csmonitor--2020-11-13--Ethiopia’s road to war needs an offramp

Ethiopia’s road to war needs an offramp

Democracies thrive best when they protect minority interests .
In Ethiopia , that condition has degraded in the past two years – ironically under the most pro-democracy leadership in the country ’ s history .
Now Africa ’ s second-most-populous country has an armed conflict on its hands between a key minority , the ethnic Tigray who held power for decades , and a government trying to unify the country .
What happens next may determine if democratic reforms made since 2018 are uprooted and whether the Horn of Africa – already fragile – becomes more unstable .
The fighting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amnesty International confirmed that “ scores , and likely hundreds ” of civilians were killed in a massacre in the town of Mai-Kadra in the northern province of Tigray on Monday .
And since conflict broke out Nov. 4 , some 11,000 refugees have crossed into Sudan and another 20,000 are at the border .
It is too soon to say whether Ethiopia is descending into full-scale civil war .
Information from Tigray is difficult to obtain .
The government has cut internet and telephone networks in the region .
Air and land @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abiy Ahmed has imposed a six-month state of emergency in Tigray and the federal parliament has appointed a new regional executive .
An arrest warrant has been issued for Tigray ’ s elected leader , Debretsion Gebremichael .
A war in the heart of Africa ’ s horn could have wider consequences .
The seat of the 55-member African Union , Ethiopia is the leading contributor of soldiers to peacekeeping missions in neighboring Sudan , South Sudan , and Somalia .
And its conflict comes at a time of deepening tensions with Egypt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Blue Nile River .
“ A protracted internal conflict will inflict devastating damage on both Tigray and Ethiopia as a whole , undoing years of vital development progress , ” says United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet .
“ It could , in addition , all too easily spill across borders , potentially destabilizing the whole sub-region.
” Ethnic strife has been a stubborn source of instability in Ethiopia .
In 1995 , after decades of dictatorship , it adopted a constitution establishing a federal system that divided power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regions .
That structure provided stability and prosperity .
But it belied underlying tensions .
Federal power remained dominated by the Tigray , who comprise just 7 % of the population .
That changed after Dr. Abiy was chosen as prime minister two years ago .
He belongs to the Oromo , Ethiopia ’ s largest ethnic group , and holds a doctorate in peace and security studies .
He has vowed to entrench democratic norms .
But Tigrayans have felt increasingly aggrieved by his agenda .
He has negotiated a peace deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Peace Prize but also sidelined the Tigrayan leadership ( Tigray borders Eritrea ) .
He reconfigured the ruling coalition into a new party to include minorities that had long felt left out .
Prominent Tigrayan officials lost key positions in the shuffle .
The rift opened wider in September .
After Dr. Abiy postponed national elections due to the COVID-19 pandemic , Tigray held its own regional ballot .
The federal parliament ruled the election unconstitutional .
Mr. Gebremichael , for his part , views the federal government , whose term expired in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prior to winning the Nobel prize , Dr. Abiy published a book entitled “ Medemer , ” an Amharic term translated variously as “ addition ” and “ coming together.
” That idea guided him in making peace across borders .
The question now is whether he can apply it at home .
To achieve peace and democracy , Ethiopian government must be based on more than a power balance of ethnic groups .
Reversing the drift toward war and forging a shared national identity starts with finding new ways of achieving inclusiveness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Democracies thrive best when they protect minority interests. In Ethiopia, that condition has degraded in the past two years – ironically under the most pro-democracy leadership in the country’s history. Now Africa’s second-most-populous country has an armed conflict on its hands between a key minority, the ethnic Tigray who held power for decades, and a government trying to unify the country.
What happens next may determine if democratic reforms made since 2018 are uprooted and whether the Horn of Africa – already fragile – becomes more unstable.
The fighting in Tigray cannot be ignored. Amnesty International confirmed that “scores, and likely hundreds” of civilians were killed in a massacre in the town of Mai-Kadra in the northern province of Tigray on Monday. And since conflict broke out Nov. 4, some 11,000 refugees have crossed into Sudan and another 20,000 are at the border.
It is too soon to say whether Ethiopia is descending into full-scale civil war. Information from Tigray is difficult to obtain. The government has cut internet and telephone networks in the region. Air and land corridors have been shut. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has imposed a six-month state of emergency in Tigray and the federal parliament has appointed a new regional executive. An arrest warrant has been issued for Tigray’s elected leader, Debretsion Gebremichael.
A war in the heart of Africa’s horn could have wider consequences. The seat of the 55-member African Union, Ethiopia is the leading contributor of soldiers to peacekeeping missions in neighboring Sudan, South Sudan, and Somalia. And its conflict comes at a time of deepening tensions with Egypt over Ethiopia’s nearly-complete dam on the Blue Nile River.
“A protracted internal conflict will inflict devastating damage on both Tigray and Ethiopia as a whole, undoing years of vital development progress,” says United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Michelle Bachelet. “It could, in addition, all too easily spill across borders, potentially destabilizing the whole sub-region.”
Ethnic strife has been a stubborn source of instability in Ethiopia. In 1995, after decades of dictatorship, it adopted a constitution establishing a federal system that divided power between a national government and 10 ethnic regions. That structure provided stability and prosperity. But it belied underlying tensions. Federal power remained dominated by the Tigray, who comprise just 7% of the population.
That changed after Dr. Abiy was chosen as prime minister two years ago. He belongs to the Oromo, Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, and holds a doctorate in peace and security studies. He has vowed to entrench democratic norms. But Tigrayans have felt increasingly aggrieved by his agenda. He has negotiated a peace deal with Eritrea that won him a Nobel Peace Prize but also sidelined the Tigrayan leadership (Tigray borders Eritrea). He reconfigured the ruling coalition into a new party to include minorities that had long felt left out. Prominent Tigrayan officials lost key positions in the shuffle.
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The rift opened wider in September. After Dr. Abiy postponed national elections due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Tigray held its own regional ballot. The federal parliament ruled the election unconstitutional. Mr. Gebremichael, for his part, views the federal government, whose term expired in September, as lacking a mandate.
Prior to winning the Nobel prize, Dr. Abiy published a book entitled “Medemer,” an Amharic term translated variously as “addition” and “coming together.” That idea guided him in making peace across borders. The question now is whether he can apply it at home. To achieve peace and democracy, Ethiopian government must be based on more than a power balance of ethnic groups. Reversing the drift toward war and forging a shared national identity starts with finding new ways of achieving inclusiveness. Violence is not one of them.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--India prepares for Diwali festival, ignoring COVID concerns

Crowds filling shopping areas ahead of the Diwali festival of lights on Saturday are raising hopes of India ’ s distressed business community after months of lockdown losses but also spawning fears of a massive coronavirus upsurge .
People who ’ ve restricted their purchases to essentials for months appear to be in a celebratory mood and traders are lapping it up , said Praveen Khandelwal , general secretary of the Confederation of All India Traders .
“ The past three days have seen a tremendous increase in customer footfall in shopping markets for festival purchases , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a large number of people are seen ignoring mask wearing and social distancing norms in major Indian cities and towns .
India has confirmed more than 8.7 million cases of coronavirus infection , the second-most in the world , and more than 128,600 fatalities .
In neighboring Nepal , another predominant Hindu nation , people appear to have responded better to a government appeal to celebrate the festival indoors and only with immediate family and avoid large gatherings or public celebrations .
Many areas in the Himalayan state have prohibited the tradition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ girls and boys go to their neighbor ’ s houses to sing and dance and in return get money and sweets .
The festival is spread over five days in Nepal with different days for worshipping the crows , gods , cows , and brothers .
India ’ s festival season this year started on a subdued note with Dussehra celebrations last month , but traders say now people have come out of homes and are flocking to shopping areas in key Indian cities , including New Delhi , Mumbai , Ahmedabad , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Most people are shopping for flowers , sweets , dry fruits , candles , and lamps for Diwali .
The Hindu celebrations of Dussehra , Diwali , and Durga Puja in October and November each year are also an occasion to splurge on big-ticket items like gold , homes , and cars as well as clothing , smartphones , and electronics .
Traders are hoping for the Diwali festival sales touching $ 8 million , Mr. Khandelwal said .
But several say they are trying not to let their hopes get too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bargains and people are cautious in spending their money during the pandemic .
“ If we compare our business to last year ’ s , then its only 40 percent right now .
60 percent of customers are not there .
Because everyone is afraid of COVID-19 , ” said Jitender Sachdeva , a shop owner in New Delhi ’ s upscale Sarojini market .
“ I had gone to the market and there is a lot of crowd because of Diwali .
So I think it [ coronavirus ] may spread more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said .
India ’ s Hindu festivals draw tens of thousands of people , packed in temples , shopping districts , and family gatherings exchanging gifts .
On Diwali night , people lit up the sky with firecrackers – their smoke causing air pollution that takes days to clear .
New Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal has banned firecrackers this year .
A thick smog lingered over the Indian capital and its suburbs on Friday , fed by smoke from raging agricultural fires .
Health experts warn of crowded festival celebrations causing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s health care system .
New Delhi already has seen rising cases with more than 7,000 daily in recent days and a rising death toll as well .
In upscale areas , authorities and traders authorities have put up coronavirus protocols in place , but the crush of people waiting to get in was a major cause of concern for traders .
There are announcements over the public address systems to wear masks and maintain safe distances .
A bright spot is domestic brands are getting a boost from a trend to boycott @ @ @ @ @ @ @ festive LED lights , and electronics in favor of locally made products following India ’ s border standoff with China .
With this boycott , China is set to lose business worth about $ 5.3 million in the Indian market this festive season , said B. C. Bhartia , president of the Confederation of All India Traders .
