csmonitor--2020-07-13--In a post-COVID-19 world, the choice to regress, reform, or reset

The direction that the post-pandemic world takes – whether we will see a reset or a return to our old ways – will depend largely on governments , businesses , and international organizations .
But the landscape in which they will be working has changed .
People power , in one form or another , seems here to stay .
One recurring theme in the series has been the way in which ordinary citizens , from the Persian Gulf to America ’ s Midwest , have risen up to press for solutions to their problems .
They have defied a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and asserted their sense of agency , their faith that they can make a difference .
But the catastrophic spread of the coronavirus has brought to a head many of the issues we had already intended to consider .
It has freeze-framed the world , forcing citizens to confront challenges ranging from climate change to inequality , race relations , and global governance .
And it has raised new voices .
When The Christian Science Monitor launched its “ Navigating uncertainty ” series in February , exploring the ways in which the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional political , economic , and social tethers , we did not dream of the global COVID-19 pandemic .
Welcome to my office .
Actually , my garden shed .
On one side , a lawnmower ; on the other , a leaf blower .
There ’ s an electric fan and a space heater .
And a laptop , on which to write or WhatsApp or Zoom .
And in the age of COVID-19 , I ’ m constantly aware that I am one of the very luckiest ones .
I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world , I ’ m able to self-isolate .
I can work remotely .
So can my wife .
We have running water , electricity , Wi-Fi .
A home of our own .
Yet even so , our life has changed beyond recognition .
And the whole world has been thrown into flux – not just by the pandemic , but by a cacophony of social , political , and economic crosscurrents – at a time when the old post-World War II order and institutions were already under unprecedented pressure .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my own life will prove lasting .
And far more importantly for the world , how many of the COVID-induced changes , in public health and education , in race-relations and climate change , will persist ?
Could the recent trend toward populism and narrow nationalism give way to some form of resurgent international cooperation ?
And will today ’ s single most important international rivalry – between a United States that has been in diplomatic retreat and an increasingly assertive China – become more starkly adversarial in the wake of heightened public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this may seem , given the enormous number of lives and jobs tragically lost to COVID-19 , an issue-by-issue look into the post-pandemic future offers reason , if not for unbridled optimism , at least for cautious hope .
Many of these potentially hopeful strands emerged in a Monitor series , beginning early this year and concluding with this article , called “ Navigating uncertainty.
” Planned well before the first coronavirus cases emerged in the Chinese city of Wuhan , it drew on our writers from around the globe and sought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before COVID-19 , our world had become untethered from decades-old institutions and alliances , and from basic life assumptions .
The series explored the many forces pulling nations , and sometimes citizens , apart from each other .
It covered the growing ambitions abroad , and authoritarianism at home , of China under leader Xi Jinping .
It looked into the appeal of strongman populist leaders like Brazil ’ s Jair Bolsonaro , and at the way technology and social media have become powerful tools for right-wing extremism .
But it also told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relevant and hopeful in a world that was changing dramatically as the series unfolded , influenced by COVID-19 and by the international wave of popular protest in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd in the U.S. That other story was one of remarkable human resilience .
It was about individuals and communities taking ownership of problems they faced and pressing for their resolution .
And it was all the more striking because it seemed at odds with a powerful trend that has fed polarization and populism in many countries : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a loss of the sense of agency that anything they could do as individuals could really change the course of events .
A number of examples in the Monitor series stood out .
There were the “ citizens ’ juries ” discussing and debating , learning and listening , and recommending policies at local or national level to confront climate change .
The extraordinary determination of human-rights activists in Egypt and Gulf states to keep pushing , at potential risk to their liberty or even their lives , for the values that inspired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There were major business figures trying to refashion and reform a capitalist economic system that is increasingly favoring shareholders and top executives over the interests of employees , customers , and society as a whole .
And there was a whole country , or an almost-country .
Somaliland split itself off from Somalia in 1991 during that country ’ s civil war .
It remains desperately poor .
Yet in the decades since declaring itself a state , it has established and maintained peace .
It has built a working democracy .
Through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diaspora Somalilanders in the U.S. , Europe , and elsewhere , it is staying afloat .
And all of this without international recognition as a country – or , crucially , the access to international aid funds that such recognition would bring .
It might well be said , of course , that the prospect of any of this leading to real change remains daunting .
Progress on climate change is still going to require international action , not to mention short-term costs that may prove particularly unappealing amid the economic downturn from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ given way to an Arab winter , with old-style authoritarian rulers back in command .
For business leaders , talking about reform is easier than actually changing the way they see their bottom line .
And the prospect of international recognition for Somaliland remains roughly zero : The international community is wary about setting a precedent for other potential breakaway states .
Still , the context for these examples of resilience , of human agency in action , has changed dramatically over recent months .
One reason is the pandemic itself .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stress test , and revealed a lack of any coherent , truly international response .
It has shone a glaring spotlight on issues like climate change and gaping economic inequalities .
Most significantly , it has interrupted life-as-usual for millions upon millions of people ; it has freeze-framed our world , forcing us to stop and look afresh .
The wave of protest against racism and police violence following George Floyd ’ s killing is more than just a rekindling of human agency .
With at least some policy changes at local or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ validated and vindicated it .
The protests have also served as a reminder that the power of social media can be put to work by anybody , not only far-right political parties or populist politicians .
It is an indispensable communications tool for individuals or communities on all sides of an argument .
Ultimately , though , any major political change will require action by governments or other established institutions .
On that score , the prognosis so far is mixed .
While COVID-19 and economic shutdowns have heightened awareness of climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emissions , it ’ s not yet clear whether the world will adopt new , greener investment strategies wholesale .
The European Union does seem committed to a “ green new deal ” ; Britain has announced new investment in green infrastructure .
But other countries , including the U.S. , Russia , Canada , and France , are devoting more of their economic recovery budgets to the fossil fuel sector than to renewable energy sources .
In business , the signs are more positive .
A number of major American companies have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that followed George Floyd ’ s death .
Some have even taken a step unthinkable just a few months ago : They ’ ve paused advertising on Facebook , the most powerful social media platform on earth , to protest its handling of hate-speech and conspiracy theories .
Geopolitically , it ’ s too early to say whether the enormous human cost of the world ’ s failure to coordinate its response to COVID-19 will prompt governments to breathe new life into international institutions and alliances .
But in Europe , at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , European countries abandoned ideas of continental solidarity , and each followed its own policies .
Now , though , the European Union is poised to bridge a longstanding divide between wealthy , fiscally conservative northern states and its more indebted , harder-pressed southern members .
Germany , the largest EU economy , is leading efforts to raise financing for a single , central fund to support all member states in their recovery from the economic effects of the pandemic .
It ’ s also conceivable that the COVID crisis could prompt some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , strongman leaders .
The two leading exemplars , President Donald Trump in the U.S. and Brazil ’ s President Bolsonaro , who have both played down the seriousness of the pandemic , preside over the two nations that top the death toll rankings .
Still , with politics across the world still in unprecedented flux , the exact shape of a post-pandemic world can only be guessed at .
So why the cautious hope ?
Come back to my garden shed .
Since my wife and I are both of an age @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” we ’ ve been in self-isolation for months , since before Britain declared its formal lockdown in late March .
Within days , all across London a group of younger people formed and got in touch to volunteer their help with whatever “ self-isolators ” like us might need .
One young woman had been helping us for weeks , picking things up from local shops – sometimes at scandalously short notice – when I texted her to say that I hoped my wife and I would be able to take her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the depth of our gratitude .
Her answer : “ Not at all !
It ’ s not a big deal for me , and while I can do it , I like to help people in your position.
” Our shared shut-in experience has also led to a new , closer relationship with our neighbors , who ’ ve always been friendly enough , but who now draw less deeply on their well of English reserve .
This may all sound trivial .
But it seems to me part of a genuine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fully expect to outlast COVID-19 .
And another social change with far wider implications – the rekindling of individual agency , of engagement across different communities and countries , races and age-groups , to promote change by tackling shared problems – seems likely to last as well .
COVID-19 has amplified social problems and accelerated political movements ; people are readier to confront and talk bluntly about race , climate change , corporate responsibility , and other issues of our age .
Grassroots activism alone will not solve the major domestic and international @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not , by itself , disentangle the “ uncertainties ” mapped out and investigated in our Monitor series .
But it has profoundly changed the landscape in which established institutions – governments , businesses , and international organizations – will have to address them .
And whatever else may settle back into the old normal once the worst of COVID-19 has passed , “ people power , ” in one form or another , seems here to stay .

The direction that the post-pandemic world takes – whether we will see a reset or a return to our old ways – will depend largely on governments, businesses, and international organizations. But the landscape in which they will be working has changed. People power, in one form or another, seems here to stay.
