That movement is now reaching maturity, and law in the U.S. is thus poised to shift – starting perhaps as soon as the Supreme Court term that began this week – substantially toward favoring religious liberty over all other rights, legal experts say.
Indeed, among the movement’s stated goals is the protection of free exercise of religion as a fundamental right above all others. Such a shift in the law could prompt the diminishment of other rights, such as abortion access and same-sex marriage. CCLO attorneys, for their part, say that they just want to ensure that courts give religious beliefs the respect and protection they deserve.
“True tolerance, where people of different views and faiths can peacefully coexist – that is ultimately what we’re advocating for,” says Matt Sharp, senior counsel for the ADF.
Amanda Andrade-Rhoades/Sipa USA/AP/File View caption Hide caption John Bursch, of the Alliance Defending Freedom, addresses the press outside the Supreme Court in Washington on Oct. 8, 2019, after oral arguments for R.G. & G.R. Harris Funeral Homes Inc. v. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The Supreme Court ruled 5-4 that it was illegal for businesses to fire employees on the basis of gender identity or sexual orientation.
Judge Barrett, a former professor at Notre Dame Law School whom President Donald Trump appointed to the 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in 2017, is expected to begin her confirmation hearings for the Supreme Court next week. A devout Roman Catholic, she has no direct affiliations with any CCLOs, and in her brief time on the 7th Circuit she has not developed a deep record on religious liberty or other rights, like abortion and same-sex marriage, with which it has often conflicted.
If confirmed, she would join a conservative high court that has been incrementally expanding free exercise protections along with other rights that conservative Christians see as limiting their religious freedom.
CCLOs began to form around this issue decades ago, says Jordan Sekulow, executive director of another leading Christian legal organization, the American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ). The establishment clause in the First Amendment, which prohibits the establishment of religion by Congress, “had basically eaten the free exercise of religion away.”
“It shouldn’t be more important than any other First Amendment right, but it was trampled on,” he adds. “And I wouldn’t say it’s come back.”
Outsiders to insiders
The rise of CCLOs was prompted by, and modeled on, the successes of progressive groups like the American Civil Liberties Union and the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund (LDF).
“In the 1950s, ’60s, ’70s, it was very much a story of progressive religious impulses that held political sway,” says Laura Olson, a political scientist at Clemson University who researches religion and politics.
While the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s group successfully lobbied for civil rights legislation like the Voting Rights Act, the NAACP LDF won a series of court cases beginning in the 1930s that led to the high court’s landmark Brown v. Board of Education ruling that ended racial segregation in public schools.
The conservative religious movement began in the late 1970s and ’80s as a reaction to what it saw as an erosion of traditional family values and government intrusion on religion – most notably to end racial segregation in Christian schools. But groups like Jerry Falwell Sr.’s Moral Majority still struggled to break into Washington’s elite circles.
“They’ve been outsiders to the mainstream of the conservative legal movement,” says Joshua Wilson, a political scientist at the University of Denver who studies the Christian conservative movement.
So, he adds, “they developed their own institutions and resources to make a parallel conservative Christian movement.”
Conservative legal groups like the ADF, ACLJ, the Becket Fund, the First Liberty Institute, and the Thomas More Society were all formed in the 1990s.
Most of these groups are tax-exempt 501(c)3 nonprofits, and thus not required to publicly identify donors. But they are well funded, with the ADF raising almost $61 million, the ACLJ almost $23 million, and the Becket Fund almost $7 million, according to their most recent 12-month tax-filing period. (For comparison, Lambda Legal, a national nonprofit that advocates for LGBTQ rights, raised just over $17 million in the 12 months of its most recent tax filing.)
And unlike their common opponents on the left, conservative Christian legal groups have always focused entirely on religious liberty issues.
“They have a longing for what religious liberty protections were before 1990,” says Katherine Franke, a professor at Columbia Law School and founder-director of the school’s Law, Rights and Religion Project.
“They’re trying to have the courts reread the Constitution in a way that elevates religious liberty rights over all other individual rights, as well as the public interest.”
“Positive change”
Some of the Supreme Court’s more conservative justices agree. This week, in a short opinion declining to hear a case related to same-sex marriage, Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito criticized Obergefell v. Hodges, the court’s 2015 ruling legalizing same-sex marriage, as having “ruinous consequences for religious liberty” by “choosing to privilege a novel constitutional right.”