For India ’ s nearly 70 million traders , who employ about 400 million people , an upturn could not come fast enough .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Binaj Gurubacharya @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Crowds filling shopping areas ahead of the Diwali festival of lights on Saturday are raising hopes of India’s distressed business
community after months of lockdown losses but also spawning fears of a massive coronavirus upsurge.
People who’ve restricted their purchases to essentials for months appear to be in a celebratory mood and traders are lapping it up, said Praveen Khandelwal, general secretary of the Confederation of All India Traders.
“The past three days have seen a tremendous increase in customer footfall in shopping markets for festival purchases,” he said.
But among the millions of shoppers, a large number of people are seen ignoring mask wearing and social distancing norms in major Indian cities and towns. India has confirmed more than 8.7 million cases of coronavirus infection, the second-most in the world, and more than 128,600 fatalities.
In neighboring Nepal, another predominant Hindu nation, people appear to have responded better to a government appeal to celebrate the festival indoors and only with immediate family and avoid large gatherings or public celebrations.
Many areas in the Himalayan state have prohibited the tradition of “Deusi-Bhailo” where groups of girls and boys go to their neighbor’s houses to sing and dance and in return get money and sweets. The festival is spread over five days in Nepal with different days for worshipping the crows, gods, cows, and brothers.
India’s festival season this year started on a subdued note with Dussehra celebrations last month, but traders say now people have come out of homes and are flocking to shopping areas in key Indian cities, including New Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Lucknow, and Patna, this week.
Most people are shopping for flowers, sweets, dry fruits, candles, and lamps for Diwali. The Hindu celebrations of Dussehra, Diwali, and Durga Puja in October and November each year are also an occasion to splurge on big-ticket items like gold, homes, and cars as well as clothing, smartphones, and electronics.
Traders are hoping for the Diwali festival sales touching $8 million, Mr. Khandelwal said.
But several say they are trying not to let their hopes get too high since the crowds could be seeking bargains and people are cautious in spending their money during the pandemic.
“If we compare our business to last year’s, then its only 40 percent right now. 60 percent of customers are not there. Because everyone is afraid of COVID-19,” said Jitender Sachdeva, a shop owner in New Delhi’s upscale Sarojini market.
“I had gone to the market and there is a lot of crowd because of Diwali. So I think it [coronavirus] may spread more,” Payal Jha, a student, said.
India’s Hindu festivals draw tens of thousands of people, packed in temples, shopping districts, and family gatherings exchanging gifts.
On Diwali night, people lit up the sky with firecrackers – their smoke causing air pollution that takes days to clear. New Delhi chief minister Arvind Kejriwal has banned firecrackers this year. A thick smog lingered over the Indian capital and its suburbs on Friday, fed by smoke from raging agricultural fires.
Health experts warn of crowded festival celebrations causing a virus resurgence that batters India’s health care system. New Delhi already has seen rising cases with more than 7,000 daily in recent days and a rising death toll as well.
In upscale areas, authorities and traders authorities have put up coronavirus protocols in place, but the crush of people waiting to get in was a major cause of concern for traders. There are announcements over the public address systems to wear masks and maintain safe distances.
A bright spot is domestic brands are getting a boost from a trend to boycott inexpensive Chinese-made statues of Hindu deities, festive LED lights, and electronics in favor of locally made products following India’s border standoff with China.
With this boycott, China is set to lose business worth about $5.3 million in the Indian market this festive season, said B. C. Bhartia, president of the Confederation of All India Traders.
For India’s nearly 70 million traders, who employ about 400 million people, an upturn could not come fast enough.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Binaj Gurubacharya contributed from Kathmandu, Nepal.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--Reform or reverence? Thai royalists, protesters size up monarchy.

The words the Thai king spoke to Thitiwat Tanagaroon have been tattooed on his arm : “ very brave , very good , thank you.
” The restaurant manager never imagined he would win praise from King Maha Vajiralongkorn when he brandished a royal portrait at an anti-government protest last month .
Nor had he expected online attacks and calls for him to be fired from his job .
“ There are a lot of people who still love the monarchy and worship the monarchy but they don ’ t come out , ” he told Reuters .
“ Whoever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , criticizing Thailand ’ s monarchy was taboo and few dared brave the country 's harsh royal insult laws .
Now , defending the monarchy can also draw criticism – a monumental shift in a kingdom where the institution has been promoted for decades and must be revered according to the constitution .
The palace did not respond to a request for comment on changing attitudes since protests began in July .
“ The new generation and youth , they ’ re not into it , ” protest leader Tattep Ruangprapaikitseree said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shown for the monarchy .
“ They see that they ’ re human , the king is human , not a god.
” Like many Thais his age , Mr. Thitiwat grew up watching the nightly royal news on television .
He saw people kneel as royal cars passed on streets lined with royal portraits .
The monarchy was the one thing he always put faith in , he said .
“ It ’ s the same love I have for my dad and mum , ” he said .
“ For me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decade ago , he himself joined street protests – staged by royalist “ yellow shirts ” – to bring down an elected populist government .
He was among thousands who prayed and slept outside the hospital when King Bhumibol Adulyadej fell sick in 2016 .
And when King Bhumibol died after a seven-decade reign , Mr. Thitiwat – like the rest of Thailand – dressed in black for a year .
But Thailand has changed dramatically since protests that began in July against Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha , a former army chief .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ curb the powers of the monarchy , which critics accuse of abetting military domination , taking excessive authority , lavish spending , and allowing a crackdown on critics .
The protesters have emphasized that they seek to reform the monarchy , not abolish it , though royalists distrust them .
For Mr. Thitiwat , all accusations against the king are lies and the monarchy stands above politics .
His anger boiled over when chants on the street changed from vulgar expletives thrown at Mr. Prayuth to cursing the king , and he fumes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on social media .
“ It makes me want to vomit , ” said Mr. Thitiwat .
The protests have drawn tens of thousands of people , including to the Pinklao suburb where Mr. Thitiwat works : a humdrum tangle of choked roads , flyovers , and shopping malls .
“ Half the people support the protesters and half are against , ” said Gade , who supports the demonstrations and has a clothes stall 100 meters from Mr. Thitiwat ’ s restaurant .
On the day Mr. Thitiwat stood nearby with his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was no confrontation , the royalist said .
Protesters just raised their emblem of defiance , the three-finger “ Hunger Games ” salute .
But online , he said he was branded “ disgusting ” and much worse .
The restaurant ’ s rating was knocked from 4.8 stars to 1 and it was bombarded with calls to fire him , its owner said .
“ I was very scared , ” said the owner , Bo , who did not want to give her full name or have her restaurant identified .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pain wrote “ I ’ m disappointed , time to find a new place to eat.
” However , the owner said royalists were now coming in solidarity .
While royalists condemn such attacks , protesters complain of worse .
“ Think about what the pro-democracy side endured in recent years .
Prosecuted , followed , harassed , put into choke holds , ” Mr. Tattep said .
“ There has to be dialog , not harassment.
” Gauging the shift in the country of 70 million is hard .
The biggest protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support , but one recent poll said 60 % of people thought the protesters should not attack the monarchy – though without explaining why .
Change is evident .
Not everyone stands for the royal anthem in cinemas any more .
When a woman slapped a teenager who didn ’ t stand for the national anthem at a railway station , it was she who faced public condemnation .
Mr. Thitiwat ’ s emergence as a hero for monarchists came when the king praised him outside the Grand Palace on the evening of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of other well-wishers .
Mr. Thitiwat said the encounter was not staged , as critics have suggested .
He burst into tears of emotion and later couldn ’ t sleep .
The video he posted of the meeting went viral .
But many were not sympathetic .
They accused the king of stoking division by praising Mr. Thitiwat while ignoring protest demands .
A week later , the king said protesters were “ loved all the same , ” but there has been no royal response to their demands .
Some radical monarchists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but Mr. Thitiwat saw no place for that .
“ The kids are like family , ” he said .
“ I ’ ll try to be tougher and endure the hatred.
” This story was reported by Reuters .
Reuters writer Chayut Setboonsarng contributed to this report .

The words the Thai king spoke to Thitiwat Tanagaroon have been tattooed on his arm: “very brave, very good, thank you.”
The restaurant manager never imagined he would win praise from King Maha Vajiralongkorn when he brandished a royal portrait at an anti-government protest last month. Nor had he expected online attacks and calls for him to be fired from his job.
“There are a lot of people who still love the monarchy and worship the monarchy but they don’t come out,” he told Reuters.
“Whoever comes out gets harassed.”
Just months ago, criticizing Thailand’s monarchy was taboo and few dared brave the country's harsh royal insult laws.
Now, defending the monarchy can also draw criticism – a monumental shift in a kingdom where the institution has been promoted for decades and must be revered according to the constitution.
The palace did not respond to a request for comment on changing attitudes since protests began in July.
“The new generation and youth, they’re not into it,” protest leader Tattep Ruangprapaikitseree said of the deference generations of Thais have shown for the monarchy.
“They see that they’re human, the king is human, not a god.”
Like many Thais his age, Mr. Thitiwat grew up watching the nightly royal news on television. He saw people kneel as royal cars passed on streets lined with royal portraits. The monarchy was the one thing he always put faith in, he said.
“It’s the same love I have for my dad and mum,” he said. “For me, the monarchy is god.”
A decade ago, he himself joined street protests – staged by royalist “yellow shirts” – to bring down an elected populist government.
Dramatic change
He was among thousands who prayed and slept outside the hospital when King Bhumibol Adulyadej fell sick in 2016. And when King Bhumibol died after a seven-decade reign, Mr. Thitiwat – like the rest of Thailand – dressed in black for a year.