One recurring theme in the series has been the way in which ordinary citizens, from the Persian Gulf to America’s Midwest, have risen up to press for solutions to their problems. They have defied a widespread loss of trust in the authorities and asserted their sense of agency, their faith that they can make a difference.
COVID-19 has transformed our personal lives and brought to a head pressing political, economic, and social questions. Their answers could transform the world, but much depends on whether we’ve reached a “reset moment” – and what role citizen activism may play. Last in our global series “Navigating uncertainty.”
But the catastrophic spread of the coronavirus has brought to a head many of the issues we had already intended to consider. It has freeze-framed the world, forcing citizens to confront challenges ranging from climate change to inequality, race relations, and global governance. And it has raised new voices.
When The Christian Science Monitor launched its “Navigating uncertainty” series in February, exploring the ways in which the world seemed to have come unmoored from its traditional political, economic, and social tethers, we did not dream of the global COVID-19 pandemic.
Welcome to my office. Actually, my garden shed.
On one side, a lawnmower; on the other, a leaf blower. There’s an electric fan and a space heater. And a laptop, on which to write or WhatsApp or Zoom. And in the age of COVID-19, I’m constantly aware that I am one of the very luckiest ones. I’m healthy. Unlike millions around the world, I’m able to self-isolate. I can work remotely. So can my wife. We have running water, electricity, Wi-Fi. A home of our own.
Yet even so, our life has changed beyond recognition. And the whole world has been thrown into flux – not just by the pandemic, but by a cacophony of social, political, and economic crosscurrents – at a time when the old post-World War II order and institutions were already under unprecedented pressure.
Why We Wrote This COVID-19 has transformed our personal lives and brought to a head pressing political, economic, and social questions. Their answers could transform the world, but much depends on whether we’ve reached a “reset moment” – and what role citizen activism may play. Last in our global series “Navigating uncertainty.”
I wonder how many of the changes in my own life will prove lasting. And far more importantly for the world, how many of the COVID-induced changes, in public health and education, in race-relations and climate change, will persist? Could the recent trend toward populism and narrow nationalism give way to some form of resurgent international cooperation?
And will today’s single most important international rivalry – between a United States that has been in diplomatic retreat and an increasingly assertive China – become more starkly adversarial in the wake of heightened public sparring over the coronavirus?
Odd though this may seem, given the enormous number of lives and jobs tragically lost to COVID-19, an issue-by-issue look into the post-pandemic future offers reason, if not for unbridled optimism, at least for cautious hope.
Many of these potentially hopeful strands emerged in a Monitor series, beginning early this year and concluding with this article, called “Navigating uncertainty.” Planned well before the first coronavirus cases emerged in the Chinese city of Wuhan, it drew on our writers from around the globe and sought to delve into the ways that, even before COVID-19, our world had become untethered from decades-old institutions and alliances, and from basic life assumptions.
The series explored the many forces pulling nations, and sometimes citizens, apart from each other. It covered the growing ambitions abroad, and authoritarianism at home, of China under leader Xi Jinping. It looked into the appeal of strongman populist leaders like Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro, and at the way technology and social media have become powerful tools for right-wing extremism.
But it also told another story, one that seems especially relevant and hopeful in a world that was changing dramatically as the series unfolded, influenced by COVID-19 and by the international wave of popular protest in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd in the U.S.
That other story was one of remarkable human resilience. It was about individuals and communities taking ownership of problems they faced and pressing for their resolution. And it was all the more striking because it seemed at odds with a powerful trend that has fed polarization and populism in many countries: a loss of trust in government and a loss of the sense of agency that anything they could do as individuals could really change the course of events.
A number of examples in the Monitor series stood out. There were the “citizens’ juries” discussing and debating, learning and listening, and recommending policies at local or national level to confront climate change. The extraordinary determination of human-rights activists in Egypt and Gulf states to keep pushing, at potential risk to their liberty or even their lives, for the values that inspired the Arab Spring a decade ago.
There were major business figures trying to refashion and reform a capitalist economic system that is increasingly favoring shareholders and top executives over the interests of employees, customers, and society as a whole.
And there was a whole country, or an almost-country. Somaliland split itself off from Somalia in 1991 during that country’s civil war. It remains desperately poor.
Yet in the decades since declaring itself a state, it has established and maintained peace. It has built a working democracy. Through assiduous efforts to secure financial support from diaspora Somalilanders in the U.S., Europe, and elsewhere, it is staying afloat. And all of this without international recognition as a country – or, crucially, the access to international aid funds that such recognition would bring.
It might well be said, of course, that the prospect of any of this leading to real change remains daunting. Progress on climate change is still going to require international action, not to mention short-term costs that may prove particularly unappealing amid the economic downturn from the pandemic. The Arab Spring has given way to an Arab winter, with old-style authoritarian rulers back in command.
For business leaders, talking about reform is easier than actually changing the way they see their bottom line. And the prospect of international recognition for Somaliland remains roughly zero: The international community is wary about setting a precedent for other potential breakaway states.
A changed context
Still, the context for these examples of resilience, of human agency in action, has changed dramatically over recent months.
One reason is the pandemic itself. It has put governments worldwide through an unprecedented stress test, and revealed a lack of any coherent, truly international response. It has shone a glaring spotlight on issues like climate change and gaping economic inequalities. Most significantly, it has interrupted life-as-usual for millions upon millions of people; it has freeze-framed our world, forcing us to stop and look afresh.
Jacquelyn Martin/AP View caption Hide caption Demonstrators protest near the White House in Washington June 6, 2020, over the killing of George Floyd as he was detained by police in Minneapolis. In the wake of George Floyd’s death, polling shows dramatic movement in Americans’ opinions on police brutality and racial injustice.
The wave of protest against racism and police violence following George Floyd’s killing is more than just a rekindling of human agency. With at least some policy changes at local or state level already announced, it has validated and vindicated it. The protests have also served as a reminder that the power of social media can be put to work by anybody, not only far-right political parties or populist politicians. It is an indispensable communications tool for individuals or communities on all sides of an argument.
Ultimately, though, any major political change will require action by governments or other established institutions. On that score, the prognosis so far is mixed.
While COVID-19 and economic shutdowns have heightened awareness of climate change and of the human causes of carbon emissions, it’s not yet clear whether the world will adopt new, greener investment strategies wholesale.
The European Union does seem committed to a “green new deal”; Britain has announced new investment in green infrastructure. But other countries, including the U.S., Russia, Canada, and France, are devoting more of their economic recovery budgets to the fossil fuel sector than to renewable energy sources.
In business, the signs are more positive. A number of major American companies have embraced the anti-racism message of the protests that followed George Floyd’s death. Some have even taken a step unthinkable just a few months ago: They’ve paused advertising on Facebook, the most powerful social media platform on earth, to protest its handling of hate-speech and conspiracy theories.
International connections
Geopolitically, it’s too early to say whether the enormous human cost of the world’s failure to coordinate its response to COVID-19 will prompt governments to breathe new life into international institutions and alliances.
But in Europe, at least, a shift appears underway. Initially, European countries abandoned ideas of continental solidarity, and each followed its own policies. Now, though, the European Union is poised to bridge a longstanding divide between wealthy, fiscally conservative northern states and its more indebted, harder-pressed southern members. Germany, the largest EU economy, is leading efforts to raise financing for a single, central fund to support all member states in their recovery from the economic effects of the pandemic.
It’s also conceivable that the COVID crisis could prompt some voters to rethink their support for populist, strongman leaders. The two leading exemplars, President Donald Trump in the U.S. and Brazil’s President Bolsonaro, who have both played down the seriousness of the pandemic, preside over the two nations that top the death toll rankings.
Still, with politics across the world still in unprecedented flux, the exact shape of a post-pandemic world can only be guessed at.
So why the cautious hope?
Come back to my garden shed. Since my wife and I are both of an age that qualifies us as “COVID-vulnerable,” we’ve been in self-isolation for months, since before Britain declared its formal lockdown in late March. Within days, all across London a group of younger people formed and got in touch to volunteer their help with whatever “self-isolators” like us might need.
One young woman had been helping us for weeks, picking things up from local shops – sometimes at scandalously short notice – when I texted her to say that I hoped my wife and I would be able to take her out for a post-pandemic dinner to convey the depth of our gratitude. Her answer: “Not at all! It’s not a big deal for me, and while I can do it, I like to help people in your position.”
Our shared shut-in experience has also led to a new, closer relationship with our neighbors, who’ve always been friendly enough, but who now draw less deeply on their well of English reserve.
This may all sound trivial. But it seems to me part of a genuine rekindling of simple human connections that I fully expect to outlast COVID-19.
And another social change with far wider implications – the rekindling of individual agency, of engagement across different communities and countries, races and age-groups, to promote change by tackling shared problems – seems likely to last as well. COVID-19 has amplified social problems and accelerated political movements; people are readier to confront and talk bluntly about race, climate change, corporate responsibility, and other issues of our age.
