csmonitor--2020-07-23--Why Confederate monuments stay standing in rural areas

The statue of the anonymous Confederate soldier has stood in front of the white-columned East Feliciana Parish courthouse for more than a century , leaning on his rifle as he looks down on trucks hauling timber and residents visiting the bank across the street .
It withstood an attempt to remove it in 2016 .
The local doctor who asked the southeast Louisiana parish to move it lost two friends in the controversy , but the statue stayed .
In 2018 , a Black man who was a defendant in a trial petitioned to have his case moved , saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He lost that fight , and the statue stood .
Now , as protests sparked by the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis focus attention on the hundreds of Confederate statues still standing across the Southern landscape , officials in the rural parish of roughly 20,000 people have voted 5-3 to leave the statue where it is .
In recent weeks , dozens of Confederate statues have fallen across the country – often in more liberal-leaning urban centers .
But in many smaller places like Clinton , the effort to remove markers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stalled or has yet to arrive .
John Sanders , a Black businessman and minister in Clinton , wants the statue removed and thought the national spotlight on the issue presented a slight chance that parish officials would vote to move it .
But if not now , he thinks it will happen – some day .
`` I think that it has to come up again .
It 's not a matter of 'if . '
It has to come up again , and the reason I say that is that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around and be on the wrong side of history , '' he said .
At least 63 Confederate statues , monuments , or markers have been removed from public land across the country since Mr. Floyd 's death on May 25 , making 2020 one of the busiest years yet for removals , according to an Associated Press tally .
Most were removed by government officials , though protesters have toppled some .
All but eight have come down in cities or metropolitan areas larger than 50,000 people .
Most of the areas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the monuments removed in counties or equivalent areas that voted Democratic in the 2016 presidential election .
AP 's exclusive tally verified removals through government announcements , AP news coverage , and other sources , then analyzed them based on census data and voting patterns .
Still , in a sign that the removal movement might be spreading , local governments in several less populous areas of Mississippi , Louisiana , and South Carolina have recently approved removals but not yet taken down the monuments .
The sheer number of Confederate monuments still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking removals : More than 700 remain on public land , according to the Southern Poverty Law Center .
Laws that protect the monuments in Alabama , Georgia , Mississippi , North Carolina , South Carolina , and Tennessee are slowing efforts .
Virginia this year amended a similar law to let local governments take statues down .
`` It 's unclear how long this will continue , whether this is going to be a full movement that really leads to a cascade effect where more and more are removed , '' said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historian who wrote `` The False Cause : Fraud , Fabrication , and White Supremacy in Confederate Memory . ''
Mr. Domby said it would take far more removals in politically conservative areas to convince him there 's been a national shift in support of removing Confederate monuments .
Despite North Carolina 's state law that all but prohibits permanent removals , its Democratic governor cited a public-safety exemption to remove several Confederate monuments at the state Capitol in Raleigh after protesters ripped two statues down .
Some local officials also invoked safety @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; at least 17 have come down statewide since Mr. Floyd 's death .
Yet in Republican-leaning Alamance County , the county manager 's public safety argument for removing a statue near the courthouse was rebuffed when most members of the county commission said publicly they were legally unable – or simply unwilling – to take it down .
North Carolina still has at least 69 monuments on public land .
Of those , 56 are in counties that voted for President Donald Trump in 2016 ; 52 are in towns of fewer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Virginia , Richmond 's mayor removed massive statues in the Confederacy 's former capital , headlining a tally of at least a dozen monuments removed from public land statewide since Mr. Floyd 's death .
But a different scenario is unfolding in Virginia 's rural Franklin County .
Most residents who spoke Tuesday at a Board of Supervisors meeting urged the swift removal of a Confederate statue from the county courthouse .
Instead , the board voted to delay the decision by putting a non-binding referendum on relocating the statue to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The final decision will still lie with the board after the November election .
Ruby Penn , who frequently drives past a Confederate flag flying on private property near her home , said living in Franklin County means living under constant symbols of racism .
Ms. Penn and her sister , Penny Blue , the only person of color on the county School Board , said they did n't expect they 'd still be fighting for equality 50 years after the civil rights era , this time urging the monument 's removal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are looking for every excuse to keep it there , '' Ms. Penn said .
In Louisiana , a little over 2,000 people signed a petition to remove Confederate monuments in front of the East Feliciana Parish courthouse and the one in neighboring West Feliciana Parish .
In a sometimes heated meeting about a week before the final vote , LaRhonda George said Confederate statues should n't be displayed at a building where people of `` any race are supposed to go seek justice . ''
She said if people want to honor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the town 's Confederate cemetery .
Supporters said removing it would wipe away a memorial to their ancestors , along with parish history .
`` This is only for memorial for those that lost their lives , regardless of what it was for , '' Deanna Fontenot said .
`` They lost their lives . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Sarah Blake Morgan in Rocky Mount , Virginia ; and Sarah Rankin in Richmond , Virginia contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The statue of the anonymous Confederate soldier has stood in front of the white-columned East Feliciana Parish courthouse for more than a century, leaning on his rifle as he looks down on trucks hauling timber and residents visiting the bank across the street.
It withstood an attempt to remove it in 2016. The local doctor who asked the southeast Louisiana parish to move it lost two friends in the controversy, but the statue stayed. In 2018, a Black man who was a defendant in a trial petitioned to have his case moved, saying the statue was a symbol of racism. He lost that fight, and the statue stood.
Now, as protests sparked by the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis focus attention on the hundreds of Confederate statues still standing across the Southern landscape, officials in the rural parish of roughly 20,000 people have voted 5-3 to leave the statue where it is.
In recent weeks, dozens of Confederate statues have fallen across the country – often in more liberal-leaning urban centers. But in many smaller places like Clinton, the effort to remove markers that many view as racist relics has stalled or has yet to arrive.
John Sanders, a Black businessman and minister in Clinton, wants the statue removed and thought the national spotlight on the issue presented a slight chance that parish officials would vote to move it. But if not now, he thinks it will happen – some day.
"I think that it has to come up again. It's not a matter of 'if.' It has to come up again, and the reason I say that is that there is no way that we can sit around and be on the wrong side of history," he said.
At least 63 Confederate statues, monuments, or markers have been removed from public land across the country since Mr. Floyd's death on May 25, making 2020 one of the busiest years yet for removals, according to an Associated Press tally. Most were removed by government officials, though protesters have toppled some.
All but eight have come down in cities or metropolitan areas larger than 50,000 people. Most of the areas lean politically left, with 41 of the monuments removed in counties or equivalent areas that voted Democratic in the 2016 presidential election.
