csmonitor--2020-02-28--After early success, a historic candidacy faces a much steeper hurdle

“ You ’ re in the South , the Bible Belt .
It ’ s gon na be relevant .
But it ’ s not as relevant as people are making it out to be , ” says Michael Bailey , spokesman for the Democratic Black Caucus of South Carolina .
But as the race has moved South , where faith and race intersect with politics , Mr. Buttigieg has found stonier ground .
Some African Americans say his sexuality is an issue , though others argue his real stumbling block is his record on racial justice as mayor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been competing just like every other candidate , and he ’ s been judged by the same standards as every other candidate .
And that ’ s a remarkable thing , ” says Annise Parker , president of the LGBTQ Victory Fund .
As the first openly gay candidate in a Democratic presidential race , Mr. Buttigieg and his long-shot bid have become a signifier of how much attitudes have shifted on LGBTQ rights in a party that a decade ago didn ’ t support same-sex marriage .
For all the talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t rate a mention at many of his events , which highlight his calm , respectful tone and progressive platform .
On a rainy afternoon , Pete Buttigieg is on his feet inside the fellowship hall of a Baptist church , fielding questions from a mixed-race audience , when an African American woman takes the microphone .
She introduces herself as an educator and points out that South Carolina ranks 42nd out of 50 states on education .
How does Mr. Buttigieg , who is running for president , plan to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asks .
The audience applauds .
He thanks her for her public service .
“ As someone who ’ s married to a teacher , I feel like I get an education about education every time I come home , ” he says , generating a laugh from the crowd .
What Mr. Buttigieg leaves unsaid , as he speaks of the need to raise teachers ’ salaries , is that his spouse at home in South Bend , Indiana , is a man .
As the first openly gay candidate in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his long-shot bid have become a signifier of how much attitudes have shifted on LGBTQ rights in a political party that a decade ago didn ’ t support same-sex marriage .
For all the talk of Democratic identity politics , his sexual orientation doesn ’ t rate a mention at many of his public events , where he pitches himself as a thoughtful technocrat with a calm , respectful tone and a progressive platform .
As he tries to build a more diverse coalition in Southern states , Mr. Buttigieg knows that some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electing a gay president .
But for most Democrats , Mr. Buttigieg ’ s sexual orientation is far from disqualifying ; in a crowded early primary field , it was something of an asset for an unknown Midwestern mayor .
Later that day , Mr. Buttigieg is asked by a voter at a CNN town hall about a 9-year-old boy in Colorado who asked for advice from “ Mayor Pete ” about coming out as gay .
“ There have been so many moments like that , whether it ’ s a young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and this campaign sends a signal to them that they belong , ” he says .
He adds : “ I ’ m under no illusions about the struggle toward equality in this country for anyone , including LGBTQ Americans.
” But , he continues , his baritone voice rising a notch , it ’ s possible “ to see those prejudices overcome and to do it in a way that brings more and more people along.
” The sea change in opinion on LGBTQ equality traces the life of Mr. Buttigieg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In a Gallup poll the following year , less than a third of respondents said they ’ d vote for a qualified gay candidate for office .
Today that proportion has swung to 78 % of respondents .
Mr. Buttigieg came out as gay in 2015 in an op-ed in a South Bend newspaper .
He was reelected later that year as the city ’ s mayor with an increased majority .
Having a young , openly gay candidate in the race makes many Democrats feel good about their brand , says Don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University .
“ He speaks to their inclusiveness.
” And if he fails to make the final cut , Democrats may reason , rightly or not , that it wasn ’ t down to anti-gay prejudice in their ranks .
When Mr. Buttigieg does speak directly to his identity , unprompted , he ties it into his narrative of public service – a struggle to reconcile his sexuality with his political goals – and his Christian faith .
That resonates with the Rev .
Colin Kerr , pastor of Parkside Church in Charleston @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Most politicians genuflect to religion in making their electoral pitch , but Mr. Buttigieg , an Episcopalian , invokes his faith in a far more thoughtful way , says Mr. Kerr .
“ It ’ s an exciting dynamic .
We see someone who is both a devout Christian and is very open about his orientation.
” In a 2019 Pew survey , 66 % of mainline Protestants said they favored same-same marriage .
Among white evangelicals , though , only 29 % did .
Attitudes also vary by age : Half of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Mr. Buttigieg acknowledges the whiplash that some have felt since same-sex marriage became a constitutional right in 2015 , the year that he came out .
“ I recognize that marriage equality in particular was a change that came so fast , ” he told Monday ’ s CNN town hall .
“ A lot of people were disoriented by it.
” That conservatism is stronger here in the South , where faith and race intersect with politics , making it thornier ground for Mr. Buttigieg , who has struggled to win @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American leaders have indicated that his sexuality is an issue , though others have argued his real stumbling block has been political , citing his record in South Bend in handling racial justice .
For supporters in the LGBTQ community here , Mr. Buttigieg ’ s candidacy is both a marker of progress and a reminder of the resistance that remains .
“ He won ’ t get enough votes down South , and that ’ s what I ’ m worried about , ” says Molly Shields , a medical student in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she felt the disapproval of classmates when she told them she was in a relationship with a woman .
“ There may be more tolerance , but that ’ s not the same as acceptance.
” Still , win or lose , Mr. Buttigieg has cut a historic path to the highest office .
“ Pete has been competing just like every other candidate , and he ’ s been judged by the same standards as every other candidate .
And that ’ s a remarkable thing , ” says Annise Parker , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The only son of academics at Notre Dame – his Maltese father translated Antonio Gramasci , an Italian Marxist – Mr. Buttigieg has the smooth cadence of a baseball announcer turned professor .
Educated at Harvard and Oxford , his rapid ascent on the national stage irks some and dazzles others , though he wears his learning lightly , preferring to emphasize his roots in a hardscrabble city .
Last April , he announced his run for president in a former auto plant in South Bend that now houses tech startups .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I recognize the audacity of doing this as a Midwestern millennial mayor , ” he told the crowd .
At the end of the speech , a bespectacled man in slacks and a blue shirt climbed on stage and waved .
He kissed the mayor on the cheek and embraced him .
The hometown crowd knew him as Chasten , the teacher who married Mr. Buttigieg a year earlier at their Episcopal church .
While Mr. Buttigieg has faced criticism from Democratic rivals for raising money from the ultrawealthy , his campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who helped sustain his run in a crowded field .
The 2018 midterms saw an unprecedented number of candidates who identified as LGBTQ .
In all , 180 candidates , nearly all Democrats , were elected to state legislatures , including 70 incumbents , according to a study co-written by Mr. Haider-Markel .
Ten were elected to the U.S. Congress .
Most , though not all , ran in left-leaning urban districts .
The study found that sexual orientation didn ’ t appear to make a difference to candidates ’ chances of success @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that doesn ’ t necessarily apply to Mr. Buttigieg , were he to become the presidential nominee .
“ A national race is unprecedented , ” says Mr. Haider-Markel .
“ The candidate doesn ’ t get to choose the district.
” He says that while most of those opposed to LGBTQ candidates would be staunch Republicans , “ there ’ s a real question if he could get enough support among independents or ... Republicans who switch ” between elections .
On the campaign trail , Mr. Buttigieg has rarely leaned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I ’ m not running to be the gay president of the United States , ” he has said .
He is a stoical , even-keeled campaigner , in contrast to the more raucous notes hit by rivals .
As a result , his more emotional moments have gotten attention , including a speech in New Hampshire where he reflected on the empowering message that his victory in Iowa sent to young Americans who wondered if they belonged .
At other rallies , he has pledged his support for LGBTQ equality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I ’ m standing right in front of you as a veteran , happily married , running for president of the United States , ” he told a rally in Arlington , Virginia .
That combination may not have served Mr. Buttigieg quite as well in South Carolina , where a majority of Democratic voters are African American and religious conservatism runs deep .
Renard Chisolm calls it an “ X ” factor , and perhaps not in a good way .
Mr. Chisolm , who is African American and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says he believes Mr. Buttigieg has a right to his own private life , but that a presidency would put that private life on official display .
“ I don ’ t know much else about him , so I ’ m willing to be open-minded and listen to what he ’ s got to say .
But for me at least , a first husband would be hard to stomach , ” says Mr. Chisolm .
In focus groups held here last summer by the Buttigieg campaign that later leaked to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they were uncomfortable with a gay candidate – or even discussing the topic .
“ I don ’ t like the fact that he threw out there that he lives with his husband , ” one man said .
Still , others resist the idea that African Americans won ’ t vote for a qualified gay candidate .
They say Mr. Buttigieg ’ s failure to win over more black voters is better explained by his lack of national experience and a mixed record on social justice in South Bend , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates with longer track records in South Carolina .
“ You ’ re in the South , the Bible Belt .
It ’ s gon na be relevant .
But it ’ s not as relevant as people are making it out to be , ” says Michael Bailey , a spokesman for the Democratic Black Caucus of South Carolina .
Jordan Ragusa , a political scientist at the College of Charleston College , says Mr. Buttigieg has had few endorsements by African American officeholders , and that counts in a tight primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less ideological and are laser-focused on who can defeat President Donald Trump in November .
And while gay marriage is a no-no for some conservative voters , this attitude isn ’ t limited to one racial community .
“ That ’ s happening with all races and education levels .
There ’ s a generational gap on this issue , ” says Mr. Ragusa , co-author of “ First in the South : Why South Carolina ’ s Presidential Primary Matters.
” Indeed , in Iowa , a middle-aged white woman was filmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buttigieg after being told he was married to a man .
He later told ABC News that he was running to be her president too .
“ I wish she was able to see that my love is the same as her love for those that she cares about , ” he said .
Last Sunday , Cassandra Whaley heard Mr. Buttigieg address worshippers at her church on Jones Island outside Charleston .
The next day she drove to his town hall to learn more about his policies on health – she works @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When she found out Mr. Buttigieg was gay , Ms. Whaley decided to set it aside and listen .
“ Am I here to judge ?
No .
Jesus didn ’ t judge .
He gave us parables .
He still loved , ” she says , as she waited in line with a mostly white crowd .
Will other voters in her community be as accepting ?
She pauses .
“ We ’ re not there yet.