Grassroots activism alone will not solve the major domestic and international challenges that confront us. It cannot, by itself, disentangle the “uncertainties” mapped out and investigated in our Monitor series.
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But it has profoundly changed the landscape in which established institutions – governments, businesses, and international organizations – will have to address them.
And whatever else may settle back into the old normal once the worst of COVID-19 has passed, “people power,” in one form or another, seems here to stay.


csmonitor--2020-07-13--Turkey names Hagia Sophia a mosque. Int'l leaders aren't happy.

The president of Turkey on Friday formally converted Istanbul 's sixth-century Hagia Sophia back into a mosque and declared it open for Muslim worship , hours after a high court annulled a 1934 decision that had made the religious landmark a museum .
The decision sparked deep dismay among Orthodox Christians .
Originally a cathedral , Hagia Sophia was turned into a mosque after Istanbul 's conquest by the Ottoman Empire but had been a museum for the last 86 years , drawing millions of tourists annually .
There was jubilation outside the terracotta-hued structure with its cascading domes and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the court 's ruling chanted `` Allah is great ! ''
when the news broke .
A large crowd later prayed outside it .
In the capital of Ankara , legislators stood and applauded as the decision was read in Parliament .
Turkey 's high administrative court threw its weight behind a petition brought by a religious group and annulled the 1934 Cabinet decision that turned the site into a museum .
Within hours , President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan signed a decree handing over Hagia Sophia to Turkey 's Religious Affairs Presidency .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Erdoğan said the first prayers inside Hagia Sofia would be held on July 24 , and he urged respect for the decision .
`` I underline that we will open Hagia Sophia to worship as a mosque by preserving its character of humanity 's common cultural heritage , '' he said , adding : `` It is Turkey 's sovereign right to decide for which purpose Hagia Sofia will be used . ''
He rejected the idea that the decision ends Hagia Sophia 's status as a structure that brings faiths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other mosques , the doors of Hagia Sophia will be open to all , locals or foreigners , Muslims and non-Muslims , '' Mr. Erdoğan said .
Mr. Erdoğan had spoken in favor of turning the hugely symbolic UNESCO World Heritage site back into a mosque despite widespread international criticism , including from United States and Orthodox Christian leaders , who had urged Turkey to keep its status as a museum symbolizing solidarity among faiths and cultures .
The move threatens to deepen tensions with neighboring Greece , whose prime minister , Kyriakos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affront to Hagia Sophia 's ecumenical character .
`` It is a decision that offends all those who recognize Hagia Sophia as an indispensable part of world cultural heritage '' Mr. Mitsotakis said .
`` This decision clearly affects not only Turkey 's relations with Greece but also its relations with the European Union , UNESCO , and the world community as a whole . ''
In Greece 's second-largest city , Thessaloniki , protesters gathered outside a church that is modeled on Hagia Sophia and bears the same name .
They chanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hagia Sophia ! ''
and held Greek flags and Byzantine banners .
Cyprus `` strongly condemns Turkey 's actions on Hagia Sophia in its effort to distract domestic opinion and calls on Turkey to respect its international obligations , '' tweeted Foreign Minister Nikos Christodoulides .
Vladimir Dzhabarov , deputy head of the foreign affairs committee in the Russian upper house of parliament , called the action `` a mistake . ''
`` Turning it into a mosque will not do anything for the Muslim world .
It does not bring nations together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into collision , '' he said .
The debate hits at the heart of Turkey 's religious-secular divide .
Nationalist and conservative groups in Turkey have long yearned to hold prayers at Hagia Sophia , which they regard as part of the Muslim Ottoman legacy .
Others believe it should remain a museum , as a symbol of Christian and Muslim solidarity .
`` It was a structure that brought together both Byzantine and Ottoman histories , '' said Zeynep Kizildag , a social worker , who did not support the conversion .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mosque is like erasing 1,000 years of history , in my opinion . ''
Garo Paylan , an ethnic Armenian member of Turkey 's Parliament tweeted that it was `` a sad day for Christians [ and ] for all who believe in a pluralist Turkey . ''
`` The decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque will make life more difficult for Christians here and for Muslims in Europe , '' he wrote .
`` Hagia Sophia was a symbol of our rich history .
Its dome was big enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brought the case to court had contested the legality of the 1934 decision by the modern Turkish republic 's secular government ministers , arguing the building was the personal property of Ottoman Sultan Mehmet II , who conquered Istanbul in 1453 .
`` I was not surprised at all that the court weighed to sanction Erdoğan 's moves because these days Erdoğan gets from Turkish courts what Erdoğan wants , '' said Soner Cagaptay , of the Washington Institute .
`` Erdoğan wants to use Hagia Sophia 's conversion into a mosque to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Cagaptay , the author of `` Erdogan 's Empire . ''
`` But I do n't think this strategy will work .
I think that short of economic growth , nothing will restore Erdoğan 's popularity . ''
In Paris , the United Nations cultural body , UNESCO , said Hagia Sophia is part of the Historic Areas of Istanbul , a property inscribed on UNESCO 's World Heritage List as a museum .
`` States have an obligation to ensure that modifications do not affect the 'outstanding universal value ' of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Director-General Audrey Azoulay said .
The Istanbul-based Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I , considered the spiritual leader of the world 's Orthodox Christians , warned last month that the building 's conversion into a mosque `` will turn millions of Christians across the world against Islam . ''
On Friday , Archbishop Elpidophoros of America said the decision runs counter to the vision of secular Turkey 's founder , Mustafa Kemal Ataturk `` who understood that Hagia Sophia should serve all Turkey 's people and indeed the whole world . ''
`` The days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our collective histories , '' he told The Associated Press , adding that Turkey 's government `` can still choose wisely '' but letting Hagia Sophia remain a `` monument to all civilizations and universal values . ''
Patriarch Kirill , the leader of the Russian Orthodox Church , called for `` prudence '' and the preservation of the `` current neutral status '' for the Hagia Sophia , which he said was one of Christianity 's `` devoutly venerated symbols . ''
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to serve as bridge between faiths and cultures .
His comments drew a rebuke from Turkey 's Foreign Ministry , which said Hagia Sophia was a domestic issue of Turkish national sovereignty .
Mr. Erdoğan , a devout Muslim , has frequently used the Hagia Sophia issue to drum up support for his Islamic-rooted party .
Some Islamic prayers have been held in the museum in recent years .
In a major symbolic move , Mr. Erdoğan recited the opening verse of the Quran there in 2018 .
Built under Byzantine Emperor Justinian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Eastern Orthodox church for centuries , where emperors were crowned amid ornate marble and mosaic decorations .
The minarets were added later , and the building was turned into an imperial mosque following the 1453 Ottoman conquest of Constantinople – the city that is now called Istanbul .
The building opened its doors as a museum in 1935 , a year after the Council of Ministers ' decision .
Mosaics depicting Jesus , Mary , and Christian saints that were plastered over in line with Islamic rules were uncovered through arduous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sophia was the most popular museum in Turkey last year , drawing more than 3.7 million visitors .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Zeynep Bilginsoy and Ayse Wieting in Istanbul ; Derek Gatopoulos in Athens ; Menelaos Hadjicostis in Nicosia , Cyprus ; and Jim Heintz in Moscow contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The president of Turkey on Friday formally converted Istanbul's sixth-century Hagia Sophia back into a mosque and declared it open for Muslim worship, hours after a high court annulled a 1934 decision that had made the religious landmark a museum.
The decision sparked deep dismay among Orthodox Christians. Originally a cathedral, Hagia Sophia was turned into a mosque after Istanbul's conquest by the Ottoman Empire but had been a museum for the last 86 years, drawing millions of tourists annually.
There was jubilation outside the terracotta-hued structure with its cascading domes and four minarets. Dozens of people awaiting the court's ruling chanted "Allah is great!" when the news broke. A large crowd later prayed outside it.
In the capital of Ankara, legislators stood and applauded as the decision was read in Parliament.
Turkey's high administrative court threw its weight behind a petition brought by a religious group and annulled the 1934 Cabinet decision that turned the site into a museum. Within hours, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan signed a decree handing over Hagia Sophia to Turkey's Religious Affairs Presidency.
In a televised address to the nation, Mr. Erdoğan said the first prayers inside Hagia Sofia would be held on July 24, and he urged respect for the decision.
"I underline that we will open Hagia Sophia to worship as a mosque by preserving its character of humanity's common cultural heritage," he said, adding: "It is Turkey's sovereign right to decide for which purpose Hagia Sofia will be used."
He rejected the idea that the decision ends Hagia Sophia's status as a structure that brings faiths together.
"Like all of our other mosques, the doors of Hagia Sophia will be open to all, locals or foreigners, Muslims and non-Muslims," Mr. Erdoğan said.