AP's exclusive tally verified removals through government announcements, AP news coverage, and other sources, then analyzed them based on census data and voting patterns.
Still, in a sign that the removal movement might be spreading, local governments in several less populous areas of Mississippi, Louisiana, and South Carolina have recently approved removals but not yet taken down the monuments.
The sheer number of Confederate monuments still standing shows the enormous task for those seeking removals: More than 700 remain on public land, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Laws that protect the monuments in Alabama, Georgia, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee are slowing efforts. Virginia this year amended a similar law to let local governments take statues down.
"It's unclear how long this will continue, whether this is going to be a full movement that really leads to a cascade effect where more and more are removed," said Adam Domby, a College of Charleston historian who wrote "The False Cause: Fraud, Fabrication, and White Supremacy in Confederate Memory."
Mr. Domby said it would take far more removals in politically conservative areas to convince him there's been a national shift in support of removing Confederate monuments.
Despite North Carolina's state law that all but prohibits permanent removals, its Democratic governor cited a public-safety exemption to remove several Confederate monuments at the state Capitol in Raleigh after protesters ripped two statues down. Some local officials also invoked safety as they removed monuments in several cities; at least 17 have come down statewide since Mr. Floyd's death.
Yet in Republican-leaning Alamance County, the county manager's public safety argument for removing a statue near the courthouse was rebuffed when most members of the county commission said publicly they were legally unable – or simply unwilling – to take it down. North Carolina still has at least 69 monuments on public land. Of those, 56 are in counties that voted for President Donald Trump in 2016; 52 are in towns of fewer than 20,000, the AP tally shows.
In Virginia, Richmond's mayor removed massive statues in the Confederacy's former capital, headlining a tally of at least a dozen monuments removed from public land statewide since Mr. Floyd's death.
But a different scenario is unfolding in Virginia's rural Franklin County. Most residents who spoke Tuesday at a Board of Supervisors meeting urged the swift removal of a Confederate statue from the county courthouse. Instead, the board voted to delay the decision by putting a non-binding referendum on relocating the statue to voters in the Republican-leaning, majority-white county. The final decision will still lie with the board after the November election.
Ruby Penn, who frequently drives past a Confederate flag flying on private property near her home, said living in Franklin County means living under constant symbols of racism.
Ms. Penn and her sister, Penny Blue, the only person of color on the county School Board, said they didn't expect they'd still be fighting for equality 50 years after the civil rights era, this time urging the monument's removal.
"The people in Rocky Mount are looking for every excuse to keep it there," Ms. Penn said.
In Louisiana, a little over 2,000 people signed a petition to remove Confederate monuments in front of the East Feliciana Parish courthouse and the one in neighboring West Feliciana Parish.
In a sometimes heated meeting about a week before the final vote, LaRhonda George said Confederate statues shouldn't be displayed at a building where people of "any race are supposed to go seek justice." She said if people want to honor ancestors, they should move the statue to the town's Confederate cemetery.
Supporters said removing it would wipe away a memorial to their ancestors, along with parish history.
"This is only for memorial for those that lost their lives, regardless of what it was for," Deanna Fontenot said. "They lost their lives."
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Sarah Blake Morgan in Rocky Mount, Virginia; and Sarah Rankin in Richmond, Virginia contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-23--Portland mayor teargassed protesting feds ‘occupation’ of city

The mayor of Portland , Oregon , was tear gassed by the government of the United States late Wednesday as he stood at a fence guarding a federal courthouse during another night of protest against the presence of federal agents sent by President Donald Trump to quell unrest in the city .
Mayor Ted Wheeler , a Democrat , said it was the first time he ’ d been tear gassed and appeared slightly dazed and coughed as he put on a pair of goggles someone handed him and drank water .
He didn ’ t leave his spot at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to take gas .
Around Mr. Wheeler , the protest raged , with demonstrators lighting a large fire in the space between the fence and the Mark O. Hatfield Federal Courthouse and the pop-pop-pop of federal agents deploying tear gas and stun grenades into the crowd .
It wasn ’ t immediately clear if the federal agents knew Mr. Wheeler was in the crowd when they used the tear gas .
Earlier in the night , Mr. Wheeler was mostly jeered as he tried to rally demonstrators who have clashed nightly with federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shouted “ Black Lives Matter ” and pumped his fist in the air .
The mayor has opposed federal agents ’ presence in Oregon ’ s largest city , but he has faced harsh criticism from many sides and his presence wasn ’ t welcomed by many , who yelled and swore at him .
“ I want to thank the thousands of you who have come out to oppose the Trump administration ’ s occupation of this city , ” Mr. Wheeler told hundreds of people gathered downtown near the federal courthouse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is it is not just happening in Portland ... we ’ re on the front line here in Portland.
” Some Portland residents , including City Council members , have accused Mr. Wheeler of not reining in local police , who have used tear gas multiple times before federal agents arrived early this month in response to nearly two months of nightly protests since George Floyd was killed .
Others , including business leaders , have condemned Mr. Wheeler for not bringing the situation under control before the agents showed up .
Protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ read “ Tear Gas Ted ” in reference to the Portland Police Bureau ’ s use of the substance before federal agents arrived .
When the mayor left the protest , around 12:40 a.m. , some protesters surrounded him and shouted angrily at him as he walked away .
One person shouted , “ You ’ ve got to be here every single night !
” While taking questions Wednesday night – and before he was tear gassed – Mr. Wheeler was criticized for the actions of his own police department , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movement that seeks to redirect funds from policing to community needs like housing and education – and not having Portland police protect people from federal agents .
The mayor said he wants to use the energy of the protests to make changes .
Mr. Wheeler then addressed the much larger crowd from a raised balcony , saying “ I am here tonight to stand with you.
” Earlier Wednesday , the City Council banned police from cooperating with federal agents or arresting reporters or legal observers .
Mr. Wheeler ’ s tense nighttime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oregon urged a judge to issue a restraining order against agents deployed to quell the protests .
The arguments from the state and the U.S. government came in a lawsuit filed by Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum , who accuses federal agents of arresting protesters without probable cause , whisking them away in unmarked cars , and using excessive force .
Federal authorities have disputed those allegations .
The lawsuit is part of the growing pushback to Mr. Trump sending federal agents to Portland and announcing they would be going to Chicago and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rising crime , a move that ’ s deepening the country ’ s political divide and potentially setting up a constitutional crisis months ahead of the presidential election .
Democratic mayors of 15 cities condemned the use of federal officers in a letter to the U.S. attorney general .
The court hearing focused on the actions of more than 100 federal agents responding to protests outside the Mark O. Hatfield Federal Courthouse , which has been a target for the demonstrations .