” Inside the hall , Mike Tecosky , a banker , sat in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a primary candidate and curious to hear how Mr. Buttigieg proposed to tackle racism .
Mr. Tecosky , who is white , says he would be happy to elect a gay candidate , but wasn ’ t sure everyone else would .
“ It ’ s 2020 .
You wouldn ’ t think that racism exists but it does , so religious beliefs may impact how people feel about Buttigieg , ” he says .
Should Mr. Buttigieg actually become the Democratic nominee , he knows his sexual orientation will be weaponized by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his eyes open .
He goes in knowing what may happen , ” says Ms. Parker .
She should know .
In 2009 , she ran for mayor of Houston and was the target of anti-LGBTQ leaflets during a runoff with a Democratic opponent .
Ms. Parker , who had already held public office as a married lesbian with two children , won the election and became a high-profile LGBTQ mayor .
Her opponent in that race was black .
“ The African American community is no different from the rest of America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ success in building a diverse coalition .
Mr. Haider-Markel says Mr. Buttigieg ’ s willingness to talk about his struggle to come out as a public figure gives him an authenticity for some voters .
He draws a parallel with another historic candidate , President Barack Obama , who ran in 2008 as a unifier and tried not to be defined by race .
Just as Mr. Obama did in 2008 after a controversy over his pastor ’ s politics , however , Mr. Buttigieg may be forced to speak more pointedly about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ path to understanding .
“ I suspect that at some point if Buttigieg continues to rack up delegates and stays in the race ... then he ’ ll have to give some kind of speech , ” he says .
Mr. Buttigieg has spoken about how he suppressed his sexuality because he aspired to a conventional Midwestern life : marriage , kids , public service .
“ You could be married and have kids , or you could be gay .
You couldn ’ t be both , ” he told The Daily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal battle in Ohio to flip that script .
Jim Obergefell petitioned the Supreme Court after appealing Ohio ’ s refusal to put him on the death certificate of his late husband , whom he married in Maryland in 2013 .
The justices ruled in 2015 that Ohio ’ s refusal to recognize Mr. Obergefell ’ s same-sex marriage was unconstitutional .
Three years later , Pete and Chasten Buttigieg got married .
Among the readings at the service was the ending of Obergefell v. Hodges , the decision that made the wedding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s amazing , ” says Mr. Obergefell , the litigant in the landmark case .
“ I love the fact that he is running , and he ’ s out there with his husband.
” Mr. Obergefell , who advocates for LGBTQ rights in Ohio , says while he ’ s thrilled to see Mr. Buttigieg on the national stage , he also worries about what might be unleashed .
“ It will embolden people who are our opponents to become louder and more hateful if he becomes the nominee.
” But he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ break down more barriers .
“ One of Pete ’ s greatest strengths is that he ’ s openly gay , but he ’ s also a person of faith and that appeals to a huge segment of society .
He served our country .
That appeals to a large segment of society .
”

“You’re in the South, the Bible Belt. It’s gonna be relevant. But it’s not as relevant as people are making it out to be,” says Michael Bailey, spokesman for the Democratic Black Caucus of South Carolina.
But as the race has moved South, where faith and race intersect with politics, Mr. Buttigieg has found stonier ground. Some African Americans say his sexuality is an issue, though others argue his real stumbling block is his record on racial justice as mayor of South Bend, Indiana.
“Pete has been competing just like every other candidate, and he’s been judged by the same standards as every other candidate. And that’s a remarkable thing,” says Annise Parker, president of the LGBTQ Victory Fund.
Religion and LGBTQ rights both make up a big part of Pete Buttigieg’s life and historic candidacy. Is the South ready to vote for that particular combination?
As the first openly gay candidate in a Democratic presidential race, Mr. Buttigieg and his long-shot bid have become a signifier of how much attitudes have shifted on LGBTQ rights in a party that a decade ago didn’t support same-sex marriage. For all the talk of identity politics, his sexual orientation doesn’t rate a mention at many of his events, which highlight his calm, respectful tone and progressive platform.
On a rainy afternoon, Pete Buttigieg is on his feet inside the fellowship hall of a Baptist church, fielding questions from a mixed-race audience, when an African American woman takes the microphone.
She introduces herself as an educator and points out that South Carolina ranks 42nd out of 50 states on education. How does Mr. Buttigieg, who is running for president, plan to create equity in public schools, she asks. The audience applauds.
He thanks her for her public service. “As someone who’s married to a teacher, I feel like I get an education about education every time I come home,” he says, generating a laugh from the crowd.
Why We Wrote This Religion and LGBTQ rights both make up a big part of Pete Buttigieg’s life and historic candidacy. Is the South ready to vote for that particular combination?
What Mr. Buttigieg leaves unsaid, as he speaks of the need to raise teachers’ salaries, is that his spouse at home in South Bend, Indiana, is a man.
As the first openly gay candidate in a Democratic presidential race, Mr. Buttigieg and his long-shot bid have become a signifier of how much attitudes have shifted on LGBTQ rights in a political party that a decade ago didn’t support same-sex marriage. For all the talk of Democratic identity politics, his sexual orientation doesn’t rate a mention at many of his public events, where he pitches himself as a thoughtful technocrat with a calm, respectful tone and a progressive platform.
As he tries to build a more diverse coalition in Southern states, Mr. Buttigieg knows that some voters may recoil from the idea of electing a gay president. But for most Democrats, Mr. Buttigieg’s sexual orientation is far from disqualifying; in a crowded early primary field, it was something of an asset for an unknown Midwestern mayor.
Later that day, Mr. Buttigieg is asked by a voter at a CNN town hall about a 9-year-old boy in Colorado who asked for advice from “Mayor Pete” about coming out as gay.
“There have been so many moments like that, whether it’s a young person who is wondering where they fit, and this campaign sends a signal to them that they belong,” he says.
He adds: “I’m under no illusions about the struggle toward equality in this country for anyone, including LGBTQ Americans.” But, he continues, his baritone voice rising a notch, it’s possible “to see those prejudices overcome and to do it in a way that brings more and more people along.”
The sea change in opinion on LGBTQ equality traces the life of Mr. Buttigieg, who was born in 1982. In a Gallup poll the following year, less than a third of respondents said they’d vote for a qualified gay candidate for office. Today that proportion has swung to 78% of respondents.
Mr. Buttigieg came out as gay in 2015 in an op-ed in a South Bend newspaper. He was reelected later that year as the city’s mayor with an increased majority.
Having a young, openly gay candidate in the race makes many Democrats feel good about their brand, says Don Haider-Markel, a politics professor at Kansas University. “He speaks to their inclusiveness.” And if he fails to make the final cut, Democrats may reason, rightly or not, that it wasn’t down to anti-gay prejudice in their ranks.
When Mr. Buttigieg does speak directly to his identity, unprompted, he ties it into his narrative of public service – a struggle to reconcile his sexuality with his political goals – and his Christian faith. That resonates with the Rev. Colin Kerr, pastor of Parkside Church in Charleston, who has endorsed his candidacy.
Most politicians genuflect to religion in making their electoral pitch, but Mr. Buttigieg, an Episcopalian, invokes his faith in a far more thoughtful way, says Mr. Kerr. “It’s an exciting dynamic. We see someone who is both a devout Christian and is very open about his orientation.”
In a 2019 Pew survey, 66% of mainline Protestants said they favored same-sex marriage. Among white evangelicals, though, only 29% did. Attitudes also vary by age: Half of baby boomers said they oppose same-sex marriage.
Mr. Buttigieg acknowledges the whiplash that some have felt since same-sex marriage became a constitutional right in 2015, the year that he came out. “I recognize that marriage equality in particular was a change that came so fast,” he told Monday’s CNN town hall. “A lot of people were disoriented by it.”
That conservatism is stronger here in the South, where faith and race intersect with politics, making it thornier ground for Mr. Buttigieg, who has struggled to win over African American voters. Some African American leaders have indicated that his sexuality is an issue, though others have argued his real stumbling block has been political, citing his record in South Bend in handling racial justice.
For supporters in the LGBTQ community here, Mr. Buttigieg’s candidacy is both a marker of progress and a reminder of the resistance that remains.
“He won’t get enough votes down South, and that’s what I’m worried about,” says Molly Shields, a medical student in Charleston who identifies as queer and says she felt the disapproval of classmates when she told them she was in a relationship with a woman. “There may be more tolerance, but that’s not the same as acceptance.”
Still, win or lose, Mr. Buttigieg has cut a historic path to the highest office.
“Pete has been competing just like every other candidate, and he’s been judged by the same standards as every other candidate. And that’s a remarkable thing,” says Annise Parker, president of the LGBTQ Victory Fund.
Eric Thayer/Reuters View caption Hide caption A woman watches through a window as Democratic 2020 U.S. presidential candidate and former South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg (not pictured) speaks during a church service at First Baptist Church of James Island in Charleston, South Carolina, Feb. 23, 2020.
Elite education, hardscrabble hometown
The only son of academics at Notre Dame – his Maltese father translated Antonio Gramasci, an Italian Marxist – Mr. Buttigieg has the smooth cadence of a baseball announcer turned professor. Educated at Harvard and Oxford, his rapid ascent on the national stage irks some and dazzles others, though he wears his learning lightly, preferring to emphasize his roots in a hardscrabble city.
Last April, he announced his run for president in a former auto plant in South Bend that now houses tech startups. At the time, he was 37. “I recognize the audacity of doing this as a Midwestern millennial mayor,” he told the crowd.
At the end of the speech, a bespectacled man in slacks and a blue shirt climbed on stage and waved. He kissed the mayor on the cheek and embraced him. The hometown crowd knew him as Chasten, the teacher who married Mr. Buttigieg a year earlier at their Episcopal church.
While Mr. Buttigieg has faced criticism from Democratic rivals for raising money from the ultrawealthy, his campaign also got early support from pro-LGBTQ donors who helped sustain his run in a crowded field.
The 2018 midterms saw an unprecedented number of candidates who identified as LGBTQ. In all, 180 candidates, nearly all Democrats, were elected to state legislatures, including 70 incumbents, according to a study co-written by Mr. Haider-Markel. Ten were elected to the U.S. Congress. Most, though not all, ran in left-leaning urban districts.
