Daily for May 13, 2020

Eden Gebre spends every day crammed into a single room of a Tel Aviv apartment with her husband , their 6-year-old twins , and 4-year-old daughter .
In the same apartment live two fellow Eritrean asylum-seekers with whom Ms. Gebre is fearful to interact , because she says she is immunocompromised following a liver transplant .
She tries to strictly isolate , wary of adding to what is already a mountain of medical debt if she becomes infected with COVID-19 .
There is no safety net for Ms. Gebre – or for the 30,000 asylum-seekers from Eritrea and Sudan in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the globe .
She and her husband have no medical insurance , nor have they unemployment insurance to compensate for the jobs they lost in this age of lockdown .
To earn money , the couple sews masks and Ms. Gebre crochets baskets to sell through Kuchinate , a Tel Aviv collective of asylum-seeking women .
The name means “ crochet ” in Tigrinya , a Semitic language spoken in Eritrea and Ethiopia .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hand-to-mouth existence working in restaurants and as cleaners has come mostly to a halt .
The coronavirus crisis has forced members of the community to rely on one another and relief groups for food and help with paying rent .
For the world ’ s 25.9 million refugees , the most vulnerable people on the planet , the pandemic has struck at a time they were already widely viewed with hostility .
Almost no one is looking out for their rights or physical health .
Most live in dense urban areas or in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ access to hand-washing , medical care , and steady work can feel like an impossible dream .
David Miliband , the former British foreign secretary who now leads the International Rescue Committee ( IRC ) , says that makes “ seeking refuge from this virus doubly or triply difficult.
” Refugee experts are urging government and international agencies to act swiftly , warning of a potentially cataclysmic spread of the disease among communities and in locations with little margin for error .
“ They should use the small number of weeks that still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the poorest part of the world in order to prevent its spread , ” Mr. Miliband says .
The next step , he advises , is building up access to basic health care so those who get the disease can survive it .
Also key , he says : distributing cash and food to mitigate potentially disastrous social and economic damage .
Keeping refugees safe , “ requires a massive , coordinated and collective effort , ” says Charlie Yaxley , global spokesman for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country can overcome this pandemic alone , ” he says , adding that “ it ’ s not only about controlling transmission but ensuring we have equal distribution of vaccines and medicines when they come.
” The Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox ’ s Bazar , Bangladesh , is the world ’ s largest , sheltering some 860,000 people , many of them Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar .
The camp is so densely populated that in some stretches 70,000 people live in a square kilometer in flimsy dwellings of bamboo and thatch .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bathroom , hand-washing , or to clean a bucket for the day ’ s cooking .
As CARE ’ s regional director for Asia , Deepmala Mahla oversees COVID-19 response at the camp .
She says infection control needs to go beyond a call for social distancing in such impossible conditions and focus instead on what can be done .
More hand-washing stations are needed , Ms. Mahla says , requiring additional soap , water , and buckets .
Also critical : the distribution of cash and food so people are less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to work outside the camp to feed their families .
She repeats a refrain she hears from refugees responding to action surrounding the virus : “ Can you also protect us from starvation ?
” To reduce crowding at the camp ’ s medical facilities , mobile clinics are being employed .
Also of help are volunteers among the refugees who receive training to spread public health information .
Women and girls are at special risk , Ms. Mahla warns , in need of protection from sexual and physical violence at all times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like this one .
The urgency in stopping COVID-19 ’ s spread to refugee populations should be clear , she says : “ The world can only be safe if each of us is safe.
” The UNHCR ’ s Mr. Yaxley reinforces the point .
“ You can not beat a pandemic by leaving people out , ” he says .
“ Only by protecting everyone ’ s health , including the displaced , ensures everyone survives this.
” Jelda Yayi has faced many dangers in her 70 years , but never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , danger had always arrived loudly .
It sounded like gunshots and screaming .
It sounded like her own rasping breath , hiding from men with guns outside .
It ’ s that kind of danger that forced her from her home in South Sudan three years ago and led her to walk about 20 miles to the Ugandan border .
But now she and the other million refugees in Uganda face the stealthier threat of the coronavirus .
In Bidi Bidi , Africa ’ s largest refugee settlement , where Ms. Yayi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases of the disease .
But the quarter million residents must adhere to the Ugandan government ’ s strict lockdown , which has shut nonessential businesses .
That includes millions of informal enterprises like Ms. Yayi ’ s , selling brooms she makes .
To help block the disease , programs for farming , improvements to water and sanitation , and the building of houses and schools have all been halted .
And relief agencies have introduced social distancing in the lines for water and food in settlements like Bidi Bidi .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ morning , 10 women sat with their plastic jerry cans inside large chalk circles sketched on the ground , two meters apart .
The scene contrasted with the busy , cramped lines that often stretched out from the same spot just last month .
Overhead , mobile loudspeakers broadcast the voices of workers belting out public health messages regarding the battle to halt the virus .
Village leaders walk door to door , making sure people are familiar with COVID-19 symptoms .
“ We just don ’ t have the option here for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Europe and the U.S. , ” says Niek de Goeij , the representative for Catholic Relief Services in Uganda .
“ Prevention is really the only way.
” In Colombia , the pandemic has made things so dire that Snydenys Peña is contemplating a return to her native Venezuela .
She , her husband , and five children are among the estimated 5 million Venezuelans who fled the country ’ s political and socio-economic convulsions , about a third of whom are in Colombia .
When she fled Caracas last May , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to save her children from hunger and illness , she could not imagine a scenario in which she would return to its mayhem .
Today the family lives in a one-bedroom house on the outskirts of Cúcuta , a town on the Venezuelan border .
They sleep on the floor , the children on mattresses .
Her husband lost his work as a day laborer and she hers , sewing dolls for a foundation .
Over two months behind on rent , they fear eviction .
“ I ’ m terrified .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the midst of a pandemic , ” she says .
“ We return home [ to family support ] , but condemn our children to a life without a future.
” On a recent morning dozens of Venezuelans in Medellín came in shifts to sit six feet apart , in masks , in a line to receive cash transfers from the IRC .
The funds were designated for nearly 250 Venezuelans and are intended for them to buy food and pay rent , the IRC said .
The coronavirus has wiped out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy , and now thousands are on the move home , sometimes by foot .
They are spurred on by the pandemic ’ s fallout and spooked by the rising death toll in Ecuador and Colombia .
Local governments are trying to organize their safe passage , in some cases arranging mobile health units , diverting people to routes that circumvent big cities , or arranging transportation – with no social distancing – to the Colombian-Venezuelan border .
The Catholic church , civil society , and international NGOs are trying to help .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Ecuadorean borders that serve upward of 5,000 meals a day .
Small water stations were erected by dioceses along highways for hand-washing and showers .
At the Moria refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos , more than 20,000 asylum-seekers are living at a site intended for just 2,750 .
That translates to just one water station per 1,300 people , one toilet for every 200 , and one shower for every 630 .
There are also 5,000 people who have spilled out beyond the formal camp and are using makeshift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , electricity , or water , says Apostolos Veizis , director of the medical operational support unit for Médecins Sans Frontières-Greece .
To date no coronavirus infections have been reported at the camp .
Trying to help keep it that way is a relatively new resident , Deen Muhammad Alizadah , a pharmacist from Afghanistan who arrived in Greece six months ago with his wife and 4-year-old son via Iran and Turkey .
Mr. Alizadah is on a refugee-run committee that teaches residents about the disease and how to prevent it by staying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as much as possible .
Shopping , they are told , should be done by one member of the family .
A Greek police checkpoint outside the camp bolsters the guidelines .
Regular hand-washing remains difficult with running water available only intermittently throughout the day .
But people are doing their best to be hygienic and stay inside .
“ This is the only chance , ” Mr. Alizadah says .
“ If the virus started in this camp it would be uncontrollable.
” At a time when most of the world seeks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the coronavirus , Germany is finding a way to let some in .
Fifty-seven children , all unaccompanied minors – the majority from Syria and the others from Iraq , Afghanistan , and Eritrea – were recently flown in from Moria .
They are the first refugees to leave the camp since 2015 , relief workers said .
Highlighting its unsanitary , crowded conditions as especially dangerous during the pandemic , Kindernothilfe , a children ’ s rights and humanitarian assistance organization in Germany , lobbied the government for an airlift .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says his organization and partners provided a list of cities and states that , combined , could immediately provide around 5,000 unaccompanied minors with housing , care , and support .
“ We offer safe quarantine possibilities , we finance everything , ” Mr. Mischo says of his coalition of partners .
The hope is that this is just the beginning .
About 20 cities across Germany , alongside eight countries in the European Union , including France , Croatia , and Belgium , have volunteered to take in underage , unaccompanied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the pandemic seems to have worked where years of pressure failed .
Finally , Mr. Mischo says , “ there is some hope.
” Contributing to this story were Lenora Chu in Berlin , Whitney Eulich in Mexico City , Dominique Soquel in Basel , Switzerland , Christine Onzia Wani in Bidi Bidi , Uganda , and Ryan Lenora Brown in Johannesburg .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

For refugees, a plea: You can’t beat a pandemic by leaving people out Collapse
Eden Gebre spends every day crammed into a single room of a Tel Aviv apartment with her husband, their 6-year-old twins, and 4-year-old daughter.