The motion for a temporary restraining order asks U.S. District Judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department of Homeland Security , Customs and Border Patrol , Federal Protective Service , and U.S .
Marshals Service to immediately stop detaining protesters without probable cause , identify themselves and their agency before arresting anyone , and explain why an arrest is taking place .
The state acknowledged that federal agents have the right to defend the courthouse but argued that they had overstepped .
Ms. Rosenblum , the state attorney general , said she wanted the court to “ declare it not acceptable for federal officers to use unconstitutional , police-state-type @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cause.
” David Morrell , an attorney for the U.S. government , called the motion “ extraordinary ” and said it was based solely on “ a few threadbare declarations ” from witnesses and a Twitter video .
“ The Hatfield courthouse did not damage itself , ” he said , calling the protests “ dangerous and volatile.
” The lawsuit is one of several filed over authorities ’ response to the Portland protests .
On Thursday , a judge will hear arguments in a legal challenge that the American Civil Liberties Union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ observers who say they were targeted and attacked by Portland police while documenting demonstrations .
A freelance photographer covering the protests for The Associated Press submitted an affidavit that he was beaten with batons , exposed to chemical irritants , and hit with rubber bullets .
A U.S. judge previously ruled that journalists and legal observers are exempt from police orders requiring protesters to disperse once an unlawful assembly has been declared .
Federal lawyers say that journalists should have to leave when ordered .
The ACLU filed another lawsuit Wednesday on behalf @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to injured protesters .
It alleges that federal agents have used rubber bullets , tear gas , pepper spray , batons , and stun grenades against medics in violation of federal protections for freedom of speech and freedom of movement .
Police say protesters have tried repeatedly to break into the federal courthouse and set fires around it and that the federal agents drive them back with tear gas and stun grenades .
Federal authorities have defended their response , saying officials in Oregon had been unwilling to work with them to stop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence against federal officers .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Sara Cline in Salem , Oregon ; Nicholas K. Geranios in Spokane , Washington ; and Colleen Long and Ben Fox in Washington , D.C. , contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The mayor of Portland, Oregon, was tear gassed by the government of the United States late Wednesday as he stood at a fence guarding a federal courthouse during another night of protest against the presence of federal agents sent by President Donald Trump to quell unrest in the city.
Mayor Ted Wheeler, a Democrat, said it was the first time he’d been tear gassed and appeared slightly dazed and coughed as he put on a pair of goggles someone handed him and drank water. He didn’t leave his spot at the front, however, and continued to take gas. Around Mr. Wheeler, the protest raged, with demonstrators lighting a large fire in the space between the fence and the Mark O. Hatfield Federal Courthouse and the pop-pop-pop of federal agents deploying tear gas and stun grenades into the crowd.
It wasn’t immediately clear if the federal agents knew Mr. Wheeler was in the crowd when they used the tear gas.
Earlier in the night, Mr. Wheeler was mostly jeered as he tried to rally demonstrators who have clashed nightly with federal agents but was briefly applauded when he shouted “Black Lives Matter” and pumped his fist in the air. The mayor has opposed federal agents’ presence in Oregon’s largest city, but he has faced harsh criticism from many sides and his presence wasn’t welcomed by many, who yelled and swore at him.
“I want to thank the thousands of you who have come out to oppose the Trump administration’s occupation of this city,” Mr. Wheeler told hundreds of people gathered downtown near the federal courthouse. “The reason this is important is it is not just happening in Portland ... we’re on the front line here in Portland.”
Some Portland residents, including City Council members, have accused Mr. Wheeler of not reining in local police, who have used tear gas multiple times before federal agents arrived early this month in response to nearly two months of nightly protests since George Floyd was killed. Others, including business leaders, have condemned Mr. Wheeler for not bringing the situation under control before the agents showed up.
Protesters in the crowd held signs aloft that read “Tear Gas Ted” in reference to the Portland Police Bureau’s use of the substance before federal agents arrived. When the mayor left the protest, around 12:40 a.m., some protesters surrounded him and shouted angrily at him as he walked away. One person shouted, “You’ve got to be here every single night!”
While taking questions Wednesday night – and before he was tear gassed – Mr. Wheeler was criticized for the actions of his own police department, not defunding the local police – a national movement that seeks to redirect funds from policing to community needs like housing and education – and not having Portland police protect people from federal agents. The mayor said he wants to use the energy of the protests to make changes.
Mr. Wheeler then addressed the much larger crowd from a raised balcony, saying “I am here tonight to stand with you.”
Earlier Wednesday, the City Council banned police from cooperating with federal agents or arresting reporters or legal observers.
Mr. Wheeler’s tense nighttime appearance downtown came hours after attorneys for Oregon urged a judge to issue a restraining order against agents deployed to quell the protests.
The arguments from the state and the U.S. government came in a lawsuit filed by Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum, who accuses federal agents of arresting protesters without probable cause, whisking them away in unmarked cars, and using excessive force. Federal authorities have disputed those allegations.
The lawsuit is part of the growing pushback to Mr. Trump sending federal agents to Portland and announcing they would be going to Chicago and Albuquerque, New Mexico, to fight rising crime, a move that’s deepening the country’s political divide and potentially setting up a constitutional crisis months ahead of the presidential election. Democratic mayors of 15 cities condemned the use of federal officers in a letter to the U.S. attorney general.
The court hearing focused on the actions of more than 100 federal agents responding to protests outside the Mark O. Hatfield Federal Courthouse, which has been a target for the demonstrations.
The motion for a temporary restraining order asks U.S. District Judge Michael Mosman to command agents from the Department of Homeland Security, Customs and Border Patrol, Federal Protective Service, and U.S. Marshals Service to immediately stop detaining protesters without probable cause, identify themselves and their agency before arresting anyone, and explain why an arrest is taking place.
The state acknowledged that federal agents have the right to defend the courthouse but argued that they had overstepped.
Ms. Rosenblum, the state attorney general, said she wanted the court to “declare it not acceptable for federal officers to use unconstitutional, police-state-type acts to detain citizens of Oregon without cause.”
David Morrell, an attorney for the U.S. government, called the motion “extraordinary” and said it was based solely on “a few threadbare declarations” from witnesses and a Twitter video.
“The Hatfield courthouse did not damage itself,” he said, calling the protests “dangerous and volatile.”
The lawsuit is one of several filed over authorities’ response to the Portland protests. On Thursday, a judge will hear arguments in a legal challenge that the American Civil Liberties Union filed on behalf of journalists and legal observers who say they were targeted and attacked by Portland police while documenting demonstrations.