The court’s recent grappling with religious liberty claims has focused primarily on two issues: religious institutions’ ability to access state funding, and religious individuals’ ability to exercise their beliefs around sexual norms in public life and in their private business.
For the most part, the court has narrowly favored religious liberty. Religious institutions and businesses have been granted exemptions from contraception mandates. Religious schools have been given access to state funding. A state has been rebuked for punishing a Christian cake shop owner for refusing to make a cake for a same-sex wedding.
Many of these cases have been pushed by CCLOs.
Of the 11 cases it has been lead counsel for at the Supreme Court, the Becket Fund has won nine. The ADF had more Supreme Court wins in First Amendment cases than any other litigant between 2013 and 2017, according to Empirical SCOTUS. In every religious liberty case the court hears, there are usually friend-of-the-court briefs filed by CCLOs.
The hundreds of mostly young, conservative federal judges appointed by President Trump – not least Supreme Court Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh – have certainly helped in that regard, say lawyers for conservative Christian groups.
“We’ve seen a lot of positive change on the courts,” says Michael Berry, general counsel for the First Liberty Institute. “By and large the president [has a strong] record of nominating originalist, constitutionalist judges.”
And among the more than 200 judges the Senate has confirmed are six who are alumni of conservative Christian legal organizations. Those six include Kyle Duncan, a 5th Circuit Court of Appeals judge who was general counsel for the Becket Fund, and Lawrence VanDyke, a 9th Circuit Court of Appeals judge who was a Blackstone fellow and listed by the ADF as an “allied attorney.”
Greg Nash/AP View caption Hide caption Judge Amy Coney Barrett, President Donald Trump’s nominee for the U.S. Supreme Court, meets with Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy of Louisiana on Capitol Hill in Washington Oct. 1, 2020. Confirmation hearings are scheduled to begin Oct. 12, with the Repubilican-led Senate planning to vote before Election Day.
Judge Barrett’s short tenure on the 7th Circuit hasn’t brought any rulings from her on issues like abortion, marriage equality, or free exercise rights. But she is a popular nominee for social conservatives, and if confirmed would likely align with the court’s most conservative justices.
Affiliations with nonprofit legal groups are by no means disqualifying for a judge. Justices Thurgood Marshall and Ruth Bader Ginsburg, totemic jurists for progressives, spent much of their careers with the NAACP and the American Civil Liberties Union. And judges are, regardless, expected to set their personal beliefs aside in deciding cases, unlike lawyers, who are expected to advocate fiercely for their clients.
But working in a Christian legal organization, or as a Christian lawyer, can mean being “a different kind of lawyer,” as Judge Barrett described in a 2006 commencement speech at Notre Dame Law School – the school where she was voted “professor of the year” three times.
“Your legal career is but a means to an end,” she told the graduates. “That end is building the kingdom of God.”
A landmark term?
If you ask CCLO attorneys what the “end” is, most say it’s for the free exercise of religion to have the protection and deference of a fundamental right.
In a landmark 1990 opinion, the late Justice Antonin Scalia explained why courts have chosen to not do that.
The case, Employment Division v. Smith, concerned whether it was unconstitutional to deny state unemployment benefits to two Native American men for ingesting peyote, a controlled substance, as part of their religious ceremonies.
But obligating someone to obey a law only when it coincides with their religious beliefs, wrote Justice Scalia, “permit[s] him, by virtue of his beliefs, ‘to become a law unto himself.’”
The case this term concerns a Catholic agency being banned from the city of Philadelphia’s foster program because it refuses to license same-sex couples. The court – which by the scheduled Nov. 4 oral argument may include a newly appointed Justice Barrett – could overturn Scalia’s opinion in Smith. As a result, it could be much easier for religious objectors to gain exemptions from laws.
“Some religious exemptions are appropriate and necessary,” says Professor Franke, the Columbia Law School scholar. But “they need to be given sparingly, or else we really undermine democracy itself.”
Special protection for religious liberty is especially needed now “to ensure that those viewed as ‘out of step’ [with social and cultural change] are not effectively expelled from society,” writes Catholic Archbishop Jerome Listecki of Milwaukee in a friend-of-the-court brief filed in the case.
“That anticipated time is already here,” he adds, quoting Justice Alito’s dissent in Obergefell that those with “out of step” views “will risk being labeled as bigots and treated as such by governments, employers, and schools.”
Persecution of Christians is a major concern for CCLOs and jurists like Justice Alito. In one concurrence last term, he compared the anti-Catholic animus that motivated 18th-century laws banning public funding for religious schools to the racial animus that motivated Jim Crow laws. He illustrated the point with a political cartoon from the time depicting Catholic priests as crocodiles slithering toward schoolchildren.
