csmonitor--2020-06-02--Black female mayors lead deftly during Floyd protests

Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms captured the nation 's attention when she addressed the civil unrest occurring in her city after George Floyd 's death .
`` I am a mother to four black children in America , one of whom is 18 years old , '' Mayor Bottoms said Friday in a rousing speech .
`` When I saw the murder of George Floyd , I hurt like a mother . ''
Mayor Bottoms and other black female mayors , including Lori Lightfoot of Chicago , are leading some of the nation 's largest cities during an unprecedented moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overlap with the coronavirus pandemic and an economic collapse .
They 're being praised as thoughtful leaders at a time of political tumult and high-profile examples of black women seeking and winning political office across the country .
Higher Heights for America PAC , a political action committee dedicated to electing more progressive black women , said there are seven black women serving as mayors in the nation 's 100 most populous United States cities , compared to just one in 2014 .
`` Black women have always been leading and we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our communities and our nation , '' said Glynda Carr , the president and CEO of Higher Heights .
`` Our leadership was built for this moment and their unique experiences as black women , not only as Americans , has provided the type of trusted leadership that can help move this country forward . ''
The mayors have demonstrated leadership with personal connections .
Mayor Lightfoot , Chicago 's first black female mayor and first openly gay leader , frankly acknowledged America 's dark history of racism and blasted President Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters `` thugs '' and said `` when the looting starts , the shooting starts . ''
`` It 's impossible for me as a black woman who has been the target of blatant racism over the course of my life not to take the killing of George Floyd personally , '' Mayor Lightfoot said .
`` Being black in America should not be a death sentence . ''
The question is whether this moment will translate into a long-lasting higher profile for the mayors .
Mayor Bottoms , for example , was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden 's running mate before the protests .
Her stature has only risen amid the unrest .
Beyond her well-received remarks Friday , she acted swiftly two days later , firing two police officers and placing three others on desk duty over excessive use of force during a protest arrest involving two college students .
`` Use of excessive force is never acceptable , '' Mayor Bottoms told reporters .
Nadia Brown , a political science professor at Purdue University , said her research has found that many black female leaders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen as relatable figures – something that has worked in their favor at this time .
During the pandemic , residents made viral memes of Mayor Lightfoot enforcing her stay-at-home orders .
Instead of chiding them , Mayor Lightfoot embraced the moment and used it to connect with residents , Ms. Brown said .
`` I think that we 're seeing some of this play out in real time , '' Ms. Brown said .
`` She was speaking in that role of telling residents what to do from an authority figure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 's kind of a mode in which we 're seeing some other black women elected officials deal with unrest in that they 're speaking to constituents not just as an authority figure but one that is familiar . ''
Rochester , New York , Mayor Lovely Warren , who is in her second term as the first black female mayor of the state 's third-largest city , said that while black women have made strides in gaining prominence , they still face unique challenges of racism and stereotypes .
`` We 're @ @ @ @ @ @ @ institutionally built to create the disparities that it has created over generations and so we 're trying to undo the damage that has been done to prepare our children for the future , '' Mayor Warren said .
`` A lot of times we get branded with the 'angry black woman syndrome ' when we 're speaking up to a number of different issues that impact our community , but we have been built to take on the responsibility and we take it in stride . ''
`` No matter which mayor I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they have done an extraordinary job trying to balance all that 's coming toward them , '' Mayor Warren added .
Other black mayors including San Francisco 's London Breed and Muriel Bowser of Washington have also been recognized for their measured responses and handling of their communities .
A'shanti Gholar , president of Emerge America , an organization that recruits and trains Democratic women to run for office , said many of the black women in office today were entrenched in grassroots political work for decades , paving the way for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is about a movement , a movement of women extending and taking their leadership all over across the country , '' Ms. Gholar said .
`` Black women running for office and winning , it is n't an anomaly .
They 're also building up the next generation of black women elected officials and black women mayors who they 're inspiring to run . ''
Although gains have been made , Ms. Carr said there 's still much more work to be done .