The study found that sexual orientation didn’t appear to make a difference to candidates’ chances of success, controlling for other factors. Still, that doesn’t necessarily apply to Mr. Buttigieg, were he to become the presidential nominee. “A national race is unprecedented,” says Mr. Haider-Markel. “The candidate doesn’t get to choose the district.”
He says that while most of those opposed to LGBTQ candidates would be staunch Republicans, “there’s a real question if he could get enough support among independents or ... Republicans who switch” between elections.
On the campaign trail, Mr. Buttigieg has rarely leaned into the historic nature of his candidacy. “I’m not running to be the gay president of the United States,” he has said.
He is a stoical, even-keeled campaigner, in contrast to the more raucous notes hit by rivals. As a result, his more emotional moments have gotten attention, including a speech in New Hampshire where he reflected on the empowering message that his victory in Iowa sent to young Americans who wondered if they belonged.
At other rallies, he has pledged his support for LGBTQ equality legislation and ending discrimination against transgender individuals.
“I’m standing right in front of you as a veteran, happily married, running for president of the United States,” he told a rally in Arlington, Virginia.
Campaigning in the Bible Belt
That combination may not have served Mr. Buttigieg quite as well in South Carolina, where a majority of Democratic voters are African American and religious conservatism runs deep.
Renard Chisolm calls it an “X” factor, and perhaps not in a good way.
Mr. Chisolm, who is African American and a member of a Baptist church in Jonesville, says he believes Mr. Buttigieg has a right to his own private life, but that a presidency would put that private life on official display.
“I don’t know much else about him, so I’m willing to be open-minded and listen to what he’s got to say. But for me at least, a first husband would be hard to stomach,” says Mr. Chisolm.
In focus groups held here last summer by the Buttigieg campaign that later leaked to McClatchy, some undecided black voters also said they were uncomfortable with a gay candidate – or even discussing the topic. “I don’t like the fact that he threw out there that he lives with his husband,” one man said.
Still, others resist the idea that African Americans won’t vote for a qualified gay candidate. They say Mr. Buttigieg’s failure to win over more black voters is better explained by his lack of national experience and a mixed record on social justice in South Bend, as well as the stronger outreach made by candidates with longer track records in South Carolina.
“You’re in the South, the Bible Belt. It’s gonna be relevant. But it’s not as relevant as people are making it out to be,” says Michael Bailey, a spokesman for the Democratic Black Caucus of South Carolina.
Jordan Ragusa, a political scientist at the College of Charleston College, says Mr. Buttigieg has had few endorsements by African American officeholders, and that counts in a tight primary. Black primary voters tend to be less ideological and are laser-focused on who can defeat President Donald Trump in November.
And while gay marriage is a no-no for some conservative voters, this attitude isn’t limited to one racial community. “That’s happening with all races and education levels. There’s a generational gap on this issue,” says Mr. Ragusa, co-author of “First in the South: Why South Carolina’s Presidential Primary Matters.”
Indeed, in Iowa, a middle-aged white woman was filmed asking to retract her vote for Mr. Buttigieg after being told he was married to a man.
He later told ABC News that he was running to be her president too. “I wish she was able to see that my love is the same as her love for those that she cares about,” he said.
“Am I here to judge?”
Last Sunday, Cassandra Whaley heard Mr. Buttigieg address worshippers at her church on Jones Island outside Charleston. The next day she drove to his town hall to learn more about his policies on health – she works at a hospital – and youth services.
When she found out Mr. Buttigieg was gay, Ms. Whaley decided to set it aside and listen. “Am I here to judge? No. Jesus didn’t judge. He gave us parables. He still loved,” she says, as she waited in line with a mostly white crowd.
Will other voters in her community be as accepting? She pauses. “We’re not there yet.”
Inside the hall, Mike Tecosky, a banker, sat in the third row. He was undecided on a primary candidate and curious to hear how Mr. Buttigieg proposed to tackle racism. Mr. Tecosky, who is white, says he would be happy to elect a gay candidate, but wasn’t sure everyone else would.
“It’s 2020. You wouldn’t think that racism exists but it does, so religious beliefs may impact how people feel about Buttigieg,” he says.
Should Mr. Buttigieg actually become the Democratic nominee, he knows his sexual orientation will be weaponized by opponents. “He does this with his eyes open. He goes in knowing what may happen,” says Ms. Parker.
She should know. In 2009, she ran for mayor of Houston and was the target of anti-LGBTQ leaflets during a runoff with a Democratic opponent. Ms. Parker, who had already held public office as a married lesbian with two children, won the election and became a high-profile LGBTQ mayor.
Her opponent in that race was black. “The African American community is no different from the rest of America,” she says, noting her success in building a diverse coalition.
Mr. Haider-Markel says Mr. Buttigieg’s willingness to talk about his struggle to come out as a public figure gives him an authenticity for some voters. He draws a parallel with another historic candidate, President Barack Obama, who ran in 2008 as a unifier and tried not to be defined by race.
Just as Mr. Obama did in 2008 after a controversy over his pastor’s politics, however, Mr. Buttigieg may be forced to speak more pointedly about his sexual orientation and to offer a path to understanding. “I suspect that at some point if Buttigieg continues to rack up delegates and stays in the race ... then he’ll have to give some kind of speech,” he says.
Two Midwest marriages
Mr. Buttigieg has spoken about how he suppressed his sexuality because he aspired to a conventional Midwestern life: marriage, kids, public service. “You could be married and have kids, or you could be gay. You couldn’t be both,” he told The Daily podcast in November.
It took a legal battle in Ohio to flip that script. Jim Obergefell petitioned the Supreme Court after appealing Ohio’s refusal to put him on the death certificate of his late husband, whom he married in Maryland in 2013. The justices ruled in 2015 that Ohio’s refusal to recognize Mr. Obergefell’s same-sex marriage was unconstitutional.
Three years later, Pete and Chasten Buttigieg got married. Among the readings at the service was the ending of Obergefell v. Hodges, the decision that made the wedding possible.
“I think it’s amazing,” says Mr. Obergefell, the litigant in the landmark case. “I love the fact that he is running, and he’s out there with his husband.”
Mr. Obergefell, who advocates for LGBTQ rights in Ohio, says while he’s thrilled to see Mr. Buttigieg on the national stage, he also worries about what might be unleashed. “It will embolden people who are our opponents to become louder and more hateful if he becomes the nominee.”
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But he’s optimistic that Mr. Buttigieg can break down more barriers. “One of Pete’s greatest strengths is that he’s openly gay, but he’s also a person of faith and that appeals to a huge segment of society. He served our country. That appeals to a large segment of society.”
Staff writer Patrik Jonsson contributed reporting from Jonesville, S.C.


csmonitor--2020-02-29--Biden's South Carolina win: a 'springboard' to Super Tuesday?

Joe Biden scored a convincing victory in South Carolina ’ s Democratic primary on Saturday , riding a wave of African American support and ending progressive rival Bernie Sanders ’ winning streak .
The Vermont senator claimed second place , though his loss gave a momentary respite to anxious establishment Democrats who feared that the self-described democratic socialist would finish February with four consecutive top finishes .
Biden ’ s win came at a do-or-die moment in his 2020 bid as the moderate Democrat bounced back from underwhelming performances in Iowa , New Hampshire and Nevada .
The race pivots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Super Tuesday ” states take the campaign nationwide early next week .
Biden ’ s allies almost immediately cast the South Carolina victory as proof that he should stand as the clear alternative to Sanders .
Sanders congratulated Biden on his first win and said it was nothing for his own supporters to worry about .
“ Tonight , we did not win in South Carolina .
That will not be the only defeat .
A lot of states in this country .
Nobody wins them all , ” he told a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 14 states to vote next week .
“ Now we enter Super Tuesday.
” The South Carolina primary was the first major test of the candidates ’ appeal among black voters .
And while it gave the 77-year-old Biden a win when he most needed it , he must still prove that he has the financial and organizational resources to dramatically expand his campaign in the next 72 hours .
He will also be under pressure to rely on his decades-long relationships with party leaders to create a new sense of inevitability around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden the winner at 7 p.m. EST , just after the polls closed in South Carolina .
The AP based the call on data from AP VoteCast , a survey of the electorate conducted for the AP by NORC at the University of Chicago .
The survey showed a convincing win for Biden .
Even before news of Biden ’ s win was declared , Mike Bloomberg announced his own plan to deliver a three-minute prime-time address Sunday night on two television networks .
He didn ’ t say how much he paid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unprecedented in recent decades .
Bloomberg ’ s campaign privately acknowledged that Biden was likely to get a bump in momentum out of his South Carolina win , but they still believe Bloomberg can win in a handful of states that vote on Super Tuesday , including Arkansas , Alabama , Oklahoma , Virginia and North Carolina .
And Sanders was already peeking ahead to Super Tuesday as well , betting he can amass an insurmountable delegate lead at that point .
After two consecutive victories and a tie for the lead in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s confidence is surging .
Sanders was spending the lead-up to Super Tuesday campaigning in the home states of two major Democratic rivals , betting he can score a double knockout blow — or at least limit the size of their victories .
In a power play , Sanders hosted a midday rally Saturday in downtown Boston , campaigning in the heart of liberal ally Elizabeth Warren ’ s political turf .
Addressing a crowd of thousands on the Boston Common , Sanders said his success in the Democratic primary means “ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but he never predicted victory in South Carolina .
On the eve of Super Tuesday , Sanders will host a concert in Minnesota , where home-state Sen. Amy Klobuchar is looking for her first win .
Sanders ’ senior adviser Jeff Weaver was among the staffers dispatched to California on Saturday .
He said Sanders is aggressively hunting for delegates , noting that their campaign ’ s experience during the 2016 primary against Hillary Clinton taught them that any candidate who finishes Super Tuesday with a significant delegate advantage will be difficult to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ re going to do very , very well across the country , ” Weaver said of the coming days .
He also sought to downplay the importance of South Carolina , where Biden was “ expected to win.
” Moments after Biden ’ s victory was confirmed , former Virginia Gov .
Terry McAuliffe formally endorsed the former vice president and encouraged the Democratic Party ’ s moderate wing to unite behind him .
On CNN , he called on several candidates to get out of the race — “ not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democrats ’ 2020 primary election isn ’ t yet a two-person race .