In the same apartment live two fellow Eritrean asylum-seekers with whom Ms. Gebre is fearful to interact, because she says she is immunocompromised following a liver transplant. She tries to strictly isolate, wary of adding to what is already a mountain of medical debt if she becomes infected with COVID-19.
There is no safety net for Ms. Gebre – or for the 30,000 asylum-seekers from Eritrea and Sudan in Israel and many of their fellow refugees around the globe. She and her husband have no medical insurance, nor have they unemployment insurance to compensate for the jobs they lost in this age of lockdown.
To earn money, the couple sews masks and Ms. Gebre crochets baskets to sell through Kuchinate, a Tel Aviv collective of asylum-seeking women. The name means “crochet” in Tigrinya, a Semitic language spoken in Eritrea and Ethiopia.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
In Israel the asylum-seekers’ hand-to-mouth existence working in restaurants and as cleaners has come mostly to a halt. The coronavirus crisis has forced members of the community to rely on one another and relief groups for food and help with paying rent.
For the world’s 25.9 million refugees, the most vulnerable people on the planet, the pandemic has struck at a time they were already widely viewed with hostility. Almost no one is looking out for their rights or physical health.
Most live in dense urban areas or in overcrowded refugee camps where social distancing and access to hand-washing, medical care, and steady work can feel like an impossible dream.
David Miliband, the former British foreign secretary who now leads the International Rescue Committee (IRC), says that makes “seeking refuge from this virus doubly or triply difficult.”
Refugee experts are urging government and international agencies to act swiftly, warning of a potentially cataclysmic spread of the disease among communities and in locations with little margin for error.
“They should use the small number of weeks that still exist before the disease goes rampant in the poorest part of the world in order to prevent its spread,” Mr. Miliband says.
The next step, he advises, is building up access to basic health care so those who get the disease can survive it. Also key, he says: distributing cash and food to mitigate potentially disastrous social and economic damage.
Keeping refugees safe, “requires a massive, coordinated and collective effort,” says Charlie Yaxley, global spokesman for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).
“No country can overcome this pandemic alone,” he says, adding that “it’s not only about controlling transmission but ensuring we have equal distribution of vaccines and medicines when they come.”
Courtesy of Eden Gebre View caption Hide caption Eden Gebre's husband, Isyiah, sews masks to make money as his three children, twins age 6 and a daughter age 4, join him, in Tel Aviv, April 2020.
860,000 in one camp
The Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, is the world’s largest, sheltering some 860,000 people, many of them Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar. The camp is so densely populated that in some stretches 70,000 people live in a square kilometer in flimsy dwellings of bamboo and thatch.
Long lines are the norm – for the bathroom, hand-washing, or to clean a bucket for the day’s cooking.
As CARE’s regional director for Asia, Deepmala Mahla oversees COVID-19 response at the camp. She says infection control needs to go beyond a call for social distancing in such impossible conditions and focus instead on what can be done.
More hand-washing stations are needed, Ms. Mahla says, requiring additional soap, water, and buckets. Also critical: the distribution of cash and food so people are less likely to risk breaking curfews and closures to work outside the camp to feed their families.
She repeats a refrain she hears from refugees responding to action surrounding the virus: “Can you also protect us from starvation?”
To reduce crowding at the camp’s medical facilities, mobile clinics are being employed. Also of help are volunteers among the refugees who receive training to spread public health information.
Women and girls are at special risk, Ms. Mahla warns, in need of protection from sexual and physical violence at all times, but even more-so during a crisis like this one.
The urgency in stopping COVID-19’s spread to refugee populations should be clear, she says: “The world can only be safe if each of us is safe.”
The UNHCR’s Mr. Yaxley reinforces the point. “You cannot beat a pandemic by leaving people out,” he says. “Only by protecting everyone’s health, including the displaced, ensures everyone survives this.”
Prevention is “the only way”
Jelda Yayi has faced many dangers in her 70 years, but never one like this.
In her experience, danger had always arrived loudly. It sounded like gunshots and screaming. It sounded like her own rasping breath, hiding from men with guns outside.
It’s that kind of danger that forced her from her home in South Sudan three years ago and led her to walk about 20 miles to the Ugandan border. But now she and the other million refugees in Uganda face the stealthier threat of the coronavirus.
Courtesy of Christine Onzia Wani View caption Hide caption Refugees practice safe distancing while in line for a water pump, in Bidi Bidi, Uganda, May 2020.
In Bidi Bidi, Africa’s largest refugee settlement, where Ms. Yayi lives, there have been no confirmed cases of the disease. But the quarter million residents must adhere to the Ugandan government’s strict lockdown, which has shut nonessential businesses. That includes millions of informal enterprises like Ms. Yayi’s, selling brooms she makes.
To help block the disease, programs for farming, improvements to water and sanitation, and the building of houses and schools have all been halted.
And relief agencies have introduced social distancing in the lines for water and food in settlements like Bidi Bidi.
At a Bidi Bidi water pump one recent morning, 10 women sat with their plastic jerry cans inside large chalk circles sketched on the ground, two meters apart. The scene contrasted with the busy, cramped lines that often stretched out from the same spot just last month.
Overhead, mobile loudspeakers broadcast the voices of workers belting out public health messages regarding the battle to halt the virus. Village leaders walk door to door, making sure people are familiar with COVID-19 symptoms.
“We just don’t have the option here for numbers to go up like they have in Europe and the U.S.,” says Niek de Goeij, the representative for Catholic Relief Services in Uganda. “Prevention is really the only way.”
On the move
In Colombia, the pandemic has made things so dire that Snydenys Peña is contemplating a return to her native Venezuela.
She, her husband, and five children are among the estimated 5 million Venezuelans who fled the country’s political and socio-economic convulsions, about a third of whom are in Colombia.
When she fled Caracas last May, driven by a mother’s desire to save her children from hunger and illness, she could not imagine a scenario in which she would return to its mayhem.
Courtesy of the International Rescue Committee, Colombia View caption Hide caption Nearly 250 Venezuelans in Medellín, Colombia, received cash transfers from the International Rescue Committee, April 30, 2020. The aid is meant to help them pay rent and put food on the table during the pandemic.
Today the family lives in a one-bedroom house on the outskirts of Cúcuta, a town on the Venezuelan border. They sleep on the floor, the children on mattresses. Her husband lost his work as a day laborer and she hers, sewing dolls for a foundation. Over two months behind on rent, they fear eviction.
“I’m terrified. We stay here and we could be homeless in the midst of a pandemic,” she says. “We return home [to family support], but condemn our children to a life without a future.”
On a recent morning dozens of Venezuelans in Medellín came in shifts to sit six feet apart, in masks, in a line to receive cash transfers from the IRC. The funds were designated for nearly 250 Venezuelans and are intended for them to buy food and pay rent, the IRC said.
The coronavirus has wiped out their already precarious reliance on the informal economy, and now thousands are on the move home, sometimes by foot. They are spurred on by the pandemic’s fallout and spooked by the rising death toll in Ecuador and Colombia.
Local governments are trying to organize their safe passage, in some cases arranging mobile health units, diverting people to routes that circumvent big cities, or arranging transportation – with no social distancing – to the Colombian-Venezuelan border.
The Catholic church, civil society, and international NGOs are trying to help. The church has cafeterias near the Venezuelan and Ecuadorean borders that serve upward of 5,000 meals a day. Small water stations were erected by dioceses along highways for hand-washing and showers.
A camp’s grim conditions
At the Moria refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos, more than 20,000 asylum-seekers are living at a site intended for just 2,750.
That translates to just one water station per 1,300 people, one toilet for every 200, and one shower for every 630. There are also 5,000 people who have spilled out beyond the formal camp and are using makeshift shelters who have no access to showers, electricity, or water, says Apostolos Veizis, director of the medical operational support unit for Médecins Sans Frontières-Greece.
To date no coronavirus infections have been reported at the camp. Trying to help keep it that way is a relatively new resident, Deen Muhammad Alizadah, a pharmacist from Afghanistan who arrived in Greece six months ago with his wife and 4-year-old son via Iran and Turkey.
Courtesy of Deen Muhammad Alizadah View caption Hide caption Deen Muhammad Alizadah, an asylum-seeker from Afghanistan, holds his 4-year-old son inside a makeshift tent in the Moria refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos.
Mr. Alizadah is on a refugee-run committee that teaches residents about the disease and how to prevent it by staying in their tents and in the camp as much as possible. Shopping, they are told, should be done by one member of the family. A Greek police checkpoint outside the camp bolsters the guidelines.
Regular hand-washing remains difficult with running water available only intermittently throughout the day. But people are doing their best to be hygienic and stay inside.
“This is the only chance,” Mr. Alizadah says. “If the virus started in this camp it would be uncontrollable.”
Some good news
At a time when most of the world seeks to keep refugees and asylum-seekers out because of the coronavirus, Germany is finding a way to let some in.
Fifty-seven children, all unaccompanied minors – the majority from Syria and the others from Iraq, Afghanistan, and Eritrea – were recently flown in from Moria. They are the first refugees to leave the camp since 2015, relief workers said.
Highlighting its unsanitary, crowded conditions as especially dangerous during the pandemic, Kindernothilfe, a children’s rights and humanitarian assistance organization in Germany, lobbied the government for an airlift.
Frank Mischo, a Kindernothilfe advocacy officer, says his organization and partners provided a list of cities and states that, combined, could immediately provide around 5,000 unaccompanied minors with housing, care, and support.