Mr. Biden has pledged to pick a woman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several women of color .
No black woman has ever served as governor in the country .
Ms. Carr noted that black women make up 7.6 % of the country 's population yet account for just 4.3 % of all members of the House and 1 % of the Senate .
`` All that we celebrate about the gains we made 51 years after Shirley Chisholm became the first black woman to serve in Congress , we also recognize that the 23 million black women in this country are so underrepresented and underserved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So , we need to continue to invest in recruiting , training , and supporting black women . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms captured the nation's attention when she addressed the civil unrest occurring in her city after George Floyd's death.
"I am a mother to four black children in America, one of whom is 18 years old," Mayor Bottoms said Friday in a rousing speech. "When I saw the murder of George Floyd, I hurt like a mother."
Mayor Bottoms and other black female mayors, including Lori Lightfoot of Chicago, are leading some of the nation's largest cities during an unprecedented moment of challenge as protests against police brutality overlap with the coronavirus pandemic and an economic collapse. They're being praised as thoughtful leaders at a time of political tumult and high-profile examples of black women seeking and winning political office across the country.
Higher Heights for America PAC, a political action committee dedicated to electing more progressive black women, said there are seven black women serving as mayors in the nation's 100 most populous United States cities, compared to just one in 2014.
"Black women have always been leading and we have been the defenders of our homes, our communities and our nation," said Glynda Carr, the president and CEO of Higher Heights. "Our leadership was built for this moment and their unique experiences as black women, not only as Americans, has provided the type of trusted leadership that can help move this country forward."
The mayors have demonstrated leadership with personal connections. Mayor Lightfoot, Chicago's first black female mayor and first openly gay leader, frankly acknowledged America's dark history of racism and blasted President Donald Trump's divisive tweets in which he called protesters "thugs" and said "when the looting starts, the shooting starts."
"It's impossible for me as a black woman who has been the target of blatant racism over the course of my life not to take the killing of George Floyd personally," Mayor Lightfoot said. "Being black in America should not be a death sentence."
The question is whether this moment will translate into a long-lasting higher profile for the mayors.
Mayor Bottoms, for example, was already believed to be under consideration as Joe Biden's running mate before the protests. Her stature has only risen amid the unrest.
Beyond her well-received remarks Friday, she acted swiftly two days later, firing two police officers and placing three others on desk duty over excessive use of force during a protest arrest involving two college students.
"Use of excessive force is never acceptable," Mayor Bottoms told reporters.
Nadia Brown, a political science professor at Purdue University, said her research has found that many black female leaders, especially within their own communities, are seen as relatable figures – something that has worked in their favor at this time.
During the pandemic, residents made viral memes of Mayor Lightfoot enforcing her stay-at-home orders. Instead of chiding them, Mayor Lightfoot embraced the moment and used it to connect with residents, Ms. Brown said.
"I think that we're seeing some of this play out in real time," Ms. Brown said. "She was speaking in that role of telling residents what to do from an authority figure that seemed very familiar. And I think that's kind of a mode in which we're seeing some other black women elected officials deal with unrest in that they're speaking to constituents not just as an authority figure but one that is familiar."
Rochester, New York, Mayor Lovely Warren, who is in her second term as the first black female mayor of the state's third-largest city, said that while black women have made strides in gaining prominence, they still face unique challenges of racism and stereotypes.
"We're trying to fight a system that was institutionally built to create the disparities that it has created over generations and so we're trying to undo the damage that has been done to prepare our children for the future," Mayor Warren said. "A lot of times we get branded with the 'angry black woman syndrome' when we're speaking up to a number of different issues that impact our community, but we have been built to take on the responsibility and we take it in stride."
"No matter which mayor I look at across this country right now, they have done an extraordinary job trying to balance all that's coming toward them," Mayor Warren added.
Other black mayors including San Francisco's London Breed and Muriel Bowser of Washington have also been recognized for their measured responses and handling of their communities.