Mr. Erdoğan had spoken in favor of turning the hugely symbolic UNESCO World Heritage site back into a mosque despite widespread international criticism, including from United States and Orthodox Christian leaders, who had urged Turkey to keep its status as a museum symbolizing solidarity among faiths and cultures.
The move threatens to deepen tensions with neighboring Greece, whose prime minister, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, condemned the decision as an affront to Hagia Sophia's ecumenical character.
"It is a decision that offends all those who recognize Hagia Sophia as an indispensable part of world cultural heritage" Mr. Mitsotakis said. "This decision clearly affects not only Turkey's relations with Greece but also its relations with the European Union, UNESCO, and the world community as a whole."
In Greece's second-largest city, Thessaloniki, protesters gathered outside a church that is modeled on Hagia Sophia and bears the same name. They chanted, "We'll light candles in Hagia Sophia!" and held Greek flags and Byzantine banners.
Cyprus "strongly condemns Turkey's actions on Hagia Sophia in its effort to distract domestic opinion and calls on Turkey to respect its international obligations," tweeted Foreign Minister Nikos Christodoulides.
Vladimir Dzhabarov, deputy head of the foreign affairs committee in the Russian upper house of parliament, called the action "a mistake."
"Turning it into a mosque will not do anything for the Muslim world. It does not bring nations together, but on the contrary brings them into collision," he said.
The debate hits at the heart of Turkey's religious-secular divide. Nationalist and conservative groups in Turkey have long yearned to hold prayers at Hagia Sophia, which they regard as part of the Muslim Ottoman legacy. Others believe it should remain a museum, as a symbol of Christian and Muslim solidarity.
"It was a structure that brought together both Byzantine and Ottoman histories," said Zeynep Kizildag, a social worker, who did not support the conversion. "The decision to turn it into a mosque is like erasing 1,000 years of history, in my opinion."
Garo Paylan, an ethnic Armenian member of Turkey's Parliament tweeted that it was "a sad day for Christians [and] for all who believe in a pluralist Turkey."
"The decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque will make life more difficult for Christians here and for Muslims in Europe," he wrote. "Hagia Sophia was a symbol of our rich history. Its dome was big enough for all."
The group that brought the case to court had contested the legality of the 1934 decision by the modern Turkish republic's secular government ministers, arguing the building was the personal property of Ottoman Sultan Mehmet II, who conquered Istanbul in 1453.
"I was not surprised at all that the court weighed to sanction Erdoğan's moves because these days Erdoğan gets from Turkish courts what Erdoğan wants," said Soner Cagaptay, of the Washington Institute.
"Erdoğan wants to use Hagia Sophia's conversion into a mosque to rally his right-wing base," said Mr. Cagaptay, the author of "Erdogan's Empire." "But I don't think this strategy will work. I think that short of economic growth, nothing will restore Erdoğan's popularity."
In Paris, the United Nations cultural body, UNESCO, said Hagia Sophia is part of the Historic Areas of Istanbul, a property inscribed on UNESCO's World Heritage List as a museum.
"States have an obligation to ensure that modifications do not affect the 'outstanding universal value' of inscribed sites on their territories," Director-General Audrey Azoulay said.
The Istanbul-based Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I, considered the spiritual leader of the world's Orthodox Christians, warned last month that the building's conversion into a mosque "will turn millions of Christians across the world against Islam."
On Friday, Archbishop Elpidophoros of America said the decision runs counter to the vision of secular Turkey's founder, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk "who understood that Hagia Sophia should serve all Turkey's people and indeed the whole world."
"The days of conquest should remain a closed chapter of our collective histories," he told The Associated Press, adding that Turkey's government "can still choose wisely" but letting Hagia Sophia remain a "monument to all civilizations and universal values."
Patriarch Kirill, the leader of the Russian Orthodox Church, called for "prudence" and the preservation of the "current neutral status" for the Hagia Sophia, which he said was one of Christianity's "devoutly venerated symbols."
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said last month that the landmark should remain a museum to serve as bridge between faiths and cultures. His comments drew a rebuke from Turkey's Foreign Ministry, which said Hagia Sophia was a domestic issue of Turkish national sovereignty.
Mr. Erdoğan, a devout Muslim, has frequently used the Hagia Sophia issue to drum up support for his Islamic-rooted party.
Some Islamic prayers have been held in the museum in recent years. In a major symbolic move, Mr. Erdoğan recited the opening verse of the Quran there in 2018.
Built under Byzantine Emperor Justinian, Hagia Sophia was the main seat of the Eastern Orthodox church for centuries, where emperors were crowned amid ornate marble and mosaic decorations.
The minarets were added later, and the building was turned into an imperial mosque following the 1453 Ottoman conquest of Constantinople – the city that is now called Istanbul.
The building opened its doors as a museum in 1935, a year after the Council of Ministers' decision.
Mosaics depicting Jesus, Mary, and Christian saints that were plastered over in line with Islamic rules were uncovered through arduous restoration work for the museum. Hagia Sophia was the most popular museum in Turkey last year, drawing more than 3.7 million visitors.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Zeynep Bilginsoy and Ayse Wieting in Istanbul; Derek Gatopoulos in Athens; Menelaos Hadjicostis in Nicosia, Cyprus; and Jim Heintz in Moscow contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-13--Reopening schools: Finding the way forward

When Finland and Denmark became two of the first countries to reopen their schools amid the pandemic earlier this year , they were motivated by equality .
Both countries enshrine education as a constitutional right .
The Danish Ministry of Children and Education noted that during the shift to online learning “ schools and municipalities can not guarantee that children receive the education in all subjects for which they are entitled.
” Viewed that way , controlling COVID-19 was not just a matter of public health or economic recovery .
It was also a legal requirement .
The pandemic was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obligations to their youngest citizens .
As public officials and educators assess whether and how to reopen schools in the United States , thinking of education as a right due all children provides a principled and compassionate basis for working through the challenges of starting the academic year at a time when new cases are surging upward .
Little consensus exists among public officials , educators , and parents on whether schools should reopen or remain only online .
President Donald Trump is pushing for a full return to classroom-based learning .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Disease Control and Prevention have issued recommendations for phased reopenings .
Measures like these have worked in countries where the number of cases has declined .
But many U.S. teachers are concerned that their safety can not be ensured .
Requests for leaves of absence and early retirements are up in school districts across the country .
The Los Angeles teachers union , the country ’ s second largest , has demanded that online classes continue in the fall .
Their concerns reflect a riddle that the medical community has not yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much more susceptible than young children .
Primary and secondary schools in countries such as Australia and Singapore have had no outbreaks since reopening .
But a high school in Jerusalem was forced to shut down again after a spike in new cases .
Administrators say they are under pressure from those who want their children back in school , believing it is a better learning environment than at home , and that ongoing efforts to juggle children 's needs and working from home are unsustainable .
But a Politico/Morning Consult poll last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters are somewhat or very concerned about reopening K-12 classrooms .
Among Black respondents , the survey found that 73 % were somewhat or very concerned , reflecting the pandemic ’ s disproportionate impact on minority communities .
The U.S. is one of the few countries that does not regard education as an explicit right .
Its Constitution is silent on the issue .
The result is a patchwork of disparate provisions and uneven funding among the states .
In a landmark 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education , however , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were inherently unequal and violated the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment .
The pandemic ’ s disruption of education makes the spirit of that decision freshly relevant .
Treating the crisis as an impediment to every child ’ s right to education , as Finland and Denmark have , could help depoliticize state and federal strategies to contain it .
The next step is ensuring that every school district has adequate resources to support students for as long as it takes to return to classrooms .
Congress is already debating whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would affirm that education , even if not enshrined in the Constitution , is a national imperative .

When Finland and Denmark became two of the first countries to reopen their schools amid the pandemic earlier this year, they were motivated by equality. Both countries enshrine education as a constitutional right.
The Danish Ministry of Children and Education noted that during the shift to online learning “schools and municipalities cannot guarantee that children receive the education in all subjects for which they are entitled.”
Viewed that way, controlling COVID-19 was not just a matter of public health or economic recovery. It was also a legal requirement. The pandemic was preventing these governments from fulfilling their constitutional obligations to their youngest citizens.
As public officials and educators assess whether and how to reopen schools in the United States, thinking of education as a right due all children provides a principled and compassionate basis for working through the challenges of starting the academic year at a time when new cases are surging upward.
Little consensus exists among public officials, educators, and parents on whether schools should reopen or remain only online. President Donald Trump is pushing for a full return to classroom-based learning. The American Academy of Pediatrics and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention have issued recommendations for phased reopenings.
Measures like these have worked in countries where the number of cases has declined. But many U.S. teachers are concerned that their safety cannot be ensured. Requests for leaves of absence and early retirements are up in school districts across the country.
