csmonitor--2020-12-17--California exit: Golden State growth slows as more people leave

More people are leaving California than moving here , continuing a trend that coupled with fewer births has slowed the growth rate in the nation ’ s most populous state to a record low amid a pandemic that is reshaping its future .
Officially , California added 21,200 people from July 1 , 2019 , to July 1 , 2020 , increasing the state ’ s population by a paltry 0.05 % to 39.78 million people – still by far the most of any state .
But the bigger news from Wednesday ’ s new population estimate was that 135,600 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here .
It ’ s only the 12th time since 1900 the state has had a net migration loss , and the third largest ever recorded .
California became a state in 1850 after a gold rush spurred a massive migration of people moving west to seek their fortune .
The state boomed again following World War II because of the aerospace and defense industry , and again in the 1980s and early 1990s as technology companies made Silicon Valley a household name .
That growth slowed for the first time in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on its aerospace spending following the end of the Cold War .
It happened again during the lead-up to the Great Recession in the late 2000s .
New population estimates released Wednesday by the state Department of Finance show it ’ s now happening a third time , as California recorded its third consecutive year of net migration loss .
The reasons why aren ’ t yet fully understood .
In recent weeks , a string of high-profile business leaders have announced they are leaving California for states with lower taxes and fewer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the headquarters of tech giants Oracle and Hewlett-Packard , whose roots trace back to the founding of Silicon Valley .
A niche industry has emerged around the trend , with real estate agents starting websites like “ exitcalifornia.org ” and “ leavingthebayarea.com ” as the state ’ s median home price hit a record high of more than $ 712,000 in September .
“ With COVID and a lot of tech companies allowing people to work remotely , it ’ s certainly opened up the door for a lot of people to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Scott Fuller , a real estate agent whose business is aimed at helping people leave California – something he did in June when he moved his family to Arizona .
“ We ’ re seeing a lot more high-income earners who are actively planning an exit strategy.
” Matt Frinzi carried out his exit strategy on Tuesday , when he finished packing up his BMW X3 and left his home in San Francisco for Reno , Nevada – a state that does not have an income tax .
Mr. Frinzi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , saying when he moved to San Francisco in the 1990s he thought it as “ the premiere city in the United States.
” “ I wouldn ’ t give you a nickel for it now , ” he said .
Mr. Frinzi said he came from a working class immigrant family in New Jersey , building a nice life in the medical business .
Now , with some in the state Legislature pushing for a new “ wealth tax ” on the state ’ s highest earners , Mr. Frinzi said it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic furthered his resolve to move , he said , because of “ government overreach , ” including the state ordering businesses like restaurants and hair salons to close .
“ You ’ re going to think I ’ m a right-wing kook .
I ’ m really not .
I ’ m a reasonable Republican , ” he said .
“ I believe in the Constitution of the United States , and it ’ s unrecognizable in the state of California , particularly in San Francisco.
” But while it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and policies for its recent exodus , state officials say the more likely culprit is the pandemic and the migration patterns of the state ’ s large community of international immigrants .
Walter Schwarm , a demographer with the state Department of Finance , said California ’ s net increase from international immigration has fallen every year since 2017 , shortly after President Donald Trump took office and put in place policies that made it more difficult and expensive for people to legally move to the United States .
Plus , people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often come to California first , but don ’ t settle here , Department of Finance spokesman H.D .
Palmer said .
“ They have migrated to other states and other regions in the country because of either family ties or because there have been larger communities in certain areas of the country that reflect the home countries from which they came , ” he said , pointing to the large Hmong population in Minnesota as an example .
But immigration and emigration are not the sole reasons for California ’ s slowing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are dying and fewer people are having children .
That ’ s partly because California ’ s population is getting older , leaving fewer people who are more likely to have kids .
“ We ’ re missing 100,000 people that would normally be there every year because the birth rate has slowed down , ” Mr. Schwarm said .
But it ’ s also likely more people are dying because of the pandemic .
From 2017 to 2020 , the number of deaths in California grew by an average of 4,800 deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California ’ s deaths increased by 12,800 .
California had reported a total of 6,163 coronavirus deaths on July 1 , a number that has since grown to 21,481 as of Tuesday .
State officials base their population estimates on a number of sources , including birth and death counts , the number of new driver ’ s licenses and address changes , school enrollments , and federal income tax returns .
This year ’ s estimate is shakier than usual because several of those data sources were affected by the response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extending deadlines for some taxes and license renewals .
The state will likely revise this estimate next year based on new information .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

More people are leaving California than moving here, continuing a trend that coupled with fewer births has slowed the growth rate in the nation’s most populous state to a record low amid a pandemic that is reshaping its future.
Officially, California added 21,200 people from July 1, 2019, to July 1, 2020, increasing the state’s population by a paltry 0.05% to 39.78 million people – still by far the most of any state.
But the bigger news from Wednesday’s new population estimate was that 135,600 more people left the state than moved here. It’s only the 12th time since 1900 the state has had a net migration loss, and the third largest ever recorded.
California became a state in 1850 after a gold rush spurred a massive migration of people moving west to seek their fortune. The state boomed again following World War II because of the aerospace and defense industry, and again in the 1980s and early 1990s as technology companies made Silicon Valley a household name.
That growth slowed for the first time in the mid-1990s after the United States cut back on its aerospace spending following the end of the Cold War. It happened again during the lead-up to the Great Recession in the late 2000s. New population estimates released Wednesday by the state Department of Finance show it’s now happening a third time, as California recorded its third consecutive year of net migration loss.
The reasons why aren’t yet fully understood. In recent weeks, a string of high-profile business leaders have announced they are leaving California for states with lower taxes and fewer regulations – including Tesla CEO Elon Musk and the headquarters of tech giants Oracle and Hewlett-Packard, whose roots trace back to the founding of Silicon Valley.
A niche industry has emerged around the trend, with real estate agents starting websites like “exitcalifornia.org” and “leavingthebayarea.com” as the state’s median home price hit a record high of more than $712,000 in September.
“With COVID and a lot of tech companies allowing people to work remotely, it’s certainly opened up the door for a lot of people to consider making the move out of California,” said Scott Fuller, a real estate agent whose business is aimed at helping people leave California – something he did in June when he moved his family to Arizona. “We’re seeing a lot more high-income earners who are actively planning an exit strategy.”
Matt Frinzi carried out his exit strategy on Tuesday, when he finished packing up his BMW X3 and left his home in San Francisco for Reno, Nevada – a state that does not have an income tax. Mr. Frinzi has lived in California for 25 years, saying when he moved to San Francisco in the 1990s he thought it as “the premiere city in the United States.”
“I wouldn’t give you a nickel for it now,” he said.
Mr. Frinzi said he came from a working class immigrant family in New Jersey, building a nice life in the medical business. Now, with some in the state Legislature pushing for a new “wealth tax” on the state’s highest earners, Mr. Frinzi said it was time to leave. The coronavirus pandemic furthered his resolve to move, he said, because of “government overreach,” including the state ordering businesses like restaurants and hair salons to close.
“You’re going to think I’m a right-wing kook. I’m really not. I’m a reasonable Republican,” he said. “I believe in the Constitution of the United States, and it’s unrecognizable in the state of California, particularly in San Francisco.”
But while it’s fashionable to blame California’s taxes and policies for its recent exodus, state officials say the more likely culprit is the pandemic and the migration patterns of the state’s large community of international immigrants.
Walter Schwarm, a demographer with the state Department of Finance, said California’s net increase from international immigration has fallen every year since 2017, shortly after President Donald Trump took office and put in place policies that made it more difficult and expensive for people to legally move to the United States.
Plus, people who move to the U.S. from other countries often come to California first, but don’t settle here, Department of Finance spokesman H.D. Palmer said.
“They have migrated to other states and other regions in the country because of either family ties or because there have been larger communities in certain areas of the country that reflect the home countries from which they came,” he said, pointing to the large Hmong population in Minnesota as an example.
But immigration and emigration are not the sole reasons for California’s slowing growth. The data shows more people are dying and fewer people are having children. That’s partly because California’s population is getting older, leaving fewer people who are more likely to have kids.
“We’re missing 100,000 people that would normally be there every year because the birth rate has slowed down,” Mr. Schwarm said.
But it’s also likely more people are dying because of the pandemic. From 2017 to 2020, the number of deaths in California grew by an average of 4,800 deaths per year. But this year, California’s deaths increased by 12,800.
California had reported a total of 6,163 coronavirus deaths on July 1, a number that has since grown to 21,481 as of Tuesday.
State officials base their population estimates on a number of sources, including birth and death counts, the number of new driver’s licenses and address changes, school enrollments, and federal income tax returns.
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This year’s estimate is shakier than usual because several of those data sources were affected by the response to the coronavirus pandemic, including changing or extending deadlines for some taxes and license renewals. The state will likely revise this estimate next year based on new information.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-12-17--Local Tunisian date farm grows progress for its community