A'shanti Gholar, president of Emerge America, an organization that recruits and trains Democratic women to run for office, said many of the black women in office today were entrenched in grassroots political work for decades, paving the way for those to come behind them.
"This is about a movement, a movement of women extending and taking their leadership all over across the country," Ms. Gholar said. "Black women running for office and winning, it isn't an anomaly. They're also building up the next generation of black women elected officials and black women mayors who they're inspiring to run."
Although gains have been made, Ms. Carr said there's still much more work to be done. Mr. Biden has pledged to pick a woman as a running mate and is considering several women of color.
No black woman has ever served as governor in the country. Ms. Carr noted that black women make up 7.6% of the country's population yet account for just 4.3% of all members of the House and 1% of the Senate.
"All that we celebrate about the gains we made 51 years after Shirley Chisholm became the first black woman to serve in Congress, we also recognize that the 23 million black women in this country are so underrepresented and underserved," Ms. Carr said. "So, we need to continue to invest in recruiting, training, and supporting black women."
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csmonitor--2020-06-02--Can President Trump use the military to stop looting?

President Donald Trump 's warning that he would deploy the United States military to any state that refuses to take aggressive action against rioting rests on a longstanding presidential power that gives wide latitude to the White House , legal experts said .
But a decision to do so would be met with likely legal opposition and strong opposition from governors seeing it as an overreaction .
`` If a city or state refuses to take the actions that are necessary to defend the life and property of their residents , then I will deploy the United States military and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Mr. Trump said during a Rose Garden address as cities across the country grappled with property destruction , looting , and violent police clashes in the week since the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis .
Legal experts say the president does indeed have the authority under the Insurrection Act of 1807 to dispatch the military in states that are unable to put down an insurrection or are defying federal law .
In the past half-century , presidents have sent the military to Southern states to ensure desegregation of schools and to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1960s , and to Los Angeles after the California governor sought federal help during the 1992 riots .
Even so , the president 's comments set up an immediate conflict with officials in some states , who disputed that the president had unilateral authority to send in troops against their will .
`` The President of the United States is not a dictator , and President Trump does not and will not dominate New York state , '' New York Attorney General Letitia James said in a statement on Monday , adding that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court if need be .
The American Civil Liberties Union said it would be unnecessary to invoke the Insurrection Act – and irresponsible and dangerous .
`` No level-headed governor is asking for an even more militarized response to civilian protests against police brutality and systemic racism – for good reason , '' said ACLU National Security Project Director Hina Shamsi .
Under the law , Mr. Trump would first have to proclaim that the insurgents disperse and retire peaceably within a certain amount of time .
He could activate federal troops during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as long as specific conditions are met , such as if the violence is interfering with the execution of laws in that state .
Stephen Vladeck , a national security and constitutional law expert at the University of Texas at Austin , said on Twitter that the federal government does not necessarily need a state request before using troops for domestic law enforcement , and that the Insurrection Act is open-ended in letting the president decide when circumstances merited its use .
He said the Insurrection Act had not been used since 1992 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ using troops for domestic purposes .
`` And it 's hard to imagine courts second-guessing factual determinations by the President that circumstances warrant use of the military to restore order , '' Mr. Vladeck wrote .
`` Instead , the real constraint today might be responsibility ; if Trump invokes these statutes , he 'd own all that follows . ''
Not all experts are certain that the circumstances merit it .
Eugene Fidell , who teaches military justice at Yale Law School , said on Monday that he does not believe Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ troops without the governors ' permission in these circumstances .
`` Absent a request from the legislature or the governor of a state , I think the only way the power can be lawfully exercised is if there were an impeding of federal authority , '' he said , pointing to the example of Little Rock , Arkansas , when troops were sent in because the state was not abiding by a federal court order .
Kent Greenfield , a constitutional law professor at Boston College , said that what seems to distinguish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as school desegregation clashes – is that there 's no allegation that states are refusing to enforce federal law .
`` The president is not asserting the right to enforce federal law .
