csmonitor--2020-08-04--What India's new residency law means for Kashmiris

For almost a century , no outsider was allowed to buy land and property in Indian-controlled Kashmir .
That changed Aug. 5 last year when India ’ s Hindu nationalist government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi stripped the Himalayan state ’ s semi-autonomous powers and downgraded it to a federally governed territory .
It also annulled the long-held hereditary special rights its natives had over the disputed region ’ s land ownership and jobs .
Since then , India has brought in a slew of changes through new laws .
They are often drafted by bureaucrats without any democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anger of the region ’ s people , many of whom want independence from India or unification with Pakistan .
A year later , things are swiftly changing on the ground .
Under a new law , authorities have begun issuing “ domicile certificates ” to Indians and non-residents , entitling them to residency rights and government jobs .
Many Kashmiris view the move as the beginning of settler colonialism aimed at engineering a demographic change in India ’ s only Muslim-majority region .
Amid growing fears , experts are likening the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with settlers – armed or civilian – living in guarded compounds among disenfranchised locals .
They say the changes will reduce the region to a colony .
“ Given the history of Indian state intervention in Kashmir , there are efforts to destroy the local , distinctive cultural identity of Kashmiris and forcibly assimilate Kashmiri Muslims into a Hindu , Indian polity , ” said Saiba Varma , an assistant professor of cultural and medical anthropology at the University of California , San Diego .
Residency rights were introduced in 1927 by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Singh , to stop the influx of outsiders in the former princely state .
Historians say the maharaja brought land ownership rights on the insistence of powerful Kashmiri Hindus .
They continued under Indian rule after 1947 , as part of Kashmir ’ s special status .
The new law , introduced in May amid the coronavirus lockdown , makes it possible for any Indian national who has lived in the region for at least 15 years or has studied for seven years and taken certain exams to become a permanent resident in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the process is fast-tracked and has introduced a fine of 50,000 rupees ( $ 670 ) to be deducted from the salary of any official in the territory who delays the process .
Those receiving domicile certificates include Hindu refugees from Pakistan following the 1947 bloody partition of the subcontinent , Gurkha soldiers from Nepal who had served in the Indian army , outside bureaucrats working in the region , and some marginalized Hindu communities .
Even the natives must apply for residency , otherwise they risk losing government jobs and welfare benefits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domicile certificates in over a month , Pawan Kotwal , a top Indian official was quoted on Saturday by The Tribune , a north Indian English-daily .
Officials have not said how many of them are locals and have generally been tight-lipped about the process .
Navin Kumar Choudhary , a senior bureaucrat from eastern Bihar state , was the first high-profile outsider to get residency on June 26 .
While Kashmiris were aghast as Mr. Choudhary ’ s picture displaying the certificate went viral on social media , many in Hindu-majority southern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist working for the welfare of lower caste Hindus in Jammu , said the law ended their “ slavery.
” Mr. Bhatti ’ s parents were among some 270 sanitation workers brought by the government to Jammu from neighboring Punjab state in 1957 .
Since then , their numbers have grown to nearly 7,000 , said Mr. Bhatti , who is among the first few dozen from his community to get the region ’ s residency .
“ Now our kids have a future .
They can be whatever they want to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now , ” he said .
But even some Hindu groups in Jammu have resented the law , expressing fears of job and business losses to outsiders .
Authorities have called the new residency rights an overdue measure to foster greater economic development by opening up the region for outside investments .
Girish Chander Murmu , the region ’ s top administrative official , in late June told reporters that the law was aimed at bringing economic prosperity and dismissed any fears of demographic change as “ propaganda.
” Many natives in Kashmir @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to assurances Indian authorities made prior to the Aug. 5 decision when they said no constitutional changes were planned .
Human rights activists , pro-freedom leaders , and Kashmiri residents have long feared that giving outsiders the right to buy land and property could further plunge the region into chaos and set in motion a plan to crush the identity of its people .
“ We have always been fed lies and deceived by gimmicks of development and democracy by the Indian state , ” said Shafat Ahmed Mir , a university @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is the most critical time in our history and we have never faced such an existential threat before.
” Kashmir ’ s fury at Indian rule has been long seething .
The stunning mountain region has known little but conflict since 1947 , when British rule of the subcontinent divided the territory between the newly created India and Pakistan .
After a series of political blunders , broken promises , and a crackdown on dissent , Kashmiri separatists launched a full-blown armed revolt in 1989 , seeking unification with Pakistan or complete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrorism abetted by Pakistan , a charge Islamabad denies .
Tens of thousands of civilians , rebels , and government forces have been killed in the conflict in the last three decades .
Since the early 1950s , Hindu nationalists , including Mr. Modi ’ s Bharatiya Janata Party , have been advocating for a solution in India ’ s favor by neutralizing Kashmir ’ s Muslim majority inhabitants through settlement of Hindus from other parts of the country .
“ The Indian Hindu right-wing wants a demographic solution to Kashmir , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new conflict , possibly one that will lead to unending bloodshed and lead to destabilization of the entire region , ” said Mohamad Junaid , a Kashmiri political anthropologist .
The militarization of the region has increased under Mr. Modi , and in July the government eased rules for Indian soldiers to acquire land in Kashmir and construct “ strategic areas ” seen as settlements by the natives .
Kashmir ’ s oldest and main pro-India political party , the National Conference , slammed the move as a mission for a “ major @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the entire region into a military establishment.
” With India allowing outsiders to become residents , many worry such a move could alter the results of a plebiscite if it were to ever take place , even though it was promised under the 1948 United Nations resolutions that gave Kashmir the choice of joining either Pakistan or India .
Kashmiri lawyer Mirza Saaib Beg said the newly drafted residents will acquire rights over the years that can complicate the resolution .
“ Historical precedent shows that Kashmiri fears are well founded , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The legal changes , she said , are “ about a project to annihilate people.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

For almost a century, no outsider was allowed to buy land and property in Indian-controlled Kashmir.
That changed Aug. 5 last year when India’s Hindu nationalist government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi stripped the Himalayan state’s semi-autonomous powers and downgraded it to a federally governed territory. It also annulled the long-held hereditary special rights its natives had over the disputed region’s land ownership and jobs.
Since then, India has brought in a slew of changes through new laws. They are often drafted by bureaucrats without any democratic bearings and much to the resentment and anger of the region’s people, many of whom want independence from India or unification with Pakistan.
A year later, things are swiftly changing on the ground.
Under a new law, authorities have begun issuing “domicile certificates” to Indians and non-residents, entitling them to residency rights and government jobs. Many Kashmiris view the move as the beginning of settler colonialism aimed at engineering a demographic change in India’s only Muslim-majority region.
Amid growing fears, experts are likening the new arrangement to the West Bank or Tibet, with settlers – armed or civilian – living in guarded compounds among disenfranchised locals. They say the changes will reduce the region to a colony.
“Given the history of Indian state intervention in Kashmir, there are efforts to destroy the local, distinctive cultural identity of Kashmiris and forcibly assimilate Kashmiri Muslims into a Hindu, Indian polity,” said Saiba Varma, an assistant professor of cultural and medical anthropology at the University of California, San Diego.
Residency rights were introduced in 1927 by Kashmir’s Hindu king, Hari Singh, to stop the influx of outsiders in the former princely state. Historians say the maharaja brought land ownership rights on the insistence of powerful Kashmiri Hindus. They continued under Indian rule after 1947, as part of Kashmir’s special status.
The new law, introduced in May amid the coronavirus lockdown, makes it possible for any Indian national who has lived in the region for at least 15 years or has studied for seven years and taken certain exams to become a permanent resident in Jammu-Kashmir. The Indian government is ensuring the process is fast-tracked and has introduced a fine of 50,000 rupees ($670) to be deducted from the salary of any official in the territory who delays the process.
Those receiving domicile certificates include Hindu refugees from Pakistan following the 1947 bloody partition of the subcontinent, Gurkha soldiers from Nepal who had served in the Indian army, outside bureaucrats working in the region, and some marginalized Hindu communities. Even the natives must apply for residency, otherwise they risk losing government jobs and welfare benefits.
About 400,000 people have been given domicile certificates in over a month, Pawan Kotwal, a top Indian official was quoted on Saturday by The Tribune, a north Indian English-daily. Officials have not said how many of them are locals and have generally been tight-lipped about the process.
Navin Kumar Choudhary, a senior bureaucrat from eastern Bihar state, was the first high-profile outsider to get residency on June 26. While Kashmiris were aghast as Mr. Choudhary’s picture displaying the certificate went viral on social media, many in Hindu-majority southern Jammu rejoiced.
Gharu Bhatti, an activist working for the welfare of lower caste Hindus in Jammu, said the law ended their “slavery.”
Mr. Bhatti’s parents were among some 270 sanitation workers brought by the government to Jammu from neighboring Punjab state in 1957. Since then, their numbers have grown to nearly 7,000, said Mr. Bhatti, who is among the first few dozen from his community to get the region’s residency.