But Thailand has changed dramatically since protests that began in July against Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, a former army chief.
Anti-establishment demonstrations have evolved into demands to curb the powers of the monarchy, which critics accuse of abetting military domination, taking excessive authority, lavish spending, and allowing a crackdown on critics.
The protesters have emphasized that they seek to reform the monarchy, not abolish it, though royalists distrust them.
For Mr. Thitiwat, all accusations against the king are lies and the monarchy stands above politics.
His anger boiled over when chants on the street changed from vulgar expletives thrown at Mr. Prayuth to cursing the king, and he fumes at the now widespread criticism of royalty on social media.
“It makes me want to vomit,” said Mr. Thitiwat.
The protests have drawn tens of thousands of people, including to the Pinklao suburb where Mr. Thitiwat works: a humdrum tangle of choked roads, flyovers, and shopping malls.
“Half the people support the protesters and half are against,” said Gade, who supports the demonstrations and has a clothes stall 100 meters from Mr. Thitiwat’s restaurant.
On the day Mr. Thitiwat stood nearby with his picture of the late king, there was no confrontation, the royalist said. Protesters just raised their emblem of defiance, the three-finger “Hunger Games” salute.
But online, he said he was branded “disgusting” and much worse. The restaurant’s rating was knocked from 4.8 stars to 1 and it was bombarded with calls to fire him, its owner said.
“I was very scared,” said the owner, Bo, who did not want to give her full name or have her restaurant identified.
On Facebook, one user called Mind Pain wrote “I’m disappointed, time to find a new place to eat.” However, the owner said royalists were now coming in solidarity.
While royalists condemn such attacks, protesters complain of worse.
“Think about what the pro-democracy side endured in recent years. Prosecuted, followed, harassed, put into choke holds,” Mr. Tattep said. “There has to be dialog, not harassment.”
Sentiment shift
Gauging the shift in the country of 70 million is hard. The biggest protests have been bigger than royalist shows of support, but one recent poll said 60% of people thought the protesters should not attack the monarchy – though without explaining why.
Change is evident. Not everyone stands for the royal anthem in cinemas any more. When a woman slapped a teenager who didn’t stand for the national anthem at a railway station, it was she who faced public condemnation.
Mr. Thitiwat’s emergence as a hero for monarchists came when the king praised him outside the Grand Palace on the evening of Oct. 23 as he knelt with thousands of other well-wishers.
Mr. Thitiwat said the encounter was not staged, as critics have suggested. He burst into tears of emotion and later couldn’t sleep. The video he posted of the meeting went viral.
But many were not sympathetic. They accused the king of stoking division by praising Mr. Thitiwat while ignoring protest demands. A week later, the king said protesters were “loved all the same,” but there has been no royal response to their demands.
Some radical monarchists say they are ready for violence, but Mr. Thitiwat saw no place for that.
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“The kids are like family,” he said. “I’ll try to be tougher and endure the hatred.”
This story was reported by Reuters. Reuters writer Chayut Setboonsarng contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--Bank shot: A sports writer and a superfan bond over Knicks basketball

Musler wore many hats in her friendship with Araton .
She started off as a reliable source for his stories and eventual column for The New York Times , but she was also a trusted confidant , a mentor , a cheerleader , and even a kind of mother figure .
Michelle Musler ’ s seats were located right behind the Knicks bench , allowing her an up-close view of the action and relationships with many important figures attached to the team .
This meant that she was privy to valuable insider knowledge , and her near-constant presence at Madison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paths with sports writer Harvey Araton .
The two became acquainted in the early 1980s , when he was an up-and-coming sports writer covering games for various New York publications .
They bonded over New York Knicks basketball , sitting courtside in Madison Square Garden .
He was an up-and-coming sports writer , and she was a superfan and the single mother of five .
The heart of their friendship was a love for the game .
In his memoir , “ Our Last Season : A Writer , A Fan , A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went on to write for The New York Times , shares the story of his decadeslong friendship with Michelle Musler .
Musler was an unlikely basketball enthusiast .
She became a single mother in her early 30s and only by fortuitous circumstances and sheer willpower was she able to go from worrying about paying her bills to running a successful consulting company .
Her business provided her family with a stable life , and herself with a treasured pair of Knicks season tickets .
Her seats were located right behind the Knicks bench @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the action and , largely because of her personable nature , relationships with many important figures attached to the team .
This meant that Musler was privy to valuable insider knowledge , and her near-constant presence at Madison Square Garden guaranteed that she would cross paths with Araton .
The two became acquainted in the early 1980s , when Araton was an up-and-coming sports writer covering games for various New York publications .
Musler began feeding Araton tips that often gave him the scoop on a story or an angle that beefed up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in her friendship with Araton .
She started off as a reliable source for his stories and eventual column for the Times , but she was also a trusted confidant , a mentor , a cheerleader , and even a kind of mother figure .
The special attachment they shared lasted until her death in 2018 .
In addition to personal details about their lives , the journalist discusses what he and Musler bonded over in the first place : Knicks basketball .
He covers several eras of the franchise – mainly in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Musler in 2017-18 .
While much of the information will allow non-basketball fans to feel part of the action , he allows the level of Knicks-specific detail to bubble up to the point of inaccessibility to those not familiar with the sport , stopping short of being truly excessive .
Looking beyond that , the book is downright charming and comes off precisely as intended : a tribute to a remarkable woman who played a tremendous role in the life of the author , and who was a largely unknown but highly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Knicks basketball .
This is a memoir about life as much as about sports , although the ever-wise Musler would have likely argued that the two are inherently connected .
As Araton recalls , she “ loved sports because she always thought a single game , segmented into stages , was a microcosm of life , with a beginning , a middle , and an end.
” So , too , it seems , can memoirs encapsulate our lives , in which endings frequently prove bittersweet .
The author concludes by writing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her up to date on the latest Knicks news she would be eager to hear , and informing her of the abrupt halt to sports as we know them while the world grapples with the coronavirus .
But most importantly , in the letter he thanks her for the contributions to his life and work , and for the friendship that so deeply enriched his life .
This heartfelt story of friendship is one to be savored .

Sometimes it really is about who you know. Having a mentor with the right connections, who also acts as a confidant and friend, can make a lasting difference in a life.
Musler wore many hats in her friendship with Araton. She started off as a reliable source for his stories and eventual column for The New York Times, but she was also a trusted confidant, a mentor, a cheerleader, and even a kind of mother figure.
Michelle Musler’s seats were located right behind the Knicks bench, allowing her an up-close view of the action and relationships with many important figures attached to the team. This meant that she was privy to valuable insider knowledge, and her near-constant presence at Madison Square Garden guaranteed that she would cross paths with sports writer Harvey Araton. The two became acquainted in the early 1980s, when he was an up-and-coming sports writer covering games for various New York publications.
They bonded over New York Knicks basketball, sitting courtside in Madison Square Garden. He was an up-and-coming sports writer, and she was a superfan and the single mother of five. The heart of their friendship was a love for the game. In his memoir, “Our Last Season: A Writer, A Fan, A Friendship,” Harvey Araton, who went on to write for The New York Times, shares the story of his decadeslong friendship with Michelle Musler.
Musler was an unlikely basketball enthusiast. She became a single mother in her early 30s and only by fortuitous circumstances and sheer willpower was she able to go from worrying about paying her bills to running a successful consulting company. Her business provided her family with a stable life, and herself with a treasured pair of Knicks season tickets.
Her seats were located right behind the Knicks bench, allowing her an up-close view of the action and, largely because of her personable nature, relationships with many important figures attached to the team. This meant that Musler was privy to valuable insider knowledge, and her near-constant presence at Madison Square Garden guaranteed that she would cross paths with Araton. The two became acquainted in the early 1980s, when Araton was an up-and-coming sports writer covering games for various New York publications. Musler began feeding Araton tips that often gave him the scoop on a story or an angle that beefed up his pieces.
Courtesy of the Musler family View caption Hide caption Michelle Musler and sports writer Harvey Araton visit Houston during the 1993-94 NBA championship.
Why We Wrote This Sometimes it really is about who you know. Having a mentor with the right connections, who also acts as a confidant and friend, can make a lasting difference in a life.
Musler wore many hats in her friendship with Araton. She started off as a reliable source for his stories and eventual column for the Times, but she was also a trusted confidant, a mentor, a cheerleader, and even a kind of mother figure. The special attachment they shared lasted until her death in 2018.
In addition to personal details about their lives, the journalist discusses what he and Musler bonded over in the first place: Knicks basketball. He covers several eras of the franchise – mainly in the 1970s through his last shared season with Musler in 2017-18. While much of the information will allow non-basketball fans to feel part of the action, he allows the level of Knicks-specific detail to bubble up to the point of inaccessibility to those not familiar with the sport, stopping short of being truly excessive.
Looking beyond that, the book is downright charming and comes off precisely as intended: a tribute to a remarkable woman who played a tremendous role in the life of the author, and who was a largely unknown but highly influential on-the-sidelines figure during this period of Knicks basketball.
This is a memoir about life as much as about sports, although the ever-wise Musler would have likely argued that the two are inherently connected. As Araton recalls, she “loved sports because she always thought a single game, segmented into stages, was a microcosm of life, with a beginning, a middle, and an end.”
Penguin Random House View caption Hide caption “Our Last Season: A Writer, A Fan, A Friendship” by Harvey Araton, Penguin Press, 256 pp.
So, too, it seems, can memoirs encapsulate our lives, in which endings frequently prove bittersweet.