The president is asserting here the right to quell protests that are best left as a political matter and a prudential matter to the discretion of the states , '' Mr. Greenfield said .
He added , `` He has the power to enforce his law , but he is not saying that the laws are n't being enforced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being enforced the way he wants them to be enforced . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

President Donald Trump's warning that he would deploy the United States military to any state that refuses to take aggressive action against rioting rests on a longstanding presidential power that gives wide latitude to the White House, legal experts said.
But a decision to do so would be met with likely legal opposition and strong opposition from governors seeing it as an overreaction.
"If a city or state refuses to take the actions that are necessary to defend the life and property of their residents, then I will deploy the United States military and quickly solve the problem for them," Mr. Trump said during a Rose Garden address as cities across the country grappled with property destruction, looting, and violent police clashes in the week since the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.
Legal experts say the president does indeed have the authority under the Insurrection Act of 1807 to dispatch the military in states that are unable to put down an insurrection or are defying federal law.
In the past half-century, presidents have sent the military to Southern states to ensure desegregation of schools and to protect civil rights in the 1950s and 1960s, and to Los Angeles after the California governor sought federal help during the 1992 riots.
Even so, the president's comments set up an immediate conflict with officials in some states, who disputed that the president had unilateral authority to send in troops against their will.
"The President of the United States is not a dictator, and President Trump does not and will not dominate New York state," New York Attorney General Letitia James said in a statement on Monday, adding that the state was prepared to go to court if need be.
The American Civil Liberties Union said it would be unnecessary to invoke the Insurrection Act – and irresponsible and dangerous.
"No level-headed governor is asking for an even more militarized response to civilian protests against police brutality and systemic racism – for good reason," said ACLU National Security Project Director Hina Shamsi.
Under the law, Mr. Trump would first have to proclaim that the insurgents disperse and retire peaceably within a certain amount of time. He could activate federal troops during an emergency without a governor's request as long as specific conditions are met, such as if the violence is interfering with the execution of laws in that state.
Stephen Vladeck, a national security and constitutional law expert at the University of Texas at Austin, said on Twitter that the federal government does not necessarily need a state request before using troops for domestic law enforcement, and that the Insurrection Act is open-ended in letting the president decide when circumstances merited its use.
He said the Insurrection Act had not been used since 1992, partly because of the unpopularity of using troops for domestic purposes.
"And it's hard to imagine courts second-guessing factual determinations by the President that circumstances warrant use of the military to restore order," Mr. Vladeck wrote. "Instead, the real constraint today might be responsibility; if Trump invokes these statutes, he'd own all that follows."
Not all experts are certain that the circumstances merit it.
Eugene Fidell, who teaches military justice at Yale Law School, said on Monday that he does not believe Mr. Trump has the authority to send in troops without the governors' permission in these circumstances.
"Absent a request from the legislature or the governor of a state, I think the only way the power can be lawfully exercised is if there were an impeding of federal authority," he said, pointing to the example of Little Rock, Arkansas, when troops were sent in because the state was not abiding by a federal court order.
Kent Greenfield, a constitutional law professor at Boston College, said that what seems to distinguish this instance from many past ones – such as school desegregation clashes – is that there's no allegation that states are refusing to enforce federal law.
"The president is not asserting the right to enforce federal law. The president is asserting here the right to quell protests that are best left as a political matter and a prudential matter to the discretion of the states," Mr. Greenfield said.
He added, "He has the power to enforce his law, but he is not saying that the laws aren't being enforced. He is saying they're not being enforced the way he wants them to be enforced."
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
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csmonitor--2020-06-03--As nation reels, Trump’s focus is strength, not unity

“ His only strategy is to disrupt , and anything he can disrupt he will , ” says Shirley Anne Warshaw , a presidential scholar at Gettysburg College in Gettysburg , Pennsylvania .
Perhaps the most brazen moment so far of this extraordinary period came Monday , when federal law enforcement officers used chemical sprays to clear peaceful protesters from Lafayette Park , across from the White House , so that Mr. Trump could walk over to historic St. John ’ s Church .