“Now our kids have a future. They can be whatever they want to be. We will have choices to make now,” he said.
But even some Hindu groups in Jammu have resented the law, expressing fears of job and business losses to outsiders.
Authorities have called the new residency rights an overdue measure to foster greater economic development by opening up the region for outside investments. Girish Chander Murmu, the region’s top administrative official, in late June told reporters that the law was aimed at bringing economic prosperity and dismissed any fears of demographic change as “propaganda.”
Many natives in Kashmir are skeptical of such clarifications and liken them to assurances Indian authorities made prior to the Aug. 5 decision when they said no constitutional changes were planned.
Human rights activists, pro-freedom leaders, and Kashmiri residents have long feared that giving outsiders the right to buy land and property could further plunge the region into chaos and set in motion a plan to crush the identity of its people.
“We have always been fed lies and deceived by gimmicks of development and democracy by the Indian state,” said Shafat Ahmed Mir, a university student. “As a people, it is the most critical time in our history and we have never faced such an existential threat before.”
Kashmir’s fury at Indian rule has been long seething.
The stunning mountain region has known little but conflict since 1947, when British rule of the subcontinent divided the territory between the newly created India and Pakistan.
After a series of political blunders, broken promises, and a crackdown on dissent, Kashmiri separatists launched a full-blown armed revolt in 1989, seeking unification with Pakistan or complete independence. India dubbed the armed rebellion terrorism abetted by Pakistan, a charge Islamabad denies.
Tens of thousands of civilians, rebels, and government forces have been killed in the conflict in the last three decades.
Since the early 1950s, Hindu nationalists, including Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party, have been advocating for a solution in India’s favor by neutralizing Kashmir’s Muslim majority inhabitants through settlement of Hindus from other parts of the country.
“The Indian Hindu right-wing wants a demographic solution to Kashmir, but their policies are sowing seeds for a new conflict, possibly one that will lead to unending bloodshed and lead to destabilization of the entire region,” said Mohamad Junaid, a Kashmiri political anthropologist.
The militarization of the region has increased under Mr. Modi, and in July the government eased rules for Indian soldiers to acquire land in Kashmir and construct “strategic areas” seen as settlements by the natives.
Kashmir’s oldest and main pro-India political party, the National Conference, slammed the move as a mission for a “major land grab” that could “turn the entire region into a military establishment.”
With India allowing outsiders to become residents, many worry such a move could alter the results of a plebiscite if it were to ever take place, even though it was promised under the 1948 United Nations resolutions that gave Kashmir the choice of joining either Pakistan or India.
Kashmiri lawyer Mirza Saaib Beg said the newly drafted residents will acquire rights over the years that can complicate the resolution.
“Historical precedent shows that Kashmiri fears are well founded,” said Ms. Varma, the anthropologist. The legal changes, she said, are “about a project to annihilate people.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-04--Senate's new virus relief bill: Here's what they're deciding on

Negotiators on a huge coronavirus relief bill reported slight progress after talks resumed Monday afternoon in the Capitol , with issues like food for the poor and aid to schools struggling to reopen safely assuming a higher profile in the talks .
Multiple obstacles remain , including an impasse so far on extending a $ 600-per-week pandemic jobless benefit , funding for the Postal Service , and aid to renters facing eviction .
Democratic negotiators spoke of progress at almost the very moment that top Senate Republican Mitch McConnell was slamming them for taking a hard line in the talks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understanding of each side ’ s position .
And we ’ re making some progress on certain issues moving closer together , ” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer , D-N.Y. “ There are a lot of issues that are still outstanding .
But I think there is a desire to get something done as soon as we can.
” After the meeting , Ms. Pelosi told her Democratic colleagues on a call that she ’ s hopeful a deal could be reached this week , but doesn ’ t know if it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic aide who was granted anonymity to describe the private discussion .
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin , a lead negotiator for President Donald Trump , said afterward that “ we continue to make a little bit of progress ” and that the administration is not insistent on a small-bore approach centered on extending the supplemental unemployment benefit and leaving other items for later .
A GOP move to advance a slimmed-down relief package has been a recent point of conflict , with Democrats insisting there must be a comprehensive deal .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if we can reach an agreement , ” Mr. Mnuchin said .
On the Senate floor , Mr. McConnell , R-Ky. , re-upped his complaint that Democrats are taking too tough a line .
Mr. McConnell is not a direct participant in the talks but is likely to be an important force in closing out any potential agreement .
“ The Speaker of the House and the Democratic Leader are continuing to say ‘ our way or the highway ’ with a massive wish list for left-wing lobbyists that was slapped together a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Mr. McConnell said .
Speaking to reporters after the two-hour session , Democratic negotiators pressed the case for additional food aid , funding for the Postal Service , and the $ 600-per-week jobless benefit that lapsed last week .
The benefit has helped prop up the economy and family budgets as the coronavirus has wrought havoc .
The White House is seeking opportunities to boost Mr. Trump , like providing another round of $ 1,200 stimulus payments and extending the supplemental jobless benefit and partial eviction ban .
Ms. Pelosi appears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but she ’ s made it clear she needs big money for state and local governments , unemployment benefits , and food aid .
“ It was productive , we ’ re moving down the track .
We still have our differences , we are trying to have a clearer understanding of what the needs are , and the needs are that millions of children in our country are food insecure , ” Ms. Pelosi said .
“ Millions of people in our country are concerned about being evicted .
Tens of millions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Most members of the Democratic-controlled House have left Washington and won ’ t return until there is an agreement to vote on , but the GOP-held Senate is trapped in the capital .
“ I can ’ t see how we can go home and tell people we ’ ve failed , so I think that ’ s going to be a lot of pressure on everybody to come up with something , ” said Sen. John Cornyn , R-Texas .
“ It really is a matter of will .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point .
This is just a painful period between people finally deciding OK , we want a deal , and then what that deal will ultimately look like.
” Areas of agreement already include the $ 1,200 direct payment and changes to the Paycheck Protection Program to permit especially hard-hit businesses to obtain another loan under generous forgiveness terms .
But the terms and structure of the unemployment benefit have remained a sticking point , along with the money for state and local governments .
Democrats want almost $ 1 trillion for localities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reporters Monday evening , Mr. Trump made clear the two sides were still far apart on that issue .
“ They want to bail out cities and states that have been in trouble for years of bad management , ” Mr. Trump said .
“ In all cases Democrat-run cities , and we don ’ t think that ’ s fair.
” Mr. McConnell is insistent on a liability shield against lawsuits by workers , students , and others against institutions seeking to remain open during the pandemic , including businesses , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , unions representing professional athletes – including NFL players and Major League Baseball players – weighed in against Mr. McConnell ’ s proposal , saying in a letter to lawmakers , “ It makes little sense during these uncertain times to both ask employees to return to work and , at the same time , accept all the risk for doing so.
” On unemployment , Ms. Pelosi said she ’ d consider reducing the $ 600 benefit for people in states with lower unemployment rates .
Republicans want to cut the benefit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and say it is bad policy since it pays many jobless people more money than they made at their previous jobs .
Another sticking point is that Republicans want to give more school aid to systems that are restarting with in-school learning , even as Dr. Deborah Birx , Mr. Trump ’ s top coronavirus adviser , cautioned that schools in areas with spikes in cases should delay reopening .
Ms. Pelosi said Monday ’ s talks featured extensive discussion on reopening schools .
Mr. Schumer said the discussion got into the details @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and food aid .
The House passed a $ 3.5 trillion measure in May , but Republicans controlling the Senate have demanded a slower approach , saying it was necessary to take a “ pause ” before passing additional legislation .
Since they announced that strategy , however , coronavirus caseloads have spiked and the economy has absorbed an enormous blow .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Negotiators on a huge coronavirus relief bill reported slight progress after talks resumed Monday afternoon in the Capitol, with issues like food for the poor and aid to schools struggling to reopen safely assuming a higher profile in the talks.
Multiple obstacles remain, including an impasse so far on extending a $600-per-week pandemic jobless benefit, funding for the Postal Service, and aid to renters facing eviction. Democratic negotiators spoke of progress at almost the very moment that top Senate Republican Mitch McConnell was slamming them for taking a hard line in the talks.
“We are really getting an understanding of each side’s position. And we’re making some progress on certain issues moving closer together,” said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y. “There are a lot of issues that are still outstanding. But I think there is a desire to get something done as soon as we can.”
After the meeting, Ms. Pelosi told her Democratic colleagues on a call that she’s hopeful a deal could be reached this week, but doesn’t know if it’s possible, according to a Democratic aide who was granted anonymity to describe the private discussion.
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, a lead negotiator for President Donald Trump, said afterward that “we continue to make a little bit of progress” and that the administration is not insistent on a small-bore approach centered on extending the supplemental unemployment benefit and leaving other items for later. A GOP move to advance a slimmed-down relief package has been a recent point of conflict, with Democrats insisting there must be a comprehensive deal.