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The author concludes by writing a touching letter to Musler, first bringing her up to date on the latest Knicks news she would be eager to hear, and informing her of the abrupt halt to sports as we know them while the world grapples with the coronavirus. But most importantly, in the letter he thanks her for the contributions to his life and work, and for the friendship that so deeply enriched his life.
This heartfelt story of friendship is one to be savored.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--Brazil dam disaster: Five years on, are new laws enough?

“ What we are living today is not the life that we wanted .
Our future is so uncertain , ” says Mauro Marcos da Silva , a member of a group for affected residents .
“ But we ’ re fighting so it doesn ’ t put an end to our story in this place , so it doesn ’ t wipe it off the map.
” In a nation still suffering the effects of a 2014 economic crisis , dealing with the toll of COVID-19 , and being led by a populist trying to open up extraction of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the steps taken so far won ’ t be enough to guarantee a disaster doesn ’ t happen again .
New homes were promised to victims , and both the federal and state governments passed new laws under the promise of “ never again.
” Yet residents are pushing for justice and prevention .
Five years ago , Marta de Jesus Arcanjo Peixoto ’ s home was swept away when a dam holding waste from a nearby iron ore mine burst .
She was one of hundreds of thousands of people across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minas Gerais state that watched their land be destroyed by toxic sludge .
It damaged the land , polluted rivers , and claimed 19 lives .
A few crumbling walls – stained a deep , muddy red – are all that remain of what Marta de Jesus Arcanjo Peixoto once called home .
As the forest edges closer , dense vegetation is enveloping the concrete shell that used to be her kitchen .
An antique clock , its hands frozen in place , still hangs on a living room wall .
“ Here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the boys ’ bedroom , ” Ms. Peixoto says , yanking at the towering weeds as she moves through the rubble .
“ Now , there is just mud and forest.
” Five years ago , Ms. Peixoto ’ s house was swept away when a dam holding waste from a nearby iron ore mine burst .
It released millions of tons of toxic sludge over the Mariana region in Brazil ’ s mineral-rich Minas Gerais state , killing 19 people , polluting the region ’ s most important river , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ villages across nearly 40 municipalities .
The torrent of mud traveled more than 400 miles before spilling into the Atlantic Ocean , making this one of Brazil ’ s worst environmental disasters to date .
Ms. Peixoto , along with hundreds of thousands of others across the region , is still feeling the impacts of the catastrophe .
The new home that was promised to her by the mining company has yet to be built .
The land where she grows crops and raises dairy cows is still covered in a thick , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ income has been decimated , leaving her dependent on monthly assistance of roughly $ 200 , equivalent to a minimum salary in Brazil , from Samarco , the owner of the failed dam .
“ The land is no good anymore – it ’ s dry , it ’ s hard , ” Ms. Peixoto says .
“ Many crops end up dying.
” This town traces its very existence to the mining rush that gripped Minas Gerais at the start of the 18th century .
But in recent decades , it avoided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , thanks to a thriving small-scale agricultural industry .
Then the dam collapsed .
It displaced the tightknit community of farmers who lived off the land for generations .
“ We didn ’ t just lose our crops , ” says Vicente Celestino Arcanjo , Ms. Peixoto ’ s older brother , whose house in the hills of Paracatu survived the dam collapse .
Before the sludge blanketed his family ’ s farm , Mr. Arcanjo grew sugar cane , just as his father had .
“ We lost a community .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the school where my boys went , it was the church we prayed in.
” The 2015 disaster seemed poised to mark a turning point for Brazil .
In the aftermath , lawmakers in Minas Gerais penned a new bill called “ A sea of mud , never again , ” which vowed to impose strict safety rules on mines .
Pressure mounted in 2019 , when another dam burst near the town of Brumadinho , also in Minas Gerais , and killed 270 people .
Last month , Brazil ’ s Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dams that caused the two disasters , giving companies until February 2022 to bring existing structures in line with the new rules .
Though important wins , the overhaul will do little to make mining safer in practice , experts warn , amid weak enforcement and an ongoing push to liberalize Brazilian markets – in part by opening the country up to more natural resource extraction .
“ The [ federal ] law is a lost opportunity , ” says Bruno Milanez , a professor at the Federal University of Juiz de Fora @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PoEMAS , a research group that studies the political , economic , social , and environmental impact of mining .
Now , with toothless laws on the books , winning truly effective reforms may be that much more difficult , he says .
“ We could have made significant strides .
And we didn ’ t. ” The cause of the Samarco dam failure remains under investigation .
But internal documents seized by authorities shortly after the catastrophe suggest the company was aware the structure could collapse .
Samarco denies knowledge of structural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between Brazil ’ s Vale and Anglo-Australian BHP Billiton , was ordered to pay billions in environmental cleanup and damages to victims .
Twenty-one people were charged with homicide and a landmark suit was filed against BHP in the England , alleging the company was “ woefully negligent.
” BHP contends the proceedings “ do not belong in the UK.
” The lawsuit is pending the court ’ s decision on whether it can move forward .
The disaster sparked outrage across Brazil , but regulatory change was slow to come .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traction needed to advance because nobody believed another collapse would happen , ” says Mauro Marcos da Silva , a former resident of Bento Rodrigues , one of the towns destroyed in the collapse , and a member of the Commission for People Affected by the Fundão Dam ( CABF ) .
“ We kept saying that Mariana was not the first and it won ’ t be the last.
” More than brick and mortar were wiped out .
The historical village of Bento Rodrigues was built by enslaved people in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ descended on the Mariana region in a mad scramble for gold .
Even after the sludge erased most of the town , residents have fought to keep their land .
“ The mud took everything .
It destroyed the house where I was born , ” Mr. Silva says .
“ Today , there is nothing .
...
But it ’ s still our land .
We still have a strong connection to this place.
” Efforts to tighten mining oversight are running up against a broader agenda of deregulation .
Brazil is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy , which is still recovering from a crippling 2014 recession .
With the COVID-19 pandemic , Brazil now faces further fiscal pains as emergency aid balloons public spending .
The push toward liberalization of the mining sector began in 2018 , but has only intensified under far-right President Jair Bolsonaro .
The populist leader has repeatedly railed against environmental protections , calling them a barrier to development .
Informal , unregulated mining is also making inroads under Mr. Bolsonaro .
He is pushing to open Indigenous lands to wildcat mining , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The government says it plans to slash the enforcement budget of the National Mining Agency , tasked with monitoring and regulating hundreds of dams across Brazil .
Critics say this will likely make it more difficult to police mining companies and ensure they are following new regulations .
While Minas Gerais passed its state-wide law last year , Mr. Milanez says lawmakers have not outlined how it should be put into practice , making it impossible to enforce .
Critics say Brazil ’ s new federal law , meanwhile , was watered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exceptions in Brazil ’ s chamber of deputies .
“ It was gutted .
It became so lax that it is unlikely to improve security , ” Mr. Milanez says .
Brazil ’ s legislature remains vulnerable to lobbying from mining interests despite a ban on campaign financing , he adds .
“ It is easy to comply with the law without you having to actually change the way you operate.
” On a local level , mining companies wield power .
They often employ whole communities and serve as a lifeline for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infrastructure projects like roads or hospitals .
Mr. Silva , the community activist , says the region is dependent on the mines .
“ Here in Mariana , it ’ s the activity that guarantees the survival of the city.
” With municipal elections starting Nov. 15 , the influence of mining companies has come into sharp focus .
In neighboring Espírito Santo state , where mining has less clout , candidates in towns affected by the Samarco disaster have been vocal against the sector .
But in Mariana , those running for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calls for change .
None are proposing alternative engines for growth .
“ No mayoral candidate wants to spar with a big mining company , ” says Mr. Milanez .
“ At the end of the day , it will be this mining company that will likely help him renovate a sports field or a wing in a hospital if he needs to.
” Residents of Mariana , where the economy has struggled to recover , seem to be warming to mining once again .
At first , public sympathy was with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But soon , it was back on the side of the company , asking for it to come back and guarantee jobs.
” Samarco says it plans to restart operations at its Mariana site by the end of the year , using a new dry tailings method widely seen as a safer alternative to dams .
“ We just hope this really means it ’ s now safe , ” says Sandro José Sobreira , a former resident of Bento Rodrigues .
At the mercy of others The day the contaminated waters wiped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working in his family ’ s store , in the house where he grew up .
“ It was a shop that was passed on from generation to generation , ” he says .
The sludge swept away the store , the house , and much of the town , leaving behind reddish rubble , stained from the mix of mud and heavy metals .
Five years on , he says his family is living in limbo as they await a new house and try to piece together how to move ahead .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is still living in a temporary home with rent subsidized by Samarco .
“ We ’ re at the mercy of the company , waiting for a resolution , ” he says .
“ We don ’ t know when it will come.
” The COVID-19 pandemic has dealt another blow to Mariana , where infection rates are nearly a third higher than elsewhere in the state .
The pandemic has further slowed progress on rebuilding the communities devastated by the disaster .
Five years on , just two houses have been completed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finished by the end of the year , according to Mr. Silva .
That ’ s out of the roughly 280 promised to the victims in Bento Rodrigues and Paracatu de Baixo .
The Renova Foundation , the group set up by Samarco to lead reparations , says it has allocated more than 10 billion reais ( $ 1.7 billion ) toward compensating families , rebuilding the destroyed towns , and cleaning up the environmental damage .
So far , it says it has paid out 2.6 billion reais ( $ 451 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in the region .
CEO André de Freitas said Renova ’ s work had been stymied by the pandemic , which has slowed construction .
He announced in November that reconstruction will likely take another 10 years .