The court struck down that state ban, continuing a trend of slowly but steadily strengthening free exercise protections. This term that pace of change could accelerate – especially if Judge Barrett is confirmed.
Justice Ginsburg, in one of her final dissents, criticized the court’s movement in this direction. The majority, she wrote, “casts totally aside countervailing rights and interests in its zeal to secure religious rights to the nth degree,” allowing “the religious beliefs of some to overwhelm the rights and interests of others who do not share those beliefs.”
For their part, attorneys at CCLOs say they are fighting for all faiths, not just Christianity, and that they are just fighting for the freedom to practice their own faiths, not impose them on others.
“If we’re able to protect and advance religious freedoms for minority faith groups, I think that benefits all other faith groups, even those in the perceived majority,” says Mr. Berry, the First Liberty Institute’s general counsel.
He’s been at First Liberty for eight years, and he says each year has been busier than the last.
“I’m not sure it will ever end,” he adds. “So long as there are people who want to silence dissent and silence people with a religious belief they disagree with, we will always have work.”


csmonitor--2020-10-06--Trump confronts twin challenges: health and credibility

“ This White House has been challenged from the beginning on its credibility , ” says Martha Joynt Kumar , a political scientist who has observed White House operations from inside the building ’ s press quarters for decades .
She adds , “ The White House staff is responsible to the presidency as an institution , not just to Donald Trump.
” From misstating the crowd size on Inauguration Day to claims that Mexico will pay for a southern border wall , Mr. Trump has racked up thousands of false statements – some obvious exaggerations , others more consequential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s brand name as a politician – including potentially leading the public not to believe the president during an emergency such as a 9/11-style attack , communications experts say .
Only 34 % of American adults believe President Trump has relayed truthful information about the virus , according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll taken after his own diagnosis was revealed last Friday .
All presidents shade the truth or outright lie at times , whether it ’ s to protect national security or to hide embarrassing personal conduct .
But with just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Donald Trump himself faces down the coronavirus that has killed 209,000 Americans , a long-building lack of credibility with a majority of the public may be his biggest weakness .
All presidents shade the truth , spin , dissemble , over-promise , or outright lie at times .
Sometimes they lie to protect national security or to hide embarrassing personal conduct .
But with just four weeks until Election Day , as President Donald Trump himself faces down the coronavirus that has killed 209,000 Americans , a long-building lack of credibility with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his biggest weakness .
Only 34 % of American adults believe President Trump has relayed truthful information about the virus , according to a Reuters-Ipsos poll taken after his own diagnosis was revealed last Friday .
Mixed messages coming from White House officials , including Mr. Trump ’ s chief of staff and physician , muddied public perceptions about the president ’ s own health status early in his three-day stay at Walter Reed Medical Center .
Dr. Sean Conley , the White House physician , later acknowledged that he withheld certain specifics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
By Monday evening , Mr. Trump had made a triumphal return to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue , despite an acknowledgment from Dr. Conley that he “ may not entirely be out of the woods yet.
” The White House has its own medical unit , staffed 24/7 , the doctor noted to reporters as he defended the decision to allow the president to go home .
On Tuesday , Mr. Trump tweeted that he was “ looking forward ” to debating Democratic nominee Joe Biden in Miami on Oct. 15 , the latest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and that he ’ s eager to return to the campaign trail .
Nearly four years into the Trump presidency , chronic credibility challenges have made the president ’ s health situation – and larger public messaging around the pandemic – all the more potentially destabilizing .
From misstating the crowd size on Inauguration Day to claims that Mexico will pay for the wall on the U.S. southern border , Mr. Trump has racked up thousands of false statements , some merely comical or obvious exaggeration , others more consequential .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be excused some hyperbole and imprecision , his defenders say .
But there can be larger consequences to feeding the American people a steady diet of false or misleading claims , intentionally or not – including potentially leading the public not to believe the president during an emergency such as a 9/11-style attack , communications experts say .
“ In past presidencies , there was a presumption that what you were being told was at least accurate , even if incomplete , ” says Kathleen Hall Jamieson , director of the Annenberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pennsylvania .
“ The presumption has now shifted to doubting everything that one is told.
” An atomized media environment already marked by political polarization , disinformation , and freewheeling social media has made efforts to keep the public accurately informed all the more difficult .