“We’re open to a bigger package if we can reach an agreement,” Mr. Mnuchin said.
On the Senate floor, Mr. McConnell, R-Ky., re-upped his complaint that Democrats are taking too tough a line. Mr. McConnell is not a direct participant in the talks but is likely to be an important force in closing out any potential agreement.
“The Speaker of the House and the Democratic Leader are continuing to say ‘our way or the highway’ with a massive wish list for left-wing lobbyists that was slapped together a few weeks ago called a coronavirus bill,” Mr. McConnell said.
Speaking to reporters after the two-hour session, Democratic negotiators pressed the case for additional food aid, funding for the Postal Service, and the $600-per-week jobless benefit that lapsed last week. The benefit has helped prop up the economy and family budgets as the coronavirus has wrought havoc.
The White House is seeking opportunities to boost Mr. Trump, like providing another round of $1,200 stimulus payments and extending the supplemental jobless benefit and partial eviction ban. Ms. Pelosi appears intent on an agreement as well, but she’s made it clear she needs big money for state and local governments, unemployment benefits, and food aid.
“It was productive, we’re moving down the track. We still have our differences, we are trying to have a clearer understanding of what the needs are, and the needs are that millions of children in our country are food insecure,” Ms. Pelosi said. “Millions of people in our country are concerned about being evicted. Tens of millions of people are on unemployment insurance.”
Most members of the Democratic-controlled House have left Washington and won’t return until there is an agreement to vote on, but the GOP-held Senate is trapped in the capital.
“I can’t see how we can go home and tell people we’ve failed, so I think that’s going to be a lot of pressure on everybody to come up with something,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas. “It really is a matter of will. It’s not a matter of substance at this point. This is just a painful period between people finally deciding OK, we want a deal, and then what that deal will ultimately look like.”
Areas of agreement already include the $1,200 direct payment and changes to the Paycheck Protection Program to permit especially hard-hit businesses to obtain another loan under generous forgiveness terms.
But the terms and structure of the unemployment benefit have remained a sticking point, along with the money for state and local governments. Democrats want almost $1 trillion for localities grappling with pandemic-related revenue losses.
Speaking to reporters Monday evening, Mr. Trump made clear the two sides were still far apart on that issue.
“They want to bail out cities and states that have been in trouble for years of bad management,” Mr. Trump said. “In all cases Democrat-run cities, and we don’t think that’s fair.”
Mr. McConnell is insistent on a liability shield against lawsuits by workers, students, and others against institutions seeking to remain open during the pandemic, including businesses, universities, and charities.
On Monday, unions representing professional athletes – including NFL players and Major League Baseball players – weighed in against Mr. McConnell’s proposal, saying in a letter to lawmakers, “It makes little sense during these uncertain times to both ask employees to return to work and, at the same time, accept all the risk for doing so.”
On unemployment, Ms. Pelosi said she’d consider reducing the $600 benefit for people in states with lower unemployment rates.
Republicans want to cut the benefit to encourage beneficiaries to return to work and say it is bad policy since it pays many jobless people more money than they made at their previous jobs.
Another sticking point is that Republicans want to give more school aid to systems that are restarting with in-school learning, even as Dr. Deborah Birx, Mr. Trump’s top coronavirus adviser, cautioned that schools in areas with spikes in cases should delay reopening.
Ms. Pelosi said Monday’s talks featured extensive discussion on reopening schools. Mr. Schumer said the discussion got into the details on the dollar figures involving school aid and food aid.
The House passed a $3.5 trillion measure in May, but Republicans controlling the Senate have demanded a slower approach, saying it was necessary to take a “pause” before passing additional legislation. Since they announced that strategy, however, coronavirus caseloads have spiked and the economy has absorbed an enormous blow.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-05--Heeding her invitation, six decades later

I was not quite 3 that spring , when Mom and I took a memorable walk around our neighborhood in Seattle .
Just after we turned onto the street with the short but steep hill , heading for home , Mom did something outlandish .
I ’ d never seen anyone walk backward before , but clearly it was awkward and ridiculous .
Yet here was Mom walking backward with a bouncing step , looking me in the eyes and smiling – even as we climbed the hill .
Call Mom ’ s behavior a quirk if you will .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ toilet trained , I sat backward on the commode , fearing that I might otherwise fall in .
Shirt tags , I thought , belonged in the front , not the back – they should lead , not follow .
And I refused to wear what I called “ button shirts.
” Whenever I found a pine cone – and they were plentiful in our yard – I would put it on the rear-window ledge of our Studebaker .
And I always sat on the right-hand side of the back seat .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Doorside.
” Mom indulged me , letting me sit however and wherever I wished .
The pine cones were allowed to stay .
Upon my second request , she even removed the tags from the backs of my shirts and sewed them onto the inside of the fronts .
Though I ’ d always been able to conjure the memory of Mom walking backward , along with the irritation that had suffused me , I could not recall the route we ’ d taken on that day .
I turned to Google Maps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To my surprise , the curve of one street , East Florence Court , evoked a misty memory of enchanted houses and pretty flowers .
Google Maps ’ photo of it filled out that memory .
Even now that lane remains enchanted – like Fairyland in Oakland , California , where we ’ d visit several months hence .
Of course Mom would have led me down East Florence Court , just as she would take us to Fairyland , and just as it was her idea for us to live in Paris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the adventurous parent with the aesthetic sensibilities .
It was also Mom who , many years later , was grinning ear to ear in the passenger seat of my sporty car after I ’ d finally caught up with the bulbous , clownish AMC Pacer I ’ d turned around to chase on a narrow , twisty Cape Cod byway in order to photograph it .
My mother was a thrill seeker .
As thrills go , walking backward may have been tame , but Mom had this big smile on her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a great discovery .
Peering back from the vantage of six decades later , I suspect that her feet weren ’ t quite touching the sidewalk .
Rather , in her mind , she was gliding just above its surface , as when she ’ d ice skate backward – quite gracefully – after our family moved to Boston .
Seattle may have been the best time of her life .
Our family of four lived in our first house , atop one of Seattle ’ s many hills , in a leafy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cars to a crawl .
She was a brilliant Ph.D. student in clinical psychology at the University of Washington , where my father taught economics .
Looking back , I think her interest in walking backward went far deeper than the kinesthetic .
Now face-to-face with her finicky son , she was trying to engage me , as if this new way of walking could bring us closer together – something I didn ’ t appreciate until I pored extensively over this memory .
Her eyes were bright , her face mobile with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chattered and offered up questions , their content lost to the years .
How I wish I could ask her about that walk !
She ’ d remember .
I , in turn , was behaving like a car that refuses to start .
I was irritated at her violation of the natural order .
When I tell her to walk normally , she proffers an invitation to be adventurous and to open myself to a new perspective – which was lost on my toddler self .
But all these years later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my face .
“ Why don ’ t you try walking backward ?
” she says .

I was not quite 3 that spring, when Mom and I took a memorable walk around our neighborhood in Seattle. Just after we turned onto the street with the short but steep hill, heading for home, Mom did something outlandish.
She started walking backward.
I’d never seen anyone walk backward before, but clearly it was awkward and ridiculous. Yet here was Mom walking backward with a bouncing step, looking me in the eyes and smiling – even as we climbed the hill.
Call Mom’s behavior a quirk if you will. I had my own. When first toilet trained, I sat backward on the commode, fearing that I might otherwise fall in. Shirt tags, I thought, belonged in the front, not the back – they should lead, not follow. And I refused to wear what I called “button shirts.” Whenever I found a pine cone – and they were plentiful in our yard – I would put it on the rear-window ledge of our Studebaker. And I always sat on the right-hand side of the back seat. For that, Mom dubbed me “David Doorside.”
Mom indulged me, letting me sit however and wherever I wished. The pine cones were allowed to stay. Upon my second request, she even removed the tags from the backs of my shirts and sewed them onto the inside of the fronts.
Though I’d always been able to conjure the memory of Mom walking backward, along with the irritation that had suffused me, I could not recall the route we’d taken on that day. I turned to Google Maps to try to figure it out. To my surprise, the curve of one street, East Florence Court, evoked a misty memory of enchanted houses and pretty flowers. Google Maps’ photo of it filled out that memory. Even now that lane remains enchanted – like Fairyland in Oakland, California, where we’d visit several months hence.
Of course Mom would have led me down East Florence Court, just as she would take us to Fairyland, and just as it was her idea for us to live in Paris the year I was 12. She was the adventurous parent with the aesthetic sensibilities.
It was also Mom who, many years later, was grinning ear to ear in the passenger seat of my sporty car after I’d finally caught up with the bulbous, clownish AMC Pacer I’d turned around to chase on a narrow, twisty Cape Cod byway in order to photograph it. My mother was a thrill seeker.