For Mr. Silva , COVID-19 is just the latest in a string of excuses .
“ They are constantly looking for a justification for the delays , ” he says .
“ Now , it ’ s the pandemic.
” Brazilian authorities seem to agree : Last month , federal and state prosecutors sought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( $ 27.4 billion ) civil action lawsuit , alleging that Renova , Samarco , Vale , and BHP were dragging their feet on meeting their obligations after the disaster .
A recent United Nations report found none of the 42 projects to repair damage from the collapse are on track .
For some of the victims , time is running out .
Three years ago , Mr. Arcanjo buried his mother in the red dirt of the small cemetery overlooking the rubble-covered remains of Paracatu .
The sludge swept through the homes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swaths of the family ’ s farm .
“ The mud didn ’ t kill my mother , but seeing her children left with just the clothes on their backs hurt her , ” Mr. Arcanjo says .
“ And she ended up dying without seeing us get justice.
” From the roughly 600 families that were directly affected in Bento Rodrigues , about 400 are still stuck in negotiations with Renova over compensation , according to CABF , which is made up of affected residents advocating for fair compensation and reparations .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bento Rodrigues as enslaved people more than three centuries ago , the ongoing fight for justice is about preserving the legacy of the land .
“ What we are living today is not the life that we wanted .
Our future is so uncertain , ” he says .
“ But we ’ re fighting so it doesn ’ t put an end to our story in this place , so it doesn ’ t wipe it off the map.
” Ana Ionova ’ s reporting in Brazil was supported by the International @ @ @ @ @ @

“What we are living today is not the life that we wanted. Our future is so uncertain,” says Mauro Marcos da Silva, a member of a group for affected residents. “But we’re fighting so it doesn’t put an end to our story in this place, so it doesn’t wipe it off the map.”
In a nation still suffering the effects of a 2014 economic crisis, dealing with the toll of COVID-19, and being led by a populist trying to open up extraction of natural resources, advocates and victims fear the steps taken so far won’t be enough to guarantee a disaster doesn’t happen again.
We often hear “never again” after disasters. Following a devastating dam break in Brazil, new safety measures were created and a mining company pledged reparations. Is that enough to make “never” a reality?
New homes were promised to victims, and both the federal and state governments passed new laws under the promise of “never again.” Yet residents are pushing for justice and prevention.
Five years ago, Marta de Jesus Arcanjo Peixoto’s home was swept away when a dam holding waste from a nearby iron ore mine burst. She was one of hundreds of thousands of people across the Mariana region in Brazil’s mineral-rich Minas Gerais state that watched their land be destroyed by toxic sludge. It damaged the land, polluted rivers, and claimed 19 lives.
A few crumbling walls – stained a deep, muddy red – are all that remain of what Marta de Jesus Arcanjo Peixoto once called home. As the forest edges closer, dense vegetation is enveloping the concrete shell that used to be her kitchen. An antique clock, its hands frozen in place, still hangs on a living room wall.
“Here was my room and, over there was the boys’ bedroom,” Ms. Peixoto says, yanking at the towering weeds as she moves through the rubble. “Now, there is just mud and forest.”
Five years ago, Ms. Peixoto’s house was swept away when a dam holding waste from a nearby iron ore mine burst. It released millions of tons of toxic sludge over the Mariana region in Brazil’s mineral-rich Minas Gerais state, killing 19 people, polluting the region’s most important river, and poisoning water supplies that fed into fishing villages across nearly 40 municipalities. The torrent of mud traveled more than 400 miles before spilling into the Atlantic Ocean, making this one of Brazil’s worst environmental disasters to date.
Why We Wrote This We often hear “never again” after disasters. Following a devastating dam break in Brazil, new safety measures were created and a mining company pledged reparations. Is that enough to make “never” a reality?
Ms. Peixoto, along with hundreds of thousands of others across the region, is still feeling the impacts of the catastrophe. The new home that was promised to her by the mining company has yet to be built. The land where she grows crops and raises dairy cows is still covered in a thick, red sludge of mining waste. Her income has been decimated, leaving her dependent on monthly assistance of roughly $200, equivalent to a minimum salary in Brazil, from Samarco, the owner of the failed dam.
“The land is no good anymore – it’s dry, it’s hard,” Ms. Peixoto says. “Many crops end up dying.”
This town traces its very existence to the mining rush that gripped Minas Gerais at the start of the 18th century. But in recent decades, it avoided the region’s dependence on mining, thanks to a thriving small-scale agricultural industry. Then the dam collapsed. It displaced the tightknit community of farmers who lived off the land for generations.
“We didn’t just lose our crops,” says Vicente Celestino Arcanjo, Ms. Peixoto’s older brother, whose house in the hills of Paracatu survived the dam collapse. Before the sludge blanketed his family’s farm, Mr. Arcanjo grew sugar cane, just as his father had. “We lost a community. It was the football field, it was the school where my boys went, it was the church we prayed in.”
The 2015 disaster seemed poised to mark a turning point for Brazil. In the aftermath, lawmakers in Minas Gerais penned a new bill called “A sea of mud, never again,” which vowed to impose strict safety rules on mines. Pressure mounted in 2019, when another dam burst near the town of Brumadinho, also in Minas Gerais, and killed 270 people.
Last month, Brazil’s Senate adopted new legislation banning the type of dams that caused the two disasters, giving companies until February 2022 to bring existing structures in line with the new rules. Though important wins, the overhaul will do little to make mining safer in practice, experts warn, amid weak enforcement and an ongoing push to liberalize Brazilian markets – in part by opening the country up to more natural resource extraction.
“The [federal] law is a lost opportunity,” says Bruno Milanez, a professor at the Federal University of Juiz de Fora in Minas Gerais and the coordinator of PoEMAS, a research group that studies the political, economic, social, and environmental impact of mining.
Now, with toothless laws on the books, winning truly effective reforms may be that much more difficult, he says. “We could have made significant strides. And we didn’t.”
Watered down
The cause of the Samarco dam failure remains under investigation. But internal documents seized by authorities shortly after the catastrophe suggest the company was aware the structure could collapse. Samarco denies knowledge of structural weaknesses.
Samarco, a joint venture between Brazil’s Vale and Anglo-Australian BHP Billiton, was ordered to pay billions in environmental cleanup and damages to victims. Twenty-one people were charged with homicide and a landmark suit was filed against BHP in England, alleging the company was “woefully negligent.” The UK High Court agreed on Nov. 9. The claimants plan to appeal the decision.
Ana Ionova View caption Hide caption A destroyed house sits in Bento Rodrigues, in the Mariana district of Brazil's mineral-rich Minas Gerais state. In 2015, a Samarco-owned dam holding waste from an iron ore mine burst, releasing millions of tons of toxic sludge. Five years later, Bento Rodrigues is still struggling to recover.
The disaster sparked outrage across Brazil, but regulatory change was slow to come. “The law didn’t have the traction needed to advance because nobody believed another collapse would happen,” says Mauro Marcos da Silva, a former resident of Bento Rodrigues, one of the towns destroyed in the collapse, and a member of the Commission for People Affected by the Fundão Dam (CABF). “We kept saying that Mariana was not the first and it won’t be the last.”
More than brick and mortar were wiped out. The historical village of Bento Rodrigues was built by enslaved people in the late 1600s, back when colonial powers descended on the Mariana region in a mad scramble for gold. Even after the sludge erased most of the town, residents have fought to keep their land.
“The mud took everything. It destroyed the house where I was born,” Mr. Silva says. “Today, there is nothing. ... But it’s still our land. We still have a strong connection to this place.”
Efforts to tighten mining oversight are running up against a broader agenda of deregulation. Brazil is trying to attract investment and kick-start its economy, which is still recovering from a crippling 2014 recession. With the COVID-19 pandemic, Brazil now faces further fiscal pains as emergency aid balloons public spending.
The push toward liberalization of the mining sector began in 2018, but has only intensified under far-right President Jair Bolsonaro. The populist leader has repeatedly railed against environmental protections, calling them a barrier to development. Informal, unregulated mining is also making inroads under Mr. Bolsonaro. He is pushing to open Indigenous lands to wildcat mining, which has encouraged illegal invasions into protected areas.
The government says it plans to slash the enforcement budget of the National Mining Agency, tasked with monitoring and regulating hundreds of dams across Brazil. Critics say this will likely make it more difficult to police mining companies and ensure they are following new regulations.
While Minas Gerais passed its state-wide law last year, Mr. Milanez says lawmakers have not outlined how it should be put into practice, making it impossible to enforce. Critics say Brazil’s new federal law, meanwhile, was watered down by a series of loopholes and exceptions in Brazil’s chamber of deputies.
“It was gutted. It became so lax that it is unlikely to improve security,” Mr. Milanez says. Brazil’s legislature remains vulnerable to lobbying from mining interests despite a ban on campaign financing, he adds. “It is easy to comply with the law without you having to actually change the way you operate.”
On a local level, mining companies wield power. They often employ whole communities and serve as a lifeline for cash-strapped municipalities that might need funding for infrastructure projects like roads or hospitals.
Mr. Silva, the community activist, says the region is dependent on the mines. “Here in Mariana, it’s the activity that guarantees the survival of the city.”
With municipal elections starting Nov. 15, the influence of mining companies has come into sharp focus. In neighboring Espírito Santo state, where mining has less clout, candidates in towns affected by the Samarco disaster have been vocal against the sector. But in Mariana, those running for office are treading carefully, making vague calls for change. None are proposing alternative engines for growth.
“No mayoral candidate wants to spar with a big mining company,” says Mr. Milanez. “At the end of the day, it will be this mining company that will likely help him renovate a sports field or a wing in a hospital if he needs to.”