“We offer safe quarantine possibilities, we finance everything,” Mr. Mischo says of his coalition of partners.
The hope is that this is just the beginning. About 20 cities across Germany, alongside eight countries in the European Union, including France, Croatia, and Belgium, have volunteered to take in underage, unaccompanied refugees from the camp.
The urgency of the pandemic seems to have worked where years of pressure failed.
Finally, Mr. Mischo says, “there is some hope.”
Contributing to this story were Lenora Chu in Berlin, Whitney Eulich in Mexico City, Dominique Soquel in Basel, Switzerland, Christine Onzia Wani in Bidi Bidi, Uganda, and Ryan Lenora Brown in Johannesburg.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-06-09--Why China’s business elite are sending masks to Africa

As the coronavirus spread , the world ’ s richest communist dug into his deep pockets .
Jack Ma , founder of e-commerce giant Alibaba Group and a member of the ruling Communist Party , helped to pay for 1,000 ventilators delivered to New York in April .
Mr. Ma 's foundation also is giving ventilators , masks , and other supplies in Africa , Latin America , and Asia .
The pandemic marks the debut of China 's business elite as global humanitarian donors alongside their American , European , and Japanese counterparts .
Mr. Ma , Alibaba , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donating hundreds of millions of dollars of medical supplies , food , and cash in dozens of countries .
Video service TikTok has promised $ 250 million to pay health workers and help others hurt by the outbreak .
Tencent , operator of the popular WeChat messaging service , pledged $ 100 million and says it has sent masks and protective gear to 15 countries including the United States .
Other companies including computer maker Lenovo and electric automaker BYD Auto have given masks and other supplies .
Haier Smart Home , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Pakistan is distributing food to neighbors .
That gives donors a chance to repair China ’ s image and gain credit with President Xi Jinping 's government , which faces criticism that its secrecy and delay in responding to the virus that emerged in central China in December made the outbreak worse .
“ No single country can handle this crisis independently , ” Mr. Ma said during an online seminar organized by his foundation for African doctors to speak with Chinese experts who fought the outbreak .
This wave of Chinese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which is usually quite limited in scope , ” said Edward Cunningham , who researches Chinese philanthropy at the Ash Center of Harvard University ’ s Kennedy School of Government , in an email .
Philanthropy in China has grown as its economy flourished but has been focused at home or on foreign universities with family connections to donors , said Mr. Cunningham .
American companies including Walmart Inc. and Amazon.com Inc. have given medical supplies and money in Africa , India , and Latin America .
Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey promised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Africa , the Middle East , Asia , and the U.S. Cisco Systems Inc. donated to the World Health Organization and the United Nations .
Mr. Ma ’ s foundation is helping the African Centers for Disease Control and Prevention expand virus testing to 1 million people across the continent , according to John Nkengasong , director of the agency .
Africa , where experts fear health systems with limited resources will face a spike in infections , is a longtime diplomatic priority for Beijing .
Chinese companies see the continent as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion people as an important market .
“ We are extremely pleased and proud of the partnership with the Jack Ma Foundation , ” said Mr. Nkengasong during the April 28 online seminar .
He said some 1,600 medical workers from across Africa participated .
Giving can be politically fraught at a time when Beijing is mired in conflicts with the U.S. , Europe , and its Asian neighbors over trade , technology , spying allegations , and territorial claims .
The European Union ’ s foreign minister , Josep Borrell , wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for influence ” underway through the “ politics of generosity.
” Huawei Technologies Ltd. , the biggest global maker of telecom switching equipment and the No .
2 smartphone brand , says it has given medical and communications technology , masks , and other protective gear in more than 20 countries including Spain , Ireland , Zambia , and South Africa .
U.S. officials say Huawei is is a security risk , which the company denies .
Washington wants European and other allies to shun Huawei technology as they upgrade to next-generation telecoms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ answer a question about whether it was trying to influence official decisions but said in a written statement donations “ will be guided by actual needs on the ground.
” Jack Ma ’ s foundation has promised supplies to all 54 African countries including 500 ventilators , 200,000 protective suits , and 500,000 gloves .
“ There is a sentimental impact among the populations who can see in China a country which values their health , ” said Mame Goor Ngom , a political analyst and editor for Africa Check , an organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public claims .
Chinese donations in Ghana “ can not be compared with what the Americans gave out , but they got more publicity , ” said Manasseh Awuni Azure , a Ghanaian commentator .
China faces complaints after Africans in the southern city of Guangzhou reported they were evicted from their homes , forcibly tested for the virus , or suffered discrimination .
“ The stigma of this violence can not disappear so easily , ” said Mr. Ngom .
Other companies have sent donations to the U.S. and other developed countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ JD.com , China ’ s biggest online retailer , said its founder , Richard Liu , and his wife , Nancy Zhang , have given 50 ventilators , 5 million masks , surgical gloves , and other supplies to British hospitals .
The company provides free online medical and psychological counseling services worldwide .
Virus test kits paid for by Jack Ma ’ s foundation that arrived in Rwanda in March were “ a much needed contribution , ” said the country ’ s president , Paul Kagame , on Twitter .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me in gratitude.
” Jack Ma , who retired as Alibaba chairman in 2019 , is China ’ s richest entrepreneur , with a net worth of 275 billion yuan ( $ 39 billion ) , according to the Hurun Report , which tracks the country ’ s wealthy .
Tencent founder Ma Huateng , who is no relation , was No .
2 last year at 260 billion yuan ( $ 37 billion ) .
The delivery of ventilators in New York , paid for by the family foundation of Ma ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his wife , Clara , came as its governor , Andrew Cuomo , was complaining the 400 his state received from the federal government were inadequate .
Global technology and risk control `` are the strongest in history , ” Mr. Ma said in the online seminar .
“ It is up to us to decide whether we want to use this capacity to create division and isolation or use them to enhance cooperation and collaboration.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP video producer Amer Cohadzic in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dakar , Senegal ; and Francis Kokutse in Accra , Ghana ; and AP Business Writers Michael Liedtke in San Francisco ; and Barbara Ortutay and Joe Pisani in New York City contributed .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

As the coronavirus spread, the world’s richest communist dug into his deep pockets.
Jack Ma, founder of e-commerce giant Alibaba Group and a member of the ruling Communist Party, helped to pay for 1,000 ventilators delivered to New York in April. Mr. Ma's foundation also is giving ventilators, masks, and other supplies in Africa, Latin America, and Asia.
The pandemic marks the debut of China's business elite as global humanitarian donors alongside their American, European, and Japanese counterparts. Mr. Ma, Alibaba, and other Chinese companies and tycoons are donating hundreds of millions of dollars of medical supplies, food, and cash in dozens of countries.
Video service TikTok has promised $250 million to pay health workers and help others hurt by the outbreak. Tencent, operator of the popular WeChat messaging service, pledged $100 million and says it has sent masks and protective gear to 15 countries including the United States.
Other companies including computer maker Lenovo and electric automaker BYD Auto have given masks and other supplies. Haier Smart Home, a global appliance maker, says its factory in Pakistan is distributing food to neighbors.
That gives donors a chance to repair China’s image and gain credit with President Xi Jinping's government, which faces criticism that its secrecy and delay in responding to the virus that emerged in central China in December made the outbreak worse.
“No single country can handle this crisis independently,” Mr. Ma said during an online seminar organized by his foundation for African doctors to speak with Chinese experts who fought the outbreak.
This wave of Chinese donations is notable for “giving internationally, which is usually quite limited in scope,” said Edward Cunningham, who researches Chinese philanthropy at the Ash Center of Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government, in an email.
Philanthropy in China has grown as its economy flourished but has been focused at home or on foreign universities with family connections to donors, said Mr. Cunningham.
American companies including Walmart Inc. and Amazon.com Inc. have given medical supplies and money in Africa, India, and Latin America. Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey promised $1 billion and has announced donations in Africa, the Middle East, Asia, and the U.S. Cisco Systems Inc. donated to the World Health Organization and the United Nations.
Mr. Ma’s foundation is helping the African Centers for Disease Control and Prevention expand virus testing to 1 million people across the continent, according to John Nkengasong, director of the agency.
Africa, where experts fear health systems with limited resources will face a spike in infections, is a longtime diplomatic priority for Beijing. Chinese companies see the continent as a source of resources and its 1.3 billion people as an important market.
“We are extremely pleased and proud of the partnership with the Jack Ma Foundation,” said Mr. Nkengasong during the April 28 online seminar. He said some 1,600 medical workers from across Africa participated.
Giving can be politically fraught at a time when Beijing is mired in conflicts with the U.S., Europe, and its Asian neighbors over trade, technology, spying allegations, and territorial claims.
The European Union’s foreign minister, Josep Borrell, wrote in March there was a “struggle for influence” underway through the “politics of generosity.”
Huawei Technologies Ltd., the biggest global maker of telecom switching equipment and the No. 2 smartphone brand, says it has given medical and communications technology, masks, and other protective gear in more than 20 countries including Spain, Ireland, Zambia, and South Africa.
U.S. officials say Huawei is is a security risk, which the company denies. Washington wants European and other allies to shun Huawei technology as they upgrade to next-generation telecoms networks.
Huawei didn’t directly answer a question about whether it was trying to influence official decisions but said in a written statement donations “will be guided by actual needs on the ground.”
Jack Ma’s foundation has promised supplies to all 54 African countries including 500 ventilators, 200,000 protective suits, and 500,000 gloves.