The church ’ s basement had been briefly set ablaze the night before , and Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it while holding up a Bible was widely decried as tone-deaf .
Mr. Trump has largely eschewed the more traditional forms of unity-building .
Instead , he has sought to reinforce his image as a “ law and order ” president , with tough talk and threats to deploy federal troops across the country .
With his job approval numbers sagging enough to endanger reelection , Mr. Trump is doing what he knows best : going on the offensive .
After days of looting and mayhem in cities around the country , Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But the nation remains on edge , with President Donald Trump struggling to get his bearings amid multiple profound challenges .
“ This American carnage stops right here and stops right now , ” President Donald Trump famously asserted at his 2017 inauguration .
Mothers and children are “ trapped in poverty in our inner cities , ” rusted-out factories are “ scattered like tombstones , ” crime and gangs and drugs have “ stolen too many lives , ” the new president darkly intoned , eschewing the call to unity that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address .
At a moment of relative peace and prosperity – the nation was already years into a historic period of economic recovery – the dystopian image seemed jarring to many .
Still , the speech was classic Trump , fitting for a man elected to shake up a system that had alienated far too many Americans .
Today , however , his words have the feel of foreshadowing for a United States laid low by pandemic , economic catastrophe , and massive social unrest over racial disparity .
To be sure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to come in 2020 – not least President Trump himself – just months before the nation decides whether to give him four more years .
The pandemic , in particular , knows no politics or boundaries .
But in his response to the events that have transpired , Mr. Trump has set himself apart in the pantheon of American presidents for his seeming unwillingness even to try to unite a nation in distress .
Gen. James Mattis , Mr. Trump ’ s former Defense secretary , denounced the president ’ s approach in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magazine .
“ Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people – does not even pretend to try , ” wrote General Mattis .
“ Instead , he tries to divide us.
” Past presidents , even controversial ones like Richard Nixon , “ tried to put on a good face ” in moments of national or international strife , says David Greenberg , a historian at Rutgers University in New Brunswick , New Jersey .
But “ there ’ s a sense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any time I can remember , of just things falling apart and an absence of leadership in the White House , ” he adds .
True , Mr. Trump has voiced sympathy for George Floyd , the black man whose death in Minneapolis police custody last week sparked nationwide protests and lawlessness .
The president spoke of the Floyd tragedy at length in remarks last weekend after the successful SpaceX launch .
But Mr. Trump has not engaged in the more traditional forms of unity-building , such as an address to the nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reinforce his image as a “ law and order ” president , flooding the Twitterverse with tough talk and threatening to deploy federal troops across the country after berating “ weak ” governors for failing to control the streets .
Defense Secretary Mark Esper broke with Mr. Trump Wednesday and said that he does not support invoking the Insurrection Act , a rarely used 1807 statute that the president could use to deploy active-duty troops on American soil .
But he left open the possibility that such forces could be deployed if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter of last resort and only in the most urgent and dire situations.
” Perhaps the most brazen moment so far of this extraordinary period came Monday , when federal law enforcement officers swept through Lafayette Park , across Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House , using rubber pellets and chemical sprays to clear away largely peaceful protesters .
The reason : Mr. Trump ’ s decision to walk to historic St. John ’ s Church , located on the far side of the park , and hold up a Bible .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set ablaze the night before , a moment of horror captured on live television .
Though applauded by his supporters , the visit was widely decried by many others – including church leaders – as a tone-deaf photo op that featured a lineup of top aides who are all white .
But actions such as the aggressive clearing of Lafayette Park , which was reportedly ordered by Attorney General William Barr , are in keeping with the president ’ s style .
“ His only strategy is to disrupt , and anything he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shirley Anne Warshaw , a presidential scholar at Gettysburg College in Gettysburg , Pennsylvania .
After looting and mayhem in cities around the country on Monday night , Tuesday night ’ s protests were largely peaceful .
But the nation remains on edge , with a president struggling to get his bearings amid multiple profound challenges , any of which on its own would try a chief executive .