Residents of Mariana, where the economy has struggled to recover, seem to be warming to mining once again. At first, public sympathy was with the survivors, Mr. Silva says. “But soon, it was back on the side of the company, asking for it to come back and guarantee jobs.”
Ana Ionova View caption Hide caption Three years ago, Vicente Celestino Ancanjo buried his mother in the small cemetery overlooking the remains of the village of Paracatu, Brazil. The sludge from the 2015 dam disaster swept through the homes of three of Mr. Arcanjo's siblings and destroyed the family's crops. “The mud didn’t kill my mother, but seeing her children left with just the clothes on their backs hurt her a lot," he says.
Samarco says it plans to restart operations at its Mariana site by the end of the year, using a new dry tailings method widely seen as a safer alternative to dams.
“We just hope this really means it’s now safe,” says Sandro José Sobreira, a former resident of Bento Rodrigues.
At the mercy of others
The day the contaminated waters wiped out the town, Mr. Sobreira was working in his family’s store, in the house where he grew up. “It was a shop that was passed on from generation to generation,” he says.
The sludge swept away the store, the house, and much of the town, leaving behind reddish rubble, stained from the mix of mud and heavy metals. Five years on, he says his family is living in limbo as they await a new house and try to piece together how to move ahead. Like most of those affected, he is still living in a temporary home with rent subsidized by Samarco. “We’re at the mercy of the company, waiting for a resolution,” he says. “We don’t know when it will come.”
The COVID-19 pandemic has dealt another blow to Mariana, where infection rates are nearly a third higher than elsewhere in the state. The pandemic has further slowed progress on rebuilding the communities devastated by the disaster. Five years on, just two houses have been completed and another five are slated to be finished by the end of the year, according to Mr. Silva. That’s out of the roughly 280 promised to the victims in Bento Rodrigues and Paracatu de Baixo.
The Renova Foundation, the group set up by Samarco to lead reparations, says it has allocated more than 10 billion reais ($1.7 billion) toward compensating families, rebuilding the destroyed towns, and cleaning up the environmental damage. So far, it says it has paid out 2.6 billion reais ($451 million) in damages and assistance to 321,000 people in the region.
CEO André de Freitas said Renova’s work had been stymied by the pandemic, which has slowed construction. He announced in November that reconstruction will likely take another 10 years.
For Mr. Silva, COVID-19 is just the latest in a string of excuses. “They are constantly looking for a justification for the delays,” he says. “Now, it’s the pandemic.”
Brazilian authorities seem to agree: Last month, federal and state prosecutors sought to reopen a suspended 155 billion reais ($27.4 billion) civil action lawsuit, alleging that Renova, Samarco, Vale, and BHP were dragging their feet on meeting their obligations after the disaster. A recent United Nations report found none of the 42 projects to repair damage from the collapse are on track.
A ticking clock
For some of the victims, time is running out. Three years ago, Mr. Arcanjo buried his mother in the red dirt of the small cemetery overlooking the rubble-covered remains of Paracatu. The sludge swept through the homes of three of his siblings and destroyed swaths of the family’s farm.
“The mud didn’t kill my mother, but seeing her children left with just the clothes on their backs hurt her,” Mr. Arcanjo says. “And she ended up dying without seeing us get justice.”
From the roughly 600 families that were directly affected in Bento Rodrigues, about 400 are still stuck in negotiations with Renova over compensation, according to CABF, which is made up of affected residents advocating for fair compensation and reparations.
For Mr. Silva, whose ancestors built Bento Rodrigues as enslaved people more than three centuries ago, the ongoing fight for justice is about preserving the legacy of the land.
“What we are living today is not the life that we wanted. Our future is so uncertain,” he says. “But we’re fighting so it doesn’t put an end to our story in this place, so it doesn’t wipe it off the map.”
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Ana Ionova’s reporting in Brazil was supported by the International Women’s Media Foundation.
Editor's note: The original story incorrectly stated a UK court decision was pending. That's been updated.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--Ruling: Harvard doesn't discriminate against Asian Americans

Harvard does not discriminate against Asian American applicants , a federal appeals court ruled Thursday in a decision that offers relief to other colleges that consider race in admissions , but also sets the stage for a potential review by an increasingly conservative United States Supreme Court .
The decision came from two judges on the 1st U.S .
Circuit Court of Appeals in Boston who rejected claims from an anti-affirmative action group that accused the Ivy League University of imposing a “ racial penalty ” on Asian Americans .
The judges upheld a previous ruling clearing Harvard of discrimination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blow to the suit ’ s plaintiff , Students for Fair Admissions , a nonprofit that aims to eliminate the use of race in college admissions .
In a statement , the group ’ s president , Edward Blum , said he was disappointed but that “ our hope is not lost.
” “ This lawsuit is now on track to go up to the U.S. Supreme Court where we will ask the justices to end these unfair and unconstitutional race-based admissions policies at Harvard and all colleges and universities , ” Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preparing for a possible review by the Supreme Court , and some legal scholars say the issue is ripe to be revisited .
Filed in 2014 , the lawsuit has revived a national debate about race ’ s role in college admissions .
In multiple decisions spanning decades , the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that colleges can consider race as a limited factor in order to promote campus diversity .
But the practice faces mounting challenges in the courts , including three suits from Students from Fair Admissions .
Many elite colleges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ edge to some underrepresented students to promote diversity on campus .
The Trump administration has opposed the practice and backed the lawsuit against Harvard .
In October , the Justice Department filed a similar suit accusing Yale University of discriminating against Asian American and white applicants .
In Thursday ’ s decision , however , the judges ruled that Harvard ’ s admissions process passes legal muster and aligns with requirements that the Supreme Court laid out in previous cases .
“ The issue before us is whether Harvard ’ s limited use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order to achieve diversity in the period in question is consistent with the requirements of Supreme Court precedent .
There was no error , ” the judges wrote .
Mr. Blum , a legal strategist , has spent years working to rid racial considerations from college admissions .
Before the Harvard case , he orchestrated an unsuccessful fight challenging the use of race at the University of Texas .
In that case , a white student said she was rejected by the university because she was white .
Several Asian American groups filed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others filed briefs backing the suit and alleging discrimination in Ivy League admissions .
The suit alleges that Harvard ’ s admissions officers use a subjective “ personal rating ” to discriminate against Asian Americans who apply to the school .
Using six years of admissions data , the group found that Asian American applicants were given the highest scores in an academic category but received the lowest scores on the personal rating .
The group ’ s analysis found that Harvard accepted Asian Americans at lower rates than any other racial group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hispanic students with lower grades .
The lawsuit also alleged that Harvard works to keep a consistent racial breakdown among new students , which the organization says amounts to illegal “ racial balancing.
” Harvard denies any discrimination and says it considers applicants ’ race only in the narrow way approved by the U.S. Supreme Court .
In close calls between students , some underrepresented students may get a “ tip ” in their favor , school officials have said , but students ’ race is never counted against them .
After a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harvard ’ s secretive selection process , a federal judge ruled that other factors could explain why Asian Americans are admitted at lower rates than other students .
In her 2019 ruling , District Judge Allison D. Burroughs said Harvard ’ s admissions process is “ not perfect ” but concluded that there was “ no evidence of any racial animus whatsoever.
” A three-judge panel of the appeals court heard arguments in September , but one of the judges , Juan Torruella , died in October before the case was decided .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ oral arguments but did not participate in issuing the decision .
The judges agreed with a district court finding that Harvard ’ s personal rating is not influenced by race .
Although the rating may be correlated with race , the judges wrote , the link is more likely to be caused by outside factors including students ’ personal essays or letters of recommendation .
Ultimately , the judges wrote , Asian American identity has a statistically insignificant effect on admissions probability , and they concluded that Harvard does not place outsize emphasis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it values all types of diversity , not just racial diversity , ” the judges wrote .
“ Harvard ’ s use of race in admissions is contextual and it does not consider race exclusively.
” The decision received praise from the American Council on Education , an association of university presidents , which called it a “ clear win ” for Harvard and other universities .
Some legal scholars , however , believe that the current makeup of the Supreme Court may be more likely to place tighter limits around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forbid the practice entirely .
The three Supreme Court justices appointed to the court by President Donald Trump have pushed the nation ’ s highest court more conservative than when it last ruled in favor of the consideration of race in college admissions in 2016 .
Along with the Harvard case , the Virginia-based Students for Fair Admissions is also suing to rid racial considerations at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a separate case at the University of Texas at Austin .
This story was reported by The Associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ D.C. contributed to this report .

Harvard does not discriminate against Asian American applicants, a federal appeals court ruled Thursday in a decision that offers relief to other colleges that consider race in admissions, but also sets the stage for a potential review by an increasingly conservative United States Supreme Court.
The decision came from two judges on the 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Boston who rejected claims from an anti-affirmative action group that accused the Ivy League University of imposing a “racial penalty” on Asian Americans. The judges upheld a previous ruling clearing Harvard of discrimination when choosing students.
It delivers a blow to the suit’s plaintiff, Students for Fair Admissions, a nonprofit that aims to eliminate the use of race in college admissions. In a statement, the group’s president, Edward Blum, said he was disappointed but that “our hope is not lost.”
“This lawsuit is now on track to go up to the U.S. Supreme Court where we will ask the justices to end these unfair and unconstitutional race-based admissions policies at Harvard and all colleges and universities,” Mr. Blum said.
Both sides have been preparing for a possible review by the Supreme Court, and some legal scholars say the issue is ripe to be revisited.