“There is a sentimental impact among the populations who can see in China a country which values their health,” said Mame Goor Ngom, a political analyst and editor for Africa Check, an organization in Senegal that checks the accuracy of public claims.
African governments including Senegal, Rwanda, and Ethiopia publicly thanked Chinese donors.
Chinese donations in Ghana “cannot be compared with what the Americans gave out, but they got more publicity,” said Manasseh Awuni Azure, a Ghanaian commentator.
China faces complaints after Africans in the southern city of Guangzhou reported they were evicted from their homes, forcibly tested for the virus, or suffered discrimination.
“The stigma of this violence cannot disappear so easily,” said Mr. Ngom.
Other companies have sent donations to the U.S. and other developed countries where they have few commercial interests.
JD.com, China’s biggest online retailer, said its founder, Richard Liu, and his wife, Nancy Zhang, have given 50 ventilators, 5 million masks, surgical gloves, and other supplies to British hospitals. The company provides free online medical and psychological counseling services worldwide.
Virus test kits paid for by Jack Ma’s foundation that arrived in Rwanda in March were “a much needed contribution,” said the country’s president, Paul Kagame, on Twitter. “I know the people of Rwanda join me in gratitude.”
Jack Ma, who retired as Alibaba chairman in 2019, is China’s richest entrepreneur, with a net worth of 275 billion yuan ($39 billion), according to the Hurun Report, which tracks the country’s wealthy. Tencent founder Ma Huateng, who is no relation, was No. 2 last year at 260 billion yuan ($37 billion).
The delivery of ventilators in New York, paid for by the family foundation of Ma’s former deputy, Joseph Tsai, and his wife, Clara, came as its governor, Andrew Cuomo, was complaining the 400 his state received from the federal government were inadequate.
Global technology and risk control "are the strongest in history,” Mr. Ma said in the online seminar. “It is up to us to decide whether we want to use this capacity to create division and isolation or use them to enhance cooperation and collaboration.”
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP video producer Amer Cohadzic in Sarajevo; AP Writers Babacar Dione in Dakar, Senegal; and Francis Kokutse in Accra, Ghana; and AP Business Writers Michael Liedtke in San Francisco; and Barbara Ortutay and Joe Pisani in New York City contributed.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-09--Hong Kong marks anniversary of pro-democracy movement

Hundreds of people marched in Hong Kong 's streets on Tuesday to mark a year since the start of anti-government protests , as the leader of the semi-autonomous city called for peace and stability .
`` Everyone has to learn their lesson , including the Hong Kong government , '' Chief Executive of Hong Kong Carrie Lam told reporters .
`` Hong Kong can not bear that kind of chaos , and the people of Hong Kong want a stable and peaceful environment to be able to live and work here happily . ''
Ms. Lam did not elaborate on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of protesters marched in Hong Kong 's central district on Tuesday evening and shouted slogans including `` Hong Kong independence , the only way out '' and `` Fight to the end . ''
They marched despite police warnings that force could be used to disperse participants and that they faced up to five years in prison .
Riot police later charged at a group of protesters , deploying pepper spray and tackling some to the ground .
Tuesday is the one-year anniversary of a huge march through central Hong Kong that grew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ break into the legislative building and take to the streets every weekend for months .
`` The mass protest on 9 June last year has been etched in the collective memory of Hongkongers , '' the Civil Human Rights Front , which organized the event , wrote in a Facebook post on Tuesday .
`` It also marks the beginning of our togetherness in defending our beloved city . ''
Protesters also gathered in shopping malls to mark the anniversary at lunchtime , holding up signs and banners reading `` Liberate Hong Kong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closed some streets and walkways ahead of possible protests .
The June 9 , 2019 , march was in opposition to a proposed extradition bill that would have allowed people in the former British colony , which has its own legal system , to be sent to mainland China to face trial .
Organizers pegged the turnout at more than a million people , while police estimated the crowd at 240,000 .
In the ensuing months of protests , violent clashes broke out at times between protesters and the police , leading to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands for an independent inquiry into police behavior .
There was a lull in protests during the coronavirus outbreak early this year , but as infections have ebbed , protesters have returned to the streets to demonstrate against an imminent national security law for Hong Kong as well as a recently approved law that makes it illegal to insult the Chinese national anthem .
Critics and protesters say the national security law is a blow to the `` one country , two systems '' framework following the handover of Hong Kong from Britain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city freedoms not found on the mainland .
China blames the protests in part on foreign intervention and is hastening to enact the national security law aimed at curbing secessionist and subversive activities in Hong Kong .
Hong Kong 's problems are a result of the opposition and foreign allies `` attempting to turn Hong Kong into an independent or semi-independent political entity and a pawn to contain China 's development , '' Zhang Xiaoming , deputy director of the Chinese Cabinet 's Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office , said in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website on Monday .
`` The more the bottom line of national security is consolidated , the greater the space will be for Hong Kong to leverage its advantages under 'one country , two systems , ' '' Mr. Zhang said .
China will `` unswervingly '' protect its sovereignty and block any outside interference in Hong Kong 's affairs , he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Hundreds of people marched in Hong Kong's streets on Tuesday to mark a year since the start of anti-government protests, as the leader of the semi-autonomous city called for peace and stability.
"Everyone has to learn their lesson, including the Hong Kong government," Chief Executive of Hong Kong Carrie Lam told reporters. "Hong Kong cannot bear that kind of chaos, and the people of Hong Kong want a stable and peaceful environment to be able to live and work here happily."
Ms. Lam did not elaborate on what lessons should be learned.
Hundreds of protesters marched in Hong Kong's central district on Tuesday evening and shouted slogans including "Hong Kong independence, the only way out" and "Fight to the end."
They marched despite police warnings that force could be used to disperse participants and that they faced up to five years in prison. Riot police later charged at a group of protesters, deploying pepper spray and tackling some to the ground.
Tuesday is the one-year anniversary of a huge march through central Hong Kong that grew into a pro-democracy movement that saw protesters break into the legislative building and take to the streets every weekend for months.
"The mass protest on 9 June last year has been etched in the collective memory of Hongkongers," the Civil Human Rights Front, which organized the event, wrote in a Facebook post on Tuesday. "It also marks the beginning of our togetherness in defending our beloved city."
Protesters also gathered in shopping malls to mark the anniversary at lunchtime, holding up signs and banners reading "Liberate Hong Kong" and singing protest songs. Police closed some streets and walkways ahead of possible protests.
The June 9, 2019, march was in opposition to a proposed extradition bill that would have allowed people in the former British colony, which has its own legal system, to be sent to mainland China to face trial. Organizers pegged the turnout at more than a million people, while police estimated the crowd at 240,000.
In the ensuing months of protests, violent clashes broke out at times between protesters and the police, leading to accusations of police brutality and sparking protester demands for an independent inquiry into police behavior.
There was a lull in protests during the coronavirus outbreak early this year, but as infections have ebbed, protesters have returned to the streets to demonstrate against an imminent national security law for Hong Kong as well as a recently approved law that makes it illegal to insult the Chinese national anthem.
Critics and protesters say the national security law is a blow to the "one country, two systems" framework following the handover of Hong Kong from Britain to China in 1997, which promised the city freedoms not found on the mainland.
China blames the protests in part on foreign intervention and is hastening to enact the national security law aimed at curbing secessionist and subversive activities in Hong Kong.
Hong Kong's problems are a result of the opposition and foreign allies "attempting to turn Hong Kong into an independent or semi-independent political entity and a pawn to contain China's development," Zhang Xiaoming, deputy director of the Chinese Cabinet's Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, said in a speech posted on the office's website on Monday.
"The more the bottom line of national security is consolidated, the greater the space will be for Hong Kong to leverage its advantages under 'one country, two systems,'" Mr. Zhang said.
China will "unswervingly" protect its sovereignty and block any outside interference in Hong Kong's affairs, he said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-09--Coronavirus shortages give Russia’s charity sector a new spark

“ I hope the world will become a different place after this , ” says World War II veteran Zinaida Korneva , who has been fundraising for medical workers ’ families in St. Petersburg .
“ I want countries to realize that working together to solve problems is the only way.
” Experts say the government is now learning to welcome charities , and it might well leave permanent changes in Russia ’ s social landscape after the crisis has passed .
This has caused tensions to arise between the new charity sector , whose assistance is genuinely welcomed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become irate at activities that highlight the deficiencies of state services .
“ The government doesn ’ t mind established charity groups stepping in to help , ” says Masha Lipman , editor of a Russian affairs journal .
“ They do mind what they see as alarmist and critical comments that emphasize how bad things are.
” Russia ’ s charitable sector is relatively new , but the coronavirus pandemic has supercharged it in what observers hope may be a lasting way .
Hundreds of private initiatives to aid in the fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past couple of months , ranging from filling holes in the existing public health system to just helping ease the plight of vulnerable people trapped in quarantine .
Nearly 80 years ago , Zinaida Korneva marched 1,400 miles from Stalingrad to Berlin as an anti-aircraft gunner in the Soviet Army , fighting all the way .
Today , almost a centenarian , she is one of the few remaining combat veterans of World War II – and feels called to arms again .
Ms. Korneva ’ s daughter and granddaughter , both doctors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the immense challenges they were facing in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic .
That included exhausting hours , shortages of critical equipment and protective gear , and the constant danger of getting infected themselves .