His presidency at a critical juncture , with job approval numbers sagging enough to endanger reelection , Mr. Trump is doing what he knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For Mr. Trump , a big fear is appearing weak , say political analysts and those who know him .
When reports came out that the Secret Service had briefly moved him Friday night to the bunker under the White House , as protests flared outside , a thousand unflattering memes were launched .
On Wednesday , the president denied that he went to the bunker to protect his safety but rather said he was there to do “ a short inspection.
” Sometimes Mr. Trump ’ s efforts to appear strong end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he tweeted “ looting leads to shooting ” and warned that “ vicious dogs ” would greet any protesters who breach the White House fence , he – whether intentionally or not – conjured painful images of the civil rights era and before that , slavery .
The “ looting-shooting ” comment echoed the words of Miami ’ s aggressive police chief in 1967 .
Dogs were deployed to attack black protesters in the 1960s , and before that , slaves .
In the eyes of Florida Democratic Rep. Val Demings , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the president ’ s incendiary tweeting amounts to “ walking around with gasoline.
” But he ’ s remained undaunted in his use of Twitter , issuing a flood of tweets defending his record on race .
“ My Admin has done more for the Black Community than any President since Abraham Lincoln , ” begins a tweet from Tuesday pinned at the top of his account .
The pandemic has shattered the Trump economy , until recently his strongest argument for reelection .
Though strongly Democratic , the African American vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trump campaign , with hopes of peeling off just enough black voters in key states to keep Mr. Biden at bay .
Now , Mr. Trump is doubling down on law and order .
His threat to use the Insurrection Act , though apparently now receding as a possibility , has renewed discussion about how he relates to the states within the American federalist system .
Mr. Trump often defers responsibility to governors , such as in the acquisition of medical supplies to fight the coronavirus , but also projects power by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that would boost his image of strength .
“ There ’ s a reason we don ’ t send our federal troops internally , ” says Thaddeus Hoffmeister , a law professor at the University of Dayton .
“ Only in extreme cases do you want one person in control of everything.
” In most of the incidents in the 1960s when the act was invoked , the governors had requested help .
“ That ’ s not the case here , ” he says .
Professor Hoffmeister suggests there may be rhetorical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unrest an “ insurrection , ” but “ I don ’ t recall an insurrection where law enforcement actually takes knees with so-called insurrectionists.
” William Banks , a professor emeritus of law at Syracuse University , says Mr. Trump has the right to invoke the law , but notes that it was envisioned for a much larger threat than what we ’ re seeing now .
“ You want to come to the aid of the states when states can ’ t take care of themselves , ” he says .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump is trying not to appear weak during a domestic crisis , says Professor Banks .
But at the same time , he adds , past uses of the law have been unpopular , and governors in crisis-ridden states today might welcome having Mr. Trump seize the spotlight – and take on any blame .
The danger for Mr. Trump , as he surveys a nation under siege from many directions , is that he may look increasingly small .
“ The fact that he stopped having the daily briefings is a very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” says George Edwards , a presidential scholar at Texas A & M University .
“ He has nothing to say – no proposals , no empathy.
” Still , despite everything , it ’ s far too early to discount Mr. Trump ’ s chances of winning reelection .
Trump biographer Gwenda Blair is reminded of Mr. Trump ’ s period of intense acquisition in the 1980s , when he took on a giant yacht , a football team , an airline , the Plaza Hotel , and three casinos in Atlantic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursuit of making that brand as big as possible , a juggernaut , and he ’ d be able to ride over anything , ” Ms. Blair says .
By the end of the decade , Mr. Trump was headed for multiple rounds of corporate bankruptcy .
But with the help of the banks , he still came out on top .
“ It worked , ” Ms. Blair says .
“ You tell people what they want to hear , and they ’ ll follow you .
”

“His only strategy is to disrupt, and anything he can disrupt he will,” says Shirley Anne Warshaw, a presidential scholar at Gettysburg College in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.