In South Carolina , billionaire activist Tom Steyer spent more than $ 19 million on television advertising — more than all the other candidates combined — in his quest for his first top finish in four contests .
At his state campaign headquarters on Saturday , Steyer said he felt optimistic going into the vote and was looking ahead to trips to Alabama and Texas , two Super Tuesday states .
Not ceding anything , Pete Buttigieg is fighting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coalition .
And with the help of super PACs , Warren and Klobuchar vowed to keep pushing forward no matter how they finished on Saturday .
Trump was paying close attention to the Democratic race .
Speaking before conservative activists earlier in the day , the president conducted a poll of sorts by asking his audience to cheer for who would be the best Democratic contender for him to face in November .
“ How could you be easier to beat than Joe ?
That guy can ’ t put two sentences together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conservative Political Action Conference in suburban Washington .
“ But you know he is more down the middle .
Everyone knows he ’ s not a communist and with Bernie there a real question about that.
” Saturday was all about Biden and whether he might convince anxious establishment Democrats to rally behind him at last .
Elected officials inclined to embrace his moderate politics had been reluctant to support him after bad finishes in Iowa and New Hampshire and a distant second place in Nevada last week .
Yet fearing Sanders ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still searching for an alternative who ’ s viewed as a safer bet to defeat Trump in November .
Senior Biden adviser Symone Sanders called South Carolina a “ springboard ” for the campaign , on par with how the state boosted the presidential aspirations of Barack Obama in 2008 and Clinton in 2016 .
South Carolina represented much more than the fourth state on the Democrats ’ months-long primary calendar .
It served as the first major test of the candidates ’ strength with African American voters , who will be critical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rest of the primary season .
African American voters in South Carolina backed Biden over any other candidate by a significant margin , according to AP VoteCast .
Close to half of black voters supported him , compared with 2 in 10 supporting Sanders and about the same for businessman Tom Steyer .
There was also evidence that Biden ’ s status as former President Barack Obama ’ s two-term vice president helped him win over African Americans .
VoteCast found that about 4 in 10 voters in South Carolina wanted to return @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compared to about a third in Iowa and New Hampshire .
That includes the roughly 50 % of African American voters who said they want a Democratic presidential nominee who would emulate the Obama ’ s presidency .
By comparison , roughly two-thirds of white voters wanted a presidential candidate who would bring fundamental change to Washington .
While voting technology was a concern in two of the last three primary contests , South Carolina uses a wide array of voting technology that presents unique challenges .
Saturday ’ s election in South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its new fleet of electronic voting machines , a $ 50 million upgrade from an old and vulnerable system that lacked any paper record of individual votes .
The new machines produce a paper record that can be verified by the voter and checked after the election to detect any malfunction or manipulation .
Democratic National Committee Chair Tom Perez cautioned Democrats that it ’ s still early in their presidential primary .
Speaking at a North Carolina Democratic Party fundraising gala , Perez noted that to win the nomination , a Democrat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fraction of those have been allocated in the party ’ s first four primaries .
“ We have a long way to go , ” he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Associated Press writers Will Weissert in Washington and Virginia Beach , Virginia , Thomas Beaumont in Columbia and Charleston , South Carolina and Alexandra Jaffe in Charlotte , North Carolina , contributed to this report .

Joe Biden scored a convincing victory in South Carolina’s Democratic primary on Saturday, riding a wave of African American support and ending progressive rival Bernie Sanders’ winning streak.
The Vermont senator claimed second place, though his loss gave a momentary respite to anxious establishment Democrats who feared that the self-described democratic socialist would finish February with four consecutive top finishes.
Biden’s win came at a do-or-die moment in his 2020 bid as the moderate Democrat bounced back from underwhelming performances in Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada. The race pivots immediately to a new phase when 14 “Super Tuesday” states take the campaign nationwide early next week.
Biden’s allies almost immediately cast the South Carolina victory as proof that he should stand as the clear alternative to Sanders.
Sanders congratulated Biden on his first win and said it was nothing for his own supporters to worry about.
“Tonight, we did not win in South Carolina. That will not be the only defeat. A lot of states in this country. Nobody wins them all,” he told a cheering crowd in Virginia, one of 14 states to vote next week. “Now we enter Super Tuesday.”
The South Carolina primary was the first major test of the candidates’ appeal among black voters. And while it gave the 77-year-old Biden a win when he most needed it, he must still prove that he has the financial and organizational resources to dramatically expand his campaign in the next 72 hours. He will also be under pressure to rely on his decades-long relationships with party leaders to create a new sense of inevitability around his candidacy.
The Associated Press declared Biden the winner at 7 p.m. EST, just after the polls closed in South Carolina. The AP based the call on data from AP VoteCast, a survey of the electorate conducted for the AP by NORC at the University of Chicago. The survey showed a convincing win for Biden.
Even before news of Biden’s win was declared, Mike Bloomberg announced his own plan to deliver a three-minute prime-time address Sunday night on two television networks. He didn’t say how much he paid for the air time, which is unprecedented in recent decades.
Bloomberg’s campaign privately acknowledged that Biden was likely to get a bump in momentum out of his South Carolina win, but they still believe Bloomberg can win in a handful of states that vote on Super Tuesday, including Arkansas, Alabama, Oklahoma, Virginia and North Carolina.
And Sanders was already peeking ahead to Super Tuesday as well, betting he can amass an insurmountable delegate lead at that point. After two consecutive victories and a tie for the lead in Iowa, the 78-year-old Vermont senator’s confidence is surging.
Sanders was spending the lead-up to Super Tuesday campaigning in the home states of two major Democratic rivals, betting he can score a double knockout blow — or at least limit the size of their victories.
In a power play, Sanders hosted a midday rally Saturday in downtown Boston, campaigning in the heart of liberal ally Elizabeth Warren’s political turf. Addressing a crowd of thousands on the Boston Common, Sanders said his success in the Democratic primary means “the establishment is getting very nervous” — but he never predicted victory in South Carolina.
On the eve of Super Tuesday, Sanders will host a concert in Minnesota, where home-state Sen. Amy Klobuchar is looking for her first win.
Sanders’ senior adviser Jeff Weaver was among the staffers dispatched to California on Saturday. He said Sanders is aggressively hunting for delegates, noting that their campaign’s experience during the 2016 primary against Hillary Clinton taught them that any candidate who finishes Super Tuesday with a significant delegate advantage will be difficult to catch.
“I’m confident we’re going to do very, very well across the country,” Weaver said of the coming days. He also sought to downplay the importance of South Carolina, where Biden was “expected to win.”
Moments after Biden’s victory was confirmed, former Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe formally endorsed the former vice president and encouraged the Democratic Party’s moderate wing to unite behind him. On CNN, he called on several candidates to get out of the race — “not after Tuesday, but tomorrow.”
But the Democrats’ 2020 primary election isn’t yet a two-person race.
In South Carolina, billionaire activist Tom Steyer spent more than $19 million on television advertising — more than all the other candidates combined — in his quest for his first top finish in four contests. At his state campaign headquarters on Saturday, Steyer said he felt optimistic going into the vote and was looking ahead to trips to Alabama and Texas, two Super Tuesday states.
Not ceding anything, Pete Buttigieg is fighting to prove he can build a multiracial coalition. And with the help of super PACs, Warren and Klobuchar vowed to keep pushing forward no matter how they finished on Saturday.
Trump was paying close attention to the Democratic race.
Speaking before conservative activists earlier in the day, the president conducted a poll of sorts by asking his audience to cheer for who would be the best Democratic contender for him to face in November.
Sanders was the clear winner.
“How could you be easier to beat than Joe? That guy can’t put two sentences together,” Trump told attendees of the Conservative Political Action Conference in suburban Washington. “But you know he is more down the middle. Everyone knows he’s not a communist and with Bernie there a real question about that.”
Saturday was all about Biden and whether he might convince anxious establishment Democrats to rally behind him at last.
Elected officials inclined to embrace his moderate politics had been reluctant to support him after bad finishes in Iowa and New Hampshire and a distant second place in Nevada last week. Yet fearing Sanders’ polarizing progressive priorities, they’re still searching for an alternative who’s viewed as a safer bet to defeat Trump in November.
Senior Biden adviser Symone Sanders called South Carolina a “springboard” for the campaign, on par with how the state boosted the presidential aspirations of Barack Obama in 2008 and Clinton in 2016.
South Carolina represented much more than the fourth state on the Democrats’ months-long primary calendar.
It served as the first major test of the candidates’ strength with African American voters, who will be critical both in the general election and the rest of the primary season.
African American voters in South Carolina backed Biden over any other candidate by a significant margin, according to AP VoteCast. Close to half of black voters supported him, compared with 2 in 10 supporting Sanders and about the same for businessman Tom Steyer.
There was also evidence that Biden’s status as former President Barack Obama’s two-term vice president helped him win over African Americans.
VoteCast found that about 4 in 10 voters in South Carolina wanted to return to the politics of the past, compared to about a third in Iowa and New Hampshire. That includes the roughly 50% of African American voters who said they want a Democratic presidential nominee who would emulate the Obama’s presidency.
By comparison, roughly two-thirds of white voters wanted a presidential candidate who would bring fundamental change to Washington.
While voting technology was a concern in two of the last three primary contests, South Carolina uses a wide array of voting technology that presents unique challenges.
Saturday’s election in South Carolina marks the first statewide test of its new fleet of electronic voting machines, a $50 million upgrade from an old and vulnerable system that lacked any paper record of individual votes. The new machines produce a paper record that can be verified by the voter and checked after the election to detect any malfunction or manipulation.
Democratic National Committee Chair Tom Perez cautioned Democrats that it’s still early in their presidential primary.
Speaking at a North Carolina Democratic Party fundraising gala, Perez noted that to win the nomination, a Democrat must win 1,991 delegates — and only a fraction of those have been allocated in the party’s first four primaries.
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“We have a long way to go,” he said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Associated Press writers Will Weissert in Washington and Virginia Beach, Virginia, Thomas Beaumont in Columbia and Charleston, South Carolina and Alexandra Jaffe in Charlotte, North Carolina, contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-03-01--As Buttigieg exits, Joe Biden seeks Democrats' moderate mantle

An emboldened Joe Biden tried to cast himself as the clear moderate alternative to progressive Bernie Sanders on Sunday as the Democrats ' shrinking presidential field raced toward Super Tuesday .