As thrills go, walking backward may have been tame, but Mom had this big smile on her face, like she’d made a great discovery. Peering back from the vantage of six decades later, I suspect that her feet weren’t quite touching the sidewalk. Rather, in her mind, she was gliding just above its surface, as when she’d ice skate backward – quite gracefully – after our family moved to Boston.
Seattle may have been the best time of her life. Our family of four lived in our first house, atop one of Seattle’s many hills, in a leafy neighborhood of streets so narrow they forced cars to a crawl. She was a brilliant Ph.D. student in clinical psychology at the University of Washington, where my father taught economics.
Looking back, I think her interest in walking backward went far deeper than the kinesthetic. Now face-to-face with her finicky son, she was trying to engage me, as if this new way of walking could bring us closer together – something I didn’t appreciate until I pored extensively over this memory. Her eyes were bright, her face mobile with excitement, her arms gesticulating as she chattered and offered up questions, their content lost to the years. How I wish I could ask her about that walk! She’d remember.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
I, in turn, was behaving like a car that refuses to start. I was irritated at her violation of the natural order. When I tell her to walk normally, she proffers an invitation to be adventurous and to open myself to a new perspective – which was lost on my toddler self.
But all these years later, her question brings a broad smile to my face. “Why don’t you try walking backward?” she says.


csmonitor--2020-08-05--Two cities, a spike in crime, and the federal response

“ There ’ s no doubt the department has its problems , ” he says .
“ But people see there ’ s still definitely a need for police , that they have a rightful place .
It ’ s a matter of collaborating.
” Mr. Bryant grew up playing football for police officers moonlighting as coaches , and he works closely with cops to stanch violence .
He relates to them as individuals , as more than a gun and a badge , and he senses a historic opportunity for police to become part of the community , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serve .
Democrats deride the president ’ s self-proclaimed “ law and order ” campaign as an attempt to boost his reelection chances against Democratic rival Joe Biden .
A half-dozen mayors petitioned Congress to pass legislation to limit the administration ’ s authority to deploy federal officers to their cities .
President Donald Trump announced plans to send hundreds of federal law enforcement personnel to Chicago , Detroit , and several other cities run by “ liberal Democrats ” whom he accuses of failing to corral violent crime .
“ Given the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done , ” says Vaughn Bryant , executive director of Communities Partnering 4 Peace .
“ But people are worried about federal agents casting a wider net and overreaching.
” The country ’ s third-largest city recorded 440 homicides through July , 150 more than at the same point last year , and the president has dispatched federal officers to assist Chicago police .
A city ’ s tensions erupted into a national spectacle last month when federal tactical teams appeared on the streets of Portland , Oregon .
Heavily armed officers clad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gas , batons , and less lethal munitions , a show of force countered by the “ wall of moms ” and “ leaf-blower dads.
” President Donald Trump , a Republican , blamed the upheaval on “ anarchists and agitators ” as Oregon Gov .
Kate Brown , a Democrat , faulted the “ Trump troops.
” The spectacle subsided late last week .
The tactical teams ceded the duty of guarding a federal courthouse downtown to state police under an agreement between Governor Brown and Trump administration officials .
Meanwhile , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with community frustration toward the Portland Police Bureau – sparked after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd on Memorial Day – intensifying during July ’ s unrest .
Videos captured police working alongside federal officers to disrupt protests near the courthouse .
If the scenes provoked surprise among white residents , who make up more than 70 % of the city ’ s population of 655,000 , Lakayana Drury suggests that people of color saw the Portland police they long have known .
“ If you ’ re white , the three blocks around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If you ’ re Black , the whole city is a war zone , ” says Mr. Drury , executive director of Word is Bond , a nonprofit that seeks to cultivate rapport between young Black men and law enforcement .
The apparent coordination with federal authorities “ hurts the ability of police to build trust , ” he adds .
“ It takes away from the reputation of officers who do good community work.
” Some 2,100 miles away in Chicago , Vaughn Bryant echoes Mr. Drury ’ s concern about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policing .
The country ’ s third-largest city had recorded 440 homicides through July , 150 more than at the same point last year , and the president has dispatched federal officers to assist Chicago police .
“ Given the homicide numbers , something has to be done , ” says Mr. Bryant , executive director of Communities Partnering 4 Peace , an alliance of organizations devoted to reducing gun and gang violence .
“ But people are worried about federal agents casting a wider net and overreaching.
” Mr. Trump announced plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement personnel to Chicago , Detroit , and several other cities run by “ liberal Democrats ” whom he accuses of failing to corral violent crime .
Democrats deride the president ’ s self-proclaimed “ law and order ” campaign as an attempt to boost his reelection chances against Democratic rival Joe Biden .
A half-dozen mayors , including those in Portland , Chicago , and Seattle , petitioned Congress last week to pass legislation to limit the administration ’ s authority to deploy federal officers to their cities .
Anti-violence advocates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s moves have diverted attention from redressing deep-rooted problems in cities – police brutality , racial injustice , social inequality – that inspired protests nationwide following Mr. Floyd ’ s death .
At the same time , the actions of federal agents threaten to widen the rift between residents and local officers , explains Dave Franco , a 30-year veteran of the Chicago Police Department who retired in January .
“ Federal agents are not part of the community , ” he says .
“ And if they ’ re not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ using aggressive tactics , that ’ s going to make it even harder for the police to build relationships with the community.
” Word is Bond brings together Black men ages 16 to 21 with officers from the Portland police force and other area law enforcement agencies to unravel misperceptions and nurture mutual understanding .
Mr. Drury recruits white officers to participate owing to the wariness of people of color toward police .
An estimated 65 % to 70 % of officers nationwide are white , and police kill minorities at disproportionate rates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some 80 % of Portland ’ s 525 officers are white , and the bureau has absorbed backlash for a series of fatal police shootings of Black residents and for higher rates of searching and arresting Black motorists and pedestrians .
Mr. Drury , who is biracial , condemns police for aiding tactical teams with the Department of Homeland Security ( DHS ) during protests .
But he levels his strongest criticism at successive police and city administrations for a lack of police reform that contrasts with Portland ’ s progressive image .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ no more egregious than what Portland cops have done to the Black community for decades , ” he says .
“ The city had the opportunity for years to respond to community demands .
They didn ’ t , and then federal agents came here and escalated the situation .
That ’ s taken away from the message of Black Lives Matter.
” As federal agents and police fired tear gas at protesters last month , city officials traded verbal salvos with Daryl Turner , the outspoken president of the Portland Police Association @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and file .
City Council members denounced his decision to meet with the DHS acting secretary when he visited Portland , and they later banned police from cooperating with federal agents .
The union ’ s executive board issued a vote of “ no confidence ” in the council , and Mr. Turner , flanked by faith leaders and business owners during a press conference , described the city as “ under siege by rioters ” and claimed elected officials “ condoned the destruction.
” Neither he nor Police Chief Chuck Lovell joined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in demanding that federal agents withdraw .
The police association has outlined a plan for reform that advocates a return to community policing , changes to recruitment and training , and pairing officers with social workers to handle crisis calls .
The proposal appears on the union ’ s website beneath the words “ You can ’ t have police reform without police funding ” – a retort of sorts to the council voting in June to redirect $ 15 million of the bureau ’ s $ 244 million budget to other city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to evolve , you have to listen to the community , ” says Mr. Turner , a 29-year member of the Portland force .
“ We want to build that relationship , and city officials aren ’ t helping.
” Commissioner Jo Ann Hardesty , who in 2018 became the first Black woman elected to the City Council , began pushing for changes to policing three decades ago .
She asserts that Portland officers engaging in “ unfettered , state-sanctioned violence ” yielded two related results .
“ The actions of federal agents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fractured community trust , ” she says .
“ They have made the public ’ s case for reform stronger.
” Violence has exploded in Chicago this summer .
Police recorded 105 homicides in July , the most in a single month since 1992 , and more than twice the total during the same month last year .
Shootings rose to 584 from 308 last July , with 17 people killed and another 70 wounded over the July Fourth weekend .
Police Superintendent David Brown , who has ascribed the rise in bloodshed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form a rapid-response unit that will combine suppression tactics with community policing efforts to curb outbreaks of violence .
He told reporters that Mr. Trump ’ s plan to send 200 agents from the FBI , Drug Enforcement Administration , and other agencies “ will enhance our ability to hold our criminals accountable.
” Mr. Bryant , with Communities Partnering 4 Peace , has heard concerns from residents about a possible replay of Portland , where federal officers in unmarked vehicles pulled people off the streets .
“ Everyone wants perpetrators of violent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people saw in Portland wasn ’ t about violent crime , ” says Mr. Bryant , who grew up the son of a police officer in Detroit .
Communities Partnering 4 Peace , a coalition of more than a dozen organizations , mediates gang disputes , recruits former gang members to serve as nonviolence ambassadors , and works with police to reduce shootings and promote youth initiatives .
“ We can ’ t arrest our way out of our problems , ” he says .