Perhaps the most brazen moment so far of this extraordinary period came Monday, when federal law enforcement officers used chemical sprays to clear peaceful protesters from Lafayette Park, across from the White House, so that Mr. Trump could walk over to historic St. John’s Church . The church’s basement had been briefly set ablaze the night before, and Mr. Trump’s decision to pose outside it while holding up a Bible was widely decried as tone-deaf.
Beset by an unprecedented series of crises – from the pandemic and economic catastrophe to unrest over racial disparity – President Donald Trump has made little effort to strike a note of healing.
Mr. Trump has largely eschewed the more traditional forms of unity-building. Instead, he has sought to reinforce his image as a “law and order” president, with tough talk and threats to deploy federal troops across the country. With his job approval numbers sagging enough to endanger reelection, Mr. Trump is doing what he knows best: going on the offensive.
After days of looting and mayhem in cities around the country, Tuesday night’s protests were largely peaceful. But the nation remains on edge, with President Donald Trump struggling to get his bearings amid multiple profound challenges.
“This American carnage stops right here and stops right now,” President Donald Trump famously asserted at his 2017 inauguration.
Mothers and children are “trapped in poverty in our inner cities,” rusted-out factories are “scattered like tombstones,” crime and gangs and drugs have “stolen too many lives,” the new president darkly intoned, eschewing the call to unity that is the usual hallmark of an inaugural address.
At a moment of relative peace and prosperity – the nation was already years into a historic period of economic recovery – the dystopian image seemed jarring to many. Still, the speech was classic Trump, fitting for a man elected to shake up a system that had alienated far too many Americans.
Why We Wrote This Beset by an unprecedented series of crises – from the pandemic and economic catastrophe to unrest over racial disparity – President Donald Trump has made little effort to strike a note of healing.
Today, however, his words have the feel of foreshadowing for a United States laid low by pandemic, economic catastrophe, and massive social unrest over racial disparity.
To be sure, no one could have predicted what was to come in 2020 – not least President Trump himself – just months before the nation decides whether to give him four more years. The pandemic, in particular, knows no politics or boundaries. But in his response to the events that have transpired, Mr. Trump has set himself apart in the pantheon of American presidents for his seeming unwillingness even to try to unite a nation in distress.
Gen. James Mattis, Mr. Trump’s former Defense secretary, denounced the president’s approach in a statement published Wednesday by the Atlantic magazine. “Donald Trump is the first president in my lifetime who does not try to unite the American people – does not even pretend to try,” wrote General Mattis. “Instead, he tries to divide us.”
“Law and order” president
Past presidents, even controversial ones like Richard Nixon, “tried to put on a good face” in moments of national or international strife, says David Greenberg, a historian at Rutgers University in New Brunswick, New Jersey. But “there’s a sense in America right now, more than any time I can remember, of just things falling apart and an absence of leadership in the White House,” he adds.
Mr. Trump has voiced sympathy for George Floyd, the black man whose death in Minneapolis police custody last week sparked nationwide protests and lawlessness. The president spoke of the Floyd tragedy at length in remarks last weekend after the successful SpaceX launch.
But Mr. Trump has not engaged in the more traditional forms of unity-building, such as an address to the nation. Instead, he has sought to reinforce his image as a “law and order” president, flooding the Twitterverse with tough talk and threatening to deploy federal troops across the country after berating “weak” governors for failing to control the streets.
Defense Secretary Mark Esper broke with Mr. Trump Wednesday and said that he does not support invoking the Insurrection Act, a rarely used 1807 statute that the president could use to deploy active-duty troops on American soil. But he left open the possibility that such forces could be deployed if the situation grew worse, “as a matter of last resort and only in the most urgent and dire situations.”
Perhaps the most brazen moment so far of this extraordinary period came Monday, when federal law enforcement officers swept through Lafayette Park, across Pennsylvania Avenue from the White House, using rubber pellets and chemical sprays to clear away largely peaceful protesters.