Filed in 2014, the lawsuit has revived a national debate about race’s role in college admissions. In multiple decisions spanning decades, the U.S. Supreme Court has ruled that colleges can consider race as a limited factor in order to promote campus diversity. But the practice faces mounting challenges in the courts, including three suits from Students from Fair Admissions.
Many elite colleges consider applicants’ race and give an edge to some underrepresented students to promote diversity on campus. The Trump administration has opposed the practice and backed the lawsuit against Harvard. In October, the Justice Department filed a similar suit accusing Yale University of discriminating against Asian American and white applicants.
In Thursday’s decision, however, the judges ruled that Harvard’s admissions process passes legal muster and aligns with requirements that the Supreme Court laid out in previous cases.
“The issue before us is whether Harvard’s limited use of race in its admissions process in order to achieve diversity in the period in question is consistent with the requirements of Supreme Court precedent. There was no error,” the judges wrote.
Mr. Blum, a legal strategist, has spent years working to rid racial considerations from college admissions. Before the Harvard case, he orchestrated an unsuccessful fight challenging the use of race at the University of Texas. In that case, a white student said she was rejected by the university because she was white.
Several Asian American groups filed legal briefs supporting Harvard, while some others filed briefs backing the suit and alleging discrimination in Ivy League admissions.
The suit alleges that Harvard’s admissions officers use a subjective “personal rating” to discriminate against Asian Americans who apply to the school.
Using six years of admissions data, the group found that Asian American applicants were given the highest scores in an academic category but received the lowest scores on the personal rating.
The group’s analysis found that Harvard accepted Asian Americans at lower rates than any other racial group, while giving preference to Black and Hispanic students with lower grades. The lawsuit also alleged that Harvard works to keep a consistent racial breakdown among new students, which the organization says amounts to illegal “racial balancing.”
Harvard denies any discrimination and says it considers applicants’ race only in the narrow way approved by the U.S. Supreme Court.
In close calls between students, some underrepresented students may get a “tip” in their favor, school officials have said, but students’ race is never counted against them.
After a three-week trial that cast new light on Harvard’s secretive selection process, a federal judge ruled that other factors could explain why Asian Americans are admitted at lower rates than other students. In her 2019 ruling, District Judge Allison D. Burroughs said Harvard’s admissions process is “not perfect” but concluded that there was “no evidence of any racial animus whatsoever.”
A three-judge panel of the appeals court heard arguments in September, but one of the judges, Juan Torruella, died in October before the case was decided. The ruling notes that Judge Torruella heard oral arguments but did not participate in issuing the decision.
The judges agreed with a district court finding that Harvard’s personal rating is not influenced by race. Although the rating may be correlated with race, the judges wrote, the link is more likely to be caused by outside factors including students’ personal essays or letters of recommendation.
Ultimately, the judges wrote, Asian American identity has a statistically insignificant effect on admissions probability, and they concluded that Harvard does not place outsize emphasis on race.
“Harvard has demonstrated that it values all types of diversity, not just racial diversity,” the judges wrote. “Harvard’s use of race in admissions is contextual and it does not consider race exclusively.”
The decision received praise from the American Council on Education, an association of university presidents, which called it a “clear win” for Harvard and other universities.
Some legal scholars, however, believe that the current makeup of the Supreme Court may be more likely to place tighter limits around the use of race in admissions or to forbid the practice entirely.
The three Supreme Court justices appointed to the court by President Donald Trump have pushed the nation’s highest court more conservative than when it last ruled in favor of the consideration of race in college admissions in 2016.
Along with the Harvard case, the Virginia-based Students for Fair Admissions is also suing to rid racial considerations at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and a separate case at the University of Texas at Austin.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mark Sherman in Washington, D.C. contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--China breaks silence to acknowledge Biden's US election win

China on Friday became one of the last major countries to congratulate United States President-elect Joe Biden , who is expected to make few changes to U.S. policy in conflicts with Beijing over trade , technology , and security .
China , along with Russia , avoided joining the throng that congratulated Mr. Biden last weekend after he and vice presidential running mate Kamala Harris secured enough Electoral College votes to unseat President Donald Trump .
“ We respect the choice of the American people , ” said a foreign ministry spokesman , Wang Wenbin .
“ We congratulate Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gave no reason for the delay but said , “ the result will be confirmed according to U.S. laws and procedures.
” U.S.-Chinese relations have plunged to their lowest level in decades amid a tariff war over Beijing ’ s technology ambitions and trade surplus , accusations of spying and tension over human rights , the coronavirus pandemic , Hong Kong , and control of the South China Sea .
Mr. Trump labeled China a security threat and imposed export curbs and other sanctions on Chinese companies .
On Thursday , he stepped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that bars Americans from investing in securities issued by companies U.S. officials say are owned or controlled by the Chinese military .
Forecasters had said even if lost his re-election bid , Mr. Trump was likely to try to increase pressure on Beijing before he leaves office on Jan. 20 .
Political analysts expect Mr. Biden to try to resume cooperation with Beijing on climate change , North Korea , Iran , and the coronavirus .
And they say Mr. Biden might pursue a more traditional , predictable policy toward China .
However @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big changes due to widespread frustration with Beijing ’ s trade and human rights record and accusations of spying and technology theft .
“ A tough stance on China has broad support across the U.S. political spectrum , ” Louis Kuijs of Oxford Economics said in a report this week .
“ Biden ’ s own pronouncements and policy program suggest he will continue to try to maintain the U.S. technological lead and to attract manufacturing activity.
” Some forecasters suggest the change from Mr. Trump , who rejected multilateral alliances , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if Washington forms a coalition with other developed countries to push for policy changes .
China has tried to recruit Germany , France , South Korea , and other governments as allies against Washington but all have refused .
They criticized Mr. Trump ’ s trade tactics of surprise tariff hikes , which also were used against allies , but echo U.S. complaints that China is violating its free-trade commitments .
Some Chinese trade experts have suggested Beijing might try to renegotiate the “ Phase 1 ” agreement signed in January as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It calls for China to increase purchases of U.S. goods in exchange for postponing further tariff hikes .
But that came before the coronavirus derailed global trade , leaving China behind on meeting its commitments .
Renegotiation might fit a “ more strategic , longer-term orientation ” expected from a Biden administration , but he “ can not be seen to be ‘ soft ’ on China ” after the “ hard rhetoric ” of the campaign , Mr. Kuijs said .
Chinese leaders were quieter during this year ’ s election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they favored Mr. Trump over former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton .
They disliked her for carrying out then-President Barack Obama ’ s foreign policy , which included pressuring Beijing on human rights .
Mr. Trump ’ s public image of business success resonated with the Chinese public .
Mr. Trump shook up China ’ s leaders by hiking tariffs on Chinese products in 2018 over complaints Beijing steals or pressures companies to hand over technology .
The White House has lobbied allies to exclude telecom equipment giant Huawei Technologies Ltd. , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , from next-generation telecom networks on security grounds .
Huawei ’ s access to American components and technology was cut off over the past year , threatening to cripple its global sales .
Mr. Trump is trying to bar Chinese social media companies from the U.S. , citing fears they might gather too much personal information about Americans .
The White House is pressing video service TikTok to sell its U.S. operation and is trying to block companies from dealing with WeChat , the popular Chinese message service .
This story was reported @ @ @ @ @

China on Friday became one of the last major countries to congratulate United States President-elect Joe Biden, who is expected to make few changes to U.S. policy in conflicts with Beijing over trade, technology, and security.
China, along with Russia, avoided joining the throng that congratulated Mr. Biden last weekend after he and vice presidential running mate Kamala Harris secured enough Electoral College votes to unseat President Donald Trump.
“We respect the choice of the American people,” said a foreign ministry spokesman, Wang Wenbin. “We congratulate Mr. Biden and Ms. Harris.”
Mr. Wang gave no reason for the delay but said, “the result will be confirmed according to U.S. laws and procedures.”
U.S.-Chinese relations have plunged to their lowest level in decades amid a tariff war over Beijing’s technology ambitions and trade surplus, accusations of spying and tension over human rights, the coronavirus pandemic, Hong Kong, and control of the South China Sea.
Mr. Trump labeled China a security threat and imposed export curbs and other sanctions on Chinese companies. On Thursday, he stepped up those sanctions by issuing an order that bars Americans from investing in securities issued by companies U.S. officials say are owned or controlled by the Chinese military.
Forecasters had said even if lost his re-election bid, Mr. Trump was likely to try to increase pressure on Beijing before he leaves office on Jan. 20.
Political analysts expect Mr. Biden to try to resume cooperation with Beijing on climate change, North Korea, Iran, and the coronavirus. And they say Mr. Biden might pursue a more traditional, predictable policy toward China.
However, economists and political analysts expect few big changes due to widespread frustration with Beijing’s trade and human rights record and accusations of spying and technology theft.
“A tough stance on China has broad support across the U.S. political spectrum,” Louis Kuijs of Oxford Economics said in a report this week. “Biden’s own pronouncements and policy program suggest he will continue to try to maintain the U.S. technological lead and to attract manufacturing activity.”
Some forecasters suggest the change from Mr. Trump, who rejected multilateral alliances, to Mr. Biden might increase pressure on China if Washington forms a coalition with other developed countries to push for policy changes.
China has tried to recruit Germany, France, South Korea, and other governments as allies against Washington but all have refused. They criticized Mr. Trump’s trade tactics of surprise tariff hikes, which also were used against allies, but echo U.S. complaints that China is violating its free-trade commitments.
Some Chinese trade experts have suggested Beijing might try to renegotiate the “Phase 1” agreement signed in January as a first step toward ending the trade war. It calls for China to increase purchases of U.S. goods in exchange for postponing further tariff hikes. But that came before the coronavirus derailed global trade, leaving China behind on meeting its commitments.