One of Biden 's leading moderate rivals , former small-city mayor Pete Buttigieg , dropped out of the campaign just 24 hours after Biden scored a resounding victory in South Carolina , his first of the 2020 rollercoaster nomination fight .
“ The truth is the path has narrowed to a close for our candidacy if not for our cause , ” Buttigieg told supporters in South Bend , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognize that at this point in the race , the best way to keep faith with those goals and ideals is to step aside and help bring our party and country together.
” He did n't endorse any of his former rivals , though he and Biden traded voicemails on Sunday .
Buttigieg has spent the past several weeks warning that nominating progressive leader Sen. Bernie Sanders to take on President Donald Trump would be risky .
While other rivals appeared undeterred , Biden pressed his case during a round of national television @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day after his resounding primary victory in South Carolina : The former vice president was forced to rely upon free media coverage because he was understaffed , underfunded and almost out of time as he fought to transform his sole win into a national movement .
Biden vowed to improve his campaign operation , his fundraising haul — and even his own performance — in an interview Sunday on ABC 's “ This Week.
” He warned of a “ stark choice ” between him and Sanders , while making the case he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and down the ballot and in states beyond those voting next week .
Biden added a swipe at one of Sanders ' signature lines during an appearance on “ Fox New Sunday ” : “ The people are n't looking for revolution .
They 're looking for results . ''
The newfound confidence came at a crossroads in the Democratic Party 's turbulent primary season .
Sanders remained the undisputed front-runner .
But the rest of the field was decidedly unsettled , even after Biden 's South Carolina blowout and Buttigieg 's sudden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billionaire Mike Bloomberg could create problems for Biden as the race sped toward Super Tuesday , when 14 states from Maine to Alabama to California hold Democratic elections as the 2020 primary moved into a new phase .
No longer would individual states hold primaries every week .
Starting Tuesday , and most Tuesdays through early June , batches of states would vote at the same time in what had essentially become a national election .
Biden claimed a handful of new endorsements and fundraising successes on Sunday in his quest to project @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a handful of high-profile political strategists with ties to former President Barack Obama encouraged Biden 's rivals — including Bloomberg — to quit the race to allow anti-Sanders ' Democrats to unify behind Obama 's former vice president .
“ Most of them have seen the writing on the wall for at least the last week , ” said Rufus Gifford , who held top fundraising posts on both of Obama ’ s campaigns and was part of Biden ’ s fundraising operation .
“ It ’ s clear the Democratic alternative to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ messages reviewed by The Associated Press revealed an outpouring of interest in Biden from donors supporting other candidates , including Buttigieg and Elizabeth Warren .
Biden announced he took in $ 5 million immediately after his South Carolina win , by far his best single day of fundraising over the last year .
Also on Sunday , however , Sanders announced he had raised an eye-popping $ 46.5 million for February .
That compared to $ 29 million for Warren and $ 18 million for Biden over the same period .
Sanders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the year even though did not court wealthy donors , said it was not the overhaul fundraising haul that should impress but the enthusiasm of working people fueling his candidacy .
“ No campaign out there has a stronger grassroots movement than we do , ” Sanders said on CBS ’ s “ Face the Nation.
” “ That 's how you beat Trump.
” Biden allies conceded that the post-South Carolina fundraising surge would have little impact on Super Tuesday .
“ Super Tuesday is too close , ” said former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden supporter .
“ Fortunately , Joe Biden has been on the national scene for 35 years .
He has less need to advertise.
” Barry Goodman , a top Biden donor in Michigan and a prominent member of the Democratic National Committee , said he ’ d heard from about “ a dozen or so ” regular party donors who had been on the sidelines and now wanted to support Biden .
He said he had personally targeting at least 20 Bloomberg supporters who had been sitting on their checkbooks at Bloomberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known what was going to happen last night in South Carolina , he ’ d never have gotten in , ” Goodman said .
While Buttigieg bowed to the pressure , Biden 's other rivals showed no interest in getting out of the race .
In fact , some vowed to keep fighting no matter what happened on Super Tuesday .
Warren campaign manager Roger Lau spoke brazenly of pushing into a floor battle at the Democratic National Convention this summer if no candidate emerged from the primary season with a clear majority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a large delegate lead .
“ The convention in Milwaukee is the final play , ” Lau wrote in a Sunday memo .
And Bloomberg , who this week will be on the ballot for the first time , insisted that he was not going anywhere before Tuesday ’ s primaries .
“ I ’ m optimistic , '' he told voters in Selma , Alabama , where many of the White House hopefuls gathered for ceremonies commemorating civil rights heroism .
Yet Bloomberg received a mixed reception as he spoke from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AME Church .
Multiple parishioners stood and turned their backs to the New York billionaire neared the end of his 10-minute speech .
That was after the pastor told the congregation that Bloomberg initially said he was too busy to attend because he had to “ beat Donald Trump.
” Biden declined to ask rivals to bow out when given the opportunity .
“ It ’ s not for me to tell another candidate to get out of the race , ” Biden said on Fox .
Biden got 48 % of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ got 19.9 % , Tom Steyer finished with 11.3 % ( and promptly dropped out of the race ) .
Mr. Buttigieg received 8.2 % , Sen. Elizabeth Warren 7.1 % , and Amy Klobuchar 3.2 % .
Through four primary contests , the AP allocated at least 58 delegates to Sanders , including two added Sunday as South Carolina 's remaining votes dribbled in .
Biden vaulted past Buttigieg into second place with at least 50 delegates — shrinking Sanders ' lead from what had been 30 delegates before South Carolina to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amy Klobuchar remained stuck at 26 , eight and seven , respectively .
But the first four states were always more about momentum more than math .
Super Tuesday states offer a trove of 1,344 new delegates based on how candidates finish .
California alone offers 415 , which is more than double the amount of delegates allocated through Iowa , New Hampshire , Nevada and South Carolina .
As Biden and Bloomberg courted African Americans in Alabama , Sanders spent his Sunday rallying thousands of supporters in California , the crown jewel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predicted victory in California and attacked Biden 's record on foreign policy , trade and Social Security , among other issues .
“ My point here is not just to be negative about Joe .
My point here is to ask you , ‘ What campaign is going to beat Donald Trump ?
’ '' Sanders said .
He added : `` We are going to win because we have the strongest grassroots movement — multi-racial and multi-generational — in the history of this country . ''
Peoples reported from Washington and Barrow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Associated Press writers Brian Slodysko , Will Weissert , Hope Yen and Seth Borenstein in Washington contributed to this report .

Steve Peoples, Bill Barrow and Alexandra Jaffe

An emboldened Joe Biden tried to cast himself as the clear moderate alternative to progressive Bernie Sanders on Sunday as the Democrats' shrinking presidential field raced toward Super Tuesday.
One of Mr. Biden's leading moderate rivals, former small-city mayor Pete Buttigieg, dropped out of the campaign just 24 hours after Mr. Biden scored a resounding victory in South Carolina, his first of the 2020 rollercoaster nomination fight.
“The truth is the path has narrowed to a close for our candidacy if not for our cause,” Mr. Buttigieg told supporters in South Bend, Indiana, Sunday. “We must recognize that at this point in the race, the best way to keep faith with those goals and ideals is to step aside and help bring our party and country together.”
He didn't endorse any of his former rivals, though he and Mr. Biden traded voicemails on Sunday. Mr. Buttigieg has spent the past several weeks warning that nominating progressive leader Sen. Bernie Sanders to take on President Donald Trump would be risky.
While other rivals appeared undeterred, Mr. Biden pressed his case during a round of national television interviews that reflected a stark reality a day after his resounding primary victory in South Carolina: The former vice president was forced to rely upon free media coverage because he was understaffed, underfunded, and almost out of time as he fought to transform his sole win into a national movement.
Mr. Biden vowed to improve his campaign operation, his fundraising haul – and even his own performance – in an interview Sunday on ABC's “This Week.” He warned of a “stark choice” between him and Mr. Sanders, while making the case he was the candidate who could win up and down the ballot and in states beyond those voting next week.
Mr. Biden added a swipe at one of Mr. Sanders' signature lines during an appearance on “Fox New Sunday”: “The people aren't looking for revolution. They're looking for results."
The newfound confidence came at a crossroads in the Democratic Party's turbulent primary season. Mr. Sanders remained the undisputed front-runner. But the rest of the field was decidedly unsettled, even after Mr. Biden's South Carolina blowout and Mr. Buttigieg's sudden departure.
Most notably, New York billionaire Mike Bloomberg could create problems for Mr. Biden as the race sped toward Super Tuesday, when 14 states from Maine to Alabama to California hold Democratic elections as the 2020 primary moved into a new phase. No longer would individual states hold primaries every week. Starting Tuesday, and most Tuesdays through early June, batches of states would vote at the same time in what had essentially become a national election.
Mr. Biden claimed a handful of new endorsements and fundraising successes on Sunday in his quest to project strength. At the same time, a handful of high-profile political strategists with ties to former President Barack Obama encouraged Mr. Biden's rivals –including Bloomberg – to quit the race to allow anti-Sanders' Democrats to unify behind Mr. Obama's former vice president.
“Most of them have seen the writing on the wall for at least the last week,” said Rufus Gifford, who held top fundraising posts on both of Mr. Obama’s campaigns and was part of Mr. Biden’s fundraising operation. “It’s clear the Democratic alternative to Bernie Sanders is Joe Biden.”
Text messages reviewed by The Associated Press revealed an outpouring of interest in Mr. Biden from donors supporting other candidates, including Mr. Buttigieg and Elizabeth Warren.
Mr. Biden announced he took in $5 million immediately after his South Carolina win, by far his best single day of fundraising over the last year.
Also on Sunday, however, Mr. Sanders announced he had raised an eye-popping $46.5 million for February. That compared to $29 million for Ms. Warren and $18 million for Mr. Biden over the same period.
Mr. Sanders, who dominated the money race for much of the year even though he did not court wealthy donors, said it was not the overhaul fundraising haul that should impress but the enthusiasm of working people fueling his candidacy.
“No campaign out there has a stronger grassroots movement than we do,” Mr. Sanders said on CBS’s “Face the Nation.” “That's how you beat Trump.”