As revolution swept Tunisia 10 years ago , the people of Jemna saw their chance to settle a colonial-era score – seizing a 460-acre date plantation just outside the oasis town .
“ We had to get our land back , we should be the ones using it , ” said Mohsen Ezzine who was among those who occupied the farm – claiming it as ancestral land – two days before then-President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali fled abroad in January 2011 .
A wave of land occupations took place during the revolt against Mr. Ben Ali ’ s authoritarian rule @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the reappropriated land is either back in state hands or caught up in legal disputes .
Of about 247,000 acres of state-owned land that was appropriated , the government has since clawed back nearly 198,000 acres , according to the Land Ministry .
And while Tunisia ’ s government has refused to negotiate on the question of ownership , Jemna is a rare case of local people managing to negotiate the collective management of state land .
Despite a recent drop in date prices due to COVID-19 , the plantation has thrived .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and profits have been reinvested in community health and education facilities .
And due to a social economy law passed earlier this year , Jemna looks set to become the first land-occupying collective to reach an agreement to keep the land in community hands .
The legislation , which is yet to be implemented , would grant collectives with a social objective legal access to state-owned land although ownership would not be transferred .
Ghazi Chouachi , a former land minister who worked on the new law , said Jemna was an “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of its social business model .
“ This is why we supported it , even though it ’ s state land , ” he said .
From one colonial rule to another Mr. Ezzine belongs to one of the tribes that collectively owned the land until 1912 when he said it was appropriated during French-colonial rule to be used to grow dates .
His grandfather worked on the farm during the colonial period “ like a servant for very low wages ” and used to take his sheep and goats to graze there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ezzine said .
After independence in 1957 , Tunisia took a loan to pay France for the land and then kept it as state property , instead of returning it to local residents .
Following a brief experiment with farming cooperatives , the state changed tack , encouraging the use of public land by private investors .
This led to “ villages of peasants without land surrounded by public land that is abandoned or given to such-and-such an investor , ” said Layla Riahi , a lecturer at the Tunisian School of Architecture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ date plantation land was rented to the state-owned STIL , which went bankrupt in 2001 .
Two businessmen with close ties to power began to rent the land at low prices .
Such policies fueled old grievances over the land ’ s confiscation , said Taher Tahri , president of the Association for the Protection of the Jemna Oasis , the organization that manages the plantation collectively .
“ We had replaced the colonizer with another colonizer , a Tunisian one , ” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation , sipping coffee in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the community , for the community Prior to the date plantation ’ s 2011 occupation , it only employed 20 local people .
Today , it provides 162 jobs .
The association decides how to spend the business ’ s profits in consultation with local people and so far it has funded numerous projects including classrooms for the local school , a new roof at the wholesale date market , and a community ambulance .
Young people from the town who want to study at university are offered financial assistance .
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the implementation of the social economy legislation , and in turn Jemna ’ s land-use deal with the state , Mr. Tahri is determined to keep community control on the plantation .
“ What is essential is that no one except those from Jemna will put their feet in the oasis of Jemna , ” he said .
With the passing of the new law , other groups have contacted Mr. Tahri to see if they can emulate Jemna ’ s model .
A decade after the revolution that triggered “ Arab Spring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those who seized state land have struggled to keep hold of it – many hampered by poor organization and a lack of capital .
In the nearby town of Zaafrane , young people occupied a 300-acre date farm situated on lands they claimed as ancestral , but were forced off the site in 2017 , said Ali Rtima , a local activist .
The plantation has since been returned by the state to its former tenant , a wealthy land-owning businessman , a blow to the occupying group that Mr. Rtima blamed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A group of former STIL employees also sought access to part of the land in Zaafrane , but their appeals to the local governor fell on deaf ears .
“ We didn ’ t go to court – a lawyer needs money and we couldn ’ t afford it , ” said Mohamed Grere , one of the ex-STIL workers .
Preparing to head home after a morning ’ s work irrigating Jemna ’ s palms , Tarek Sessi said he was much happier with working life today than when he used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get paid , I buy something from the [ local ] shop .
The association does things in Jemna .
All the money stays in Jemna , ” he said .
“ It ’ s the solidarity economy.
” This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation .

As revolution swept Tunisia 10 years ago, the people of Jemna saw their chance to settle a colonial-era score – seizing a 460-acre date plantation just outside the oasis town.
“We had to get our land back, we should be the ones using it,” said Mohsen Ezzine who was among those who occupied the farm – claiming it as ancestral land – two days before then-President Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali fled abroad in January 2011.
A wave of land occupations took place during the revolt against Mr. Ben Ali’s authoritarian rule, but a decade later much of the reappropriated land is either back in state hands or caught up in legal disputes.
Of about 247,000 acres of state-owned land that was appropriated, the government has since clawed back nearly 198,000 acres, according to the Land Ministry.
And while Tunisia’s government has refused to negotiate on the question of ownership, Jemna is a rare case of local people managing to negotiate the collective management of state land.
Despite a recent drop in date prices due to COVID-19, the plantation has thrived. More than 100 jobs have been created and profits have been reinvested in community health and education facilities.
And due to a social economy law passed earlier this year, Jemna looks set to become the first land-occupying collective to reach an agreement to keep the land in community hands.
The legislation, which is yet to be implemented, would grant collectives with a social objective legal access to state-owned land although ownership would not be transferred.
Ghazi Chouachi, a former land minister who worked on the new law, said Jemna was an “exceptional” case due to the success of its social business model.
“This is why we supported it, even though it’s state land,” he said.
From one colonial rule to another
Mr. Ezzine belongs to one of the tribes that collectively owned the land until 1912 when he said it was appropriated during French-colonial rule to be used to grow dates.
His grandfather worked on the farm during the colonial period “like a servant for very low wages” and used to take his sheep and goats to graze there after the harvest had finished, Mr. Ezzine said.
After independence in 1957, Tunisia took a loan to pay France for the land and then kept it as state property, instead of returning it to local residents.
Following a brief experiment with farming cooperatives, the state changed tack, encouraging the use of public land by private investors.
This led to “villages of peasants without land surrounded by public land that is abandoned or given to such-and-such an investor,” said Layla Riahi, a lecturer at the Tunisian School of Architecture and Urbanism.
In Jemna, the date plantation land was rented to the state-owned STIL, which went bankrupt in 2001. Two businessmen with close ties to power began to rent the land at low prices.
Such policies fueled old grievances over the land’s confiscation, said Taher Tahri, president of the Association for the Protection of the Jemna Oasis, the organization that manages the plantation collectively.
“We had replaced the colonizer with another colonizer, a Tunisian one,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation, sipping coffee in Jemna’s palm-lined main road.
In the community, for the community
Prior to the date plantation’s 2011 occupation, it only employed 20 local people. Today, it provides 162 jobs.
The association decides how to spend the business’s profits in consultation with local people and so far it has funded numerous projects including classrooms for the local school, a new roof at the wholesale date market, and a community ambulance.
Young people from the town who want to study at university are offered financial assistance.
While a recent change of government has delayed the implementation of the social economy legislation, and in turn Jemna’s land-use deal with the state, Mr. Tahri is determined to keep community control on the plantation.
“What is essential is that no one except those from Jemna will put their feet in the oasis of Jemna,” he said.
With the passing of the new law, other groups have contacted Mr. Tahri to see if they can emulate Jemna’s model.
A decade after the revolution that triggered “Arab Spring” protests across the region, most of those who seized state land have struggled to keep hold of it – many hampered by poor organization and a lack of capital.
In the nearby town of Zaafrane, young people occupied a 300-acre date farm situated on lands they claimed as ancestral, but were forced off the site in 2017, said Ali Rtima, a local activist.
The plantation has since been returned by the state to its former tenant, a wealthy land-owning businessman, a blow to the occupying group that Mr. Rtima blamed on a lack of solidarity and organization.
A group of former STIL employees also sought access to part of the land in Zaafrane, but their appeals to the local governor fell on deaf ears.
“We didn’t go to court – a lawyer needs money and we couldn’t afford it,” said Mohamed Grere, one of the ex-STIL workers.
Preparing to head home after a morning’s work irrigating Jemna’s palms, Tarek Sessi said he was much happier with working life today than when he used to work for STIL.
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“I get paid, I buy something from the [local] shop. The association does things in Jemna. All the money stays in Jemna,” he said. “It’s the solidarity economy.”
This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation.