So , with help from the youthful portion of her extended family , Ms. Korneva set up a YouTube channel and began offering her reminiscences of the war in order to raise money to help the families of about 10 local medical workers , whom she describes as “ being on the front line this time.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War II veteran Capt .
Tom Moore , inspired her by raising almost $ 40 million for Britain ’ s National Health Service by walking laps in his backyard .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Her YouTube channel has since garnered about 14,000 subscribers , while over 4 million rubles [ about $ 60,000 ] has poured into her donation page .
That ’ s enough to help more than 100 families , by her estimates .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as we were during the war , ” she says .
“ Back then we could see our enemy , and knew how to deal with him .
Now it ’ s an invisible enemy , and there is no vaccine .
Scientists all over the world are racing to find it , while our doctors fight to preserve lives .
What each of us must do is find ways to help them , to stop people from dying.
” Ms. Korneva is not alone among Russians in taking the coronavirus pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private initiatives have sprung up in the past couple of months , some of them quite innovative .
They range from filling holes in the existing public health system , to circumventing bureaucratic bottlenecks , to just helping ease the plight of vulnerable people trapped in quarantine .
Many existing charities quickly repurposed their activities to help beleaguered state medical services speed and improve their response to the crisis .
“ This aspect of social life in Russia , the charitable sector , is relatively new and generally overlooked , ” says Masha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journal of Russian affairs published by George Washington University .
“ When this disaster struck , it caught Russia unprepared , as it did most countries , and it created many new challenges that private initiatives stepped in to meet.
” One of those was the Zhivoy ( Living ) Foundation , which normally helps hospitals and patients with severe medical problems with logistical and other forms of assistance .
The group ’ s director , Viktoria Agadzhanova , says that when the pandemic struck many hospitals began to adjust to treat COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We realized that in order to resume our usual work we needed first to help defeat this pandemic threat , ” she says .
One of the biggest problems in the early stages , she says , was that doctors and hospitals were unable to directly order supplies of personal protective equipment ( PPE ) and other critical gear .
They were required to submit a request to the Department of Health , which would stage a tender , and eventually purchase and deliver the supplies .
It wasn ’ t until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a law on simplifying the procurement process .
“ The delays meant that lots of doctors and medical workers were in danger of getting infected , ” Ms. Agadzhanova says .
“ Hospital managers were left to either pretend there was no problem , or risk their jobs by publicly calling for help.
” Groups like the Zhivoy Foundation , and the private citizens ’ rescue service Sozidaniye ( Creation ) , slashed through the red tape by locating supplies of PPE sitting in warehouses or shops , buying it , and delivering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it .
“ The authorities neither helped us nor hampered us , ” says Yelena Smirnova , head of Sozidaniye .
“ But we had dozens of requests from medical workers , and we knew what we had to do.
” One organization that did briefly get into trouble with authorities in early April was the Doctors ’ Alliance , a medical workers ’ group associated with opposition leader Alexei Navalny .
While delivering PPE to a remote hospital in western Russia , the group ’ s leader Anastasia Vasilyeva was detained by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a local ordinance .
She was released the next day .
The case made global headlines , and may have persuaded Russian authorities to change their approach .
“ We were accused of spreading fake information , of using charity for political PR purposes , of staging provocations and what not , ” says Ivan Konovalov , press spokesman for the Doctors ’ Alliance .
“ But with the passing of time the authorities have realized that this is not the best way to struggle against us .
We haven ’ t had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves realized that problems do exist , especially after Putin recognized this fact in one of his addresses.
” The case underlined the tensions that exist between the new charity sector , whose assistance is genuinely welcomed by the public , and authorities who can become irate at activities that highlight the deficiencies of state services .
“ The government doesn ’ t mind established charity groups stepping in to help , ” says Ms. Lipman .
“ They do mind what they see as alarmist and critical comments that emphasize how bad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the authorities would prefer that charities act , but do so quietly.
” Russia ’ s government has actually promoted the creation of an official volunteer movement , # MyVmeste ( Us Together ) , which organizes companies and individuals to help out with things like coronavirus hotlines , free legal consultations , and facilities for remote work and distance learning .
One of its most successful services has been to organize armies of mostly youthful volunteers to assist elderly people in self-isolation by buying and delivering groceries and medicines , and helping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fitoz , a prominent Moscow lawyer , is offering her services pro bono to doctors who can ’ t keep up with payments when they get sick , or are having trouble receiving promised hazard bonuses and overtime pay .
“ I just want to help doctors , one professional to another , and not make a big deal out of it , ” she says .
Aliona Doletskaya , former editor of Vogue-Russia and a prolific author and TV personality , is one of many Russian celebrities who ’ ve come up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She has put aside and sold 500 signed and boxed copies of her latest book , and raised about $ 35,000 .
“ I am the daughter of two doctors .
They raised me , and I learned to see the world through their eyes , ” she says .
“ I know everyone is suffering in this crisis , but doctors have special concerns.
” Experts say there are innumerable individual and group initiatives like this springing up around the country , the government is learning to welcome them , and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s social landscape after the crisis has passed .
And maybe some of those changes will be universal .
“ I hope the world will become a different place after this , ” says Ms. Korneva .
“ I want countries to realize that working together to solve problems is the only way .
I hope no one ever thinks about war again.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“I hope the world will become a different place after this,” says World War II veteran Zinaida Korneva, who has been fundraising for medical workers’ families in St. Petersburg. “I want countries to realize that working together to solve problems is the only way.”
Experts say the government is now learning to welcome charities, and it might well leave permanent changes in Russia’s social landscape after the crisis has passed.
The coronavirus pandemic has spurred creation of many charitable organizations in Russia, a country where the charity sector is nascent – and still learning to coexist with the prickly government.
This has caused tensions to arise between the new charity sector, whose assistance is genuinely welcomed by the public, and authorities who can become irate at activities that highlight the deficiencies of state services. “The government doesn’t mind established charity groups stepping in to help,” says Masha Lipman, editor of a Russian affairs journal. “They do mind what they see as alarmist and critical comments that emphasize how bad things are.”
Russia’s charitable sector is relatively new, but the coronavirus pandemic has supercharged it in what observers hope may be a lasting way. Hundreds of private initiatives to aid in the fight against COVID-19 have sprung up in the past couple of months, ranging from filling holes in the existing public health system to just helping ease the plight of vulnerable people trapped in quarantine.
Nearly 80 years ago, Zinaida Korneva marched 1,400 miles from Stalingrad to Berlin as an anti-aircraft gunner in the Soviet Army, fighting all the way.
Today, almost a centenarian, she is one of the few remaining combat veterans of World War II – and feels called to arms again.
Ms. Korneva’s daughter and granddaughter, both doctors in St. Petersburg, informed her about the immense challenges they were facing in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic. That included exhausting hours, shortages of critical equipment and protective gear, and the constant danger of getting infected themselves.
Why We Wrote This The coronavirus pandemic has spurred creation of many charitable organizations in Russia, a country where the charity sector is nascent – and still learning to coexist with the prickly government.
So, with help from the youthful portion of her extended family, Ms. Korneva set up a YouTube channel and began offering her reminiscences of the war in order to raise money to help the families of about 10 local medical workers, whom she describes as “being on the front line this time.” She says a British friend, World War II veteran Capt. Tom Moore, inspired her by raising almost $40 million for Britain’s National Health Service by walking laps in his backyard.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Her YouTube channel has since garnered about 14,000 subscribers, while over 4 million rubles [about $60,000] has poured into her donation page. That’s enough to help more than 100 families, by her estimates.
“We are all in this together, just as we were during the war,” she says. “Back then we could see our enemy, and knew how to deal with him. Now it’s an invisible enemy, and there is no vaccine. Scientists all over the world are racing to find it, while our doctors fight to preserve lives. What each of us must do is find ways to help them, to stop people from dying.”
Ms. Korneva is not alone among Russians in taking the coronavirus pandemic as a clarion call. Hundreds of private initiatives have sprung up in the past couple of months, some of them quite innovative. They range from filling holes in the existing public health system, to circumventing bureaucratic bottlenecks, to just helping ease the plight of vulnerable people trapped in quarantine. Many existing charities quickly repurposed their activities to help beleaguered state medical services speed and improve their response to the crisis.
“This aspect of social life in Russia, the charitable sector, is relatively new and generally overlooked,” says Masha Lipman, editor of Counterpoint, a journal of Russian affairs published by George Washington University. “When this disaster struck, it caught Russia unprepared, as it did most countries, and it created many new challenges that private initiatives stepped in to meet.”
Making a difference
One of those was the Zhivoy (Living) Foundation, which normally helps hospitals and patients with severe medical problems with logistical and other forms of assistance. The group’s director, Viktoria Agadzhanova, says that when the pandemic struck many hospitals began to adjust to treat COVID-19, suspending their other regular operations.
“We realized that in order to resume our usual work we needed first to help defeat this pandemic threat,” she says.
One of the biggest problems in the early stages, she says, was that doctors and hospitals were unable to directly order supplies of personal protective equipment (PPE) and other critical gear. They were required to submit a request to the Department of Health, which would stage a tender, and eventually purchase and deliver the supplies. It wasn’t until April 17 that the State Duma adopted a law on simplifying the procurement process.
“The delays meant that lots of doctors and medical workers were in danger of getting infected,” Ms. Agadzhanova says. “Hospital managers were left to either pretend there was no problem, or risk their jobs by publicly calling for help.”