Mr. Biden allies conceded that the post-South Carolina fundraising surge would have little impact on Super Tuesday.
“Super Tuesday is too close,” said former Pennsylvania Gov. Ed Rendell, a Biden supporter. “Fortunately, Joe Biden has been on the national scene for 35 years. He has less need to advertise.”
Barry Goodman, a top Biden donor in Michigan and a prominent member of the Democratic National Committee, said he’d heard from about “a dozen or so” regular party donors who had been on the sidelines and now wanted to support Mr. Biden. He said he had personally targeted at least 20 Bloomberg supporters who had been sitting on their checkbooks at Mr. Bloomberg's request.
“If Mike had known what was going to happen last night in South Carolina, he’d never have gotten in,” Mr. Goodman said.
While Mr. Buttigieg bowed to the pressure, Mr. Biden's other rivals showed no interest in getting out of the race. In fact, some vowed to keep fighting no matter what happened on Super Tuesday.
Warren campaign manager Roger Lau spoke brazenly of pushing into a floor battle at the Democratic National Convention this summer if no candidate emerged from the primary season with a clear majority, which was possible even if someone had a large delegate lead.
“The convention in Milwaukee is the final play,” Mr. Lau wrote in a Sunday memo.
And Mr. Bloomberg, who this week will be on the ballot for the first time, insisted that he was not going anywhere before Tuesday’s primaries.
“I’m optimistic," he told voters in Selma, Alabama, where many of the White House hopefuls gathered for ceremonies commemorating civil rights heroism.
Yet Mr. Bloomberg received a mixed reception as he spoke from the pulpit of Selma's Brown Chapel AME Church. Multiple parishioners stood and turned their backs to the New York billionaire neared the end of his 10-minute speech. That was after the pastor told the congregation that Mr. Bloomberg initially said he was too busy to attend because he had to “beat Donald Trump.”
Mr. Biden declined to ask rivals to bow out when given the opportunity. “It’s not for me to tell another candidate to get out of the race,” Mr. Biden said on Fox.
Mr. Biden got 48% of the South Carolina vote, Sen. Bernie Sanders got 19.9%, Tom Steyer finished with 11.3% (and promptly dropped out of the race). Mr. Buttigieg received 8.2%, Sen. Elizabeth Warren 7.1%, and Amy Klobuchar 3.2%.
Through four primary contests, the AP allocated at least 58 delegates to Mr. Sanders, including two added Sunday as South Carolina's remaining votes dribbled in. Mr. Biden vaulted past Mr. Buttigieg into second place with at least 50 delegates – shrinking Mr. Sanders' lead from what had been 30 delegates before South Carolina to eight. Mr. Buttigieg, Ms. Warren and Sen. Amy Klobuchar remained stuck at 26, eight and seven, respectively.
But the first four states were always more about momentum more than math. Super Tuesday states offer a trove of 1,344 new delegates based on how candidates finish. California alone offers 415, which is more than double the amount of delegates allocated through Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada, and South Carolina.
As Mr. Biden and Mr. Bloomberg courted African Americans in Alabama, Mr. Sanders spent his Sunday rallying thousands of supporters in California, the crown jewel of Super Tuesday.
The Vermont senator predicted victory in California and attacked Mr. Biden's record on foreign policy, trade, and Social Security, among other issues.
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“My point here is not just to be negative about Joe. My point here is to ask you, ‘What campaign is going to beat Donald Trump?’" Mr. Sanders said. He added: "We are going to win because we have the strongest grassroots movement – multi-racial and multi-generational – in the history of this country."
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mr. Peoples reported from Washington and Mr. Barrow reported from Columbia, South Carolina. AP writers Brian Slodysko, Will Weissert, Hope Yen, and Seth Borenstein in Washington contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-03-01--What Pete Buttigieg accomplished with his historic 2020 run

Pete Buttigieg , who rose from relative obscurity as an Indiana mayor to a barrier-breaking , top-tier candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination , ended his campaign on Sunday .
The decision by the first openly gay candidate to seriously contend for the presidency — and among the youngest ever — came just a day after a leading rival , Joe Biden , scored a resounding victory in South Carolina .
That sparked new pressure on the party 's moderate wing to coalesce behind the former vice president .
“ The truth is the path has narrowed to a close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cause , ” Buttigieg , 38 , told supporters in South Bend , Indiana .
“ We must recognize that at this point in the race , the best way to keep faith with those goals and ideals is to step aside and help bring our party and country together.
” He did n't endorse any of his former rivals , though he and Biden traded voicemails on Sunday .
Buttigieg has spent the past several weeks warning that nominating progressive leader Bernie Sanders to take on President Donald Trump would be risky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ensure that a Democrat wins the White House in November and that the party 's success carries over to down-ballot races for House and Senate .
During previous debates , Buttigieg said Sanders could threaten Democratic seats in Congress .
More broadly , Buttigieg urged Americans to move beyond the divisive politics of the Trump era to embrace a more inclusive , unifying approach .
“ Politics at its worst is ugly , ” he said .
“ But at its best , politics can lift us up .
It is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is soulcraft .
That 's why we 're in this . ''
Voters saw Buttigieg in the more moderate lane of the Democratic field , and he flourished early with a top finish in the Iowa caucuses and a close second place finish in New Hampshire .
But as the race moved to more diverse states , less dependent on college-educated voters , Buttigieg struggled .
Despite robust organizations in Iowa and New Hampshire and supporters who included an influx of former independents and Republicans , Buttigieg failed to overcome daunting questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support key to the Democratic base .
He earned just 3 % of the nonwhite vote in South Carolina 's Saturday primary , according to AP VoteCast , a a wide-ranging survey of the electorate .
As mayor of a city that is 25 % black , Buttigieg faced criticism for firing the first African American police chief in the history of South Bend and for his handling of the case of a white police officer who fatally shot an armed black man in June .
A Black Lives Matter group from South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ excited ” that Buttigieg left the race .
“ We hope that he learned his lesson — that neoliberalism and anti-Black policies will no longer be tolerated , ” the group wrote .
After his unexpected rise to contention in Iowa and New Hampshire last fall , Buttigieg became the target of Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren for the high-dollar fundraisers he was hosting , notably one in a wine cave in California .
Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar also went at Buttigieg in the months before the caucuses for lacking national experience .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ only statewide race as a candidate for Indiana treasurer in 2010 , while she had won three statewide terms in Minnesota in part by carrying Republican-heavy regions .
Buttigieg presented a starkly different figure on the debate stage than the other leading candidates — all septuagenarians — and drew admirers for his calm , reasoned demeanor and rhetorical skills that reflected his Harvard-trained , Rhodes scholar background but that some voters and operatives described as “ robotic.
” Buttigieg had modeled his campaign somewhat on that of former President Barack Obama , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a message of unity and by drawing in a healthy bloc of first-time caucus participants , often the key in a crowded , high-turnout contest .
Jim Ward , a volunteer on the campaign in South Bend , said he and others were at the local campaign office training at around 6 p.m. when they learned of Buttigieg 's decision .
“ They got word and left rather quickly , ” he said in a text with the AP , noting that he had mixed emotions .
“ I am so proud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making this decision when he ’ s making it and not prolonging the campaign any longer than necessary , ” Ward said .
“ I am just so , so sad that it did n't work out this time.
” “ He ’ s 38 years old , ” Axelrod said .
“ He ’ s vaulted himself into the national conversation .
He obviously has work to do on some things that -- some weaknesses we ’ ve seen in this election -- but whenever there is a conversation again about Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that conversation .
And that ’ s a remarkable achievement , given where he started a year ago.
” Kinnard reported from Columbia , South Carolina , and Beaumont from Des Moines , Iowa .
Associated Press writers Kathleen Ronayne in San Jose , California , Bill Barrow in Atlanta and Michelle Smith in Providence , Rhode Island contributed to this report .

Thomas Meaumont, Meg Kinnard, and Steve Peoples

Pete Buttigieg, who rose from relative obscurity as an Indiana mayor to a barrier-breaking, top-tier candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination, ended his campaign on Sunday.
The decision by the first openly gay candidate to seriously contend for the presidency – and among the youngest ever – came just a day after a leading rival, Joe Biden, scored a resounding victory in South Carolina. That sparked new pressure on the party's moderate wing to coalesce behind the former vice president.
“The truth is the path has narrowed to a close for our candidacy if not for our cause,” Mr. Buttigieg told supporters in South Bend, Indiana. “We must recognize that at this point in the race, the best way to keep faith with those goals and ideals is to step aside and help bring our party and country together.”
He didn't endorse any of his former rivals, though he and Mr. Biden traded voicemails on Sunday. Mr. Buttigieg has spent the past several weeks warning that nominating progressive leader Bernie Sanders to take on President Donald Trump would be risky.
Mr. Buttigieg on Sunday called on supporters to ensure that a Democrat wins the White House in November and that the party's success carries over to down-ballot races for House and Senate. During previous debates, Mr. Buttigieg said Mr. Sanders could threaten Democratic seats in Congress.
More broadly, Mr. Buttigieg urged Americans to move beyond the divisive politics of the Trump era to embrace a more inclusive, unifying approach.
“Politics at its worst is ugly,” he said. “But at its best, politics can lift us up. It is not just policymaking. It is moral. It is soulcraft. That's why we're in this."
Voters saw Mr. Buttigieg in the more moderate lane of the Democratic field, and he flourished early with a top finish in the Iowa caucuses and a close second place finish in New Hampshire. But as the race moved to more diverse states, less dependent on college-educated voters, Mr. Buttigieg struggled.
Despite robust organizations in Iowa and New Hampshire and supporters who included an influx of former independents and Republicans, Mr. Buttigieg failed to overcome daunting questions about his ability to draw African American support key to the Democratic base.
He earned just 3% of the nonwhite vote in South Carolina's Saturday primary, according to AP VoteCast, a a wide-ranging survey of the electorate.
As mayor of a city that is 25% black, Mr. Buttigieg faced criticism for firing the first African American police chief in the history of South Bend and for his handling of the case of a white police officer who fatally shot an armed black man in June.
A Black Lives Matter group from South Bend released a statement saying it was “excited” that Mr. Buttigieg left the race. “We hope that he learned his lesson – that neoliberalism and anti-Black policies will no longer be tolerated,” the group wrote.