csmonitor--2020-12-17--In a Bosnian municipal election, hope for post-ethnic politics

The historic Bosnian town of Mostar , a gem of 15th century Ottoman architecture , has not held an election since 2008 .
On Sunday it has a chance to shake off years of political paralysis .
Despite drawing millions of tourists , the town is suffocating under uncollected garbage and it still bears the scars of war from the 1990s : local echoes of a similar dysfunction at the national level .
The town of around 100,000 has not held an election for 12 years because its Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosniaks were unable to agree on electoral rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tensions that brought war to the country three decades ago .
But the dispute has been settled , thanks to a 2019 court ruling won by Irma Baralija , a philosophy teacher who filed a suit against the Bosnian government at the European human rights court for failing to hold elections in Mostar .
“ They just stole all those years of democracy from us , ” said Ms. Baralija , a Bosniak who is standing for the multi-ethnic Our Party in Sunday ’ s city government election .
“ We simply must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we can not live in the past anymore.
” Twenty-five years since war ended , the Bosnian government faces a choice , analysts say : either it reforms and moves on from ethnic politicking towards European Union integration , or it falls deeper into decay and stagnation .
In Mostar , voters face the same question , with potential new leaders such as Baralija campaigning on bread-and-butter issues rather than on the ethnic agenda that has bogged down Bosnia for 25 years .
Political experts expect multi-ethnic parties to win some councilors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damage the two-party nationalist majority .
But new members will at least be able to challenge council decisions .
Croats outnumber Bosniaks in Mostar by less than 5 % , but people from both groups are leaving the town because its economy has been ruined by mismanagement .
The Croatian HDZ party and the Bosniak SDA argued for years over electoral boundaries , until the court decision forced them to accept a proposal almost unchanged from a decade ago .
During that time , the HDZ and SDA , which share power nationally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have drafted the Mostar budget together and it had been approved each year by the region ’ s parliament .
Citizens say money was spent without rigorous controls or transparency .
“ What we have seen in Mostar in the past 12 years was lawlessness and anarchy ... with only two men running the town , ” said Slaven Raguz , head of the opposition Croatian Republican Party .
“ Mostar has become a paradigm of Bosnia , in which ruling elites have tailored society according to their needs , living off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any responsibility towards the people they are supposed to represent , ” Mr. Raguz said .
The acting mayor declined to comment and the finance minister did not immediately answer telephone calls and emails from Reuters .
Mostar ’ s young people , facing Europe ’ s highest rate of youth unemployment of 40.2 % and a society marred by ethnic rivalries and corruption , will be voting for the first time in their town .
“ It means a change – we ’ ll finally have a city council so something should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Croat student studying mechanical engineering , while taking a stroll in the town center with his Bosniak friend Djani Fejzic .
The two young men defy prejudices about Mostar ’ s divisions .
“ Why would the town , which has so many bridges , be a synonym for divisions ?
” Mr. Fejzic asked .
“ I am all for connecting.
” Marin Bago , an activist who will run on a list of independent candidates called “ The Right to the Town , ” says Mostar has been divided only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deepest emotion in Bosnia is fear , remaining from the war , ” Mr. Bago said , pointing to ruins that date from the fighting that began in 1992 .
“ We are looking at them for 28 years , it is frustrating because there is no reason nor excuse to watch the ruins for 28 years.
” This story was reported by Reuters .

The historic Bosnian town of Mostar, a gem of 15th century Ottoman architecture, has not held an election since 2008. On Sunday it has a chance to shake off years of political paralysis.
Despite drawing millions of tourists, the town is suffocating under uncollected garbage and it still bears the scars of war from the 1990s: local echoes of a similar dysfunction at the national level.
The town of around 100,000 has not held an election for 12 years because its Catholic Croats and Muslim Bosniaks were unable to agree on electoral rules, a row that illustrates the ethnic tensions that brought war to the country three decades ago.
But the dispute has been settled, thanks to a 2019 court ruling won by Irma Baralija, a philosophy teacher who filed a suit against the Bosnian government at the European human rights court for failing to hold elections in Mostar.
“They just stole all those years of democracy from us,” said Ms. Baralija, a Bosniak who is standing for the multi-ethnic Our Party in Sunday’s city government election.
“We simply must take a step forward to the future, we cannot live in the past anymore.”
Twenty-five years since war ended, the Bosnian government faces a choice, analysts say: either it reforms and moves on from ethnic politicking towards European Union integration, or it falls deeper into decay and stagnation.
In Mostar, voters face the same question, with potential new leaders such as Baralija campaigning on bread-and-butter issues rather than on the ethnic agenda that has bogged down Bosnia for 25 years.
Political experts expect multi-ethnic parties to win some councilors, although perhaps not enough to seriously damage the two-party nationalist majority. But new members will at least be able to challenge council decisions.
Croats outnumber Bosniaks in Mostar by less than 5%, but people from both groups are leaving the town because its economy has been ruined by mismanagement.
Political stagnation serving incumbents
The Croatian HDZ party and the Bosniak SDA argued for years over electoral boundaries, until the court decision forced them to accept a proposal almost unchanged from a decade ago.
During that time, the HDZ and SDA, which share power nationally in Bosnia’s autonomous Bosniak-Croat Federation, have drafted the Mostar budget together and it had been approved each year by the region’s parliament. Citizens say money was spent without rigorous controls or transparency.
“What we have seen in Mostar in the past 12 years was lawlessness and anarchy ... with only two men running the town,” said Slaven Raguz, head of the opposition Croatian Republican Party.
“Mostar has become a paradigm of Bosnia, in which ruling elites have tailored society according to their needs, living off taxpayers’ money, and not showing any responsibility towards the people they are supposed to represent,” Mr. Raguz said.
The acting mayor declined to comment and the finance minister did not immediately answer telephone calls and emails from Reuters.
Mostar’s young people, facing Europe’s highest rate of youth unemployment of 40.2% and a society marred by ethnic rivalries and corruption, will be voting for the first time in their town.
“It means a change – we’ll finally have a city council so something should be happening,” said Zvonimir Bioksic a Croat student studying mechanical engineering, while taking a stroll in the town center with his Bosniak friend Djani Fejzic.
The two young men defy prejudices about Mostar’s divisions.
“Why would the town, which has so many bridges, be a synonym for divisions?” Mr. Fejzic asked. “I am all for connecting.”
Marin Bago, an activist who will run on a list of independent candidates called “The Right to the Town,” says Mostar has been divided only in peoples’ minds.
“The deepest emotion in Bosnia is fear, remaining from the war,” Mr. Bago said, pointing to ruins that date from the fighting that began in 1992.
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“We are looking at them for 28 years, it is frustrating because there is no reason nor excuse to watch the ruins for 28 years.”
This story was reported by Reuters.


csmonitor--2020-12-18--Kidnapping dissidents abroad, Iran is sending a message at home