A mutual distrust between the White House and its press corps can also lead to misfires .
“ The messaging around Trump ’ s health wasn ’ t as crisp as it could have been because [ officials ] didn ’ t know who they could trust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ briefed on White House and campaign strategy .
“ They felt it would be irresponsible to give out too much information , because it could be misinterpreted.
” Still , in the presidency – the American institution with the biggest megaphone on the planet – perhaps the most precious commodity of all is credibility .
“ There are three keys to credibility , ” Republican strategist Whit Ayres says he tells clients .
“ Never defend the indefensible , never deny the undeniable , and never lie.
” Anyone who violates one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three , will destroy their credibility , Mr. Ayres says .
He points to Dr. Anthony Fauci , the nation ’ s top epidemiologist , and Republican Gov .
Mike DeWine of Ohio as public figures with “ enormous credibility and resulting popularity ” – both examples of how it ’ s possible to maintain credibility during a pandemic .
It ’ s also essential , Mr. Ayres says , to remain fact-based when making highly consequential decisions , such as whether or how to reopen the economy and schools before a vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ itself has become politicized as Mr. Trump urges government approval of a vaccine by Election Day .
On Tuesday , the Food and Drug Administration released tough new guidelines for the emergency release of a coronavirus vaccine , which are designed to boost public confidence in the vaccine – but will make it unlikely that a vaccine is released before Election Day .
The White House had reportedly blocked the new guidelines for two weeks .
Mr. Trump ’ s push for a vaccine , under Operation Warp Speed , has met with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ An NBC News/Survey Monkey poll released in mid-September showed only 39 % of Americans said they would be willing to get the vaccine , down from 44 % the month before .
“ This White House has been challenged from the beginning on its credibility , ” says Martha Joynt Kumar , a political scientist who has observed White House operations from inside the building ’ s press quarters for decades .
“ It ’ s a sad situation that people believe they can ’ t believe a president.
” “ There appears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between President Trump and the presidency as an institution , ” adds Ms. Kumar , an emeritus professor at Towson University in Maryland .
“ The White House staff is responsible to the presidency as an institution , not just to Donald Trump.
” Mr. Trump ’ s decades running privately held businesses that don ’ t answer to shareholders have likely fed his impulse as president to treat White House staff the same way – as employees loyal only to him and not as public servants , she suggests .
That said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s frustration that some information about infections within the building was not reported in a timely manner .
Some staff have become infected themselves , as have some members of the press corps .
Mask-wearing is now more common within the White House , but still not universal , staff say .
Mr. Trump himself still sets the tone on the mask question .
Upon his return to the White House on Monday , he pulled his mask away from his face and entered the building , maskless , with staff standing nearby @

“This White House has been challenged from the beginning on its credibility,” says Martha Joynt Kumar, a political scientist who has observed White House operations from inside the building’s press quarters for decades. She adds, “The White House staff is responsible to the presidency as an institution, not just to Donald Trump.”
From misstating the crowd size on Inauguration Day to claims that Mexico will pay for a southern border wall, Mr. Trump has racked up thousands of false statements – some obvious exaggerations, others more consequential. The risks may go beyond Mr. Trump’s brand name as a politician – including potentially leading the public not to believe the president during an emergency such as a 9/11-style attack, communications experts say.
More than most presidential administrations, Donald Trump’s has followed a pattern of untruthful or careless communication with the public. Now it faces its biggest credibility challenge yet.
Only 34% of American adults believe President Trump has relayed truthful information about the virus, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll taken after his own diagnosis was revealed last Friday.
All presidents shade the truth or outright lie at times, whether it’s to protect national security or to hide embarrassing personal conduct. But with just four weeks until Election Day, as President Donald Trump himself faces down the coronavirus that has killed 209,000 Americans, a long-building lack of credibility with a majority of the public may be his biggest weakness.
All presidents shade the truth, spin, dissemble, over-promise, or outright lie at times. Sometimes they lie to protect national security or to hide embarrassing personal conduct.
But with just four weeks until Election Day, as President Donald Trump himself faces down the coronavirus that has killed 209,000 Americans, a long-building lack of credibility with a majority of the public may be his biggest weakness.
Only 34% of American adults believe President Trump has relayed truthful information about the virus, according to a Reuters-Ipsos poll taken after his own diagnosis was revealed last Friday.
Why We Wrote This More than most presidential administrations, Donald Trump’s has followed a pattern of untruthful or careless communication with the public. Now it faces its biggest credibility challenge yet.