The Los Angeles teachers union, the country’s second largest, has demanded that online classes continue in the fall. Their concerns reflect a riddle that the medical community has not yet cracked: why adults are apparently so much more susceptible than young children.
Primary and secondary schools in countries such as Australia and Singapore have had no outbreaks since reopening. But a high school in Jerusalem was forced to shut down again after a spike in new cases.
Administrators say they are under pressure from those who want their children back in school, believing it is a better learning environment than at home, and that ongoing efforts to juggle children's needs and working from home are unsustainable. But a Politico/Morning Consult poll last month found that 54% of American voters are somewhat or very concerned about reopening K-12 classrooms. Among Black respondents, the survey found that 73% were somewhat or very concerned, reflecting the pandemic’s disproportionate impact on minority communities.
The U.S. is one of the few countries that does not regard education as an explicit right. Its Constitution is silent on the issue. The result is a patchwork of disparate provisions and uneven funding among the states. In a landmark 1954 ruling in Brown v. Board of Education, however, the Supreme Court found that segregated schools were inherently unequal and violated the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment.
The pandemic’s disruption of education makes the spirit of that decision freshly relevant. Treating the crisis as an impediment to every child’s right to education, as Finland and Denmark have, could help depoliticize state and federal strategies to contain it.
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The next step is ensuring that every school district has adequate resources to support students for as long as it takes to return to classrooms.
Congress is already debating whether to fund such measures. Doing so would affirm that education, even if not enshrined in the Constitution, is a national imperative.


csmonitor--2020-07-13--Can Egypt's new #MeToo wave bring change? Activists hope so.

Their accounts are similar .
The girls and women describe meeting the young man – a former student at Egypt 's most elite university – in person and online , followed by deceit , then escalating to sexual harassment , assault , blackmail , or rape .
Some were minors when the alleged crimes took place .
In all , more than 100 accusers have emerged online in the past two weeks .
It 's resulted in a new # MeToo firestorm on social media , and the arrest of the suspect last week from his home in a gated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case shows that misogyny cuts across the country 's stark class lines ; many in Egypt have previously portrayed harassment as a problem of poor urban youth .
Women 's rights champions hope the authorities ' swift response signals change in how Egyptian society handles accusations of sexual assault .
`` What 's before this case is totally different from what 's after , '' said Nehad Abul Komsan , head of the Egyptian Center for Women 's Rights and a lawyer representing some of the alleged victims .
Sexual assault and harassment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victims must also fight the undercurrent of a conservative culture that typically ties female chastity to a family 's reputation .
In courts , the burden of proof lies heavily on the victim of such crimes .
In a statement , the public prosecutor 's officer said the accused man acknowledged he blackmailed at least six girls , saying he would send sensitive photos of them to their families if they cut ties .
Several attempts by The Associated Press to contact him or his lawyer were unsuccessful .
Amr Adib , Egypt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a recent episode that he 'd spoken with the young man 's father , who occupies a high-ranking position at a telecommunication company .
He said his son dismissed the allegations .
At least 10 women have officially reported their claims , according to Ms. Komsan , of the women 's rights center .
Activists also set up the Instagram account @ assaultpolice to collect allegations , said Sabah Khodir , a U.S.-based writer who helps run the account .
She said there are more than 100 accounts .
`` We are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are just using what we have , lending our voices to hopefully create some kind of change , '' she said .
A court has ordered the accused to remain in custody pending an investigation into an array of accusations that include attempted rape , blackmail , and indecent assault , according to a five-page statement by the public prosecutor .
In the same statement , the prosecutor urged more alleged victims to come forward .
Last week , the government of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi moved to amend the country 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identities of sexual assault victims , which activists have welcomed .
The amendment still needs parliamentary approval and Mr. Sisi 's signature to be made law .
The allegations against the student cover a period of at least three years .
Many of the anonymous accounts appear to be from fellow students at the American International School , one of the country 's most expensive private high schools , and the American University in Cairo , which school officials said the accused left in 2018 .
It would appear that he then enrolled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Spain , in an online program last year .
In February , he spent three weeks at its Barcelona campus , but the school expelled him after an accusation of online harassment that was subsequently proved false , said Claire Basterfield , a spokesperson for the EUBS .
The school has filed a 54-page criminal complaint with the Spanish police , seeking further investigation into his actions .
The head of the American University in Cairo , Francis Ricciardone , said the university has a zero tolerance policy concerning sexual harassment , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ongoing case .
According to accusations posted on social media in the past two weeks , the former student would mine the pool of mutual friends on Facebook , online groups , or school clubs .
He would start with flattery , then pressure the women and girls to share intimate photos that he later used to blackmail them to have sex with him .
If they did not , he would threaten to send the pictures to their family .
In some cases , he `` attracted their sympathy by claiming he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then lured them to his home in an upscale compound where he sexually assaulted them , the prosecutor 's statement alleged .
In Egypt , sexual assault complaints have typically involved street harassment .
During and after the 2011 uprising that toppled President Hosni Mubarak , women were frequently harassed , groped – and in some cases , beaten and sexually assaulted – during mass protests .
This time , there are signs of wider ripples throughout the society .
The current series of complaints has prompted Egypt 's Al-Azhar , the Sunni @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to speak out on sexual harassment and assault , even challenging the widely held belief that a woman is at fault if her clothing is less than modest .
It 's a departure from the norm for the conservative Muslim majority country where most women wear headscarves .
There are also other corners where accusations of sexual harassment are emerging , such as in civil society groups and businesses .
Two rights groups said they fired one employee and suspended another , and opened investigations after allegations of sexual misconduct against them were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prominent publisher over the weekend after a poet filed a complaint with the Cairo police , accusing him of sexually harassing her , the state-run al-Ahram reported .
The publisher denied the allegations in a Facebook posting .
He was released late Sunday on 5,000 Egyptian pounds ( $ 313 ) in bail , pending an investigation .
The recent cases – reaching into the Egyptian elite – have `` refuted all previous arguments and justifications for harassment , from poverty to illiteracy and things like that , '' Ms. Komsan said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Their accounts are similar. The girls and women describe meeting the young man – a former student at Egypt's most elite university – in person and online, followed by deceit, then escalating to sexual harassment, assault, blackmail, or rape.
Some were minors when the alleged crimes took place. In all, more than 100 accusers have emerged online in the past two weeks.
It's resulted in a new #MeToo firestorm on social media, and the arrest of the suspect last week from his home in a gated community outside Cairo.
Activists say the case shows that misogyny cuts across the country's stark class lines; many in Egypt have previously portrayed harassment as a problem of poor urban youth.
Women's rights champions hope the authorities' swift response signals change in how Egyptian society handles accusations of sexual assault.
"What's before this case is totally different from what's after," said Nehad Abul Komsan, head of the Egyptian Center for Women's Rights and a lawyer representing some of the alleged victims.
Sexual assault and harassment are deep-seated problems in Egypt, where victims must also fight the undercurrent of a conservative culture that typically ties female chastity to a family's reputation. In courts, the burden of proof lies heavily on the victim of such crimes.
In a statement, the public prosecutor's officer said the accused man acknowledged he blackmailed at least six girls, saying he would send sensitive photos of them to their families if they cut ties. Several attempts by The Associated Press to contact him or his lawyer were unsuccessful.
Amr Adib, Egypt's most prominent TV host, said in a recent episode that he'd spoken with the young man's father, who occupies a high-ranking position at a telecommunication company. He said his son dismissed the allegations.
At least 10 women have officially reported their claims, according to Ms. Komsan, of the women's rights center. Activists also set up the Instagram account @assaultpolice to collect allegations, said Sabah Khodir, a U.S.-based writer who helps run the account. She said there are more than 100 accounts.
"We are demanding to be listened to. … We are just using what we have, lending our voices to hopefully create some kind of change," she said.
A court has ordered the accused to remain in custody pending an investigation into an array of accusations that include attempted rape, blackmail, and indecent assault, according to a five-page statement by the public prosecutor. In the same statement, the prosecutor urged more alleged victims to come forward.
Last week, the government of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi moved to amend the country's criminal law to increase protections for the identities of sexual assault victims, which activists have welcomed. The amendment still needs parliamentary approval and Mr. Sisi's signature to be made law.
The allegations against the student cover a period of at least three years.
Many of the anonymous accounts appear to be from fellow students at the American International School, one of the country's most expensive private high schools, and the American University in Cairo, which school officials said the accused left in 2018. It would appear that he then enrolled at the European Union Business School in Spain, in an online program last year.
In February, he spent three weeks at its Barcelona campus, but the school expelled him after an accusation of online harassment that was subsequently proved false, said Claire Basterfield, a spokesperson for the EUBS. The school has filed a 54-page criminal complaint with the Spanish police, seeking further investigation into his actions.
The head of the American University in Cairo, Francis Ricciardone, said the university has a zero tolerance policy concerning sexual harassment, but that he would not comment on an ongoing case.