Groups like the Zhivoy Foundation, and the private citizens’ rescue service Sozidaniye (Creation), slashed through the red tape by locating supplies of PPE sitting in warehouses or shops, buying it, and delivering it straight to the hospitals that needed it.
“The authorities neither helped us nor hampered us,” says Yelena Smirnova, head of Sozidaniye. “But we had dozens of requests from medical workers, and we knew what we had to do.”
One organization that did briefly get into trouble with authorities in early April was the Doctors’ Alliance, a medical workers’ group associated with opposition leader Alexei Navalny. While delivering PPE to a remote hospital in western Russia, the group’s leader Anastasia Vasilyeva was detained by police and reportedly abused for allegedly disobeying a local ordinance. She was released the next day. The case made global headlines, and may have persuaded Russian authorities to change their approach.
“We were accused of spreading fake information, of using charity for political PR purposes, of staging provocations and what not,” says Ivan Konovalov, press spokesman for the Doctors’ Alliance. “But with the passing of time the authorities have realized that this is not the best way to struggle against us. We haven’t had these difficulties since then. The authorities themselves realized that problems do exist, especially after Putin recognized this fact in one of his addresses.”
Finding an understanding with government
The case underlined the tensions that exist between the new charity sector, whose assistance is genuinely welcomed by the public, and authorities who can become irate at activities that highlight the deficiencies of state services.
“The government doesn’t mind established charity groups stepping in to help,” says Ms. Lipman. “They do mind what they see as alarmist and critical comments that emphasize how bad things are. Ideally, I think the authorities would prefer that charities act, but do so quietly.”
Russia’s government has actually promoted the creation of an official volunteer movement, #MyVmeste (Us Together), which organizes companies and individuals to help out with things like coronavirus hotlines, free legal consultations, and facilities for remote work and distance learning. One of its most successful services has been to organize armies of mostly youthful volunteers to assist elderly people in self-isolation by buying and delivering groceries and medicines, and helping out with other necessary chores.
Angelina Fitoz, a prominent Moscow lawyer, is offering her services pro bono to doctors who can’t keep up with payments when they get sick, or are having trouble receiving promised hazard bonuses and overtime pay. “I just want to help doctors, one professional to another, and not make a big deal out of it,” she says.
Aliona Doletskaya, former editor of Vogue-Russia and a prolific author and TV personality, is one of many Russian celebrities who’ve come up with their own ways to help. She has put aside and sold 500 signed and boxed copies of her latest book, and raised about $35,000. “I am the daughter of two doctors. They raised me, and I learned to see the world through their eyes,” she says. “I know everyone is suffering in this crisis, but doctors have special concerns.”
Experts say there are innumerable individual and group initiatives like this springing up around the country, the government is learning to welcome them, and it might well leave permanent changes in Russia’s social landscape after the crisis has passed. And maybe some of those changes will be universal.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“I hope the world will become a different place after this,” says Ms. Korneva. “I want countries to realize that working together to solve problems is the only way. I hope no one ever thinks about war again.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-06-08--Who should judge what's true? Tackling social media's global impact.

More and more organizations are springing up to promote media literacy , or to offer nonpartisan information sources .
But in the end , say most social media experts , it is up to each one of us to think harder , and more critically , about the news we consume .
Do we need gatekeepers to counter untruths ?
If so , do we trust governments to be arbiters ?
Do we trust the people who run Facebook and Twitter ?
The tidal wave of false information online about COVID-19 illustrates the problem .
The ease with which far-right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Germany can manipulate voters with misinformation has shocked mainstream parties , and the Chinese government has spread fake news on social media to smear pro-democracy demonstrators in Hong Kong .
In the online world , there is always more than one version of the truth .
Anyone can publish anything .
But with no quality checks , it is easy for people to get confused .
Social media .
It enlightens , it entertains , it informs .
And it obfuscates , inflames , and misleads as well .
Facebook and YouTube have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have also propagated echo chambers of falsehoods that spread around the globe at the tap of a finger .
“ Truth ” Take 1 : In 2019 , a peaceful pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong stunned the world ; at its peak nearly 2 million Hong Kongers gathered in the streets to oppose a move they felt would erode their beloved city ’ s autonomy .
“ Truth ” Take 2 : In 2019 , violent pro-democracy protesters smashed windows , stormed Hong Kong ’ s legislative chamber , and stockpiled petrol bombs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rioters were a radical fringe element who drew fewer than 350,000 at the movement ’ s height .
The continuing struggle for Hong Kong ’ s future is being fought not only between police and demonstrators for control of the streets , but also online in the digital sphere , as Beijing and protesters vie for control of the political narrative .
And , in the digital world , there is always more than one version of the “ truth.
” “ Anyone can publish anything , ” says Johannes Hillje , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ author of “ Propaganda 4.0 , ” a book on German populism .
“ We still have no quality checks on this phenomenon.
” The result ?
Widespread confusion , just as social media networks command ever-greater shares of the global attention span .
Last year , more than half the world ’ s population read something online that they believed to be true , before realizing it was false , according to Statista , an online business data portal .
This matters – because informed citizens are essential to the fight against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and ultimately , to flourishing democracies .
There are signs , say experts , that we are growing more discerning and warier of misinformation as we go online .
A growing number of organizations are promoting media literacy and the importance of nonpartisan information sources , while social media platforms are under increasing public pressure to scrub misinformation .
Social media companies such as Facebook and Youtube have created and connected communities on a scale barely imagined a decade ago .
Yet they have also propagated echo chambers of falsehoods that spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a finger ; the COVID-19 pandemic , the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests , and the rise of the far-right in Germany offer vivid illustrations .
How do we collectively tackle this problem ?
Who should judge what is true , and whether those who lie have the same right as anyone else to express themselves online ?
Is the idea that governments should police online content any more acceptable than the idea that for-profit companies such as Facebook or Twitter should fill that role ?
“ Now gatekeeping has to be done by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We haven ’ t learned this as a society .
That takes much more time than it does to introduce new technologies.
” Digital citizens have been given a crash course by COVID-19 , as misinformation about the coronavirus has spread widely .
Every aspect of the pandemic has been subject to online falsehoods , from where it originated to how infectious it is ( deliberately released by a Chinese scientist ?
Secretly brought to China by a U.S .
soldier ? )
.
“ Pandemics are fertile ground for people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s a lot of uncertainty and fear , ” says John Cook , a researcher at George Mason University in Virginia who studies media narratives around climate change .
“ But misinformation can kill.
” President Donald Trump himself has been a source of misinformation , tweeting approval of unproven methods of combating COVID-19 .
But he was angered when Twitter took the unprecedented step of cautioning users against the president ’ s “ unsubstantiated ” claims about the reliability of mail-in votes , and flagged another of his tweets as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is the far-right Alternativ für Deutschland political party that has mounted the most successful social media strategy – and political misinformation campaign – in recent history .
Standing on an anti-Muslim , anti-immigrant platform , the AfD has doubled its membership over the past seven years , largely on the back of online campaigns that spread inaccuracies , play on voters ’ emotions , and highlight scandals that polarize and provoke .
That ’ s exactly the type of content that platforms ’ algorithms tend to promote .
Research has shown that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the years – designed to increase “ engagement ” – have also boosted divisive posts that provoke outrage .
In 2019 , the most-shared posts on Facebook had to do with child trafficking and abortion , according to the social media tracking company NewsWhip .
Few issues in Germany have been as politically divisive as migration , which the AfD has used to its advantage .
The party ’ s social media posts have overstated the number of migrants seeking asylum in Germany by up to a million .
Its leaders have falsely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Germans , and cautioned that Europe was becoming “ Eurabia ” with an advertisement depicting a white woman surrounded by Muslim men .
The party has created an “ alternative media universe , ” says Mr. Hillje .
“ They delegitimize mainstream media , and try to create a collective identity among their followers and their audience.
” AfD Facebook posts are shared five times more often than posts by traditional parties , and the majority of political retweets relate to the AfD .
The AfD , however , says social media allows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are heavily against and unfair to the AfD , ” complains Ronald Glaser , the party ’ s lead Berlin spokesperson .
“ For our competitors , it ’ s not so important , ” he says .
“ If they want to get the message out they call television.
” The AfD is now the third largest party in the German parliament , with the power to shape the mainstream political narrative .
Nearly a year after pro-democracy protests began in Hong Kong , the Chinese government moved last month to impose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ further erode the former British colony ’ s political and cultural autonomy .
That has given the protests new urgency .
Since the demonstrations began , pro-Beijing forces have mounted a potent misinformation campaign that sought to paint protesters as violent rioters aided by foreign agents .
The goal was to turn mainland Chinese citizens and world public opinion against the movement .
Spreading “ lies ” was one part of a “ three-pronged approach of censorship , surveillance , and misinformation , ” says Lokman Tsui , a tech analyst and Google @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Asia .
The strategy is “ sophisticated and weaponized to be on the offensive , ” he says .
Chinese state media websites have misrepresented events , for example , by reporting a demonstrator ’ s police-inflicted eye injury as the work of a fellow protester , or falsely tweeting that 2 million Hong Kongers had signed a petition that Beijing be granted more power .
Pro-Beijing forces have also used fake social media accounts to post content , purchased ads on social media platforms , and encouraged Chinese officials and supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking to sow division within private pro-democracy messaging groups .