A freelance photographer covering the protests for The Associated Press submitted an affidavit that he was beaten with batons, exposed to chemical irritants, and hit with rubber bullets.
A U.S. judge previously ruled that journalists and legal observers are exempt from police orders requiring protesters to disperse once an unlawful assembly has been declared. Federal lawyers say that journalists should have to leave when ordered.
The ACLU filed another lawsuit Wednesday on behalf of volunteer medics who have been attending to injured protesters. It alleges that federal agents have used rubber bullets, tear gas, pepper spray, batons, and stun grenades against medics in violation of federal protections for freedom of speech and freedom of movement.
Police say protesters have tried repeatedly to break into the federal courthouse and set fires around it and that the federal agents drive them back with tear gas and stun grenades.
Federal authorities have defended their response, saying officials in Oregon had been unwilling to work with them to stop the vandalism against the U.S. courthouse and violence against federal officers.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Sara Cline in Salem, Oregon; Nicholas K. Geranios in Spokane, Washington; and Colleen Long and Ben Fox in Washington, D.C., contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-24--The feds take their Portland approach on the road. Three questions.

The arrests conducted by DHS agents away from federal property – and the opposition to their presence from state officials – muddy the legal picture .
“ There ’ s at least some reason to suggest that what ’ s happening may not be justification for execution of federal authority.
” Michael Dorf , a law professor at Cornell University , explains that the government may deploy forces to protect federal property or when state officials request help to enforce state laws .
Videos have also shown officers engaged in less passive acts : tear-gassing protesters , firing “ less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ using unmarked vehicles to grab protesters off the streets .
The president dispatched more than 100 personnel from the Department of Homeland Security to Portland to protect federal buildings and monuments .
Clad in camouflage and tactical gear , the agents have stood guard outside a federal courthouse , one of several federal buildings in the city vandalized in recent weeks .
President Donald Trump announced plans Wednesday to send hundreds of federal law enforcement agents to Chicago and Albuquerque , New Mexico , as each city confronts a spike in crime .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers to Portland , Oregon , where protests have continued since George Floyd died in police custody in Minneapolis .
President Donald Trump announced plans Wednesday to send hundreds of federal law enforcement agents to Chicago and Albuquerque , New Mexico , as each city confronts a recent spike in crime .
The move follows his deployment of federal officers to Portland , Oregon , where protests over racial inequality and police brutality have continued since George Floyd died in police custody in Minneapolis on Memorial Day .
The president ’ s self-styled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities led by “ liberal Democrats ” who he accuses of failing to crack down on street violence and civil unrest .
Local and state officials have criticized the effort as an election-year ploy as he lags in polls behind Democratic challenger Joe Biden .
Federal statutes enable a president to deploy government forces to states under certain conditions .
But the actions of agents in Portland have triggered demonstrations and litigation , raising questions among law enforcement and legal experts about what awaits Chicago , Albuquerque , and other cities that President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
How have Oregon ’ s elected officials responded to the presence of federal officers ?
Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler blamed the agents for inflaming protests and called for their withdrawal .
Gov .
Kate Brown seconded that demand and labeled their patrolling of streets “ a blatant abuse of power.
” Democratic members of the state ’ s U.S. congressional delegation , including Sens .
Jeff Merkley and Ron Wyden , introduced legislation to limit the role of federal forces in cities .
The president dispatched more than 100 personnel from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Portland under an executive order he signed last month to protect federal buildings and monuments .
Clad in camouflage and tactical gear , the agents have stood guard outside a federal courthouse that protesters defaced with graffiti , one of several federal buildings in the city vandalized in recent weeks .
Videos have also shown officers engaged in less passive acts : tear-gassing protesters , among them a “ wall of moms ” and Mayor Wheeler ; beating and pepper-spraying a Navy veteran ; firing “ less lethal ” munitions at demonstrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skull ; and emerging from unmarked vehicles to pull protesters off the streets and haul them away .
The state ’ s attorney general filed a federal lawsuit July 17 against DHS and other federal agencies that asserts the officers violated the civil rights of Oregonians by seizing and detaining them without probable cause .
Michael Dorf , a constitutional law professor at Cornell University , explains that federal law grants authority to the government to deploy its forces to protect federal property or when state officials request help to enforce state laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away from federal property – and the opposition to their presence from state officials – muddy the legal picture .
“ There ’ s at least some reason to suggest that what ’ s happening may not be justification for execution of federal authority , ” he says .
Why are federal agents wearing military-style uniforms and using unmarked vehicles ?
DHS officials have called the camouflage uniforms “ standard ” and “ appropriate for any operational environment , ” and further claim that the removal of name badges protects officers against potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deputy secretary has described the use of unmarked vehicles by law enforcement as “ so common it ’ s barely worth discussion.
” The agents sent to Portland belong to a “ rapid deployment force ” drawn from DHS agencies that include Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection .
Defense Secretary Mark Esper has aired concerns to Trump administration officials that the public will mistake federal officers for military troops because of their similar uniforms .
“ We want a system where people can tell the difference , ” a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum on Monday asked a federal judge to impose a temporary restraining order on the agents in Portland .
She argued that their lack of recognizable police uniforms , failure to identify themselves when arresting protesters , and use of unmarked vehicles make them indistinguishable from “ lawless militia ” or “ kidnappers.
” The absence of identifying details about the officers sows confusion , according to Edward Maguire , a professor of criminology and criminal justice at Arizona State University , and an expert on policing protests .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you are , ” he says , “ you ’ re defeating their ability to hold agents and agencies accountable.
” What is likely to happen in Chicago and Albuquerque ?
Agents from the FBI , DHS , and other federal law enforcement agencies will head to both cities .
Their stated mission appears different from that of the officers sent to Portland , with a focus on combating violent crime and greater coordination with local officials and police .
The mayors of Chicago and Albuquerque have voiced wariness about the impending arrival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where more than 400 homicides have occurred so far in 2020 , an almost 50 % increase from the same time last year – Mayor Lori Lightfoot told reporters that city officials “ welcome actual partnership but we do not welcome dictatorship.
” Black Lives Matter and other activist groups in Chicago filed a federal lawsuit Thursday seeking an injunction against federal authorities from interfering with peaceful protests , arresting people without cause , or concealing their identity .
Activists frame the litigation as an attempt to prevent a replay of Portland .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says Dennis Kenney , a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice and a former police officer .
“ We ’ re not used to seeing things like that in the U.S. , ” he says .
“ Those are things we associate with places like Venezuela and Colombia .
”

The arrests conducted by DHS agents away from federal property – and the opposition to their presence from state officials – muddy the legal picture. “There’s at least some reason to suggest that what’s happening may not be justification for execution of federal authority.”