“ You can ’ t interpret the use of televised confessions in any way other than the propaganda machine , ” says Ms. Sepehri Far .
“ It ’ s a public messaging tool .
They need to send this message to the base , to convince the public they are doing something.
” “ They want to send the message , ‘ Look , this is the capability of the Islamic Republic , to bring these people back to Iran , ’ ” says Tara Sepehri Far , the Iran researcher for Human Rights Watch .
The actions appear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home in Iran ’ s intelligence and security apparatus as to exact vengeance , analysts say , amid a series of headline-grabbing intelligence failures and assassinations of high-value Iranian targets .
He is the latest in a string of at least three high-profile Iranian dissidents who returned to the region from the United States or Europe , only to be abducted beyond Iran ’ s borders , spirited back into the country , and put on state TV to confess to “ crimes.
” Habib Chaab , an Iranian opposition leader in exile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ female Iranian agent to Istanbul .
There he was abducted , drugged , and driven in a van more than 1,000 miles east across Turkey and smuggled into Iran , in a complex operation orchestrated by Iranian intelligence .
The polished “ confession ” video of Iranian opposition leader Habib Chaab looks similar to many produced over the years by Iran ’ s spy services .
But how Mr. Chaab was abducted abroad and spirited back to Iran in October is part of an increasingly used – and relatively successful – tactic that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offensive ” intelligence reach abroad , as it absorbs a spate of recent intelligence failures at home .
Set to sinister music , the video broadcast by Iran ’ s Ministry of Intelligence last month is interspersed with images of explosions and bloodied victims – including from a September 2018 attack on a military parade in Ahvaz , which killed 25 people and was claimed by Mr. Chaab ’ s separatist Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of Ahvaz , or ASMLA .
The video shows Mr. Chaab removing his blindfold , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrorist operation ” and taking cash from Saudi Arabia , Iran ’ s Muslim world rival .
What Mr. Chaab doesn ’ t say is how he ended up in Iranian custody : lured in a honey trap from exile in Sweden to Istanbul , by a female Iranian agent , and then abducted , drugged , and driven in a van more than 1,000 miles east across Turkey and smuggled into Iran , in a complex operation orchestrated by Iranian intelligence .
Mr. Chaab is the latest in a string of at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them , Ruhollah Zam , executed earlier this month – who returned to the region from the U.S. or Europe , only to be abducted beyond Iran ’ s borders , spirited back into the country , and put on state TV to confess to “ crimes.
” The actions appear designed as much to restore faith at home in Iran ’ s intelligence and security apparatus as to exact vengeance , analysts say , amid headline-grabbing failures that include Israel ’ s Mossad stealing thousands of pages of nuclear documents from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multiple explosions last summer , one of which damaged Iran ’ s nuclear centrifuge facility at Natanz .
In addition , Iran has this year witnessed the assassinations of two of its most important men : Qods Force commander Qassem Soleimani by the United States , in Baghdad ; and top nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh , apparently by Israel , outside Tehran .
“ There is no doubt we have seen more of these cases , ” of Iran abducting dissidents abroad , says Tara Sepehri Far , the Iran researcher for Human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ send the message , ‘ Look , this is the capability of the Islamic Republic , to bring these people back to Iran , ’ ” she says .
Forced public confessions have featured in Iran long before the Iranian revolution in 1979 , but the Islamic Republic has perfected the practice with hundreds of examples .
“ You can ’ t interpret the use of televised confessions in any way other than the propaganda machine , ” says Ms. Sepehri Far .
“ It ’ s a public messaging tool .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ base , to convince the public they are doing something.
” The game has stepped up for Iran since May 2018 , when President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from a landmark nuclear deal and launched a “ maximum pressure ” campaign .
Iran ’ s supreme leader , Ayatollah Ali Khamenei , then told Ministry of Intelligence staff that “ we need offensive measures ” because “ the enemy is waging a widespread and complicated intelligence war.
” That year , the ministry ’ s new Foreign Intelligence Organization saw a doubling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tactics appear to have evolved from assassinations and bomb plots attributed to it by European officials from 2017 to 2019 – including the gunning down in The Hague of Ahmad Molla Nissi , the founder of ASMLA , which has a history of bombing civilians and pipelines in Iran .
Iran instead appears to now favor much more involved efforts to coax dissidents to leave their well-protected safe havens , then snatch them .
Mr. Zam , for example , who was a Paris-based opposition activist and director of the Amad News website @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come to Iraq in October 2019 .
His capture by the intelligence wing of Iran ’ s Revolutionary Guard was an “ indisputable sign of their intelligence power versus the weakness of their [ global ] rivals , ” Ali Shamkhani , head of Iran ’ s Supreme National Security Council , said at the time .
Mr. Zam was executed Dec. 12 , accused of “ corruption on earth ” for his website ’ s role in helping foment nationwide protests in 2017 , and alleged “ links ” to Western intelligence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the “ Breitbart of Iran.
” Aside from detailing protest venues and timings , it was often used by Iran ’ s competing intelligence agencies to reveal information damaging to rivals .
Its popular Telegram channel was shut down , accused of posting instructions for making Molotov cocktails , only to reemerge – just as popular – under a new name .
Another case involves Jamshid Sharmahd , the California-based leader of the militant opposition Kingdom Assembly of Iran , whose armed wing , Tondar , claimed responsibility for a mosque blast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people .
Mr. Sharmahd was picked up in late July in Dubai , en route to a business meeting in India .
He was apparently driven from the United Arab Emirates across the border to Oman and to the coast , where his phone signal disappeared , The Associated Press reported .
He then appeared on Iran state TV , a captive .
“ These operations are not just a signal to the exiled regime-change ‘ opposition , ’ but also to Iran ’ s domestic constituencies as well as to the outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which have been in a state of heightened tension with Tehran since Trump ’ s withdrawal from the JCPOA [ nuclear deal ] , ” says Maysam Behravesh , an intelligence analyst on contract with Iran ’ s Ministry of Intelligence and Security from 2008 to 2010 .
“ The message to each audience is different , ” says Mr. Behravesh , now a Swedish-based researcher with Clingendael , the Netherlands Institute of International Relations .
“ To the opposition , they are meant to signal that you are not safe as long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Islamic Republic .
To Iranian public opinion ... it means , ‘ We are not as incompetent and toothless as the critics claim we are.
’ ” To the West , the message is one of “ defiance and indignation within [ Iran ’ s ] limited maneuvering space , ” adds Mr. Behravesh .
“ In this new era of [ intelligence work ] , the identifying and hunting down of the mercenaries working for foreign intelligence services is not restricted to Iranian territory and is rather broadened overseas , ” wrote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Khamenei ’ s office , in an editorial Tuesday .
Still , creating spectacles to engineer social compliance has been a factor in Iran for millennia , says Ali Alfoneh , an Iran analyst at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington .
“ The overarching theme for most , if not all , of these cases is the weakness of the central government and its need to project strength and terrorize the domestic public into submission , ” says Mr. Alfoneh , author of books on the Revolutionary Guard and political succession @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has perfected this method since antiquity , as the rulers every once in a while would lure princes and satraps from remote parts of the empire to the capital , just to behead them , ” he says .
The Islamic Republic inherited “ the art of turning weakness into strength by the way of theatrical spectacles , ” adds Mr. Alfoneh .
“ The regime is not capable of preventing Mossad from stealing truckloads of documents [ or ] assassinating nuclear scientists ... but it is more than capable of creating tragicomical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state.
” And in Turkey , with the abduction of Mr. Chaab of the ASMLA , the scale of that Iranian operation was clear in details , evidence , and video collected by Turkish counterterrorism officials , first leaked to The Washington Post and Sky News .
Footage gathered by an array of closed-circuit cameras shows the “ honey trap ” Iranian agent , identified by Turkey as Saberin Saedi , getting off the flight from Tehran in Istanbul , taking a bus to the terminal , having her fake Iranian passport stamped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handler who arrived on the same flight .
The Turkish file includes video of two men , before the abduction , buying two sizes of cable ties from an Istanbul hardware store , which Turkey says were later used to bind Mr. Chaab for the long drive to Iran .
Turkey announced this week it had detained 11 people involved in the abduction .
“ We condemn in the strongest possible terms this illegal operation by the Iranian intelligence , ” Turkey ’ s presidential office told Sky in a statement .