“ Crime is a symptom of the root @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal action should be corrective action to address the systemic racism that has been inflicted on the community.
” Mayor Lori Lightfoot explained to reporters last week that the incoming federal officers will support ongoing operations of their agencies in Chicago .
She has vowed to pursue litigation if tactical teams show up on city streets .
The mayor has clashed with John Catanzara , head of the Chicago police union , who wrote an open letter to the president appealing for federal assistance to tame the city ’ s “ chaos ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies.
” Elected to the top post in May , Mr. Catanzara has accrued 50 misconduct complaints since joining the force in 1995 , and the department has suspended his police powers as he faces an internal affairs investigation that began in 2018 .
In the view of Edward Maguire , a professor of criminology and criminal justice at Arizona State University , overt alliances between police unions and federal agents hold potential risks amid a national reckoning on race .
“ By aligning with federal forces , unions are going to deepen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he says .
“ They ’ re harming their own departments with that choice.
” Local and federal officials in Chicago announced the arrests last week of the reputed head of the Black Disciples street gang and more than 20 associates following a multiyear investigation .
Mr. Franco , the retired Chicago cop , offers the case as an example of collaboration that benefits authorities and residents alike .
His three-decade career with the department included several years in the community policing unit and joint investigations with federal officers on gun trafficking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Policing requires cooperation , and not just between law enforcement people , ” he says .
“ You need the community ’ s cooperation .
You can ’ t really help people if they see your uniform and think you ’ re the enemy.
” Norm Stamper retired as Seattle ’ s police chief in 2000 after 34 years in uniform .
His career had imploded beneath criticism and controversy a year earlier , after he ordered officers to fire tear gas at demonstrators during massive protests against the World Trade Organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the ensuing years , emerging as a leading advocate for police reform , and in the groundswell of outrage over George Floyd ’ s death , he finds hope for sweeping change .
“ I ’ ve never been more optimistic .
This is the first time in my life that I ’ ve come to believe that a genuine community-police partnership is possible , ” says Mr. Stamper , author of the 2016 book , “ To Protect and Serve : How to Fix America ’ s Police.
” He attributes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pressure that protests have exerted on police unions and administrators to listen to their communities .
“ There can be no more of the ‘ We ’ re the police and you ’ re not ’ attitude , ” he says .
“ There can be no more unilateral decision-making and crisis management by the police.
” The city of Portland accepted a settlement agreement with the U.S. Department of Justice in 2014 after a federal investigation identified a pattern of officers using excessive force against people diagnosed with mental illness .
Federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bureau has shown “ substantial compliance ” with 190 required reforms .
Commissioner Hardesty , a former president of Portland ’ s NAACP chapter , wants the city to enact future police reforms without the specter of litigation or tear gas .
She has called for diverting more funding from the police to crisis responders and social services and creating a new system of civilian oversight for the bureau .
“ We can repair the relationship with the community by listening to the demands of the community , ” she says .
Portland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in July , the highest monthly total in more than 30 years , and one month after the City Council voted to disband the bureau ’ s 34-member gun reduction violence team .
Reform advocates regard the spike as evidence that police remain essential to public safety even as the city explores alternatives .
“ Police have responsibilities placed upon them that are unreasonable and that reflect our failures as a society , ” Commissioner Chloe Eudaly says .
“ We have shared responsibility – not just the council and the police , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department entered into a federal consent decree last year after Justice Department investigators found a pattern of officers using excessive force , a lack of internal accountability , and inadequate training and supervision .
The department has missed 70 % of the initial deadlines for dozens of reforms laid out in the agreement .
Mr. Bryant grew up playing football for police officers moonlighting as coaches , and he works closely with cops to stanch violence in neighborhoods .
He relates to them as individuals , as more than a gun and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunity for police to become part of the community , to no longer stand apart from those they serve .
“ There ’ s no doubt the department has its problems , ” he says .
“ But people see there ’ s still definitely a need for police , that they have a rightful place .
It ’ s a matter of collaborating .
”

“There’s no doubt the department has its problems,” he says. “But people see there’s still definitely a need for police, that they have a rightful place. It’s a matter of collaborating.”
Mr. Bryant grew up playing football for police officers moonlighting as coaches, and he works closely with cops to stanch violence. He relates to them as individuals, as more than a gun and a badge, and he senses a historic opportunity for police to become part of the community, to no longer stand apart from those they serve.
Democrats deride the president’s self-proclaimed “law and order” campaign as an attempt to boost his reelection chances against Democratic rival Joe Biden. A half-dozen mayors petitioned Congress to pass legislation to limit the administration’s authority to deploy federal officers to their cities.
President Donald Trump announced plans to send hundreds of federal law enforcement personnel to Chicago, Detroit, and several other cities run by “liberal Democrats” whom he accuses of failing to corral violent crime.
Amid a national reckoning on race, the president’s decision to send federal law enforcement to Chicago, Portland, Oregon, and other cities poses potential risks to cop-community relations – as well as opportunities to improve them.
“Given the homicide numbers, something has to be done,” says Vaughn Bryant, executive director of Communities Partnering 4 Peace . “But people are worried about federal agents casting a wider net and overreaching.”
The country’s third-largest city recorded 440 homicides through July, 150 more than at the same point last year, and the president has dispatched federal officers to assist Chicago police.
A city’s tensions erupted into a national spectacle last month when federal tactical teams appeared on the streets of Portland, Oregon. Heavily armed officers clad in camouflage uniforms targeted demonstrators with tear gas, batons, and less lethal munitions, a show of force countered by the “wall of moms” and “leaf-blower dads.” President Donald Trump, a Republican, blamed the upheaval on “anarchists and agitators” as Oregon Gov. Kate Brown, a Democrat, faulted the “Trump troops.”
The spectacle subsided late last week. The tactical teams ceded the duty of guarding a federal courthouse downtown to state police under an agreement between Governor Brown and Trump administration officials. Meanwhile, the city’s tensions persist, with community frustration toward the Portland Police Bureau – sparked after Minneapolis police killed George Floyd on Memorial Day – intensifying during July’s unrest.
Videos captured police working alongside federal officers to disrupt protests near the courthouse. If the scenes provoked surprise among white residents, who make up more than 70% of the city’s population of 655,000, Lakayana Drury suggests that people of color saw the Portland police they long have known.
Why We Wrote This Amid a national reckoning on race, the president’s decision to send federal law enforcement to Chicago, Portland, Oregon, and other cities poses potential risks to cop-community relations – as well as opportunities to improve them.
“If you’re white, the three blocks around the courthouse have been a war zone. If you’re Black, the whole city is a war zone,” says Mr. Drury, executive director of Word is Bond, a nonprofit that seeks to cultivate rapport between young Black men and law enforcement. The apparent coordination with federal authorities “hurts the ability of police to build trust,” he adds. “It takes away from the reputation of officers who do good community work.”
Some 2,100 miles away in Chicago, Vaughn Bryant echoes Mr. Drury’s concern about the impact of federal agents on local policing. The country’s third-largest city had recorded 440 homicides through July, 150 more than at the same point last year, and the president has dispatched federal officers to assist Chicago police.
“Given the homicide numbers, something has to be done,” says Mr. Bryant, executive director of Communities Partnering 4 Peace, an alliance of organizations devoted to reducing gun and gang violence. “But people are worried about federal agents casting a wider net and overreaching.”
Mr. Trump announced plans last month to send hundreds of federal law enforcement personnel to Chicago, Detroit, and several other cities run by “liberal Democrats” whom he accuses of failing to corral violent crime.
Democrats deride the president’s self-proclaimed “law and order” campaign as an attempt to boost his reelection chances against Democratic rival Joe Biden. A half-dozen mayors, including those in Portland, Chicago, and Seattle, petitioned Congress last week to pass legislation to limit the administration’s authority to deploy federal officers to their cities.
Anti-violence advocates in Portland and Chicago contend that Mr. Trump’s moves have diverted attention from redressing deep-rooted problems in cities – police brutality, racial injustice, social inequality – that inspired protests nationwide following Mr. Floyd’s death. At the same time, the actions of federal agents threaten to widen the rift between residents and local officers, explains Dave Franco, a 30-year veteran of the Chicago Police Department who retired in January.
“Federal agents are not part of the community,” he says. “And if they’re not following local strategy and they’re using aggressive tactics, that’s going to make it even harder for the police to build relationships with the community.”
Tear gas and verbal salvos
Word is Bond brings together Black men ages 16 to 21 with officers from the Portland police force and other area law enforcement agencies to unravel misperceptions and nurture mutual understanding. Mr. Drury recruits white officers to participate owing to the wariness of people of color toward police.
An estimated 65% to 70% of officers nationwide are white, and police kill minorities at disproportionate rates compared with white men and women. Some 80% of Portland’s 525 officers are white, and the bureau has absorbed backlash for a series of fatal police shootings of Black residents and for higher rates of searching and arresting Black motorists and pedestrians.