Michael Dorf, a law professor at Cornell University, explains that the government may deploy forces to protect federal property or when state officials request help to enforce state laws.
Videos have also shown officers engaged in less passive acts: tear-gassing protesters, firing “less lethal” munitions at demonstrators, and using unmarked vehicles to grab protesters off the streets.
Portland, Oregon, looks to be the test case of a new White House policy of deploying federal officers to cities to deal with civil unrest. But the agents’ actions are raising questions about the legality of the approach.
The president dispatched more than 100 personnel from the Department of Homeland Security to Portland to protect federal buildings and monuments. Clad in camouflage and tactical gear, the agents have stood guard outside a federal courthouse, one of several federal buildings in the city vandalized in recent weeks.
President Donald Trump announced plans Wednesday to send hundreds of federal law enforcement agents to Chicago and Albuquerque, New Mexico, as each city confronts a spike in crime. The move follows his deployment of federal officers to Portland, Oregon, where protests have continued since George Floyd died in police custody in Minneapolis.
President Donald Trump announced plans Wednesday to send hundreds of federal law enforcement agents to Chicago and Albuquerque, New Mexico, as each city confronts a recent spike in crime. The move follows his deployment of federal officers to Portland, Oregon, where protests over racial inequality and police brutality have continued since George Floyd died in police custody in Minneapolis on Memorial Day.
The president’s self-styled “law and order” campaign targets cities led by “liberal Democrats” who he accuses of failing to crack down on street violence and civil unrest. Local and state officials have criticized the effort as an election-year ploy as he lags in polls behind Democratic challenger Joe Biden.
Federal statutes enable a president to deploy government forces to states under certain conditions. But the actions of agents in Portland have triggered demonstrations and litigation, raising questions among law enforcement and legal experts about what awaits Chicago, Albuquerque, and other cities that President Trump has sought to portray as lawless.
Why We Wrote This Portland, Oregon, looks to be the test case of a new White House policy of deploying federal officers to cities to deal with civil unrest. But the agents’ actions are raising questions about the legality of the approach.
How have Oregon’s elected officials responded to the presence of federal officers?
Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler blamed the agents for inflaming protests and called for their withdrawal. Gov. Kate Brown seconded that demand and labeled their patrolling of streets “a blatant abuse of power.” Democratic members of the state’s U.S. congressional delegation, including Sens. Jeff Merkley and Ron Wyden, introduced legislation to limit the role of federal forces in cities.
The president dispatched more than 100 personnel from the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to Portland under an executive order he signed last month to protect federal buildings and monuments. Clad in camouflage and tactical gear, the agents have stood guard outside a federal courthouse that protesters defaced with graffiti, one of several federal buildings in the city vandalized in recent weeks.
Videos have also shown officers engaged in less passive acts: tear-gassing protesters, among them a “wall of moms” and Mayor Wheeler; beating and pepper-spraying a Navy veteran; firing “less lethal” munitions at demonstrators, leaving one man with a fractured skull; and emerging from unmarked vehicles to pull protesters off the streets and haul them away.
The state’s attorney general filed a federal lawsuit July 17 against DHS and other federal agencies that asserts the officers violated the civil rights of Oregonians by seizing and detaining them without probable cause.
Michael Dorf, a constitutional law professor at Cornell University, explains that federal law grants authority to the government to deploy its forces to protect federal property or when state officials request help to enforce state laws.
The arrests conducted by DHS agents away from federal property – and the opposition to their presence from state officials – muddy the legal picture. “There’s at least some reason to suggest that what’s happening may not be justification for execution of federal authority,” he says.
Why are federal agents wearing military-style uniforms and using unmarked vehicles?
DHS officials have called the camouflage uniforms “standard” and “appropriate for any operational environment,” and further claim that the removal of name badges protects officers against potential harassment. The agency’s acting deputy secretary has described the use of unmarked vehicles by law enforcement as “so common it’s barely worth discussion.”
The agents sent to Portland belong to a “rapid deployment force” drawn from DHS agencies that include Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection. Defense Secretary Mark Esper has aired concerns to Trump administration officials that the public will mistake federal officers for military troops because of their similar uniforms.
“We want a system where people can tell the difference,” a Pentagon spokesman told reporters Tuesday.
Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum on Monday asked a federal judge to impose a temporary restraining order on the agents in Portland. She argued that their lack of recognizable police uniforms, failure to identify themselves when arresting protesters, and use of unmarked vehicles make them indistinguishable from “lawless militia” or “kidnappers.”
The absence of identifying details about the officers sows confusion, according to Edward Maguire, a professor of criminology and criminal justice at Arizona State University, and an expert on policing protests. “If people don’t know who you are,” he says, “you’re defeating their ability to hold agents and agencies accountable.”
What is likely to happen in Chicago and Albuquerque?
Agents from the FBI, DHS, and other federal law enforcement agencies will head to both cities. Their stated mission appears different from that of the officers sent to Portland, with a focus on combating violent crime and greater coordination with local officials and police.
The mayors of Chicago and Albuquerque have voiced wariness about the impending arrival of federal agents. In Chicago – where more than 400 homicides have occurred so far in 2020, an almost 50% increase from the same time last year – Mayor Lori Lightfoot told reporters that city officials “welcome actual partnership but we do not welcome dictatorship.”
Black Lives Matter and other activist groups in Chicago filed a federal lawsuit Thursday seeking an injunction against federal authorities from interfering with peaceful protests, arresting people without cause, or concealing their identity.
Activists frame the litigation as an attempt to prevent a replay of Portland. Recent events there make that concern understandable, says Dennis Kenney, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice and a former police officer.
“We’re not used to seeing things like that in the U.S.,” he says. “Those are things we associate with places like Venezuela and Colombia.”


csmonitor--2020-07-24--The Warsaw Ghetto beat an epidemic. Scientists say they know how.

“ It ’ s one of the great medical stories of all time , ” says Howard Markel , the University of Michigan physician and medical historian who coined the term “ flatten the curve ” in relation to the novel coronavirus outbreak .
“ We should take heart and inspiration from the courage , bravery , and unity of doctors , nurses , and patients alike to combat an infectious foe .
We need to do that today , and they did it under much more dire circumstances.
” Now , a team of researchers say they know what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the journal Science Advances , an international team of researchers describes how the inmates beat the typhus outbreak through cooperation and education .
Political leaders organized lectures on cleanliness .
The community practiced social distancing .
And community aid groups sprang up to help distribute food and other essentials .
In autumn 1941 , inmates in the Warsaw Ghetto faced catastrophe .