According to accusations posted on social media in the past two weeks, the former student would mine the pool of mutual friends on Facebook, online groups, or school clubs. He would start with flattery, then pressure the women and girls to share intimate photos that he later used to blackmail them to have sex with him. If they did not, he would threaten to send the pictures to their family.
In some cases, he "attracted their sympathy by claiming he was going through a crisis," then lured them to his home in an upscale compound where he sexually assaulted them, the prosecutor's statement alleged.
In Egypt, sexual assault complaints have typically involved street harassment. During and after the 2011 uprising that toppled President Hosni Mubarak, women were frequently harassed, groped – and in some cases, beaten and sexually assaulted – during mass protests.
This time, there are signs of wider ripples throughout the society. The current series of complaints has prompted Egypt's Al-Azhar, the Sunni Muslim world's foremost religious institution, to speak out on sexual harassment and assault, even challenging the widely held belief that a woman is at fault if her clothing is less than modest. It's a departure from the norm for the conservative Muslim majority country where most women wear headscarves.
There are also other corners where accusations of sexual harassment are emerging, such as in civil society groups and businesses.
Two rights groups said they fired one employee and suspended another, and opened investigations after allegations of sexual misconduct against them were made public. Authorities also detained a prominent publisher over the weekend after a poet filed a complaint with the Cairo police, accusing him of sexually harassing her, the state-run al-Ahram reported. The publisher denied the allegations in a Facebook posting. He was released late Sunday on 5,000 Egyptian pounds ($313) in bail, pending an investigation.
The recent cases – reaching into the Egyptian elite – have "refuted all previous arguments and justifications for harassment, from poverty to illiteracy and things like that," Ms. Komsan said.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-13--Mission to Mars: 3 countries to launch rovers in search of life

Mars is about to be invaded by planet Earth – big time .
Three countries – the United States , China , and the United Arab Emirates – are sending unmanned spacecraft to the red planet in quick succession beginning this week , in the most sweeping effort yet to seek signs of ancient microscopic life while scouting out the place for future astronauts .
The U.S. , for its part , is dispatching a six-wheeled rover the size of a car , named Perseverance , to collect rock samples that will be brought back to Earth for analysis in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more than ever , that name is so important , '' NASA Administrator Jim Bridenstine said as preparations went on amid the coronavirus outbreak , which will keep the launch guest list to a minimum .
Each spacecraft will travel more than 300 million miles before reaching Mars next February .
It takes six to seven months , at the minimum , for a spacecraft to loop out beyond Earth 's orbit and sync up with Mars ' more distant orbit around the sun .
Scientists want to know what Mars was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had rivers , lakes , and oceans that may have allowed simple , tiny organisms to flourish before the planet morphed into the barren , wintry desert world it is today .
`` Trying to confirm that life existed on another planet , it ’ s a tall order .
It has a very high burden of proof , '' said Perseverance ’ s project scientist , Ken Farley of Caltech in Pasadena , California .
The three nearly simultaneous launches are no coincidence : The timing is dictated by the opening of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Earth are in ideal alignment on the same side of the sun , which minimizes travel time and fuel use .
Such a window opens only once every 26 months .
Mars has long exerted a powerful hold on the imagination but has proved to be the graveyard for numerous missions .
Spacecraft have blown up , burned up , or crash-landed , with the casualty rate over the decades exceeding 50 % .
China 's last attempt , in collaboration with Russia in 2011 , ended in failure .
Only the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spacecraft on Mars .
The USSR was the first to do so , with its 1971 Mars 3 spacecraft , which survived less than two minutes on the Red Planet .
The U.S. did it eight times , beginning with the twin Vikings in 1976 .
Two NASA landers are now operating there , InSight and Curiosity .
Six other spacecraft are exploring the planet from orbit : three U.S. , two European , and one from India .
The United Arab Emirates and China are looking to join the elite club .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ which is Arabic for Hope , is an orbiter scheduled to rocket away from Japan on Wednesday , local time , on what will be the Arab world ’ s first interplanetary mission .
The spacecraft , built in partnership with the University of Colorado Boulder , will arrive at Mars in the year the UAE marks the 50th anniversary of its founding .
`` The UAE wanted to send a very strong message to the Arab youth , '' project manager Omran Sharaf said .
`` The message here is that if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 50 years , then you can do much more .
...
The nice thing about space , it sets the standards really high . ''
Controlled from Dubai , the celestial weather station will strive for an exceptionally high Martian orbit of 13,670 miles by 27,340 miles to study the upper atmosphere and monitor climate change .
China will be up next , with the flight of a rover and an orbiter sometime around July 23 ; Chinese officials aren ’ t divulging much .
The mission is named Tianwen , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is shooting for a launch on July 30 from Cape Canaveral .
Perseverance is set to touch down in an ancient river delta and lake known as Jezero Crater , not quite as big as Florida ’ s Lake Okeechobee .
China ’ s much smaller rover will aim for an easier , flatter target .
To reach the surface , both spacecraft will have to plunge through Mars ' hazy red skies in what has been dubbed `` seven minutes of terror '' – the most difficult and riskiest part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Crater is full of boulders , cliffs , sand dunes , and depressions , any one of which could end Perseverance ’ s mission .
Brand-new guidance and parachute-triggering technology will help steer the craft away from hazards .
Ground controllers will be helpless , given the 10 minutes it takes radio transmissions to travel one-way between Earth and Mars .
Jezero Crater is worth the risks , according to scientists who chose it over 60 other potential sites .
Where there was water – and Jezero was apparently flush with it 3.5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life , though it was probably only simple microbial life , existing perhaps in a slimy film at the bottom of the crater .
But those microbes may have left telltale marks in the sediment layers .
Perseverance will hunt for rocks containing such biological signatures , if they exist .
It will drill into the most promising rocks and store a half-kilogram of samples in dozens of titanium tubes that will eventually be fetched by another rover .
To prevent Earth microbes from contaminating the samples , the tubes are super-sterilized , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engineer for the mission at NASA 's Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena .
`` Yep , I ’ m staking my reputation on it , '' he said .
While prowling the surface , Perseverance as well as China ’ s rover will peek below , using radar to locate any underground pools of water that might exist .
Perseverance will also release a spindly , 4-pound helicopter that will be the first rotorcraft ever to fly on another planet .
Perseverance 's cameras will shoot color video of the rover ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at a parachute billowing open at Mars , while microphones capture the sounds .
The rover will also attempt to produce oxygen from the carbon dioxide in the thin Martian atmosphere .
Extracted oxygen could someday be used by astronauts on Mars for breathing as well as for making rocket propellant .
NASA wants to return astronauts to the moon by 2024 and send them from there to Mars in the 2030s .
To that end , the space agency is sending samples of spacesuit material with Perseverance to see how they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The tab for Perseverance ’ s mission , including the flight and a minimum two years of Mars operations , is close to $ 3 billion .
The UAE 's project costs $ 200 million , including the launch but not mission operations .
China has not disclosed its costs .
Europe and Russia dropped plans to send a life-seeking rover to Mars this summer after falling behind in testing and then getting slammed by COVID-19 .
Perseverance 's mission is seen by NASA as a comparatively low-risk way of testing out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed to send humans to the red planet and bring them home safely .
`` Sort of crazy for me to call it low risk because there ’ s a lot of hard work in it and there are billions of dollars in it , '' Mr. Farley said .
`` But compared to humans , if something goes wrong , you will be very glad you tested it out on a half-kilogram of rock instead of on the astronauts . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .
Editor 's note : An earlier version failed to mention the Soviet Union 's Mars 3 mission , the first human spacecraft to achieve a `` soft landing '' on the Red Planet .

Mars is about to be invaded by planet Earth – big time.
Three countries – the United States, China, and the United Arab Emirates – are sending unmanned spacecraft to the red planet in quick succession beginning this week, in the most sweeping effort yet to seek signs of ancient microscopic life while scouting out the place for future astronauts.
The U.S., for its part, is dispatching a six-wheeled rover the size of a car, named Perseverance, to collect rock samples that will be brought back to Earth for analysis in about a decade.
"Right now, more than ever, that name is so important," NASA Administrator Jim Bridenstine said as preparations went on amid the coronavirus outbreak, which will keep the launch guest list to a minimum.
Each spacecraft will travel more than 300 million miles before reaching Mars next February. It takes six to seven months, at the minimum, for a spacecraft to loop out beyond Earth's orbit and sync up with Mars' more distant orbit around the sun.
Scientists want to know what Mars was like billions of years ago when it had rivers, lakes, and oceans that may have allowed simple, tiny organisms to flourish before the planet morphed into the barren, wintry desert world it is today.
"Trying to confirm that life existed on another planet, it’s a tall order. It has a very high burden of proof," said Perseverance’s project scientist, Ken Farley of Caltech in Pasadena, California.