Mr. Drury, who is biracial, condemns police for aiding tactical teams with the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) during protests. But he levels his strongest criticism at successive police and city administrations for a lack of police reform that contrasts with Portland’s progressive image.
“The behavior of federal forces is no more egregious than what Portland cops have done to the Black community for decades,” he says. “The city had the opportunity for years to respond to community demands. They didn’t, and then federal agents came here and escalated the situation. That’s taken away from the message of Black Lives Matter.”
As federal agents and police fired tear gas at protesters last month, city officials traded verbal salvos with Daryl Turner, the outspoken president of the Portland Police Association, the union that represents the rank and file. City Council members denounced his decision to meet with the DHS acting secretary when he visited Portland, and they later banned police from cooperating with federal agents.
The union’s executive board issued a vote of “no confidence” in the council, and Mr. Turner, flanked by faith leaders and business owners during a press conference, described the city as “under siege by rioters” and claimed elected officials “condoned the destruction.” Neither he nor Police Chief Chuck Lovell joined Mayor Ted Wheeler and other city leaders in demanding that federal agents withdraw.
The police association has outlined a plan for reform that advocates a return to community policing, changes to recruitment and training, and pairing officers with social workers to handle crisis calls. The proposal appears on the union’s website beneath the words “You can’t have police reform without police funding” – a retort of sorts to the council voting in June to redirect $15 million of the bureau’s $244 million budget to other city agencies and programs.
“For policing to evolve, you have to listen to the community,” says Mr. Turner, a 29-year member of the Portland force. “We want to build that relationship, and city officials aren’t helping.”
Commissioner Jo Ann Hardesty, who in 2018 became the first Black woman elected to the City Council, began pushing for changes to policing three decades ago. She asserts that Portland officers engaging in “unfettered, state-sanctioned violence” yielded two related results.
“The actions of federal agents and our own police force have further fractured community trust,” she says. “They have made the public’s case for reform stronger.”
“Policing requires cooperation”
Violence has exploded in Chicago this summer. Police recorded 105 homicides in July, the most in a single month since 1992, and more than twice the total during the same month last year. Shootings rose to 584 from 308 last July, with 17 people killed and another 70 wounded over the July Fourth weekend.
Police Superintendent David Brown, who has ascribed the rise in bloodshed to gang turf wars, intends to form a rapid-response unit that will combine suppression tactics with community policing efforts to curb outbreaks of violence. He told reporters that Mr. Trump’s plan to send 200 agents from the FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration, and other agencies “will enhance our ability to hold our criminals accountable.”
Shannon Stapleton/Reuters View caption Hide caption Chicago Police Department Superintendent David Brown speaks during a news conference in Chicago, July 27, 2020.
Mr. Bryant, with Communities Partnering 4 Peace, has heard concerns from residents about a possible replay of Portland, where federal officers in unmarked vehicles pulled people off the streets.
“Everyone wants perpetrators of violent crime to be caught. But what people saw in Portland wasn’t about violent crime,” says Mr. Bryant, who grew up the son of a police officer in Detroit. Communities Partnering 4 Peace, a coalition of more than a dozen organizations, mediates gang disputes, recruits former gang members to serve as nonviolence ambassadors, and works with police to reduce shootings and promote youth initiatives.
“We can’t arrest our way out of our problems,” he says. “Crime is a symptom of the root causes of racial inequity, and any federal action should be corrective action to address the systemic racism that has been inflicted on the community.”
Mayor Lori Lightfoot explained to reporters last week that the incoming federal officers will support ongoing operations of their agencies in Chicago. She has vowed to pursue litigation if tactical teams show up on city streets.
The mayor has clashed with John Catanzara, head of the Chicago police union, who wrote an open letter to the president appealing for federal assistance to tame the city’s “chaos” that he blamed on “failing liberal policies.” Elected to the top post in May, Mr. Catanzara has accrued 50 misconduct complaints since joining the force in 1995, and the department has suspended his police powers as he faces an internal affairs investigation that began in 2018.
In the view of Edward Maguire, a professor of criminology and criminal justice at Arizona State University, overt alliances between police unions and federal agents hold potential risks amid a national reckoning on race. “By aligning with federal forces, unions are going to deepen the divide between police and communities,” he says. “They’re harming their own departments with that choice.”
Local and federal officials in Chicago announced the arrests last week of the reputed head of the Black Disciples street gang and more than 20 associates following a multiyear investigation.
Mr. Franco, the retired Chicago cop, offers the case as an example of collaboration that benefits authorities and residents alike. His three-decade career with the department included several years in the community policing unit and joint investigations with federal officers on gun trafficking, narcotics, and gang cases.
“Policing requires cooperation, and not just between law enforcement people,” he says. “You need the community’s cooperation. You can’t really help people if they see your uniform and think you’re the enemy.”
Shared responsibility
Norm Stamper retired as Seattle’s police chief in 2000 after 34 years in uniform. His career had imploded beneath criticism and controversy a year earlier, after he ordered officers to fire tear gas at demonstrators during massive protests against the World Trade Organization.
He has performed a self-imposed penance in the ensuing years, emerging as a leading advocate for police reform, and in the groundswell of outrage over George Floyd’s death, he finds hope for sweeping change.
“I’ve never been more optimistic. This is the first time in my life that I’ve come to believe that a genuine community-police partnership is possible,” says Mr. Stamper, author of the 2016 book, “To Protect and Serve: How to Fix America’s Police.” He attributes his outlook to the sudden and sustained pressure that protests have exerted on police unions and administrators to listen to their communities.
“There can be no more of the ‘We’re the police and you’re not’ attitude,” he says. “There can be no more unilateral decision-making and crisis management by the police.”
The city of Portland accepted a settlement agreement with the U.S. Department of Justice in 2014 after a federal investigation identified a pattern of officers using excessive force against people diagnosed with mental illness. Federal attorneys announced in January that the police bureau has shown “substantial compliance” with 190 required reforms.
Commissioner Hardesty, a former president of Portland’s NAACP chapter, wants the city to enact future police reforms without the specter of litigation or tear gas. She has called for diverting more funding from the police to crisis responders and social services and creating a new system of civilian oversight for the bureau.
“We can repair the relationship with the community by listening to the demands of the community,” she says.
Portland police reported 15 homicides across the city in July, the highest monthly total in more than 30 years, and one month after the City Council voted to disband the bureau’s 34-member gun reduction violence team. Reform advocates regard the spike as evidence that police remain essential to public safety even as the city explores alternatives.
“Police have responsibilities placed upon them that are unreasonable and that reflect our failures as a society,” Commissioner Chloe Eudaly says. “We have shared responsibility – not just the council and the police, but the public.”
The Chicago Police Department entered into a federal consent decree last year after Justice Department investigators found a pattern of officers using excessive force, a lack of internal accountability, and inadequate training and supervision. The department has missed 70% of the initial deadlines for dozens of reforms laid out in the agreement.
Mr. Bryant grew up playing football for police officers moonlighting as coaches, and he works closely with cops to stanch violence in neighborhoods. He relates to them as individuals, as more than a gun and a badge, and he senses a historic opportunity for police to become part of the community, to no longer stand apart from those they serve.
“There’s no doubt the department has its problems,” he says. “But people see there’s still definitely a need for police, that they have a rightful place. It’s a matter of collaborating.”


csmonitor--2020-08-05--The African cartoonists drawing themselves into the story

“ When you say Marvel , or manga , or Asterix , people from all over can immediately imagine the world you ’ re talking about , ” says Ms. Épée Mandengue .
“ We wanted the same to be true for comic artists working in Africa.
” Joëlle Épée Mandengue , a Cameroonian cartoonist who co-curated the exhibition , says she realized that if she wanted to see herself in comics , she ’ d have to draw them herself .
And she did .
Her signature comic , “ The Diary of Ebène Duta , ” follows the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where Ms. Épée Mandengue herself attended university .
A virtual exhibition of African cartoonists , for example , called “ Afropolitan Comics , ” showcases work from across the continent .
They include a sci-fi thriller , whose heroine is a teenage water spirit who keeps flunking water spirit school ; and “ Our Roots , ” a visual encyclopedia of Black historical figures .
Many of the artists grew up loving the world of classic French bandes dessinées , as comics are called , yet wondered where the Black characters – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where comics have a particularly rich tradition , may be sponsoring the “ Year of the Comic.
” But that doesn ’ t mean all of the artists it ’ s celebrating are from France – far from it .
Joëlle Épée Mandengue was raised on a steady diet of Disney princesses .
As a child in Cameroon , whenever she got angry or overwhelmed , her parents knew the quickest way to calm her was to pop in a video and press play on the story of Snow White , Cinderella , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there was one princess who Ms. Épée Mandengue grew to admire above all others .
Ariel , the Little Mermaid , struck her as a different kind of heroine – one “ fighting to meet the expectations she had for her own life , ” she says .
“ I like her because she was longing for a world she wasn ’ t a part of.