“ It ’ s really hard for people to realize what the Communist Party is doing , ” says Isaac Cheng of the pro-democracy political group Demosisto .
“ Their aim is to demoralize the entire movement.
” On the flip side , protesters have posted thousands of videos and images to bring their story directly to the public .
Their narrative has sometimes penetrated : U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi referred to “ 2 million protesters ” as she urged Congress to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaking out for democratic freedoms in Hong Kong.
” The true size of the protest marches last year ?
Around 800,000 at their peak , according to independent parties who relied on artificial intelligence and crowd-density measurements .
As a new round of protests gears up , the battle for global public opinion continues online , as fiercely as it does on the streets .
Who should be responsible for monitoring the content that fills our screens every day ?
“ Who gets to decide what is an information operation or what is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an attorney and media rights researcher at Harvard University .
In the Hong Kong case , Twitter announced last August that it would no longer allow “ state-controlled news media entities ” to purchase advertising .
Facebook and Google have also taken down some posts , fake accounts , and links , but offered little transparency about what they were doing , says Ms. Douek .
This patchwork approach illustrates a real challenge .
Currently , policing content requires “ private , for-profit companies to decide people ’ s speech rights all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
“ This is untenable and unacceptable.
” Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg does not seem keen on taking that responsibility .
“ I don ’ t think that Facebook or internet platforms in general should be arbiters of truth , ” he told CNBC in an interview last month .
Facebook and YouTube have hired thousands of independent monitors to view content that ’ s flagged for review , and to remove inappropriate posts .
But Mr. Zuckerberg acknowledged in his CNBC interview that the fact-checkers ’ job is only to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” He is now facing an open revolt among employees who want Facebook to do more .
On the other hand , inviting governments to get too involved in regulating speech amounts to “ walking on ice , ” says Stephan Mundges , a digital communications researcher at Dortmund Technical University .
“ If we don ’ t have robust democratic institutions , any way of trying to regulate disinformation means that freedom of speech is in danger , ” he warns .
Take the example of South Africa , where the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 misinformation , and also to criticize government , says Mr. Cook , the climate communications researcher .
“ It ’ s a very slippery slope.
” How the Germans do it … and the Americans Trying to keep its footing on that slope is Germany .
In the widest-ranging action by a Western democracy to date , the government two years ago compelled media platforms to identify and remove any content defined by the law as “ illegal.
” There are 21 categories , and platforms can be fined up to 5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 24 hours such content after it is flagged .
Human Rights Watch has declared the law vague and overly broad , and policymakers are currently considering changes including allowing users to appeal decisions .
The effectiveness of the law is unclear ; six months after it was passed , only a small percentage of reported content had been removed ; Facebook had taken down only 20 % of the 1,700 posts reported , and Twitter had removed just 10 % of items reported as illegal by users .
The United States , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ headquarters for the globe ’ s most popular social media companies , is arguably the most important place in which to get the balance between digital freedom and responsibility right .
Being home base “ gives regulators a certain degree of power over platforms that other jurisdictions don ’ t have , ” says Ms. Douek .
Yet the Communications Decency Act , which President Trump has sought to amend by executive order , essentially shields companies from legal liability for the content posted on its platforms .
To date , any action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company .
Michael Quinn contends that society should be thinking about ethics and responsibility even farther upstream – when systems are being designed .
Dean of Science and Engineering at Seattle University , and author of the popular text “ Ethics for the Information Age , ” Dr. Quinn has made a mission of educating both computer science students and tech executives alike .
A significant challenge around artificial intelligence , he says , is the bias inherent in the data used to train these systems .
“ If the data is being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be building a future in which automated systems are making racist decisions , ” explains Dr. Quinn .
He points to a real-life example – a hospital monitoring system to recommend which patients should receive early interventions .
Engineers found the AI system was recommending treatment more often for whites than for blacks , because historical data showed whites receiving more treatment .
But that was just because they had more money .
“ There need to be some guardrails , ” Dr. Quinn warns .
Even if online gatekeeping institutions strike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still tend to seek out information that supports their opinions .
“ Confirmation bias existed before social media , ” says Mr. Hillje , the Berlin policy analyst .
“ This is a human phenomenon , not a digital phenomenon.
” John Gable , a former Silicon Valley insider who is now CEO of AllSides.com ( which has a partnership with CSMonitor.com ) , intends to expose people to information from all political perspectives .
“ So people are empowered to decide for themselves , ” Mr. Gable says .
AllSides.com places left- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , aiming to media “ filter bubbles , ” those echo chambers of information that build around single sources .
Bursting these bubbles is easier than it may seem : Research has found 9 out of 10 students showed improved understanding after just one conversation with others across a spectrum of viewpoints .
Ultimately , the solution must include stronger critical thinking by individuals , argues Mr. Cook , the climate change communications researcher .
People must constantly ask themselves , “ What kind of filters do I use ?
What stereotypes do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Where did this information come from ?
” There are signs that people going online are doing this mental work .
A Pew Research Center survey in 2018 showed 78 % of Americans prefer news from sources without a partisan slant , up 14 points from five years ago .
Last year , a Pew survey also found more Americans were concerned about made-up news than about climate change , racism , illegal immigration , and terrorism .
“ The public intolerance for misinformation , and the danger of it , is so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Mr. Cook .
“ The pandemic is a terrible situation , but there ’ s potentially the opportunity to build a new public resilience ” on the foundations of new public awareness .
Society is building toward an inflection point after years of watching institutions upended by “ fake news , ” says AllSides.com ’ s Mr. Gable .
“ There are thousands of organizations now trying to bridge the divide and have people talk to each other , both for our own health and to make governments more functional , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up our efforts .
”

More and more organizations are springing up to promote media literacy, or to offer nonpartisan information sources. But in the end, say most social media experts, it is up to each one of us to think harder, and more critically, about the news we consume.
Do we need gatekeepers to counter untruths? If so, do we trust governments to be arbiters? Do we trust the people who run Facebook and Twitter?
The tidal wave of false information online about COVID-19 illustrates the problem. The ease with which far-right political parties such as the AfD in Germany can manipulate voters with misinformation has shocked mainstream parties, and the Chinese government has spread fake news on social media to smear pro-democracy demonstrators in Hong Kong.
Social media can spread positive vibes or dangerous lies. But whom do we trust to decide which is which? Governments? Mark Zuckerberg? And how much responsibility lies with individual news consumers? Part 10 in our global series “Navigating Uncertainty.”
In the online world, there is always more than one version of the truth. Anyone can publish anything. But with no quality checks, it is easy for people to get confused.
Social media. It enlightens, it entertains, it informs. And it obfuscates, inflames, and misleads as well. Facebook and YouTube have created and connected communities, but they have also propagated echo chambers of falsehoods that spread around the globe at the tap of a finger.
“Truth” Take 1: In 2019, a peaceful pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong stunned the world; at its peak nearly 2 million Hong Kongers gathered in the streets to oppose a move they felt would erode their beloved city’s autonomy.
“Truth” Take 2: In 2019, violent pro-democracy protesters smashed windows, stormed Hong Kong’s legislative chamber, and stockpiled petrol bombs. Aided by anti-China foreign forces, the rioters were a radical fringe element who drew fewer than 350,000 at the movement’s height.
The continuing struggle for Hong Kong’s future is being fought not only between police and demonstrators for control of the streets, but also online in the digital sphere, as Beijing and protesters vie for control of the political narrative. And, in the digital world, there is always more than one version of the “truth.”
Why We Wrote This Social media can spread positive vibes or dangerous lies. But whom do we trust to decide which is which? Governments? Mark Zuckerberg? And how much responsibility lies with individual news consumers? Part 10 in our global series “Navigating Uncertainty.”
“Anyone can publish anything,” says Johannes Hillje, a Berlin-based expert on social media and author of “Propaganda 4.0,” a book on German populism. “We still have no quality checks on this phenomenon.”
The result? Widespread confusion, just as social media networks command ever-greater shares of the global attention span. Last year, more than half the world’s population read something online that they believed to be true, before realizing it was false, according to Statista, an online business data portal.
This matters – because informed citizens are essential to the fight against ills such as climate change and poverty, and ultimately, to flourishing democracies. There are signs, say experts, that we are growing more discerning and warier of misinformation as we go online. A growing number of organizations are promoting media literacy and the importance of nonpartisan information sources, while social media platforms are under increasing public pressure to scrub misinformation.
Social media companies such as Facebook and Youtube have created and connected communities on a scale barely imagined a decade ago. Yet they have also propagated echo chambers of falsehoods that spread around the globe at the tap of a finger; the COVID-19 pandemic, the Hong Kong pro-democracy protests, and the rise of the far-right in Germany offer vivid illustrations.
How do we collectively tackle this problem? Who should judge what is true, and whether those who lie have the same right as anyone else to express themselves online? Is the idea that governments should police online content any more acceptable than the idea that for-profit companies such as Facebook or Twitter should fill that role?
“Now gatekeeping has to be done by every individual,” Mr. Hillje says. “We haven’t learned this as a society. That takes much more time than it does to introduce new technologies.”
Julio Cortez/AP/File View caption Hide caption Pat Winters Lauro, a journalism professor at Kean University in Union, New Jersey, leads a class discussion talking about fake news on Jan. 20, 2017. Teachers from elementary school through college have been ramping up media literacy training to recognize bogus reports and understand their potential to weaken civic culture.