“You can’t interpret the use of televised confessions in any way other than the propaganda machine,” says Ms. Sepehri Far. “It’s a public messaging tool. They need to send this message to the base, to convince the public they are doing something.”
“They want to send the message, ‘Look, this is the capability of the Islamic Republic, to bring these people back to Iran,’” says Tara Sepehri Far, the Iran researcher for Human Rights Watch.
The actions appear designed as much to restore faith at home in Iran’s intelligence and security apparatus as to exact vengeance, analysts say, amid a series of headline-grabbing intelligence failures and assassinations of high-value Iranian targets.
Political leadership requires theater. Especially when deterrence is the aim, that can include show trials, and spectacles to engineer social compliance have been a factor in Iran since antiquity.
He is the latest in a string of at least three high-profile Iranian dissidents who returned to the region from the United States or Europe, only to be abducted beyond Iran’s borders, spirited back into the country, and put on state TV to confess to “crimes.”
Habib Chaab, an Iranian opposition leader in exile in Sweden, was lured by a female Iranian agent to Istanbul. There he was abducted, drugged, and driven in a van more than 1,000 miles east across Turkey and smuggled into Iran, in a complex operation orchestrated by Iranian intelligence.
The polished “confession” video of Iranian opposition leader Habib Chaab looks similar to many produced over the years by Iran’s spy services.
But how Mr. Chaab was abducted abroad and spirited back to Iran in October is part of an increasingly used – and relatively successful – tactic that Iran is employing to demonstrate its “offensive” intelligence reach abroad, as it absorbs a spate of recent intelligence failures at home.
Set to sinister music, the video broadcast by Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence last month is interspersed with images of explosions and bloodied victims – including from a September 2018 attack on a military parade in Ahvaz, which killed 25 people and was claimed by Mr. Chaab’s separatist Arab Struggle Movement for the Liberation of Ahvaz, or ASMLA.
Why We Wrote This Political leadership requires theater. Especially when deterrence is the aim, that can include show trials, and spectacles to engineer social compliance have been a factor in Iran since antiquity.
The video shows Mr. Chaab removing his blindfold, then revealing purported details about the Ahvaz “terrorist operation” and taking cash from Saudi Arabia, Iran’s Muslim world rival.
What Mr. Chaab doesn’t say is how he ended up in Iranian custody: lured in a honey trap from exile in Sweden to Istanbul, by a female Iranian agent, and then abducted, drugged, and driven in a van more than 1,000 miles east across Turkey and smuggled into Iran, in a complex operation orchestrated by Iranian intelligence.
Mr. Chaab is the latest in a string of at least three high-profile Iranian dissidents – one of them, Ruhollah Zam, executed earlier this month – who returned to the region from the U.S. or Europe, only to be abducted beyond Iran’s borders, spirited back into the country, and put on state TV to confess to “crimes.”
A response to failures
The actions appear designed as much to restore faith at home in Iran’s intelligence and security apparatus as to exact vengeance, analysts say, amid headline-grabbing failures that include Israel’s Mossad stealing thousands of pages of nuclear documents from a Tehran warehouse in 2018, and multiple explosions last summer, one of which damaged Iran’s nuclear centrifuge facility at Natanz.
In addition, Iran has this year witnessed the assassinations of two of its most important men: Qods Force commander Qassem Soleimani by the United States, in Baghdad; and top nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh, apparently by Israel, outside Tehran.
“There is no doubt we have seen more of these cases,” of Iran abducting dissidents abroad, says Tara Sepehri Far, the Iran researcher for Human Rights Watch.
“They want to send the message, ‘Look, this is the capability of the Islamic Republic, to bring these people back to Iran,’” she says. Forced public confessions have featured in Iran long before the Iranian revolution in 1979, but the Islamic Republic has perfected the practice with hundreds of examples.
“You can’t interpret the use of televised confessions in any way other than the propaganda machine,” says Ms. Sepehri Far. “It’s a public messaging tool. They need to send this message to the base, to convince the public they are doing something.”
Pivot to kidnappings
The game has stepped up for Iran since May 2018, when President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from a landmark nuclear deal and launched a “maximum pressure” campaign.
Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, then told Ministry of Intelligence staff that “we need offensive measures” because “the enemy is waging a widespread and complicated intelligence war.” That year, the ministry’s new Foreign Intelligence Organization saw a doubling of funds.
But Iran’s tactics appear to have evolved from assassinations and bomb plots attributed to it by European officials from 2017 to 2019 – including the gunning down in The Hague of Ahmad Molla Nissi, the founder of ASMLA, which has a history of bombing civilians and pipelines in Iran.
Iran instead appears to now favor much more involved efforts to coax dissidents to leave their well-protected safe havens, then snatch them.
Mr. Zam, for example, who was a Paris-based opposition activist and director of the Amad News website, was convinced by Iranian agents to come to Iraq in October 2019. His capture by the intelligence wing of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard was an “indisputable sign of their intelligence power versus the weakness of their [global] rivals,” Ali Shamkhani, head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, said at the time.
Mr. Zam was executed Dec. 12, accused of “corruption on earth” for his website’s role in helping foment nationwide protests in 2017, and alleged “links” to Western intelligence agencies.
Amad News has been described as the “Breitbart of Iran.” Aside from detailing protest venues and timings, it was often used by Iran’s competing intelligence agencies to reveal information damaging to rivals. Its popular Telegram channel was shut down, accused of posting instructions for making Molotov cocktails, only to reemerge – just as popular – under a new name.
Domestic constituencies
Another case involves Jamshid Sharmahd, the California-based leader of the militant opposition Kingdom Assembly of Iran, whose armed wing, Tondar, claimed responsibility for a mosque blast in Shiraz in 2008 that killed 14 people.
Mr. Sharmahd was picked up in late July in Dubai, en route to a business meeting in India. He was apparently driven from the United Arab Emirates across the border to Oman and to the coast, where his phone signal disappeared, The Associated Press reported. He then appeared on Iran state TV, a captive.
“These operations are not just a signal to the exiled regime-change ‘opposition,’ but also to Iran’s domestic constituencies as well as to the outside world, particularly the Western powers, which have been in a state of heightened tension with Tehran since Trump’s withdrawal from the JCPOA [nuclear deal],” says Maysam Behravesh, an intelligence analyst on contract with Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence and Security from 2008 to 2010.
“The message to each audience is different,” says Mr. Behravesh, now a Swedish-based researcher with Clingendael, the Netherlands Institute of International Relations. “To the opposition, they are meant to signal that you are not safe as long as you are working to overthrow the Islamic Republic. To Iranian public opinion ... it means, ‘We are not as incompetent and toothless as the critics claim we are.’”
To the West, the message is one of “defiance and indignation within [Iran’s] limited maneuvering space,” adds Mr. Behravesh.
Hard-line media in Iran hailed the abduction operations.
“In this new era of [intelligence work], the identifying and hunting down of the mercenaries working for foreign intelligence services is not restricted to Iranian territory and is rather broadened overseas,” wrote Kayhan, a newspaper close to Ayatollah Khamenei’s office, in an editorial Tuesday.
“Turning weakness into strength”
Still, creating spectacles to engineer social compliance has been a factor in Iran for millennia, says Ali Alfoneh, an Iran analyst at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington.
“The overarching theme for most, if not all, of these cases is the weakness of the central government and its need to project strength and terrorize the domestic public into submission,” says Mr. Alfoneh, author of books on the Revolutionary Guard and political succession in Iran.
“The Iranian state has perfected this method since antiquity, as the rulers every once in a while would lure princes and satraps from remote parts of the empire to the capital, just to behead them,” he says.
The Islamic Republic inherited “the art of turning weakness into strength by the way of theatrical spectacles,” adds Mr. Alfoneh. “The regime is not capable of preventing Mossad from stealing truckloads of documents [or] assassinating nuclear scientists ... but it is more than capable of creating tragicomical spectacles of eliminating so-called enemies of the state.”
And in Turkey, with the abduction of Mr. Chaab of the ASMLA, the scale of that Iranian operation was clear in details, evidence, and video collected by Turkish counterterrorism officials, first leaked to The Washington Post and Sky News.
Footage gathered by an array of closed-circuit cameras shows the “honey trap” Iranian agent, identified by Turkey as Saberin Saedi, getting off the flight from Tehran in Istanbul, taking a bus to the terminal, having her fake Iranian passport stamped, and communicating with a black-clad Iranian handler who arrived on the same flight.
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The Turkish file includes video of two men, before the abduction, buying two sizes of cable ties from an Istanbul hardware store, which Turkey says were later used to bind Mr. Chaab for the long drive to Iran.
Turkey announced this week it had detained 11 people involved in the abduction. “We condemn in the strongest possible terms this illegal operation by the Iranian intelligence,” Turkey’s presidential office told Sky in a statement.


csmonitor--2020-12-18--In Georgia, GOP candidates hitch wagons to ‘fraud’ narrative