” Ms. Épée Mandengue knew that kind of longing well .
Since the moment she ’ d first begun to watch Disney cartoons , she ’ d @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But she quickly banished the thought from her head .
It wasn ’ t practical , her parents said .
And anyway , she knew who made the cartoons she loved .
Most of them were men ; most of them were white .
When she imagined herself as an artist then , she felt like Ariel , trying to play a role she hadn ’ t been cast into .
Two decades and a successful comic book series later , however , Ms. Épée Mandengue , who writes under the name Elyon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happy ending .
And not only for herself .
This year , she co-curated a virtual exhibition of African cartoons called “ Afropolitan Comics , ” which showcases work by artists from across the continent .
“ When you say Marvel , or manga , or Asterix , people from all over can immediately imagine the world you ’ re talking about , ” she says .
“ We wanted the same to be true for comic artists working in Africa.
” The exhibition website features samples of comic strips from across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heroine is a teenage Mami Wati – a West African water spirit – who keeps flunking water spirit school ; to “ Our Roots , ” a visual encyclopedia of Black historical figures from Barack Obama to Seun Adigun , captain of the first Nigerian Olympic bobsledding team .
“ This is a quick engaging way for people to start learning histories maybe they were never taught in school , ” says Tayo Fatunla , the Nigerian comic book artist behind “ Our Roots.
” After all , he reasoned , what better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history than to make it beautiful ?
The Afropolitan Comics exhibit also had the backing of one of the world ’ s most comic-obsessed societies , France .
It was sponsored by the French Institute of South Africa and la Cité internationale de la bande dessinée et de l ’ image , a massive French comic book museum and library , as part of a global , French-led celebration of the “ Year of the Comic ” in 2020 .
“ In France , comics are acknowledged as a serious form of art @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tradition , ” says Selen Daver , the cultural attaché for the French Institute .
In 2019 , indeed , the French bought 48 million comic books , accounting for 16 % of all book sales .
“ So within that tradition it was really important for us to also give space to African comic artists telling their own stories.
” Many of the artists whose work is showcased on Afropolitan Comics grew up steeped in the world of classic French bandes dessinées .
But even as they devoured them , their relationship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an ambivalent one .
Why were the only Black characters they saw the Africans who hovered around Tintin during his adventures in the Congo , “ look [ ing ] like monkeys and talk [ ing ] like imbeciles ” as the British Commission for Racial Equality described the book in 2007 .
“ At some point I realized , most of the comics I love are made by white men , and I ’ m a Black woman , ” says Ms. Épée Mandengue .
If she wanted to see herself on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d have to be the one to draw it .
And she did .
Her signature comic , “ The Diary of Ebène Duta , ” follows the adventures of a Black teenager in Belgium , where Ms. Épée Mandengue herself attended university .
“ You speak really good French , ” a classmate of Ebène Duta ’ s tells her in one early scene .
“ For an African , that ’ s really rare.
” For Mr. Fatunla , the Nigerian artist , comics have always been a medium for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that is accessible and engaging .
He cut his teeth drawing political cartoons for Nigerian newspapers , and has spent much of his career making art based on his original “ Our Roots ” series , exploring the legacies of the African diaspora around the world .
“ I want to show people that Black excellence exists everywhere , ” he says , whether it be in the form of Yaa Asantewaa , a 19th-century queen in present-day Ghana who led a revolt against British colonialism ; or Wizkid , a 21st-century Nigerian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Comics hope that the works featured will eventually form part of an in-person exhibition in France .
But there has been an unexpected upside to making an art exhibition during a pandemic too .
Because it is virtual , its reach is global .
“ I would like this to reach new audiences and people who have no idea that this rich tradition of comics is happening on the continent already , ” says Ms. Daver of the French Institute .
“ I hope it will attract people who hadn ’ t thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” And for young artists in Africa , the message of Afropolitan Comics is even simpler .
Your stories matter .
You belong .

“When you say Marvel, or manga, or Asterix, people from all over can immediately imagine the world you’re talking about,” says Ms. Épée Mandengue. “We wanted the same to be true for comic artists working in Africa.”
Joëlle Épée Mandengue, a Cameroonian cartoonist who co-curated the exhibition, says she realized that if she wanted to see herself in comics, she’d have to draw them herself. And she did. Her signature comic, “The Diary of Ebène Duta,” follows the adventures of a Black teenager in Belgium, where Ms. Épée Mandengue herself attended university.
Comics are often treated as lighter fare. But like any other kind of storytelling, they help shape our ideas about what, and who, really matters.
A virtual exhibition of African cartoonists, for example, called “Afropolitan Comics,” showcases work from across the continent. It includes a sci-fi thriller, whose heroine is a teenage water spirit who keeps flunking water spirit school, and “Our Roots,” a visual encyclopedia of Black historical figures. Many of the artists grew up loving the world of classic French bandes dessinées , as comics are called, yet wondered where the Black characters – and artists – were.
France, where comics have a particularly rich tradition, may be sponsoring the “Year of the Comic.” But that doesn’t mean all of the artists it’s celebrating are from France – far from it.
Joëlle Épée Mandengue was raised on a steady diet of Disney princesses. As a child in Cameroon, whenever she got angry or overwhelmed, her parents knew the quickest way to calm her was to pop in a video and press play on the story of Snow White, Cinderella, or Beauty and the Beast.
And there was one princess who Ms. Épée Mandengue grew to admire above all others. Ariel, the Little Mermaid, struck her as a different kind of heroine – one “fighting to meet the expectations she had for her own life,” she says. “I like her because she was longing for a world she wasn’t a part of.”
Ms. Épée Mandengue knew that kind of longing well. Since the moment she’d first begun to watch Disney cartoons, she’d dreamed of creating something like them. But she quickly banished the thought from her head. It wasn’t practical, her parents said. And anyway, she knew who made the cartoons she loved. Most of them were men; most of them were white. When she imagined herself as an artist then, she felt like Ariel, trying to play a role she hadn’t been cast into.
Courtesy of Joëlle Epée Mandengue View caption Hide caption Joëlle Epée Mandengue, an artist and comic book writer from Cameroon, works under the name Elyon’s. She is a co-curator of "Afropolitan Comics," a virtual exhibition of comics by African artists.
Why We Wrote This Comics are often treated as lighter fare. But like any other kind of storytelling, they help shape our ideas about what, and who, really matters.
Two decades and a successful comic book series later, however, Ms. Épée Mandengue, who writes under the name Elyon’s, has engineered her own happy ending. And not only for herself. This year, she co-curated a virtual exhibition of African cartoons called “Afropolitan Comics,” which showcases work by artists from across the continent.
“When you say Marvel, or manga, or Asterix, people from all over can immediately imagine the world you’re talking about,” she says. “We wanted the same to be true for comic artists working in Africa.”
Year of the comic
The exhibition website features samples of comic strips from across the continent: from a sci-fi thriller whose heroine is a teenage Mami Wati – a West African water spirit – who keeps flunking water spirit school; to “Our Roots,” a visual encyclopedia of Black historical figures from Barack Obama to Seun Adigun, captain of the first Nigerian Olympic bobsledding team.
“This is a quick engaging way for people to start learning histories maybe they were never taught in school,” says Tayo Fatunla, the Nigerian comic book artist behind “Our Roots.” After all, he reasoned, what better way to get people to love their history than to make it beautiful?
The Afropolitan Comics exhibit also had the backing of one of the world’s most comic-obsessed societies, France. It was sponsored by the French Institute of South Africa and la Cité internationale de la bande dessinée et de l’image, a massive French comic book museum and library, as part of a global, French-led celebration of the “Year of the Comic” in 2020.
“In France, comics are acknowledged as a serious form of art, and seen as an important artistic tradition,” says Selen Daver, the cultural attaché for the French Institute. In 2019, indeed, the French bought 48 million comic books, accounting for 16% of all book sales. “So within that tradition it was really important for us to also give space to African comic artists telling their own stories.”
Many of the artists whose work is showcased on Afropolitan Comics grew up steeped in the world of classic French bandes dessinées. But even as they devoured them, their relationship to the comics they loved was often an ambivalent one. Why were the only Black characters they saw the Africans who hovered around Tintin during his adventures in the Congo, “look[ing] like monkeys and talk[ing] like imbeciles” as the British Commission for Racial Equality described the book in 2007.
“At some point I realized, most of the comics I love are made by white men, and I’m a Black woman,” says Ms. Épée Mandengue. If she wanted to see herself on those pages, she realized, she’d have to be the one to draw it. And she did. Her signature comic, “The Diary of Ebène Duta,” follows the adventures of a Black teenager in Belgium, where Ms. Épée Mandengue herself attended university.
“You speak really good French,” a classmate of Ebène Duta’s tells her in one early scene. “For an African, that’s really rare.”