After his unexpected rise to contention in Iowa and New Hampshire last fall, Mr. Buttigieg became the target of Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren for the high-dollar fundraisers he was hosting, notably one in a wine cave in California.
Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar also went at Mr. Buttigieg in the months before the caucuses for lacking national experience. She noted that he had lost his only statewide race as a candidate for Indiana treasurer in 2010, while she had won three statewide terms in Minnesota in part by carrying Republican-heavy regions.
Mr. Buttigieg presented a starkly different figure on the debate stage than the other leading candidates – all septuagenarians – and drew admirers for his calm, reasoned demeanor and rhetorical skills that reflected his Harvard-trained, Rhodes scholar background but that some voters and operatives described as “robotic.”
Mr. Buttigieg had modeled his campaign somewhat on that of former President Barack Obama, who won the 2008 Iowa caucuses largely based on a message of unity and by drawing in a healthy bloc of first-time caucus participants, often the key in a crowded, high-turnout contest.
Jim Ward, a volunteer on the campaign in South Bend, said he and others were at the local campaign office training at around 6 p.m. when they learned of Mr. Buttigieg's decision.
“They got word and left rather quickly,” he said in a text with the AP, noting that he had mixed emotions.
“I am so proud the campaign and proud of Pete for making this decision when he’s making it and not prolonging the campaign any longer than necessary,” Mr. Ward said. “I am just so, so sad that it didn't work out this time.”
Democratic strategist David Axelrod said “the Pete Buttigieg story isn't over."
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“He’s 38 years old,” Mr. Axelrod said. “He’s vaulted himself into the national conversation. He obviously has work to do on some things that – some weaknesses we’ve seen in this election – but whenever there is a conversation again about Democratic candidates, he’ll be in that conversation. And that’s a remarkable achievement, given where he started a year ago.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Meg Kinnard reported from Columbia, South Carolina, and Thomas Beaumont from Des Moines, Iowa. AP writers Kathleen Ronayne in San Jose, California, Bill Barrow in Atlanta, and Michelle Smith in Providence, Rhode Island contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-03-02--Twitter isn’t real life. But for Sanders fans, it’s a powerful tool.

“ Calling Bloomberg out , for example – we can do that on Twitter , and the media sees it , the pundits see it , the other politicians see it , ” says Ms. Foster .
“ Our goal is to influence the national discourse ... and we don ’ t have another platform where we could reach those people so easily.
” It ’ s become almost cliché to note that Twitter isn ’ t “ real life.
” But that doesn ’ t mean it has no impact .
During the 2016 campaign , Donald Trump proved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and he has continued to use it as an effective tool throughout his presidency .
Among the thousands of tweets analyzed by the Monitor , only Mr. Trump ’ s supporters rival Mr. Sanders ’ in the quantity and often vitriolic nature of their replies .
Ms. Foster is one of the top Twitter users responding directly to the five leading Democratic candidates over the past year , according to a Monitor analysis .
Of those , pro-Sanders accounts far exceed the supporters of any other Democratic campaign .
Britin Foster , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , New York , tweets and retweets hundreds of messages in support of Sen. Bernie Sanders each day .
She also puts out hundreds of replies – mostly negative – to tweets made by his rivals .
“ The Democratic party is a progressive party , ” Elizabeth Warren ’ s official account tweeted last week , “ even if there are a lot of people on the # DemDebate stage who don ’ t want to say so.
” It was a jab at all the other Democratic candidates except for Bernie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to imagine Senator Sanders ’ supporters “ liking ” that message .
But that ’ s not what happened .
The first response came one minute later from an account called @ AmazingBernie , and it featured a photoshopped image of Senator Warren ’ s head on the body of a snake .
Soon dozens of replies from Sanders supporters piled on top .
“ You ’ re a pathological liar , ” wrote someone named Paul .
“ Go away Republican , ” tweeted Robin .
“ YOU ARE NOT A PROGRESSIVE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m 1 of the Squad.
” It ’ s a recurring pattern .
A candidate from a rival campaign sends out a tweet , and within minutes it is swarmed by hundreds , or thousands , of responses that are either supportive of Mr. Sanders , scathing towards his rivals , or both .
A Monitor analysis of several hundred Twitter accounts – those most frequently responding directly to the five leading Democratic candidates over the past year – using data provided by researchers at George Washington University , found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters of any other Democratic campaign .
And while it ’ s become almost cliché to note that Twitter isn ’ t “ real life , ” that doesn ’ t mean it has no impact .
During the 2016 campaign , Donald Trump proved Twitter ’ s power in agenda-setting , and he has continued to use it as an effective tool throughout his presidency .
Among the thousands of campaign-related tweets analyzed by the Monitor , only Mr. Trump ’ s supporters rival Mr. Sanders ’ in the quantity and often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the Democratic primary race , Sanders supporters have dominated the Twitterverse in a way that data experts and political scientists say is unlike anything they ’ ve ever seen .
“ This may be a permanent change in politics , ” says Frank Sesno , director of George Washington University ’ s School of Media and Public Affairs .
“ Any candidate , when they are looking at what it takes to succeed , will come away seeing that now they have to appeal even more to the emotions , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because that emotion drives response and engagement on social media.
” With Mr. Sanders racking up wins in two of the first four primaries , the behavior of his supporters has come under sharper scrutiny .
Recently , the Bloomberg campaign launched an ad on Twitter featuring screenshots of online threats made by Sanders fans .
At the Nevada debate , Pete Buttigieg asked Mr. Sanders directly why such behavior seems to be so prominent among his supporters .
“ We do not want your support if you think that what our campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other candidates , ” Mr. Sanders said last week , when pressed on the issue during a CNN town hall .
“ We don ’ t want you .
You ’ re not part of us.
” The Vermont senator has also suggested that some of the online vitriol may actually be Russian efforts to once again interfere in a United States election .
This claim was bolstered by news that Russia may be trying to help Senator Sanders win the Democratic nomination .
But Twitter has denied this claim , saying it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And according to several social media experts , the most frequent pro-Sanders tweeters are likely real people .
Since the 2016 election , Twitter has made it much more difficult and expensive to create fake accounts .
“ I don ’ t think we can blame this on Russia , ” says Trevor Davis , a research professor at George Washington University ’ s Institute for Data , Democracy and Politics .
“ A subset of Sanders supporters shares a deep distrust in the party , ” he says .
“ Their attacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the system is rigged.
” Of the 100 accounts that have most frequently responded to Mr. Buttigieg ’ s tweets , before he dropped out of the race over the weekend , at least 55 are identifiably pro-Sanders .
Among Mr. Bloomberg ’ s top repliers , 51 are pro-Bernie .
And of Ms. Warren ’ s most frequent repliers , 25 are pro-Bernie – fewer than the others , but in some ways the most telling , since they are undermining the candidate who is ideologically closest to their own .
None @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , on the other hand , are from identifiably pro-Warren accounts .
“ Our goal is to influence the discourse ” Britin Foster , a musical booking agent who lives near Albany , New York , tweets and retweets hundreds of pro-Bernie messages a day , in addition to making hundreds of replies to other candidates ’ tweets .
When informed that she ’ s one of the top 100 repliers to both Mr. Bloomberg and Mr. Buttigieg , she says she ’ s honored by that distinction – particularly her frequent replies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as even worse than President Trump .
One of the memes featured in the former mayor ’ s commercial about online threats made by Sanders supporters , says Ms. Foster proudly , was hers .
She isn ’ t at all surprised that Sanders supporters ’ Twitter activity dwarfs everyone else ’ s .
That , after all , is the goal .
“ Calling Bloomberg out , for example – we can do that on Twitter , and the media sees it , the pundits see it , the other politicians see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Our goal is to influence the national discourse ... and we don ’ t have another platform where we could reach those people so easily.
” After MSNBC host Chris Matthews made comments on air comparing Sanders supporters to the Germans in World War II , Ms. Foster saw the outrage build on Twitter , with Sanders supporters producing memes and tweets that multiplied exponentially in no time .
Last week , Mr. Matthews made a public apology for his comments .
“ If social media weren ’ t worthwhile , then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ millions to advertise on it ?
” says Alan Jeffs , a supporter of Mr. Sanders who has already made the list of Mr. Bloomberg ’ s top responders since starting his account @ BernieOrElse a few weeks ago .
“ Twitter is the real world now , even more than it was four years ago.
” Asked about the vulgarity and outright hostility of many Sanders supporters online , both Ms. Foster and Mr. Jeffs justify it as in the service of a greater good .
If it helps Mr. Sanders get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be worth it .
Sanders supporters aren ’ t locking children in cages , says Mr. Jeffs ; they ’ re trying to ensure everyone has access to health care .
Mr. Jeffs himself is currently unemployed , and says he quit his job as a graphic designer just to qualify for Medicaid , because the Affordable Care Act didn ’ t cover his prescribed treatments .
“ It may feel like it ’ s bullying or like it ’ s blackmail , but the lower and working classes have been bullied by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Mr. Jeffs , adding that Mr. Sanders ’ supporters are just “ better at the internet ” than other candidates ’ supporters .
Indeed , many Sanders supporters believe the news media is biased against the Vermont senator , and that it ’ s up to them to hold his more moderate rivals to account .
“ Sometimes it does come out vehemently , because we see our friends , our family , our communities suffering , ” says Ms. Foster .
“ We are upset with people who are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the status quo has been shown to be enormously harmful.
” Being “ better ” at Twitter doesn ’ t necessarily give Sanders supporters a direct line to the American electorate .
A 2019 Pew Research survey found that just 22 % of U.S. adults use Twitter – fewer than one-third of those on Facebook .
And within this segment of the population , it ’ s an even smaller segment making the loudest noise , with the top 10 % of tweeters – who are much more likely to be young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all tweets .
“ I ’ m skeptical that replies on Twitter are going to affect anybody ’ s vote , ” says Nicco Mele , a lecturer with Harvard University ’ s Kennedy School who worked as webmaster on Howard Dean ’ s groundbreaking 2004 digital campaign .
Twitter helped Mr. Trump win in 2016 because of how he himself used it – and still uses it – to inform the news cycle , says Mr. Mele , not because of what his supporters are tweeting .