“ The more of us who turn out and vote , the harder it is for them to steal it , ” says Becky Strobel , a medical assistant .
Many voters attending a rally with Vice President Mike Pence outside the Augusta airport say they plan to vote in the Senate runoffs , despite fraud concerns .
By amplifying Mr. Trump ’ s baseless fraud charges , the senators could undermine their own reelection efforts – since fueling doubts about the integrity of Georgia ’ s voting could conceivably depress GOP turnout .
But keeping the president ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election could also prove to be a powerful political motivator , even after Mr. Trump has left the White House .
In Georgia , where two Jan. 5 runoff elections will determine control of the U.S. Senate , incumbent GOP Sens .
Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue have sided with the president in bashing their own state ’ s election apparatus and the Republican officials in charge of it .
President Donald Trump has always put a premium on personal loyalty .
But this postelection period – in which he has continued to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President-elect Joe Biden prepares to take office – has presented Republican officials with a stark test , and created new fissures in the party .
Gov .
Brian Kemp was endorsed by President Donald Trump in Georgia ’ s 2018 Republican primary , and became a hero to many of the state ’ s conservative voters earlier this year when he refused to impose COVID-19 restrictions .
A group of conservative economic experts recently ranked him second among the nation ’ s governors .
But at campaign rallies for Georgia ’ s two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s name generates loud boos and even chants of “ lock him up !
” – the same treatment once given to Hillary Clinton .
The governor ’ s sin ?
Defending the integrity of his state ’ s November election , which was recertified as a win for Joe Biden for the third time on Dec. 7 .
In the weeks since the vote , President Trump has insisted , contrary to all evidence , that he won Georgia and other key swing states , as well as the election overall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twitter , calling him a RINO ( Republican in Name Only ) and encouraging other Republicans to run against him in 2022 .
Mr. Trump has always put a premium on personal loyalty .
But this postelection period – in which he has continued to press unfounded claims of fraud , even as President-elect Biden prepares to take office – has presented Republicans across the country with a stark test , and created new fissures in the party .
In many cases , the divide between those who back Mr. Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however regretfully , that he lost the election aligns with whether those officials have actual responsibilities over elections or are simply lobbing criticism from the sidelines .
In Arizona , Republican Gov .
Doug Ducey , who previously had a close relationship with Mr. Trump , became the target of critical tweets by the president after he certified Mr. Biden ’ s victory in his state .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , who waited six weeks before finally congratulating Mr. Biden on his win , also found himself the subject of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the party fracture is particularly acute , and has created an awkward messaging problem for Republicans as the state moves toward two Jan. 5 runoff elections that will determine control of the U.S. Senate .
Incumbent GOP Sens .
Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue have conspicuously sided with the president in bashing their own state ’ s election apparatus and the Republican officials in charge of it .
They ’ ve accused GOP Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger of failing to deliver “ honest and transparent elections , ” and called for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senator Loeffler declined to rule out disputing Mr. Biden ’ s win when Congress meets to ratify the Electoral College results next month , which could force members to vote on the matter ( though the outcome would almost certainly not change ) .
By amplifying Mr. Trump ’ s baseless fraud charges , the senators could undermine their own reelection efforts – since fueling doubts about the integrity of Georgia ’ s voting could conceivably depress GOP turnout .
At Mr. Trump ’ s rally in Valdosta , when Senator Loeffler tried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on to Georgia ’ s Senate seats , she was interrupted with chants to “ stop the steal.
” Yet both senators , like many other Republicans , seem to have calculated that their political survival depends upon remaining in Mr. Trump ’ s and his supporters ’ good graces .
And keeping those supporters angry over a “ stolen ” election could in fact prove to be a powerful political motivator , even after Mr. Trump has left the White House .
“ The Republican Party is splintered right now , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more depending on what happens with President Trump , ” Marjorie Taylor Greene , representative-elect for Georgia ’ s 14th Congressional District , tells the Monitor .
“ If he ’ s not in the White House over the next four years , you ’ re going to see his base , the MAGA base , continue to grow.
” Ms. Greene , who co-owns a commercial construction business with her husband , shocked many in America with her successful congressional campaign as an unapologetic purveyor of the QAnon conspiracy theory , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Satan worshippers and child sex traffickers .
In the shadow of an empty shopping mall parking lot in Duluth , Ms. Greene , who has been embraced by the president , is welcomed with cheers and selfie requests .
It ’ s one of more than a dozen scheduled stops on a “ Save America ” bus tour to rally GOP voters ahead of the Georgia runoffs .
“ No matter what you hear on social media , you have to vote , ” Ms. Greene tells a crowd of a hundred or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that read “ Stop the Steal.
” Other speakers on the tour – including former vice presidential candidate and Alaska Gov .
Sarah Palin , Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan , and Utah Sen. Mike Lee – make similar appeals about the importance of voting .
The tour is an effort to reverse the apathy and disappointment canvassers were hearing from Republican voters after the election was called for Mr. Biden , says David McIntosh , president of the Club for Growth , which organized the tour and has put $ 10 million toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says , it ’ s an attempt to counter some of the less helpful GOP messaging around the runoffs .
At a press conference earlier this month , pro-Trump lawyers Lin Wood and Sidney Powell encouraged Republican voters in Georgia to sit out the Senate runoffs as a form of protest .
In an interview with Ms. Powell , Lou Dobbs , an anchor on the Fox Business Network , said , “ If the people in Georgia are dumb enough , after what they have gone through in the Nov. 3 election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a runoff and think that changing nothing will change the outcome , then the people of Georgia aren ’ t half as smart as I believe them to be.
” Many Republican voters attending a recent rally with Vice President Mike Pence outside the Augusta airport say they hope election officials have learned from their “ mistakes ” in November .
“ Maybe now , with more attention , they won ’ t try it again in January , ” says Rhonda McNeely , who works at Big Lots .
“ But we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ball.
” Becky Strobel , a medical assistant , says she does plan to vote – but anticipates that fraud will occur .
“ The more of us who turn out and vote , the harder it is for them to steal it , ” says Ms. Strobel .
“ Obviously they can still steal it , like they did in November , but it makes it harder to argue.
” “ It all comes down to the Peach State , ” trumpets Mr. Pence from a stage decorated with Christmas trees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risers behind him , a man yells , “ Kick Kemp out !
” and the rallygoers around him laugh .
“ If Kemp doesn ’ t stand up for Trump like Trump stood up for him , I won ’ t vote for him again , ” says Ms. Strobel .
“ This will all come back to bite Kemp.
” For the GOP officials trying to defend the integrity of the election process , refuting fraud allegations has felt like a never-ending saga – with new rumors seeming to spring up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down .
“ Every day you whack one idea down – it ’ s a rumor whack-a-mole – and then another one pops up .
It ’ s just endless , ” Mr. Raffensperger commented in a recent virtual discussion with other secretaries of state .
“ But there is no proof to anything .
Everything they have said , there are facts on our side.
” As part of his ongoing effort to reassure the public , Mr. Raffensperger recently announced a signature audit in Cobb County – something President Trump had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would not change the outcome of the presidential election .
Few Georgia officials straddle this line in the sand more than Sherry Barnes , an Augusta attorney who serves as both chair of the Richmond County GOP and vice chair of its Board of Elections .
From her office near the courthouse in downtown Augusta , Ms. Barnes says she doesn ’ t dispute the general claims of voter fraud .
But she insists it didn ’ t happen in her jurisdiction .
Richmond County had the largest turnout in its history , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they held a safe and secure election amid COVID-19 was impressive .
Like Mr. Kemp , Ms. Barnes might be in a position to address any instances of fraud if actual evidence were to emerge .
In the absence of any such evidence , however , she suggests that problems might have occurred elsewhere in the state – perhaps Atlanta and its suburbs – but not here .
“ Even with our recount , we only came up with seven votes different out of 87,530 votes , ” says Ms. Barnes .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s had voters call her office to ask about rumors of election officials hiding suitcases of ballots underneath tables , and tried to reassure them that in Richmond County , they don ’ t allow tablecloths .
But she doesn ’ t reject the idea that something like that could have occurred elsewhere .
“ We have it out in the open here .
But if the other counties did that , that ’ s wrong , ” says Ms. Barnes .
“ It tends to make people question the validity of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Georgians need to focus on reelecting Senators Perdue and Loeffler .
Right now , it ’ s an all-hands-on-deck effort to win the Senate runoffs , agrees Congresswoman-elect Greene .
Republicans need to turn out despite any grievances they may have with other party officials .
There will be time to deal with those concerns later , she says .
“ Leading into the 2022 elections , ” she says , “ we ’ ll handle our family business then .
”