Courtesy of Joëlle Epée Mandengue View caption Hide caption Work in Joëlle Epée Mandengue's signature comic, “The Diary of Ebène Duta," which follows the adventures of a Black teenager in Belgium.
Unexpected upside
For Mr. Fatunla, the Nigerian artist, comics have always been a medium for talking about heavy subjects in a way that is accessible and engaging. He cut his teeth drawing political cartoons for Nigerian newspapers, and has spent much of his career making art based on his original “Our Roots” series, exploring the legacies of the African diaspora around the world.
“I want to show people that Black excellence exists everywhere,” he says, whether it be in the form of Yaa Asantewaa, a 19th-century queen in present-day Ghana who led a revolt against British colonialism; or Wizkid, a 21st-century Nigerian pop star.
Courtesy of Tayo Fatunla View caption Hide caption Tayo Fatunla is a Nigerian comic book artist. “I want to show people that Black excellence exists everywhere,” says Mr. Fatunla.
The creators of Afropolitan Comics hope that the works featured will eventually form part of an in-person exhibition in France. But there has been an unexpected upside to making an art exhibition during a pandemic too. Because it is virtual, its reach is global.
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“I would like this to reach new audiences and people who have no idea that this rich tradition of comics is happening on the continent already,” says Ms. Daver of the French Institute. “I hope it will attract people who hadn’t thought to look to Africa for comics before.”
And for young artists in Africa, the message of Afropolitan Comics is even simpler. Your stories matter. You belong.


csmonitor--2020-08-05--The problem with the word ‘suffrage’: It excludes Black women activists

Martha S. Jones has a problem with the word “ suffrage.
” She has been seeing the word frequently in 2020 , as Americans mark the 100th anniversary of women ’ s voting rights , with the ratification of the 19th Amendment on Aug. 18 , 1920 .
To her , “ suffrage ” calls to mind the protests led largely by white women , and builds on racist assumptions that relegated Black women activists to the margins .
Her research portrays a fuller , more nuanced picture of a tumultuous time in United States history .
Martha S. Jones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a professor at Johns Hopkins University .
In her book “ Vanguard : How Black Women Broke Barriers , Won the Vote , and Insisted on Equality for All , ” expected to be published Sept. 8 , she explores the complex political history of Black women in America and their collective struggle for voting rights .
She spoke with the Monitor about her latest project , the problem with the term “ suffrage , ” and the importance of just doing the work .
Q : What was the most interesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” ?
You know , something that I ’ ve come to really cringe about – you have to forgive me – is the word “ suffrage.
” Every time we say it , we ’ re really invoking a very particular and very white middle-class political movement that led to the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920 .
However , it is not a term that captures the wholeness of African American women ’ s political activism or aspirations or visions .
I use the phrase “ voting rights ” instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be able to extinguish the word “ suffrage ” through my conversations this year .
But I learned what a loaded framing that is for thinking about women ’ s political power and how it carries with it a set of assumptions that Black women are on the margins .
Q : Black women were erased from the suffrage movement , from # MeToo , and in a way , from the Black Lives Matter movement .
# SayHerName was meant to specifically honor the lives of Black women .
Why does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ From my work , I would say that it requires our sustained vigilance .
It also requires our courage , to be our own witnesses .
I do think that it matters who is in charge , who holds the office , who sets the agenda .
Black women need to have an opportunity to speak about our political agenda , which includes a history of sexual violence along with many other issues [ such as police brutality ] that are likely more familiar to our community .
Really , from the origin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there is an urgency to the issue of sexual violence .
And we learn this through the testimony of enslaved women , like Harriet Jacobs , who pens her memoir in 1861 and gives voice to the fact that sexual predation ran through the lives of enslaved women .
Then it comes all the way forward to Tarana Burke ’ s # MeToo movement .
Q : Do you explore that particular history in your book ?
With the women that I write about – and it ’ s 200 years of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of what I was struck by was the way nearly every woman tells a story of either being the victim of sexual violence or living under the threat of sexual violence .
Yet we don ’ t claim that as an essential concern or central facet of our political objectives .
Rape was a central instrument of violence and terror during the era of enslavement .
Q : Do you think that history is a vicious cycle or are we actually going to change policing this time ?
There ’ s something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change and the inevitability in any historical moment of the battle between good and evil .
Yes , we will move through change .
Some of it may even be laudable and slowly eat away at the scourge of white supremacy and anti-Black racism .
But we will still live in a country where we , by necessity , have to be vigilant in the fight against all kinds of injustice , inequality , and xenophobic racism – even if somehow Black Americans are no longer the first target of that kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay hopeful at this particular moment in America ?
For me , hope derives from being in the work .
I ’ m a teacher , I ’ m a historian of the Black experience , I ’ m a writer .
I find pieces of hope every day , whether it ’ s one of my students having a revelation or when I ’ ve written something and it speaks to someone .
That ’ s one answer .
On the wall of my home office hangs a portrait of my great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Belgraves , who was born in 1808 , enslaved , in Danville , Kentucky .
Q : How does she inspire you ?
She watches me work every day .
She has a lot to say in my mind and one of the things is : “ I survived for a reason .
I survived for a purpose.
” What gives me purpose is knowing that she survived so that I would be here to do the work in my own lifetime .
I keep her picture right there so that I don @ @ @ @ @

Martha S. Jones has a problem with the word “suffrage.” She has been seeing the word frequently in 2020, as Americans mark the 100th anniversary of women’s voting rights, with the ratification of the 19th Amendment on Aug. 18, 1920. To her, “suffrage” calls to mind the protests led largely by white women, and builds on racist assumptions that relegated Black women activists to the margins. Her research portrays a fuller, more nuanced picture of a tumultuous time in United States history.
Martha S. Jones is a historian, an author, and a professor at Johns Hopkins University. In her book “Vanguard: How Black Women Broke Barriers, Won the Vote, and Insisted on Equality for All,” expected to be published Sept. 8, she explores the complex political history of Black women in America and their collective struggle for voting rights. She spoke with the Monitor about her latest project, the problem with the term “suffrage,” and the importance of just doing the work.
Q: What was the most interesting part of your research for “Vanguard”?
You know, something that I’ve come to really cringe about – you have to forgive me – is the word “suffrage.” Every time we say it, we’re really invoking a very particular and very white middle-class political movement that led to the ratification of the 19th Amendment in 1920. However, it is not a term that captures the wholeness of African American women’s political activism or aspirations or visions. I use the phrase “voting rights” instead.
There’s no way I will be able to extinguish the word “suffrage” through my conversations this year. But I learned what a loaded framing that is for thinking about women’s political power and how it carries with it a set of assumptions that Black women are on the margins.
Q: Black women were erased from the suffrage movement, from #MeToo, and in a way, from the Black Lives Matter movement. #SayHerName was meant to specifically honor the lives of Black women. Why does this type of exclusion keep happening?
From my work, I would say that it requires our sustained vigilance. It also requires our courage, to be our own witnesses. I do think that it matters who is in charge, who holds the office, who sets the agenda. Black women need to have an opportunity to speak about our political agenda, which includes a history of sexual violence along with many other issues [such as police brutality] that are likely more familiar to our community. Really, from the origin of Black women’s political consciousness, there is an urgency to the issue of sexual violence. And we learn this through the testimony of enslaved women, like Harriet Jacobs, who pens her memoir in 1861 and gives voice to the fact that sexual predation ran through the lives of enslaved women. Then it comes all the way forward to Tarana Burke’s #MeToo movement.
Q: Do you explore that particular history in your book?
With the women that I write about – and it’s 200 years of Black women’s political history – part of what I was struck by was the way nearly every woman tells a story of either being the victim of sexual violence or living under the threat of sexual violence. Yet we don’t claim that as an essential concern or central facet of our political objectives. Rape was a central instrument of violence and terror during the era of enslavement.
Q: Do you think that history is a vicious cycle or are we actually going to change policing this time?
There’s something to be said about the inevitability of change and the inevitability in any historical moment of the battle between good and evil.
Yes, we will move through change. Some of it may even be laudable and slowly eat away at the scourge of white supremacy and anti-Black racism. But we will still live in a country where we, by necessity, have to be vigilant in the fight against all kinds of injustice, inequality, and xenophobic racism – even if somehow Black Americans are no longer the first target of that kind of evil.
Q: How do you stay hopeful at this particular moment in America?
For me, hope derives from being in the work. I’m a teacher, I’m a historian of the Black experience, I’m a writer. I find pieces of hope every day, whether it’s one of my students having a revelation or when I’ve written something and it speaks to someone. That’s one answer.
On the wall of my home office hangs a portrait of my great, great, great grandmother, Nancy Belgraves, who was born in 1808, enslaved, in Danville, Kentucky.
Q: How does she inspire you?
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
She watches me work every day. She has a lot to say in my mind and one of the things is: “I survived for a reason. I survived for a purpose.”
What gives me purpose is knowing that she survived so that I would be here to do the work in my own lifetime. I keep her picture right there so that I don’t forget that.