Mixed messages coming from White House officials, including Mr. Trump’s chief of staff and physician, muddied public perceptions about the president’s own health status early in his three-day stay at Walter Reed Medical Center. Dr. Sean Conley, the White House physician, later acknowledged that he withheld certain specifics to lift the president’s spirits.
By Monday evening, Mr. Trump had made a triumphal return to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue, despite an acknowledgment from Dr. Conley that he “may not entirely be out of the woods yet.” The White House has its own medical unit, staffed 24/7, the doctor noted to reporters as he defended the decision to allow the president to go home.
On Tuesday, Mr. Trump tweeted that he was “looking forward” to debating Democratic nominee Joe Biden in Miami on Oct. 15, the latest sign of a president projecting good health, and that he’s eager to return to the campaign trail.
Nearly four years into the Trump presidency, chronic credibility challenges have made the president’s health situation – and larger public messaging around the pandemic – all the more potentially destabilizing. From misstating the crowd size on Inauguration Day to claims that Mexico will pay for the wall on the U.S. southern border, Mr. Trump has racked up thousands of false statements, some merely comical or obvious exaggeration, others more consequential.
As a showman and salesman, Mr. Trump can be excused some hyperbole and imprecision, his defenders say. But there can be larger consequences to feeding the American people a steady diet of false or misleading claims, intentionally or not – including potentially leading the public not to believe the president during an emergency such as a 9/11-style attack, communications experts say.
“In past presidencies, there was a presumption that what you were being told was at least accurate, even if incomplete,” says Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania. “The presumption has now shifted to doubting everything that one is told.”
An atomized media environment already marked by political polarization, disinformation, and freewheeling social media has made efforts to keep the public accurately informed all the more difficult.
A mutual distrust between the White House and its press corps can also lead to misfires.
“The messaging around Trump’s health wasn’t as crisp as it could have been because [officials] didn’t know who they could trust,” says a GOP strategist regularly briefed on White House and campaign strategy. “They felt it would be irresponsible to give out too much information, because it could be misinterpreted.”
Still, in the presidency – the American institution with the biggest megaphone on the planet – perhaps the most precious commodity of all is credibility.
“There are three keys to credibility,” Republican strategist Whit Ayres says he tells clients. “Never defend the indefensible, never deny the undeniable, and never lie.”
Anyone who violates one of those guidelines, much less two or three, will destroy their credibility, Mr. Ayres says. He points to Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top epidemiologist, and Republican Gov. Mike DeWine of Ohio as public figures with “enormous credibility and resulting popularity” – both examples of how it’s possible to maintain credibility during a pandemic.
It’s also essential, Mr. Ayres says, to remain fact-based when making highly consequential decisions, such as whether or how to reopen the economy and schools before a vaccine becomes widely available.
The vaccine question itself has become politicized as Mr. Trump urges government approval of a vaccine by Election Day. On Tuesday, the Food and Drug Administration released tough new guidelines for the emergency release of a coronavirus vaccine, which are designed to boost public confidence in the vaccine – but will make it unlikely that a vaccine is released before Election Day. The White House had reportedly blocked the new guidelines for two weeks.
Mr. Trump’s push for a vaccine, under Operation Warp Speed, has met with growing skepticism by the American public. An NBC News/Survey Monkey poll released in mid-September showed only 39% of Americans said they would be willing to get the vaccine, down from 44% the month before.
“This White House has been challenged from the beginning on its credibility,” says Martha Joynt Kumar, a political scientist who has observed White House operations from inside the building’s press quarters for decades. “It’s a sad situation that people believe they can’t believe a president.”
“There appears to be little understanding of the difference between President Trump and the presidency as an institution,” adds Ms. Kumar, an emeritus professor at Towson University in Maryland. “The White House staff is responsible to the presidency as an institution, not just to Donald Trump.”
Mr. Trump’s decades running privately held businesses that don’t answer to shareholders have likely fed his impulse as president to treat White House staff the same way – as employees loyal only to him and not as public servants, she suggests.
That said, among White House staff there’s frustration that some information about infections within the building was not reported in a timely manner. Some staff have become infected themselves, as have some members of the press corps. Mask-wearing is now more common within the White House, but still not universal, staff say.
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Mr. Trump himself still sets the tone on the mask question. Upon his return to the White House on Monday, he pulled his mask away from his face and entered the building, maskless, with staff standing nearby.
Staff writer Story Hinckley contributed to this report.