Typhus had been spreading through the Nazi ghetto throughout the summer , and , as temperatures were falling , rates were expected to skyrocket .
To some witnesses , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ This is really an irrational phenomenon , ” wrote the Polish historian Emanuel Ringelblum , in notes found after his execution by the Gestapo .
“ There ’ s no explaining it rationally.
” It was November 1941 in the Warsaw Ghetto , the sliver of Poland ’ s capital that the Nazi occupying government had transformed into a squalid holding pen for the area ’ s Jews , Romani , and others deemed undesirable .
Typhus had raged through the community all through the summer and early autumn .
But then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have skyrocketed as winter approached , cases fell dramatically .
“ I heard this from the apothecaries , and the same thing from doctors and the hospital , ” Ringelblum wrote that month .
“ The epidemic rate has fallen some 40 per cent.
” The Warsaw Ghetto should have been an optimal site for an outbreak .
More than 450,000 mostly Jewish inmates were crammed into 1.3 square miles , making for a population density between 5 and 10 times that of today ’ s busiest cities .
Nazi authorities deliberately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all the while using fear of disease in anti-Semitic party propaganda .
Nevertheless , typhus rates in the Warsaw Ghetto were plummeting .
The only explanation , according to research published today in the journal Science Advances , is that the inmates did it themselves , by sheltering in place , promoting and enforcing hygiene , and practicing social distancing .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
This remarkable story of an oppressed community rallying together to combat a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today , as the novel coronavirus pandemic continues to claim thousands of lives around the world daily and debilitate national economies .
“ It ’ s one of the great medical stories of all time , ” says Howard Markel , the University of Michigan physician and medical historian who coined the term “ flatten the curve ” in relation to COVID-19 .
“ We should take heart and inspiration from the courage , bravery , and unity of doctors , nurses , and patients alike to combat an infectious foe .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they did it under much more dire circumstances.
” The Germans ’ fear of a typhus outbreak provided an excuse for the formation of ghettos .
Influenced by and promoting anti-Semitic ideas of Jews being disease-ridden , in the autumn of 1940 the Nazis forced the Jews living in Warsaw and the surrounding areas into a tiny restricted area , and sealed it off with a wall .
“ The ghettos were in no way treatment , but a tool to separate the Jewish population from its surroundings , and imposed more misery @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dreifuss , a professor of history at the University of Tel Aviv and the head of the Center for Research on the Holocaust in Poland at Yad Vashem , Israel ’ s official memorial to the victims of the Holocaust .
Officially known as the Jewish Residential District in Warsaw , the ghetto was immensely crowded .
The Nazi authorities blocked most food from entering the ghetto , at one point allowing at most rations of 200 calories per day .
Throughout 1940 and 1941 , famine killed thousands .
With no money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bury them , residents left the corpses of loved ones unburied in the streets .
Such overcrowding , filth , and poor hygiene fostered a breeding ground for typhus .
Official numbers suggest that there were a total of 20,160 cases , but the researchers behind the new Science Advances paper dug into other historical reports and estimate that 80,000 to 110,000 residents were infected .
They suggest that the official numbers are likely low because residents were afraid to come forward in fear of repercussions from the Nazis .
Some 20,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more died from hunger while suffering from the illness .
“ They ’ re surrounded by Nazis , at best they ’ re going to get moved to a concentration camp , and at worst they ’ re going to get shot , ” says Dr. Markel .
“ And they knew this.
” But the Nazi ’ s efforts to ghettoize Jews in Warsaw inadvertently created a hub of doctors .
There were about 800 physicians among those imprisoned there , and many more nurses and scientists , according to Miriam Offer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Ghetto , ” which chronicles ghetto inmates ’ struggle against a series of public health calamities .
This community established a health council , procured vaccines as much as they could , held public lectures on preventative health , sanitation , and hygiene , set up an underground medical school , and conducted scientific studies .
“ In the Warsaw ghetto there were excellent and devoted medical experts , who tried to do what they were trained and studied for , in unbearable conditions , which , of course , endangered them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The political leaders of the Jewish Council had to do as the Germans dictated , says Dr. Offer , who teaches Holocaust studies at Western Galilee College and Tel Aviv University .
But the new health council advocated for a decentralized approach to fight the epidemic .
While the Nazi authorities forced draconian quarantines and mobilized punitive sanitation squads , she writes in an email to the Monitor , the health council focused on education and independent empowerment whenever possible .
Cleanliness was encouraged and often enforced .
Self-isolation and social distancing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And community kitchens were set up by volunteer groups and food smugglers to help feed the starving population .
Dr. Offer says , there were political tensions and conflicting ideologies among some different groups in the ghetto .
Still , she says , the medical leadership “ managed to negotiate these differences , creating collaboration , even amidst great tension , and thus succeeded in establishing a medical system.
” And it worked .
Three times as many people would likely have contracted typhus had it not been for these behavioral measures taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biomathematician and lead author Lewi Stone of Tel Aviv University and RMIT University and his co-authors examined the scientific literature on typhus , conditions in the Warsaw Ghetto , and the reported typhus rates there to graph different scenarios of what may have caused the epidemic to collapse .
The only scenario that fits with what happened , he says , was the community mobilization and behaviors described in historical documents from the ghetto .
“ Inmates and the doctors there , they must ’ ve been working hard , because that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dr. Stone says .
Social distancing methods have been used for a long time , Dr. Markel says .
Before vaccines and other modern medicine , “ these public health methods were really the only tools in the toolbox , ” he says .
“ And yes , they work.
” Typhus in the Warsaw Ghetto is another example , but it may have been easier to motivate such behaviors because people ’ s lives were already so disrupted and overturned .
“ In the ghetto , ” Dr. Markel says , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ esprit de corps of this community in the face of insurmountable odds.
” Indeed , says Dr. Offer , “ what was needed primarily was hope , creativity , dedication and thinking out of the box , as well as a set of values of humanity , daring , public responsibility , and unity to overcome the epidemic and save lives.
” Regardless of how the typhus epidemic disappeared , she says , “ This also gives us hope that COVID-19 will not be with us forever.
” Editor ’ s note : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“It’s one of the great medical stories of all time,” says Howard Markel, the University of Michigan physician and medical historian who coined the term “flatten the curve” in relation to the novel coronavirus outbreak. “We should take heart and inspiration from the courage, bravery, and unity of doctors, nurses, and patients alike to combat an infectious foe. We need to do that today, and they did it under much more dire circumstances.”