“ It ’ s this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on CNN , ‘ Candidate Bernie just tweeted this ’ or ‘ Bernie supporters just tweeted that , ’ ” says Mr. Mele .
“ Every day , Trump is using Twitter to drive the storyline and drive the media , and Bernie supporters aren ’ t doing that.
” Still , others warn that the vast pro-Sanders efforts directed against his Democratic rivals online may cause harm to the party ’ s ability to unify , the full extent of which may not become clear until November .
“ If the Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they will have to find a way to unite behind the nominee , ” says Mr. Davis .
“ There are some very loud voices online that could make that difficult .
”

“Calling Bloomberg out, for example – we can do that on Twitter, and the media sees it, the pundits see it, the other politicians see it,” says Ms. Foster. “Our goal is to influence the national discourse ... and we don’t have another platform where we could reach those people so easily.”
It’s become almost cliché to note that Twitter isn’t “real life.” But that doesn’t mean it has no impact. During the 2016 campaign, Donald Trump proved Twitter’s power in agenda-setting, and he has continued to use it as an effective tool throughout his presidency. Among the thousands of tweets analyzed by the Monitor, only Mr. Trump’s supporters rival Mr. Sanders’ in the quantity and often vitriolic nature of their replies.
According to a Monitor analysis, supporters of Bernie Sanders are the most active and aggressive in their responses to other campaigns on Twitter. Many say it’s all in the service of a greater good.
Ms. Foster is one of the top Twitter users responding directly to the five leading Democratic candidates over the past year, according to a Monitor analysis. Of those, pro-Sanders accounts far exceed the supporters of any other Democratic campaign.
Britin Foster, a musical booking agent who lives near Albany, New York, tweets and retweets hundreds of messages in support of Sen. Bernie Sanders each day. She also puts out hundreds of replies – mostly negative – to tweets made by his rivals.
“The Democratic party is a progressive party,” Elizabeth Warren’s official account tweeted last week, “even if there are a lot of people on the #DemDebate stage who don’t want to say so.” It was a jab at all the other Democratic candidates except for Bernie Sanders. And it’s easy to imagine Senator Sanders’ supporters “liking” that message.
But that’s not what happened.
The first response came one minute later from an account called @AmazingBernie, and it featured a photoshopped image of Senator Warren’s head on the body of a snake. Soon dozens of replies from Sanders supporters piled on top. “You’re a pathological liar,” wrote someone named Paul. “Go away Republican,” tweeted Robin. “YOU ARE NOT A PROGRESSIVE!” thundered an account named “I’m 1 of the Squad.”
Why We Wrote This According to a Monitor analysis, supporters of Bernie Sanders are the most active and aggressive in their responses to other campaigns on Twitter. Many say it’s all in the service of a greater good.
Editor’s Note: Social media accounts operated by one of the people quoted in this story, who said his name was Alan Jeffs, have subsequently been shut down by Twitter and Facebook, after a Washington Post investigation raised questions about Mr. Jeffs’s identity. The account cited at the time had been verified as authentic. Mr. Jeffs’s phone has since been disconnected.
It’s a recurring pattern. A candidate from a rival campaign sends out a tweet, and within minutes it is swarmed by hundreds, or thousands, of responses that are either supportive of Mr. Sanders, scathing towards his rivals, or both. A Monitor analysis of several hundred Twitter accounts – those most frequently responding directly to the five leading Democratic candidates over the past year – using data provided by researchers at George Washington University, found that the number of pro-Sanders accounts far exceeds supporters of any other Democratic campaign.
And while it’s become almost cliché to note that Twitter isn’t “real life,” that doesn’t mean it has no impact. During the 2016 campaign, Donald Trump proved Twitter’s power in agenda-setting, and he has continued to use it as an effective tool throughout his presidency. Among the thousands of campaign-related tweets analyzed by the Monitor, only Mr. Trump’s supporters rival Mr. Sanders’ in the quantity and often vitriolic nature of their replies.
Indeed, in the Democratic primary race, Sanders supporters have dominated the Twitterverse in a way that data experts and political scientists say is unlike anything they’ve ever seen.
“This may be a permanent change in politics,” says Frank Sesno, director of George Washington University’s School of Media and Public Affairs. “Any candidate, when they are looking at what it takes to succeed, will come away seeing that now they have to appeal even more to the emotions, and the fears, of their followers – because that emotion drives response and engagement on social media.”
With Mr. Sanders racking up wins in two of the first four primaries, the behavior of his supporters has come under sharper scrutiny. Recently, the Bloomberg campaign launched an ad on Twitter featuring screenshots of online threats made by Sanders fans. At the Nevada debate, Pete Buttigieg asked Mr. Sanders directly why such behavior seems to be so prominent among his supporters.
“We do not want your support if you think that what our campaign is about is making ugly attacks on other candidates,” Mr. Sanders said last week, when pressed on the issue during a CNN town hall. “We don’t want you. You’re not part of us.”
Damian Dovarganes/Reuters View caption Hide caption Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders and his wife, Jane, stand before supporters at a campaign event at the Los Angeles Convention Center on March 1, 2020.
The Vermont senator has also suggested that some of the online vitriol may actually be Russian efforts to once again interfere in a United States election. This claim was bolstered by news that Russia may be trying to help Senator Sanders win the Democratic nomination.
But Twitter has denied this claim, saying it would identify and disclose such activity. And according to several social media experts, the most frequent pro-Sanders tweeters are likely real people. Since the 2016 election, Twitter has made it much more difficult and expensive to create fake accounts.
“I don’t think we can blame this on Russia,” says Trevor Davis, a research professor at George Washington University’s Institute for Data, Democracy and Politics. “A subset of Sanders supporters shares a deep distrust in the party,” he says. “Their attacks on other Democrats reflect a belief that the system is rigged.”
Of the 100 accounts that have most frequently responded to Mr. Buttigieg’s tweets, before he dropped out of the race over the weekend, at least 55 are identifiably pro-Sanders. Among Mr. Bloomberg’s top repliers, 51 are pro-Bernie.
And of Ms. Warren’s most frequent repliers, 25 are pro-Bernie – fewer than the others, but in some ways the most telling, since they are undermining the candidate who is ideologically closest to their own. None of Mr. Sanders’ top 100 repliers, on the other hand, are from identifiably pro-Warren accounts.
“Our goal is to influence the discourse”
Britin Foster, a musical booking agent who lives near Albany, New York, tweets and retweets hundreds of pro-Bernie messages a day, in addition to making hundreds of replies to other candidates’ tweets.
When informed that she’s one of the top 100 repliers to both Mr. Bloomberg and Mr. Buttigieg, she says she’s honored by that distinction – particularly her frequent replies to Mr. Bloomberg, whom she regards as even worse than President Trump. One of the memes featured in the former mayor’s commercial about online threats made by Sanders supporters, says Ms. Foster proudly, was hers.
She isn’t at all surprised that Sanders supporters’ Twitter activity dwarfs everyone else’s. That, after all, is the goal.
“Calling Bloomberg out, for example – we can do that on Twitter, and the media sees it, the pundits see it, the other politicians see it,” says Ms. Foster. “Our goal is to influence the national discourse ... and we don’t have another platform where we could reach those people so easily.”
After MSNBC host Chris Matthews made comments on air comparing Sanders supporters to the Germans in World War II, Ms. Foster saw the outrage build on Twitter, with Sanders supporters producing memes and tweets that multiplied exponentially in no time. Last week, Mr. Matthews made a public apology for his comments.
“If social media weren’t worthwhile, then why is Mike Bloomberg spending hundreds of millions to advertise on it?” says Alan Jeffs, a supporter of Mr. Sanders who has already made the list of Mr. Bloomberg’s top responders since starting his account @BernieOrElse a few weeks ago. “Twitter is the real world now, even more than it was four years ago.”
Asked about the vulgarity and outright hostility of many Sanders supporters online, both Ms. Foster and Mr. Jeffs justify it as in the service of a greater good. If it helps Mr. Sanders get elected, they say, it will be worth it. Sanders supporters aren’t locking children in cages, says Mr. Jeffs; they’re trying to ensure everyone has access to health care. Mr. Jeffs himself is currently unemployed, and says he quit his job as a graphic designer just to qualify for Medicaid, because the Affordable Care Act didn’t cover his prescribed treatments.
“It may feel like it’s bullying or like it’s blackmail, but the lower and working classes have been bullied by the establishment and elite for too long,” says Mr. Jeffs, adding that Mr. Sanders’ supporters are just “better at the internet” than other candidates’ supporters.
Indeed, many Sanders supporters believe the news media is biased against the Vermont senator, and that it’s up to them to hold his more moderate rivals to account.
“Sometimes it does come out vehemently, because we see our friends, our family, our communities suffering,” says Ms. Foster. “We are upset with people who are trying to maintain the status quo, when the status quo has been shown to be enormously harmful.”
A challenge for party unity
Being “better” at Twitter doesn’t necessarily give Sanders supporters a direct line to the American electorate. A 2019 Pew Research survey found that just 22% of U.S. adults use Twitter – fewer than one-third of those on Facebook. And within this segment of the population, it’s an even smaller segment making the loudest noise, with the top 10% of tweeters – who are much more likely to be young Democratic women – generating 80% of all tweets.
“I’m skeptical that replies on Twitter are going to affect anybody’s vote,” says Nicco Mele, a lecturer with Harvard University’s Kennedy School who worked as webmaster on Howard Dean’s groundbreaking 2004 digital campaign. Twitter helped Mr. Trump win in 2016 because of how he himself used it – and still uses it – to inform the news cycle, says Mr. Mele, not because of what his supporters are tweeting.
“It’s this simple: I don’t see on CNN, ‘Candidate Bernie just tweeted this’ or ‘Bernie supporters just tweeted that,’” says Mr. Mele. “Every day, Trump is using Twitter to drive the storyline and drive the media, and Bernie supporters aren’t doing that.”
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Still, others warn that the vast pro-Sanders efforts directed against his Democratic rivals online may cause harm to the party’s ability to unify, the full extent of which may not become clear until November.
“If the Democrats want to regain the White House, they will have to find a way to unite behind the nominee,” says Mr. Davis. “There are some very loud voices online that could make that difficult.”