“The more of us who turn out and vote, the harder it is for them to steal it,” says Becky Strobel, a medical assistant.
Many voters attending a rally with Vice President Mike Pence outside the Augusta airport say they plan to vote in the Senate runoffs, despite fraud concerns.
By amplifying Mr. Trump’s baseless fraud charges, the senators could undermine their own reelection efforts – since fueling doubts about the integrity of Georgia’s voting could conceivably depress GOP turnout. But keeping the president’s supporters angry over a “stolen” election could also prove to be a powerful political motivator, even after Mr. Trump has left the White House.
As the Peach State hurtles toward Jan. 5 runoff elections that will determine control of the U.S. Senate, Republicans are still warring over the November vote – a sign of the hold President Trump continues to exert over the party.
In Georgia, where two Jan. 5 runoff elections will determine control of the U.S. Senate, incumbent GOP Sens. Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue have sided with the president in bashing their own state’s election apparatus and the Republican officials in charge of it.
President Donald Trump has always put a premium on personal loyalty. But this postelection period – in which he has continued to press unfounded claims of fraud even as President-elect Joe Biden prepares to take office – has presented Republican officials with a stark test, and created new fissures in the party.
Gov. Brian Kemp was endorsed by President Donald Trump in Georgia’s 2018 Republican primary, and became a hero to many of the state’s conservative voters earlier this year when he refused to impose COVID-19 restrictions. A group of conservative economic experts recently ranked him second among the nation’s governors.
But at campaign rallies for Georgia’s two Republicans senators this week, Governor Kemp’s name generates loud boos and even chants of “lock him up!” – the same treatment once given to Hillary Clinton.
The governor’s sin? Defending the integrity of his state’s November election, which was recertified as a win for Joe Biden for the third time on Dec. 7. In the weeks since the vote, President Trump has insisted, contrary to all evidence, that he won Georgia and other key swing states, as well as the election overall. He has attacked Mr. Kemp on Twitter, calling him a RINO (Republican in Name Only) and encouraging other Republicans to run against him in 2022.
Why We Wrote This As the Peach State hurtles toward Jan. 5 runoff elections that will determine control of the U.S. Senate, Republicans are still warring over the November vote – a sign of the hold President Trump continues to exert over the party.
Mr. Trump has always put a premium on personal loyalty. But this postelection period – in which he has continued to press unfounded claims of fraud, even as President-elect Biden prepares to take office – has presented Republicans across the country with a stark test, and created new fissures in the party. In many cases, the divide between those who back Mr. Trump’s claims of fraud and those who admit, however regretfully, that he lost the election aligns with whether those officials have actual responsibilities over elections or are simply lobbing criticism from the sidelines.
In Arizona, Republican Gov. Doug Ducey, who previously had a close relationship with Mr. Trump, became the target of critical tweets by the president after he certified Mr. Biden’s victory in his state. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, who waited six weeks before finally congratulating Mr. Biden on his win, also found himself the subject of an angry presidential tweet.
In Georgia, the party fracture is particularly acute, and has created an awkward messaging problem for Republicans as the state moves toward two Jan. 5 runoff elections that will determine control of the U.S. Senate.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption “The Republican Party is splintered right now, and I think it will continue to splinter more depending on what happens with President Trump,” says Marjorie Taylor Greene, representative-elect for Georgia’s 14th Congressional District.
Incumbent GOP Sens. Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue have conspicuously sided with the president in bashing their own state’s election apparatus and the Republican officials in charge of it. They’ve accused GOP Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger of failing to deliver “honest and transparent elections,” and called for him to resign. This week, Senator Loeffler declined to rule out disputing Mr. Biden’s win when Congress meets to ratify the Electoral College results next month, which could force members to vote on the matter (though the outcome would almost certainly not change).
By amplifying Mr. Trump’s baseless fraud charges, the senators could undermine their own reelection efforts – since fueling doubts about the integrity of Georgia’s voting could conceivably depress GOP turnout. At Mr. Trump’s rally in Valdosta, when Senator Loeffler tried to talk about the importance of holding on to Georgia’s Senate seats, she was interrupted with chants to “stop the steal.”
Yet both senators, like many other Republicans, seem to have calculated that their political survival depends upon remaining in Mr. Trump’s and his supporters’ good graces. And keeping those supporters angry over a “stolen” election could in fact prove to be a powerful political motivator, even after Mr. Trump has left the White House.
“The Republican Party is splintered right now, and I think it will continue to splinter more depending on what happens with President Trump,” Marjorie Taylor Greene, representative-elect for Georgia’s 14th Congressional District, tells the Monitor. “If he’s not in the White House over the next four years, you’re going to see his base, the MAGA base, continue to grow.”
“You have to vote”
Ms. Greene, who co-owns a commercial construction business with her husband, shocked many in America with her successful congressional campaign as an unapologetic purveyor of the QAnon conspiracy theory, which contends that many prominent Democrats are actually Satan worshippers and child sex traffickers.
In the shadow of an empty shopping mall parking lot in Duluth, Ms. Greene, who has been embraced by the president, is welcomed with cheers and selfie requests. It’s one of more than a dozen scheduled stops on a “Save America” bus tour to rally GOP voters ahead of the Georgia runoffs.
“No matter what you hear on social media, you have to vote,” Ms. Greene tells a crowd of a hundred or so voters with MAGA flags and shirts that read “Stop the Steal.” Other speakers on the tour – including former vice presidential candidate and Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, Ohio Rep. Jim Jordan, and Utah Sen. Mike Lee – make similar appeals about the importance of voting.
The tour is an effort to reverse the apathy and disappointment canvassers were hearing from Republican voters after the election was called for Mr. Biden, says David McIntosh, president of the Club for Growth, which organized the tour and has put $10 million toward get-out-the-vote efforts.
More specifically, he says, it’s an attempt to counter some of the less helpful GOP messaging around the runoffs.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Becky Strobel, a medical assistant, attends the Pence rally on Dec. 10, 2020, in Augusta, Georgia. She believes fraud occurred in November and may occur again in the Senate runoff elections, but hopes Republican turnout will be so strong that it won’t make a difference.
At a press conference earlier this month, pro-Trump lawyers Lin Wood and Sidney Powell encouraged Republican voters in Georgia to sit out the Senate runoffs as a form of protest. In an interview with Ms. Powell, Lou Dobbs, an anchor on the Fox Business Network, said, “If the people in Georgia are dumb enough, after what they have gone through in the Nov. 3 election to then go toward Jan. 5 in a runoff and think that changing nothing will change the outcome, then the people of Georgia aren’t half as smart as I believe them to be.”
Many Republican voters attending a recent rally with Vice President Mike Pence outside the Augusta airport say they hope election officials have learned from their “mistakes” in November.
“Maybe now, with more attention, they won’t try it again in January,” says Rhonda McNeely, who works at Big Lots. “But we can’t take our eye off the ball.”
Becky Strobel, a medical assistant, says she does plan to vote – but anticipates that fraud will occur. “The more of us who turn out and vote, the harder it is for them to steal it,” says Ms. Strobel. “Obviously they can still steal it, like they did in November, but it makes it harder to argue.”
“It all comes down to the Peach State,” trumpets Mr. Pence from a stage decorated with Christmas trees and big red bows. From the risers behind him, a man yells, “Kick Kemp out!” and the rallygoers around him laugh.
“If Kemp doesn’t stand up for Trump like Trump stood up for him, I won’t vote for him again,” says Ms. Strobel. “This will all come back to bite Kemp.”
View from Richmond County
For the GOP officials trying to defend the integrity of the election process, refuting fraud allegations has felt like a never-ending saga – with new rumors seeming to spring up as quickly as they can be put down.
“Every day you whack one idea down – it’s a rumor whack-a-mole – and then another one pops up. It’s just endless,” Mr. Raffensperger commented in a recent virtual discussion with other secretaries of state. “But there is no proof to anything. Everything they have said, there are facts on our side.”
As part of his ongoing effort to reassure the public, Mr. Raffensperger recently announced a signature audit in Cobb County – something President Trump had pushed for – though he said it would not change the outcome of the presidential election.
Few Georgia officials straddle this line in the sand more than Sherry Barnes, an Augusta attorney who serves as both chair of the Richmond County GOP and vice chair of its Board of Elections. From her office near the courthouse in downtown Augusta, Ms. Barnes says she doesn’t dispute the general claims of voter fraud. But she insists it didn’t happen in her jurisdiction.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Sherry Barnes, an Augusta attorney who serves as both chair of the Richmond County GOP and vice chair of its Board of Elections, says she doesn’t dispute the general claims of voter fraud, but insists it didn’t happen in her jurisdiction.
Richmond County had the largest turnout in its history, she says, and the fact that they held a safe and secure election amid COVID-19 was impressive. Like Mr. Kemp, Ms. Barnes might be in a position to address any instances of fraud if actual evidence were to emerge. In the absence of any such evidence, however, she suggests that problems might have occurred elsewhere in the state – perhaps Atlanta and its suburbs – but not here.
“Even with our recount, we only came up with seven votes different out of 87,530 votes,” says Ms. Barnes. “What we did was right.”
She’s had voters call her office to ask about rumors of election officials hiding suitcases of ballots underneath tables, and tried to reassure them that in Richmond County, they don’t allow tablecloths. But she doesn’t reject the idea that something like that could have occurred elsewhere.
“We have it out in the open here. But if the other counties did that, that’s wrong,” says Ms. Barnes. “It tends to make people question the validity of the election.”
Regardless, she adds, Georgians need to focus on reelecting Senators Perdue and Loeffler.
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Right now, it’s an all-hands-on-deck effort to win the Senate runoffs, agrees Congresswoman-elect Greene. Republicans need to turn out despite any grievances they may have with other party officials. There will be time to deal with those concerns later, she says.
“Leading into the 2022 elections,” she says, “we’ll handle our family business then.”