Now, a team of researchers say they know what happened. In a paper published today in the journal Science Advances, an international team of researchers describes how the inmates beat the typhus outbreak through cooperation and education. Political leaders organized lectures on cleanliness. The community practiced social distancing. And community aid groups sprang up to help distribute food and other essentials.
The Holocaust was humanity’s darkest hour, yet it still contained points of light that can illuminate today’s problems.
In autumn 1941, inmates in the Warsaw Ghetto faced catastrophe. Typhus had been spreading through the Nazi ghetto throughout the summer, and, as temperatures were falling, rates were expected to skyrocket.
To some witnesses, it simply didn’t make sense.
“This is really an irrational phenomenon,” wrote the Polish historian Emanuel Ringelblum, in notes found after his execution by the Gestapo. “There’s no explaining it rationally.”
It was November 1941 in the Warsaw Ghetto, the sliver of Poland’s capital that the Nazi occupying government had transformed into a squalid holding pen for the area’s Jews, Romani, and others deemed undesirable. Typhus had raged through the community all through the summer and early autumn. But then, just as infection rates were expected to have skyrocketed as winter approached, cases fell dramatically.
Why We Wrote This The Holocaust was humanity’s darkest hour, yet it still contained points of light that can illuminate today’s problems.
“I heard this from the apothecaries, and the same thing from doctors and the hospital,” Ringelblum wrote that month. “The epidemic rate has fallen some 40 per cent.”
The Warsaw Ghetto should have been an optimal site for an outbreak. More than 450,000 mostly Jewish inmates were crammed into 1.3 square miles, making for a population density between 5 and 10 times that of today’s busiest cities. Nazi authorities deliberately kept resources from entering the area, all the while using fear of disease in anti-Semitic party propaganda. Nevertheless, typhus rates in the Warsaw Ghetto were plummeting.
The only explanation, according to research published today in the journal Science Advances, is that the inmates did it themselves, by sheltering in place, promoting and enforcing hygiene, and practicing social distancing.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
This remarkable story of an oppressed community rallying together to combat a public health crisis holds obvious implications for today, as the novel coronavirus pandemic continues to claim thousands of lives around the world daily and debilitate national economies.
“It’s one of the great medical stories of all time,” says Howard Markel, the University of Michigan physician and medical historian who coined the term “flatten the curve” in relation to COVID-19. “We should take heart and inspiration from the courage, bravery, and unity of doctors, nurses, and patients alike to combat an infectious foe. We need to do that today, and they did it under much more dire circumstances.”
A pretext for oppression
The Germans’ fear of a typhus outbreak provided an excuse for the formation of ghettos. Influenced by and promoting anti-Semitic ideas of Jews being disease-ridden, in the autumn of 1940 the Nazis forced the Jews living in Warsaw and the surrounding areas into a tiny restricted area, and sealed it off with a wall.
“The ghettos were in no way treatment, but a tool to separate the Jewish population from its surroundings, and imposed more misery on the Jews,” says Havi Dreifuss, a professor of history at the University of Tel Aviv and the head of the Center for Research on the Holocaust in Poland at Yad Vashem, Israel’s official memorial to the victims of the Holocaust.
Officially known as the Jewish Residential District in Warsaw, the ghetto was immensely crowded. The Nazi authorities blocked most food from entering the ghetto, at one point allowing at most rations of 200 calories per day. Throughout 1940 and 1941, famine killed thousands. With no money, physical energy, or a place to bury them, residents left the corpses of loved ones unburied in the streets.
Such overcrowding, filth, and poor hygiene fostered a breeding ground for typhus. Official numbers suggest that there were a total of 20,160 cases, but the researchers behind the new Science Advances paper dug into other historical reports and estimate that 80,000 to 110,000 residents were infected. They suggest that the official numbers are likely low because residents were afraid to come forward in fear of repercussions from the Nazis. Some 20,000 residents died of typhus, and many more died from hunger while suffering from the illness.
“They’re surrounded by Nazis, at best they’re going to get moved to a concentration camp, and at worst they’re going to get shot,” says Dr. Markel. “And they knew this.”
But the Nazi’s efforts to ghettoize Jews in Warsaw inadvertently created a hub of doctors. There were about 800 physicians among those imprisoned there, and many more nurses and scientists, according to Miriam Offer, author of “White Coats in the Ghetto,” which chronicles ghetto inmates’ struggle against a series of public health calamities.
This community established a health council, procured vaccines as much as they could, held public lectures on preventative health, sanitation, and hygiene, set up an underground medical school, and conducted scientific studies.
“In the Warsaw ghetto there were excellent and devoted medical experts, who tried to do what they were trained and studied for, in unbearable conditions, which, of course, endangered them as well,” says Dr. Dreifuss.
The political leaders of the Jewish Council had to do as the Germans dictated, says Dr. Offer, who teaches Holocaust studies at Western Galilee College and Tel Aviv University. But the new health council advocated for a decentralized approach to fight the epidemic. While the Nazi authorities forced draconian quarantines and mobilized punitive sanitation squads, she writes in an email to the Monitor, the health council focused on education and independent empowerment whenever possible. Cleanliness was encouraged and often enforced. Self-isolation and social distancing became basic practice and common sense. And community kitchens were set up by volunteer groups and food smugglers to help feed the starving population.
Dr. Offer says, there were political tensions and conflicting ideologies among some different groups in the ghetto. Still, she says, the medical leadership “managed to negotiate these differences, creating collaboration, even amidst great tension, and thus succeeded in establishing a medical system.”
And it worked. Three times as many people would likely have contracted typhus had it not been for these behavioral measures taken, according to the new paper.
Useful tools
Biomathematician and lead author Lewi Stone of Tel Aviv University and RMIT University and his co-authors examined the scientific literature on typhus, conditions in the Warsaw Ghetto, and the reported typhus rates there to graph different scenarios of what may have caused the epidemic to collapse. The only scenario that fits with what happened, he says, was the community mobilization and behaviors described in historical documents from the ghetto.
“Inmates and the doctors there, they must’ve been working hard, because that’s what the model shows,” Dr. Stone says.
Social distancing methods have been used for a long time, Dr. Markel says. Before vaccines and other modern medicine, “these public health methods were really the only tools in the toolbox,” he says. “And yes, they work.”
Typhus in the Warsaw Ghetto is another example, but it may have been easier to motivate such behaviors because people’s lives were already so disrupted and overturned.
“In the ghetto,” Dr. Markel says, “there was a remarkable, almost inspirational esprit de corps of this community in the face of insurmountable odds.”