The three nearly simultaneous launches are no coincidence: The timing is dictated by the opening of a one-month window in which Mars and Earth are in ideal alignment on the same side of the sun, which minimizes travel time and fuel use. Such a window opens only once every 26 months.
Mars has long exerted a powerful hold on the imagination but has proved to be the graveyard for numerous missions. Spacecraft have blown up, burned up, or crash-landed, with the casualty rate over the decades exceeding 50%. China's last attempt, in collaboration with Russia in 2011, ended in failure.
Only the U.S. and the Soviet Union have successfully put spacecraft on Mars. The USSR was the first to do so, with its 1971 Mars 3 spacecraft, which survived less than two minutes on the Red Planet. The U.S. did it eight times, beginning with the twin Vikings in 1976. Two NASA landers are now operating there, InSight and Curiosity. Six other spacecraft are exploring the planet from orbit: three U.S., two European, and one from India.
The United Arab Emirates and China are looking to join the elite club.
The UAE spacecraft, named Amal, which is Arabic for Hope, is an orbiter scheduled to rocket away from Japan on Wednesday, local time, on what will be the Arab world’s first interplanetary mission. The spacecraft, built in partnership with the University of Colorado Boulder, will arrive at Mars in the year the UAE marks the 50th anniversary of its founding.
"The UAE wanted to send a very strong message to the Arab youth," project manager Omran Sharaf said. "The message here is that if the UAE can reach Mars in less than 50 years, then you can do much more. ... The nice thing about space, it sets the standards really high."
Controlled from Dubai, the celestial weather station will strive for an exceptionally high Martian orbit of 13,670 miles by 27,340 miles to study the upper atmosphere and monitor climate change.
China will be up next, with the flight of a rover and an orbiter sometime around July 23; Chinese officials aren’t divulging much. The mission is named Tianwen, or Questions for Heaven.
NASA, meanwhile, is shooting for a launch on July 30 from Cape Canaveral.
Perseverance is set to touch down in an ancient river delta and lake known as Jezero Crater, not quite as big as Florida’s Lake Okeechobee. China’s much smaller rover will aim for an easier, flatter target.
To reach the surface, both spacecraft will have to plunge through Mars' hazy red skies in what has been dubbed "seven minutes of terror" – the most difficult and riskiest part of putting spacecraft on the planet.
Jezero Crater is full of boulders, cliffs, sand dunes, and depressions, any one of which could end Perseverance’s mission. Brand-new guidance and parachute-triggering technology will help steer the craft away from hazards. Ground controllers will be helpless, given the 10 minutes it takes radio transmissions to travel one-way between Earth and Mars.
Jezero Crater is worth the risks, according to scientists who chose it over 60 other potential sites.
Where there was water – and Jezero was apparently flush with it 3.5 billion years – there may have been life, though it was probably only simple microbial life, existing perhaps in a slimy film at the bottom of the crater. But those microbes may have left telltale marks in the sediment layers.
Perseverance will hunt for rocks containing such biological signatures, if they exist.
It will drill into the most promising rocks and store a half-kilogram of samples in dozens of titanium tubes that will eventually be fetched by another rover. To prevent Earth microbes from contaminating the samples, the tubes are super-sterilized, guaranteed germ-free by Adam Stelzner, chief engineer for the mission at NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory in Pasadena.
"Yep, I’m staking my reputation on it," he said.
While prowling the surface, Perseverance as well as China’s rover will peek below, using radar to locate any underground pools of water that might exist. Perseverance will also release a spindly, 4-pound helicopter that will be the first rotorcraft ever to fly on another planet.
Perseverance's cameras will shoot color video of the rover’s descent, providing humanity’s first look at a parachute billowing open at Mars, while microphones capture the sounds.
The rover will also attempt to produce oxygen from the carbon dioxide in the thin Martian atmosphere. Extracted oxygen could someday be used by astronauts on Mars for breathing as well as for making rocket propellant.
NASA wants to return astronauts to the moon by 2024 and send them from there to Mars in the 2030s. To that end, the space agency is sending samples of spacesuit material with Perseverance to see how they stand up against the harsh Martian environment.
The tab for Perseverance’s mission, including the flight and a minimum two years of Mars operations, is close to $3 billion. The UAE's project costs $200 million, including the launch but not mission operations. China has not disclosed its costs. Europe and Russia dropped plans to send a life-seeking rover to Mars this summer after falling behind in testing and then getting slammed by COVID-19.
Perseverance's mission is seen by NASA as a comparatively low-risk way of testing out some of the technology that will be needed to send humans to the red planet and bring them home safely.
"Sort of crazy for me to call it low risk because there’s a lot of hard work in it and there are billions of dollars in it," Mr. Farley said. "But compared to humans, if something goes wrong, you will be very glad you tested it out on a half-kilogram of rock instead of on the astronauts."
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
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Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.
Editor's note: An earlier version failed to mention the Soviet Union's Mars 3 mission, the first human spacecraft to achieve a "soft landing" on the Red Planet.


csmonitor--2020-07-13--Pandemic pulls Latin America's trans community into the spotlight

“ We are demanding the rights that already exist [ for others ] that have been denied to us , ” says Venus Tejada Fernández , president of the Panamanian Association for Trans People .
“ We want to see change , and I know we can do this.
” While the successes are not nearly as resounding as the U.S. Supreme Court ’ s landmark ruling that LGBTQ+ employment discrimination is unconstitutional , they hold potential for progress .
A handful of national and local policies dictated movement amid COVID-19 quarantines that were broken down by gender .
Videos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or stopped in the streets , and in some cases assaulted for breaking lockdown orders , inspired some governments to overturn their gender-based policies .
And the international community and media joined in conversations around trans rights in the region .
Scores of transgender citizens in cities and countries across Latin America found themselves under a microscope this year , after decades of living in the shadows .
On the crowded streets of Panama City , a woman approaches a hospital , clutching her purse and phone .
Before she reaches the entrance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ You !
What are you doing ?
Today only women can be outside , ” the woman , who is transgender and asked not to be identified by name for her security , recalls one officer saying .
She took a deep breath , trying to cover her fear , and explained she had a doctor ’ s appointment .
But the officers interrogated her and denied her entrance , she reported to a human-rights group later that week .
The second officer , who is also a neighbor , punched @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to step outside on a separate , subsequent date , she said .
Panama , along with a handful of other Latin American cities and nations , has introduced gender as a guideline in their attempts to limit the number of people outside during the coronavirus pandemic .
It has had unintended consequences , like trans violence and discrimination , often at the hands of police .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Panama ’ s decree requires people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ birth certificate , and does not recognize sex changes legally .
As a result , trans women must either leave on “ days for men , ” a gender they don ’ t identify with , despite their birth certificates , or journey outside on even dates and subject themselves to harassment .
Since these policies were enacted , scores of videos have circulated on social media chronicling trans shoppers kicked out of stores , harassed on the streets , and even assaulted .
The combination of international pressure and outspoken pushback from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put trans and nonbinary individuals at heightened risk , resulted in most Latin American countries and cities revoking the gender-based lockdown measures .
The victory wasn ’ t universal : At least one Colombian municipality still persists with the policy , and Panama , after initially reversing the policy , reinstated the gender-based restriction in early June as COVID-19 cases once again spiked .
Still , activists say the conversations sparked by these policies give them hope for the future .
Government ministries and nongovernmental organizations that never publicly concerned themselves with trans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to form alliances and coalitions in the wake of gendered lockdown policies .
The increased visibility has forced some governments and the public to acknowledge discrimination against transgender individuals .
While the successes are not nearly as resounding as the U.S. Supreme Court ’ s landmark ruling that LGBTQ+ employment discrimination is unconstitutional , they hold potential for progress .
“ We have a small but powerful movement , ” says Daniela Maldonado Salamanca , a Colombian trans woman and founder of the Trans Community Network in Bogotá .
“ I don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ group that has been historically ignored would be listened to this time , ” she says of the policy ’ s repeal in most of Colombia .
It ’ s led to new , broader conversations about “ exclusion in our daily lives.
” Each country ’ s implementation of the gender quarantine policy has differed .
After Bogotá announced its decree , about a dozen local governments across Colombia followed .
Eventually , almost all cities ended the policy .
In Peru , the national government revoked its decision just one week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not succeed in limiting mobility .
Panama paused the measure for just one week , then reinstated it as COVID-19 cases surged .
The Central American nation , however , was praised by Human Rights Watch for its statement against trans discrimination .
LGBTQ+ groups and academics say they believe most governments that implemented the measure were ignorant about how it could affect transgender citizens .
While several Colombian governments released statements encouraging authorities to respect trans and nonbinary individuals , “ the police have been ( and continue to be ) one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s rights throughout Latin America , ” says Dr. Juliana Martínez , professor of gender and sexuality at American University , via email .