The COVID-19 dimension
Digital citizens have been given a crash course by COVID-19, as misinformation about the coronavirus has spread widely.
Every aspect of the pandemic has been subject to online falsehoods, from where it originated to how infectious it is (deliberately released by a Chinese scientist? Secretly brought to China by a U.S. soldier?).
“Pandemics are fertile ground for people being vulnerable to conspiracy theories, because there’s a lot of uncertainty and fear,” says John Cook, a researcher at George Mason University in Virginia who studies media narratives around climate change. “But misinformation can kill.”
President Donald Trump himself has been a source of misinformation, tweeting approval of unproven methods of combating COVID-19. But he was angered when Twitter took the unprecedented step of cautioning users against the president’s “unsubstantiated” claims about the reliability of mail-in votes, and flagged another of his tweets as “glorifying violence.”
Building a party on misinformation
In Germany, it is the far-right Alternativ für Deutschland political party that has mounted the most successful social media strategy – and political misinformation campaign – in recent history. Standing on an anti-Muslim, anti-immigrant platform, the AfD has doubled its membership over the past seven years, largely on the back of online campaigns that spread inaccuracies, play on voters’ emotions, and highlight scandals that polarize and provoke.
That’s exactly the type of content that platforms’ algorithms tend to promote. Research has shown that tweaks to Facebook and YouTube algorithms over the years – designed to increase “engagement” – have also boosted divisive posts that provoke outrage. In 2019, the most-shared posts on Facebook had to do with child trafficking and abortion, according to the social media tracking company NewsWhip.
Few issues in Germany have been as politically divisive as migration, which the AfD has used to its advantage. The party’s social media posts have overstated the number of migrants seeking asylum in Germany by up to a million. Its leaders have falsely claimed that foreigners commit more crimes than Germans, and cautioned that Europe was becoming “Eurabia” with an advertisement depicting a white woman surrounded by Muslim men.
SOURCE: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
The party has created an “alternative media universe,” says Mr. Hillje. “They delegitimize mainstream media, and try to create a collective identity among their followers and their audience.” AfD Facebook posts are shared five times more often than posts by traditional parties, and the majority of political retweets relate to the AfD.
The AfD, however, says social media allows it to bypass mainstream media that “are heavily against and unfair to the AfD,” complains Ronald Glaser, the party’s lead Berlin spokesperson. “For our competitors, it’s not so important,” he says. “If they want to get the message out they call television.”
The AfD is now the third largest party in the German parliament, with the power to shape the mainstream political narrative.
Lies and video tape
Nearly a year after pro-democracy protests began in Hong Kong, the Chinese government moved last month to impose a new national security law that would further erode the former British colony’s political and cultural autonomy. That has given the protests new urgency.
Since the demonstrations began, pro-Beijing forces have mounted a potent misinformation campaign that sought to paint protesters as violent rioters aided by foreign agents. The goal was to turn mainland Chinese citizens and world public opinion against the movement.
Spreading “lies” was one part of a “three-pronged approach of censorship, surveillance, and misinformation,” says Lokman Tsui, a tech analyst and Google’s former head of free expression in Asia. The strategy is “sophisticated and weaponized to be on the offensive,” he says.
Chinese state media websites have misrepresented events, for example, by reporting a demonstrator’s police-inflicted eye injury as the work of a fellow protester, or falsely tweeting that 2 million Hong Kongers had signed a petition that Beijing be granted more power.
Pro-Beijing forces have also used fake social media accounts to post content, purchased ads on social media platforms, and encouraged Chinese officials and supporters abroad to tweet.
They are also seeking to sow division within private pro-democracy messaging groups.
“It’s really hard for people to realize what the Communist Party is doing,” says Isaac Cheng of the pro-democracy political group Demosisto. “Their aim is to demoralize the entire movement.”
On the flip side, protesters have posted thousands of videos and images to bring their story directly to the public. Their narrative has sometimes penetrated: U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi referred to “2 million protesters” as she urged Congress to support the “impressive … young people speaking out for democratic freedoms in Hong Kong.”
The true size of the protest marches last year? Around 800,000 at their peak, according to independent parties who relied on artificial intelligence and crowd-density measurements.
As a new round of protests gears up, the battle for global public opinion continues online, as fiercely as it does on the streets.
Who decides?
Who should be responsible for monitoring the content that fills our screens every day? “Who gets to decide what is an information operation or what is impulsive manipulation?” asks Evelyn Douek, an attorney and media rights researcher at Harvard University.
In the Hong Kong case, Twitter announced last August that it would no longer allow “state-controlled news media entities” to purchase advertising. Facebook and Google have also taken down some posts, fake accounts, and links, but offered little transparency about what they were doing, says Ms. Douek.
This patchwork approach illustrates a real challenge. Currently, policing content requires “private, for-profit companies to decide people’s speech rights all around the world,” Ms. Douek says. “This is untenable and unacceptable.”
Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg does not seem keen on taking that responsibility. “I don’t think that Facebook or internet platforms in general should be arbiters of truth,” he told CNBC in an interview last month.
Facebook and YouTube have hired thousands of independent monitors to view content that’s flagged for review, and to remove inappropriate posts. But Mr. Zuckerberg acknowledged in his CNBC interview that the fact-checkers’ job is only to “catch the worst of the worst stuff.” He is now facing an open revolt among employees who want Facebook to do more.
On the other hand, inviting governments to get too involved in regulating speech amounts to “walking on ice,” says Stephan Mundges, a digital communications researcher at Dortmund Technical University. “If we don’t have robust democratic institutions, any way of trying to regulate disinformation means that freedom of speech is in danger,” he warns.
Take the example of South Africa, where the government has made it a crime to post COVID-19 misinformation, and also to criticize government, says Mr. Cook, the climate communications researcher. “It’s a very slippery slope.”
How the Germans do it … and the Americans
Trying to keep its footing on that slope is Germany. In the widest-ranging action by a Western democracy to date, the government two years ago compelled media platforms to identify and remove any content defined by the law as “illegal.” There are 21 categories, and platforms can be fined up to 5 million euros for failing to remove within 24 hours such content after it is flagged.
Human Rights Watch has declared the law vague and overly broad, and policymakers are currently considering changes including allowing users to appeal decisions. The effectiveness of the law is unclear; six months after it was passed, only a small percentage of reported content had been removed; Facebook had taken down only 20% of the 1,700 posts reported, and Twitter had removed just 10% of items reported as illegal by users.
The United States, as the world’s largest economy and headquarters for the globe’s most popular social media companies, is arguably the most important place in which to get the balance between digital freedom and responsibility right.
Being home base “gives regulators a certain degree of power over platforms that other jurisdictions don’t have,” says Ms. Douek. Yet the Communications Decency Act, which President Trump has sought to amend by executive order, essentially shields companies from legal liability for the content posted on its platforms. To date, any action must be largely prompted from within the company.
SOURCE: Pew Research Center | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Michael Quinn contends that society should be thinking about ethics and responsibility even farther upstream – when systems are being designed. Dean of Science and Engineering at Seattle University, and author of the popular text “Ethics for the Information Age,” Dr. Quinn has made a mission of educating both computer science students and tech executives alike.
A significant challenge around artificial intelligence, he says, is the bias inherent in the data used to train these systems. “If the data is being collected from the racist past, you could be building a future in which automated systems are making racist decisions,” explains Dr. Quinn.
He points to a real-life example – a hospital monitoring system to recommend which patients should receive early interventions. Engineers found the AI system was recommending treatment more often for whites than for blacks, because historical data showed whites receiving more treatment.
But that was just because they had more money. “There need to be some guardrails,” Dr. Quinn warns.
The answer – think harder
Even if online gatekeeping institutions strike an acceptable balance, individual netizens will still tend to seek out information that supports their opinions. “Confirmation bias existed before social media,” says Mr. Hillje, the Berlin policy analyst. “This is a human phenomenon, not a digital phenomenon.”
John Gable, a former Silicon Valley insider who is now CEO of AllSides.com (which has a partnership with CSMonitor.com), intends to expose people to information from all political perspectives. “So people are empowered to decide for themselves,” Mr. Gable says.
AllSides.com places left-, center- and right-leaning news streams side-by-side, aiming to media “filter bubbles,” those echo chambers of information that build around single sources. Bursting these bubbles is easier than it may seem: Research has found 9 out of 10 students showed improved understanding after just one conversation with others across a spectrum of viewpoints.
Ultimately, the solution must include stronger critical thinking by individuals, argues Mr. Cook, the climate change communications researcher. People must constantly ask themselves, “What kind of filters do I use? What stereotypes do I have when I consume information? Where did this information come from?”
There are signs that people going online are doing this mental work. A Pew Research Center survey in 2018 showed 78% of Americans prefer news from sources without a partisan slant, up 14 points from five years ago. Last year, a Pew survey also found more Americans were concerned about made-up news than about climate change, racism, illegal immigration, and terrorism.
“The public intolerance for misinformation, and the danger of it, is so much stronger now than before,” says Mr. Cook. “The pandemic is a terrible situation, but there’s potentially the opportunity to build a new public resilience” on the foundations of new public awareness.
Society is building toward an inflection point after years of watching institutions upended by “fake news,” says AllSides.com’s Mr. Gable.
“There are thousands of organizations now trying to bridge the divide and have people talk to each other, both for our own health and to make governments more functional,” he adds. “We are scaling up our efforts.”