Renegotiation might fit a “more strategic, longer-term orientation” expected from a Biden administration, but he “cannot be seen to be ‘soft’ on China” after the “hard rhetoric” of the campaign, Mr. Kuijs said.
Chinese leaders were quieter during this year’s election than in the 2016 presidential race, when they favored Mr. Trump over former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. They disliked her for carrying out then-President Barack Obama’s foreign policy, which included pressuring Beijing on human rights. Mr. Trump’s public image of business success resonated with the Chinese public.
Mr. Trump shook up China’s leaders by hiking tariffs on Chinese products in 2018 over complaints Beijing steals or pressures companies to hand over technology.
The White House has lobbied allies to exclude telecom equipment giant Huawei Technologies Ltd., China’s first global tech brand, from next-generation telecom networks on security grounds. Huawei’s access to American components and technology was cut off over the past year, threatening to cripple its global sales.
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Mr. Trump is trying to bar Chinese social media companies from the U.S., citing fears they might gather too much personal information about Americans. The White House is pressing video service TikTok to sell its U.S. operation and is trying to block companies from dealing with WeChat, the popular Chinese message service.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-13--Votes are being audited in Georgia – but don’t call it a recount

Georgia says it ’ s going to be tallying – by hand – nearly 5 million ballots that were cast in its very close presidential election on Nov. 3 .
But is it a recount ?
An “ audit ” ?
And why are they doing it ?
It ’ s all a bit confusing , but election experts say what ’ s happening in Georgia is unlikely to change the outcome and are warning that discrepancies in the final vote count are likely .
That doesn ’ t mean anything nefarious happened .
Experts say some discrepancies are expected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second time using an entirely different method – hand versus machine .
While President Donald Trump has been making unsubstantiated claims of fraud as he challenges the election ’ s outcome , Georgia ’ s secretary of state , Brad Raffensperger , has defended the work of election officials in the state and said the review was unlikely to change the outcome .
Unofficial results show Democrat Joe Biden leading Mr. Trump by about 14,000 votes .
Is this an official recount ?
No .
State election officials have said this is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The main difference between the two : A recount is typically tied to determining a winner when there 's a close margin in an election , whereas post-election audits are routine and used by states to ensure that equipment and procedures counting the vote all worked properly .
In Georgia , for instance , a recount is conducted using the same scanners that read and tallied the unofficial results already released .
The audit is being done by hand .
And recounts in Georgia generally take place after election results are certified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t happened yet .
Once an election is certified , a trailing candidate can request a recount if the margin is less than 0.5 percentage points .
Mr. Biden currently leads by 0.28 percentage points , so Mr. Trump could still request a recount later .
So what is Georgia doing , then ?
The post-election audit is being held under a new state law that requires one to be conducted for the first time this year on a race of the secretary of state ’ s choosing .
Mr. Raffensperger said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national significance of this race and the closeness of this race.
” The specific type of audit that Georgia has chosen is known as “ risk-limiting.
” It involves checking paper ballots against machine tallies to ensure the accuracy of those machines .
This year was the first time Georgia used a fleet of ballot-marking voting machines that produce a paper record of every ballot cast in person .
Risk-limiting audits typically start with an initial sample of ballots .
That sample increases depending on the level of discrepancies that are found .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ election officials reach a certain level of confidence that the outcome is correct or a full count has been performed .
It is not meant to produce results that are an exact match to a previous tally .
But Georgia election officials say they will be reviewing every ballot to start .
They say it will be easier for county officials to manage because the large number of ballots and the close margin are likely to result in a tally of every ballot anyway .
Was the audit prompted by allegations of fraud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ repeatedly that his office has seen no evidence of widespread fraud with the Nov. 3 election .
A top official said Thursday that the point of the audit was “ to show the equipment scanned the ballots properly and the counts we got were the right counts.
” Nevertheless , it ’ s hard to ignore the high stakes surrounding the decision .
Before the decision to conduct the audit was announced , Trump allies in the state sent Mr. Raffensperger , a fellow Republican , a letter requesting that he order a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State election officials have said the decision to do the audit was being discussed prior to the letter .
In addition , Mr. Raffensperger has faced calls to resign by Georgia ’ s two United States senators , both Trump supporters facing close runoff elections that could determine which party controls the U.S. Senate next year .
What is the timeline of the audit ?
Counties must begin the process no later than 9 a.m. Friday , a week before the state ’ s deadline to certify the election .
The state is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tally by Wednesday at 11:59 p.m.
It ’ s a tight turnaround time .
Representatives from each party will be allowed to watch the process , although they will not be permitted to challenge any ballots .
State election officials said they would not be releasing interim tallies and would announce results after the hand tally was complete .
Yes .
Both election experts and the Georgia secretary of state ’ s office have said the final vote tallies will almost certainly be different than the unofficial results reported previously .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more than likely , ” says Gabriel Sterling , with the secretary ’ s office .
Hand counts are generally less reliable than machine counts , according to Larry Norden , an elections expert with the Brennan Center for Justice .
“ Humans make mistakes , ” Mr. Norden says , adding that the margin between Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump meant it was unlikely that the overall outcome would change .
“ It ’ s extremely unlikely you are going to find enough discrepancies to overcome 14,000 votes , and at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what matters.
” State election officials have said the results of the hand tally will be used to ultimately certify the election .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Georgia says it’s going to be tallying – by hand – nearly 5 million ballots that were cast in its very close presidential election on Nov. 3. But is it a recount? An “audit”? And why are they doing it?
It’s all a bit confusing, but election experts say what’s happening in Georgia is unlikely to change the outcome and are warning that discrepancies in the final vote count are likely. That doesn’t mean anything nefarious happened. Experts say some discrepancies are expected when so many votes are counted a second time using an entirely different method – hand versus machine.
While President Donald Trump has been making unsubstantiated claims of fraud as he challenges the election’s outcome, Georgia’s secretary of state, Brad Raffensperger, has defended the work of election officials in the state and said the review was unlikely to change the outcome. Unofficial results show Democrat Joe Biden leading Mr. Trump by about 14,000 votes.
Here’s more:
Is this an official recount?
No. State election officials have said this is not a recount, rather a post-election audit.
The main difference between the two: A recount is typically tied to determining a winner when there's a close margin in an election, whereas post-election audits are routine and used by states to ensure that equipment and procedures counting the vote all worked properly.
In Georgia, for instance, a recount is conducted using the same scanners that read and tallied the unofficial results already released. The audit is being done by hand.
And recounts in Georgia generally take place after election results are certified by the state. That hasn’t happened yet. Once an election is certified, a trailing candidate can request a recount if the margin is less than 0.5 percentage points. Mr. Biden currently leads by 0.28 percentage points, so Mr. Trump could still request a recount later.
So what is Georgia doing, then?
The post-election audit is being held under a new state law that requires one to be conducted for the first time this year on a race of the secretary of state’s choosing. Mr. Raffensperger said he selected the presidential contest given the “national significance of this race and the closeness of this race.”
The specific type of audit that Georgia has chosen is known as “risk-limiting.” It involves checking paper ballots against machine tallies to ensure the accuracy of those machines. This year was the first time Georgia used a fleet of ballot-marking voting machines that produce a paper record of every ballot cast in person.
Risk-limiting audits typically start with an initial sample of ballots. That sample increases depending on the level of discrepancies that are found. This kind of audit ends when either election officials reach a certain level of confidence that the outcome is correct or a full count has been performed. It is not meant to produce results that are an exact match to a previous tally.
But Georgia election officials say they will be reviewing every ballot to start. They say it will be easier for county officials to manage because the large number of ballots and the close margin are likely to result in a tally of every ballot anyway.
Was the audit prompted by allegations of fraud?
No. Mr. Raffensperger has said repeatedly that his office has seen no evidence of widespread fraud with the Nov. 3 election. A top official said Thursday that the point of the audit was “to show the equipment scanned the ballots properly and the counts we got were the right counts.”
Nevertheless, it’s hard to ignore the high stakes surrounding the decision.
Before the decision to conduct the audit was announced, Trump allies in the state sent Mr. Raffensperger, a fellow Republican, a letter requesting that he order a hand recount before certifying the results. State election officials have said the decision to do the audit was being discussed prior to the letter.
In addition, Mr. Raffensperger has faced calls to resign by Georgia’s two United States senators, both Trump supporters facing close runoff elections that could determine which party controls the U.S. Senate next year.
What is the timeline of the audit?
Counties must begin the process no later than 9 a.m. Friday, a week before the state’s deadline to certify the election.
The state is asking for counties to complete the hand tally by Wednesday at 11:59 p.m. It’s a tight turnaround time. Representatives from each party will be allowed to watch the process, although they will not be permitted to challenge any ballots.
State election officials said they would not be releasing interim tallies and would announce results after the hand tally was complete.
Could vote tallies change?
Yes. Both election experts and the Georgia secretary of state’s office have said the final vote tallies will almost certainly be different than the unofficial results reported previously. “The outcome will change slightly at the end, more than likely,” says Gabriel Sterling, with the secretary’s office.
Hand counts are generally less reliable than machine counts, according to Larry Norden, an elections expert with the Brennan Center for Justice. “Humans make mistakes,” Mr. Norden says, adding that the margin between Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump meant it was unlikely that the overall outcome would change. “It’s extremely unlikely you are going to find enough discrepancies to overcome 14,000 votes, and at the end of the day that is what matters.”
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State election officials have said the results of the hand tally will be used to ultimately certify the election.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.