csmonitor--2020-12-18--Bite-size book reviews: Fiction our readers loved in 2020

I just finished reading Erin Morgenstern ’ s second book , “ The Starless Sea.
” Like her first book , “ The Night Circus , ” it is fantasy , and takes the reader on a marvelous journey .
I really had trouble putting it down .
I devoured Barbara Kingsolver ’ s “ The Poisonwood Bible.
” If you ’ re an impressionable reader , it will change your view of Africa , the developed world , and your own dinner table .
It may also have you questioning conventional ideas about the meaning of human life , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough poetry , philosophy , and gripping narrative for several books into this one volume .
“ Nothing to See Here ” by Kevin Wilson is a funny and touching story about a young woman entrusted with the care of a U.S. senator ’ s twin children .
The children share a unique trait – they spontaneously combust when disturbed or upset , setting fire to everything around them but remaining unharmed .
While seemingly preposterous , the plot flows naturally as their new guardian struggles to overcome her own past while helping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inconvenient oddities by their parents .
It ’ s a wonderful story that reminds us not to judge people by outward appearances .
“ Go , Went , Gone ” by German writer Jenny Erpenbeck is a powerful story that relates to Europe ’ s refugee crisis .
Set in contemporary Berlin , it concerns a retired East Berlin-born professor who meets and befriends asylum-seekers from Africa and the Middle East .
I am currently listening to “ The Guest Book ” by Sarah Blake , and reading “ Life Undercover : Coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amaryllis Fox .
Both are very entertaining and engaging !
I highly recommend “ Continental Divide ” by Alex Myers .
The protagonist is a young transgender man who leaves behind stuffy New England to seek independence and adventure in Wyoming .
The novel is engaging , witty , thoughtful , and at times exciting .
Myers is transgender himself , and he has spun a charming , accessible coming-of-age story that will ring both familiar – and not – for many readers .
Stuart Woods ’ first novel , “ Chiefs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Deep South that combines mystery and political intrigue .
I have been greatly enjoying “ A Case of Exploding Mangoes ” by Mohammed Hanif .
A political satire set in Pakistan in 1988 , Hanif ’ s novel sharply and hilariously sheds light on the end of the war between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan and the American and Pakistani involvements therein .
Hanif is scathing in his rendering of authority figures but takes a gentle , human approach in writing about the Everyman protagonist , who finds himself swept up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a pilot in the Pakistani Air Force and writes with a clear perspective .
I recently finished Robert Klose ’ s “ Life on Mars , ” a satirical dystopia about a United States that has , as Klose ’ s narrator would say , lost its perspective and descended into chaos .
The novel ’ s premise is that humankind was seeded on Earth by a race of alien creatures who become disappointed with how human society has turned out .
What unfolds from that premise is thoughtful and also wildly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of “ Gulliver ’ s Travels ” by Jonathan Swift .
It ’ s one of those “ classics ” that I never read but dismissed out of hand as a book for children , or as irrelevant in the 21st century .
The introduction to the used paperback Penguin Classics edition from 1967 that I picked up in Florence , Italy , quickly disabused me of those notions .
It was one of those rare examples in which the writer really did strive to introduce this classic to the reader , rather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I love Swift ’ s sarcastic wit and descriptive prose , which is delightfully humorous despite the 300 years that separate us .
And I had not the slightest idea that “ Gulliver ’ s Travels ” was written to denounce English society in general and the crown heads and their attendant court specifically .
I recommend “ World Without End ” by Ken Follett , which is the second book of the Kingsbridge series .
In the early 14th century , four children witness a murder in the forest , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by love , greed , and revenge .
The novel is a beautiful and interesting portrait of the late Middle Ages .
I enjoyed rereading Evelyn Waugh ’ s hilarious 1938 novel , “ Scoop.
” It ’ s an amusing satire on newspaper journalism .
A young journalist , frustrated that his stories are not being printed , confides to a boss that he writes imaginary news stories .
The young guy asks , “ But do you think it ’ s a good way of training oneself – writing imaginary news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ None better.
” In “ Scoop , ” Waugh might have given us the birth of “ fake news.
” Editor 's note : Reader recommendations are a regular feature in the Weekly magazine .
Tell us what you 're reading at books @ csmonitor.com .

I just finished reading Erin Morgenstern’s second book, “The Starless Sea.” Like her first book, “The Night Circus,” it is fantasy, and takes the reader on a marvelous journey. I really had trouble putting it down.
Margi Griffith
Jackson Hole, Wyoming
I devoured Barbara Kingsolver’s “The Poisonwood Bible.” If you’re an impressionable reader, it will change your view of Africa, the developed world, and your own dinner table. It may also have you questioning conventional ideas about the meaning of human life, suffering, and death. Kingsolver packs enough poetry, philosophy, and gripping narrative for several books into this one volume.
Why We Wrote This Monitor reviewers make lots of book recommendations over the year. Now, our community of readers returns the favor.
Jennifer Quinn
Gate City, Virginia
“Nothing to See Here” by Kevin Wilson is a funny and touching story about a young woman entrusted with the care of a U.S. senator’s twin children. The children share a unique trait – they spontaneously combust when disturbed or upset, setting fire to everything around them but remaining unharmed. While seemingly preposterous, the plot flows naturally as their new guardian struggles to overcome her own past while helping the children avoid being cast aside as inconvenient oddities by their parents. It’s a wonderful story that reminds us not to judge people by outward appearances.
Harry Melkonian
Vaucluse, Australia
“Go, Went, Gone” by German writer Jenny Erpenbeck is a powerful story that relates to Europe’s refugee crisis. Set in contemporary Berlin, it concerns a retired East Berlin-born professor who meets and befriends asylum-seekers from Africa and the Middle East.
Nick Royal
Santa Cruz, California
I am currently listening to “The Guest Book” by Sarah Blake, and reading “Life Undercover: Coming of Age in the CIA” by Amaryllis Fox. Both are very entertaining and engaging!
Jennifer Kirn
Kennebunk, Maine
I highly recommend “Continental Divide” by Alex Myers. The protagonist is a young transgender man who leaves behind stuffy New England to seek independence and adventure in Wyoming. The novel is engaging, witty, thoughtful, and at times exciting. Myers is transgender himself, and he has spun a charming, accessible coming-of-age story that will ring both familiar – and not – for many readers.
Julie Allen
Berkeley, California
Stuart Woods’ first novel, “Chiefs,” is an interesting and exciting story of the Deep South that combines mystery and political intrigue.
William Curtis
Olympia, Washington
I have been greatly enjoying “A Case of Exploding Mangoes” by Mohammed Hanif. A political satire set in Pakistan in 1988, Hanif’s novel sharply and hilariously sheds light on the end of the war between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan and the American and Pakistani involvements therein. Hanif is scathing in his rendering of authority figures but takes a gentle, human approach in writing about the Everyman protagonist, who finds himself swept up in historical events. The author himself was a pilot in the Pakistani Air Force and writes with a clear perspective.
Julie Allen
Berkeley, California
I recently finished Robert Klose’s “Life on Mars,” a satirical dystopia about a United States that has, as Klose’s narrator would say, lost its perspective and descended into chaos. The novel’s premise is that humankind was seeded on Earth by a race of alien creatures who become disappointed with how human society has turned out. What unfolds from that premise is thoughtful and also wildly humorous.
Paul Puccio
Morris Plains, New Jersey
I am nearing the end of “Gulliver’s Travels” by Jonathan Swift. It’s one of those “classics” that I never read but dismissed out of hand as a book for children, or as irrelevant in the 21st century. The introduction to the used paperback Penguin Classics edition from 1967 that I picked up in Florence, Italy, quickly disabused me of those notions. It was one of those rare examples in which the writer really did strive to introduce this classic to the reader, rather than show us how much he understood. I love Swift’s sarcastic wit and descriptive prose, which is delightfully humorous despite the 300 years that separate us. And I had not the slightest idea that “Gulliver’s Travels” was written to denounce English society in general and the crown heads and their attendant court specifically.
Rusty Wyrick
Ghivizzano, Italy
I recommend “World Without End” by Ken Follett, which is the second book of the Kingsbridge series. In the early 14th century, four children witness a murder in the forest, an event that will braid their lives together by love, greed, and revenge. The novel is a beautiful and interesting portrait of the late Middle Ages.
William Curtis
Olympia, Washington
I enjoyed rereading Evelyn Waugh’s hilarious 1938 novel, “Scoop.” It’s an amusing satire on newspaper journalism. A young journalist, frustrated that his stories are not being printed, confides to a boss that he writes imaginary news stories. The young guy asks, “But do you think it’s a good way of training oneself – writing imaginary news?” His boss replies, “None better.” In “Scoop,” Waugh might have given us the birth of “fake news.”
James Patterson
Washington, D.C.
Editor's note: Reader recommendations are a regular feature in the Weekly magazine. Tell us what you're reading at books@csmonitor.com.