She says expecting respect for gender identity simply because governments asked security officials to do so was naive and “ disingenuous.
” Despite those efforts , NGOs documented various cases of police violence against trans and nonbinary people , says Dr. Martínez , and “ the entire society began policing gender as well.
” The Panamanian Association for Trans People has received over 40 reports of discrimination against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trans Community Network in Bogotá documented dozens of cases of violence and discrimination in three weeks .
Peruvian activist groups documented at least 20 cases in the one week the policy was in place .
In response , LGBTQ+ groups have circulated videos of abuse , coordinated with international press , written to local and national governments , and created petitions to draw attention to the impacts of the gender-based policy on trans rights .
Thaina Duarte Diaz , an Afro Colombian philosopher and trans woman in Cartagena , says this measure “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , even pre-pandemic .
Because of the attention discrimination against trans communities drew during the lockdown measures , many NGOs say they ’ ve found solidarity in new , promising alliances .
“ Various institutions have called us and want to have a conversation about this , ” says Venus Tejada Fernández , president of the Panamanian Association for Trans People .
In order to build momentum and create any kind of lasting change , “ dialogue is essential , ” Ms. Tejada says .
She was contacted by Panama ’ s Ministry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Public Defender ’ s Office , the Ministry of Foreign Affairs , and local and international NGOs .
“ All want to know much more about how this policy has affected us , ” she says .
It gives her hope .
“ This movement demonstrated their organization and their capacity to mobilize rapidly , ” says Dr. Martínez .
She sees it as a sign of burgeoning political power for trans activists in the region , where historically trans rights have been overlooked , even as gay-rights movements have achieved more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ have taken advantage [ of the moment ] to talk … not only about the gendered quarantine policy , but also about how historically we have lived in exclusion , ” says Ms. Maldonado , from the Trans Community Network in Bogotá .
Moving forward , advocates regionwide hope to harness the international momentum around these policies to amplify the conversation beyond the pandemic .
That includes the treatment of trans sex workers , deaths and disappearances of trans people , and discrimination in the health care sector .
In Panama , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that protects gender identity , as well as amendments to police protocols that will limit harassment .
“ We are demanding the rights that already exist [ for others ] that have been denied to us , ” Ms. Tejada says .
“ We want to see change , and I know we can do this .
There is willpower , and I am witness to it.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“We are demanding the rights that already exist [for others] that have been denied to us,” says Venus Tejada Fernández, president of the Panamanian Association for Trans People. “We want to see change, and I know we can do this.”
While the successes are not nearly as resounding as the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark ruling that LGBTQ+ employment discrimination is unconstitutional, they hold potential for progress.
COVID-19 sent governments scrambling, but some policies – like allowing people outside based on gender – had unintended consequences. Activists are capitalizing on the missteps, creating new conversations on trans rights.
A handful of national and local policies dictated movement amid COVID-19 quarantines that were broken down by gender. Videos of trans people harassed in grocery stores or stopped in the streets, and in some cases assaulted for breaking lockdown orders, inspired some governments to overturn their gender-based policies. And the international community and media joined in conversations around trans rights in the region.
Scores of transgender citizens in cities and countries across Latin America found themselves under a microscope this year, after decades of living in the shadows.
On the crowded streets of Panama City, a woman approaches a hospital, clutching her purse and phone. Before she reaches the entrance, two police officers block her path.
“You! What are you doing? Today only women can be outside,” the woman, who is transgender and asked not to be identified by name for her security, recalls one officer saying.
She took a deep breath, trying to cover her fear, and explained she had a doctor’s appointment. But the officers interrogated her and denied her entrance, she reported to a human-rights group later that week. The second officer, who is also a neighbor, punched her in the face when she tried to step outside on a separate, subsequent date, she said.
Panama, along with a handful of other Latin American cities and nations, has introduced gender as a guideline in their attempts to limit the number of people outside during the coronavirus pandemic. It has had unintended consequences, like trans violence and discrimination, often at the hands of police.
Why We Wrote This COVID-19 sent governments scrambling, but some policies – like allowing people outside based on gender – had unintended consequences. Activists are capitalizing on the missteps, creating new conversations on trans rights.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Panama’s decree requires people adhere to the sex assigned on their birth certificate, and does not recognize sex changes legally. As a result, trans women must either leave on “days for men,” a gender they don’t identify with, despite their birth certificates, or journey outside on even dates and subject themselves to harassment.
Since these policies were enacted, scores of videos have circulated on social media chronicling trans shoppers kicked out of stores, harassed on the streets, and even assaulted. The combination of international pressure and outspoken pushback from LGBTQ+ groups, who argue the measures put trans and nonbinary individuals at heightened risk, resulted in most Latin American countries and cities revoking the gender-based lockdown measures.
The victory wasn’t universal: At least one Colombian municipality still persists with the policy, and Panama, after initially reversing the policy, reinstated the gender-based restriction in early June as COVID-19 cases once again spiked.
Still, activists say the conversations sparked by these policies give them hope for the future. Government ministries and nongovernmental organizations that never publicly concerned themselves with trans rights have reached out to leading activists to form alliances and coalitions in the wake of gendered lockdown policies. The increased visibility has forced some governments and the public to acknowledge discrimination against transgender individuals. While the successes are not nearly as resounding as the U.S. Supreme Court’s landmark ruling that LGBTQ+ employment discrimination is unconstitutional, they hold potential for progress.
“We have a small but powerful movement,” says Daniela Maldonado Salamanca, a Colombian trans woman and founder of the Trans Community Network in Bogotá. “I don’t think they ever imagined a small group that has been historically ignored would be listened to this time,” she says of the policy’s repeal in most of Colombia. It’s led to new, broader conversations about “exclusion in our daily lives.”
Fight for trans rights
Each country’s implementation of the gender quarantine policy has differed.
After Bogotá announced its decree, about a dozen local governments across Colombia followed. Eventually, almost all cities ended the policy. In Peru, the national government revoked its decision just one week after its introduction, stating it did not succeed in limiting mobility. Panama paused the measure for just one week, then reinstated it as COVID-19 cases surged. The Central American nation, however, was praised by Human Rights Watch for its statement against trans discrimination.
LGBTQ+ groups and academics say they believe most governments that implemented the measure were ignorant about how it could affect transgender citizens.
While several Colombian governments released statements encouraging authorities to respect trans and nonbinary individuals, “the police have been (and continue to be) one of the primary aggressors of trans people’s rights throughout Latin America,” says Dr. Juliana Martínez, professor of gender and sexuality at American University, via email. She says expecting respect for gender identity simply because governments asked security officials to do so was naive and “disingenuous.”
Despite those efforts, NGOs documented various cases of police violence against trans and nonbinary people, says Dr. Martínez, and “the entire society began policing gender as well.”
The Panamanian Association for Trans People has received over 40 reports of discrimination against trans people since April 1. The Trans Community Network in Bogotá documented dozens of cases of violence and discrimination in three weeks. Peruvian activist groups documented at least 20 cases in the one week the policy was in place. In response, LGBTQ+ groups have circulated videos of abuse, coordinated with international press, written to local and national governments, and created petitions to draw attention to the impacts of the gender-based policy on trans rights.
Thaina Duarte Diaz, an Afro Colombian philosopher and trans woman in Cartagena, says this measure “exposed the inequality we experience” daily, even pre-pandemic. Because of the attention discrimination against trans communities drew during the lockdown measures, many NGOs say they’ve found solidarity in new, promising alliances.
“Various institutions have called us and want to have a conversation about this,” says Venus Tejada Fernández, president of the Panamanian Association for Trans People. In order to build momentum and create any kind of lasting change, “dialogue is essential,” Ms. Tejada says. She was contacted by Panama’s Ministry of Social Development, the Institute of the Public Defender’s Office, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and local and international NGOs. “All want to know much more about how this policy has affected us,” she says. It gives her hope.
“This movement demonstrated their organization and their capacity to mobilize rapidly,” says Dr. Martínez. She sees it as a sign of burgeoning political power for trans activists in the region, where historically trans rights have been overlooked, even as gay-rights movements have achieved more recognition and important legal victories.
We “have taken advantage [of the moment] to talk … not only about the gendered quarantine policy, but also about how historically we have lived in exclusion,” says Ms. Maldonado, from the Trans Community Network in Bogotá.
Moving forward, advocates regionwide hope to harness the international momentum around these policies to amplify the conversation beyond the pandemic. That includes the treatment of trans sex workers, deaths and disappearances of trans people, and discrimination in the health care sector. In Panama, trans NGOs are pushing for a law that protects gender identity, as well as amendments to police protocols that will limit harassment.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“We are demanding the rights that already exist [for others] that have been denied to us,” Ms. Tejada says. “We want to see change, and I know we can do this. There is willpower, and I am witness to it.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.