Indeed, says Dr. Offer, “what was needed primarily was hope, creativity, dedication and thinking out of the box, as well as a set of values of humanity, daring, public responsibility, and unity to overcome the epidemic and save lives.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Regardless of how the typhus epidemic disappeared, she says, “This also gives us hope that COVID-19 will not be with us forever.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-07-24--Latin America’s democratic gem

Latin America’s democratic gem

At a time when the world ’ s democracies are on a back foot against a pandemic and creeping authoritarianism , a new study finds hope in Latin America .
The reason is a surprising exception in the region ’ s political landscape .
Latin America ’ s second-smallest country , Uruguay , remains a vibrant democracy in a continent still prone to the force of autocratic , populist leaders .
That country ’ s people show a growing trust in stable democratic institutions relatively free of corruption .
“ Corruption has historically been a hurdle for Latin America , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and violating the rights of millions , ” states the report , “ The 2020 Capacity to Combat Corruption Index.
” Uruguay ranked highest in protecting judicial independence , upholding strong democratic processes , and encouraging robust investigative journalism .
Notice that last point .
The private sector , such as media , business , and civil society , plays a crucial role against corruption .
In Uruguay , a sense of self-governance has made a big difference .
In 2016 , after journalists uncovered a scandal involving the vice president , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ probe that led to his resignation .
Voters there are both well-informed and organized to send corrective signals to leaders .
Last December , for example , discontent over rising crime and economic drift resulted in the election ouster of the center-left Broad Front coalition .
But voters also sent a signal to the center-right National Party when it took over in March .
Elected by a tight margin , it has been careful so far to avoid a sharp partisan swing , blending economic reform with its predecessor ’ s social justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-democratic actors in Uruguay , whether on the extreme left or right , and when such an actor publicly appears , they are immediately condemned and isolated , ” according to BTI , a global think-tank on democratic change .
Uruguay also stands out in its global outreach .
Among Latin American countries , it provides by far the largest number of United Nations peacekeepers .
Like other parts of the world , Latin America shows signs of “ democratic fatigue.
” While the region has the highest levels of election participation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some countries ) , overall trust in political parties is now a low 13 % .
A wave of anti-corruption efforts a few years ago has either stalled or reversed .
The Brookings Institution says the region is marred by “ reduced space for civic action , weakened democratic checks and balances , high levels of inequality and attacks on human rights.
” That makes the political dynamics in Uruguay both an exception and a model .
With the fallout of the pandemic undermining public confidence from one country to the next , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics in Latin America may rise .
Uruguay shows the reasons not to .

At a time when the world’s democracies are on a back foot against a pandemic and creeping authoritarianism, a new study finds hope in Latin America. The reason is a surprising exception in the region’s political landscape.
Latin America’s second-smallest country, Uruguay, remains a vibrant democracy in a continent still prone to the force of autocratic, populist leaders. That country’s people show a growing trust in stable democratic institutions relatively free of corruption.
“Corruption has historically been a hurdle for Latin America, undermining growth, democracy and governance, and violating the rights of millions,” states the report, “The 2020 Capacity to Combat Corruption Index.” Uruguay ranked highest in protecting judicial independence, upholding strong democratic processes, and encouraging robust investigative journalism.
Notice that last point. The private sector, such as media, business, and civil society, plays a crucial role against corruption. In Uruguay, a sense of self-governance has made a big difference. In 2016, after journalists uncovered a scandal involving the vice president, the country’s anti-corruption agency conducted a probe that led to his resignation.
Voters there are both well-informed and organized to send corrective signals to leaders. Last December, for example, discontent over rising crime and economic drift resulted in the election ouster of the center-left Broad Front coalition. But voters also sent a signal to the center-right National Party when it took over in March. Elected by a tight margin, it has been careful so far to avoid a sharp partisan swing, blending economic reform with its predecessor’s social justice agenda.
“There are no significant anti-democratic actors in Uruguay, whether on the extreme left or right, and when such an actor publicly appears, they are immediately condemned and isolated,” according to BTI, a global think-tank on democratic change.
Uruguay also stands out in its global outreach. Among Latin American countries, it provides by far the largest number of United Nations peacekeepers.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Like other parts of the world, Latin America shows signs of “democratic fatigue.” While the region has the highest levels of election participation in the world (voting is mandatory in some countries), overall trust in political parties is now a low 13%. A wave of anti-corruption efforts a few years ago has either stalled or reversed. The Brookings Institution says the region is marred by “reduced space for civic action, weakened democratic checks and balances, high levels of inequality and attacks on human rights.”
That makes the political dynamics in Uruguay both an exception and a model. With the fallout of the pandemic undermining public confidence from one country to the next, the temptation to fall back on personality-based politics in Latin America may rise. Uruguay shows the reasons not to.


csmonitor--2020-07-24--One family, three generations, and 100 years of suffrage

As the United States commemorates the 100th anniversary of women ’ s suffrage , the Monitor asks three generations of women to reflect on their earliest memories of voting .
Isabella Bowker , an elementary school teacher from Baltimore , Maryland , describes herself as “ the proud fourth generation of wonderful voting women.
” She remembers following her mother , high school principal Jennifer Borman , into the voting booth at a very young age .
And her grandmother , Corinne Adler , agrees that political engagement was always part of the family ethos .
“ I remember my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussions , ” says Ms. Adler , a registered dietitian in private practice , from her home in Boston .
“ Often people disagreed and argued , and had good fights about it.
” America ’ s founders saw voting as the cornerstone of our democracy .
But what does it mean to have a political voice ?
For Ms. Borman and her family , 100 years of suffrage has meant a lot more than casting a ballot every couple of years .
In this conversation , they reflect on the legacy of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as candidates , and what voting means to them .

As the United States commemorates the 100th anniversary of women’s suffrage, the Monitor asks three generations of women to reflect on their earliest memories of voting.
Isabella Bowker, an elementary school teacher from Baltimore, Maryland, describes herself as “the proud fourth generation of wonderful voting women.” She remembers following her mother, high school principal Jennifer Borman, into the voting booth at a very young age. And her grandmother, Corinne Adler, agrees that political engagement was always part of the family ethos.
“I remember my parents at dinnertime having all these political discussions,” says Ms. Adler, a registered dietitian in private practice, from her home in Boston. “Often people disagreed and argued, and had good fights about it.”
Why We Wrote This Is voting a privilege, a right, or a duty? A century into women’s suffrage, the Monitor asks three generations of women in one family what voting means to them.
America’s founders saw voting as the cornerstone of our democracy. But what does it mean to have a political voice?
For Ms. Borman and her family, 100 years of suffrage has meant a lot more than casting a ballot every couple of years. In this conversation, they reflect on the legacy of early suffragists, the significance of women as candidates, and what voting means to them.