The reason: Mr. Trump’s decision to walk to historic St. John’s Church, located on the far side of the park, and hold up a Bible. The church’s basement had been briefly set ablaze the night before, a moment of horror captured on live television. Though applauded by his supporters, the visit was widely decried by many others – including church leaders – as a tone-deaf photo op that featured a lineup of top aides who are all white.
But actions such as the aggressive clearing of Lafayette Park, which was reportedly ordered by Attorney General William Barr, are in keeping with the president’s style.
“His only strategy is to disrupt, and anything he can disrupt he will,” says Shirley Anne Warshaw, a presidential scholar at Gettysburg College in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania.
After looting and mayhem in cities around the country on Monday night, Tuesday night’s protests were largely peaceful. But the nation remains on edge, with a president struggling to get his bearings amid multiple profound challenges, any of which on its own would try a chief executive.
His presidency at a critical juncture, with job approval numbers sagging enough to endanger reelection, Mr. Trump is doing what he knows best: going on the offensive.
For Mr. Trump, a big fear is appearing weak, say political analysts and those who know him. When reports came out that the Secret Service had briefly moved him Friday night to the bunker under the White House, as protests flared outside, a thousand unflattering memes were launched. On Wednesday, the president denied that he went to the bunker to protect his safety but rather said he was there to do “a short inspection.”
Sometimes Mr. Trump’s efforts to appear strong end up backfiring. Last Friday, when he tweeted “looting leads to shooting” and warned that “vicious dogs” would greet any protesters who breach the White House fence, he – whether intentionally or not – conjured painful images of the civil rights era and before that, slavery. The “looting-shooting” comment echoed the words of Miami’s aggressive police chief in 1967. Dogs were deployed to attack black protesters in the 1960s, and before that, slaves.
In the eyes of Florida Democratic Rep. Val Demings, an African American and former Orlando police chief who is on presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden's short list for a running mate, the president’s incendiary tweeting amounts to “walking around with gasoline.”
But he’s remained undaunted in his use of Twitter, issuing a flood of tweets defending his record on race.
“My Admin has done more for the Black Community than any President since Abraham Lincoln,” begins a tweet from Tuesday pinned at the top of his account.
A projection of strength
The pandemic has shattered the Trump economy, until recently his strongest argument for reelection. Though strongly Democratic, the African American vote had been seen as fertile ground by the Trump campaign, with hopes of peeling off just enough black voters in key states to keep Mr. Biden at bay.
Now, Mr. Trump is doubling down on law and order. His threat to use the Insurrection Act, though apparently now receding as a possibility, has renewed discussion about how he relates to the states within the American federalist system. Mr. Trump often defers responsibility to governors, such as in the acquisition of medical supplies to fight the coronavirus, but also projects power by threatening the use of an old law that would boost his image of strength.
“There’s a reason we don’t send our federal troops internally,” says Thaddeus Hoffmeister, a law professor at the University of Dayton. “Only in extreme cases do you want one person in control of everything.”
In most of the incidents in the 1960s when the act was invoked, the governors had requested help. “That’s not the case here,” he says.
Professor Hoffmeister suggests there may be rhetorical value for the president in labeling the unrest an “insurrection,” but “I don’t recall an insurrection where law enforcement actually takes knees with so-called insurrectionists.”
William Banks, a professor emeritus of law at Syracuse University, says Mr. Trump has the right to invoke the law, but notes that it was envisioned for a much larger threat than what we’re seeing now.
“You want to come to the aid of the states when states can’t take care of themselves,” he says.
By threatening to invoke the act, Mr. Trump is trying not to appear weak during a domestic crisis, says Professor Banks. But at the same time, he adds, past uses of the law have been unpopular, and governors in crisis-ridden states today might welcome having Mr. Trump seize the spotlight – and take on any blame.
The danger for Mr. Trump, as he surveys a nation under siege from many directions, is that he may look increasingly small.
“The fact that he stopped having the daily briefings is a very good example of his shrinking presidency,” says George Edwards, a presidential scholar at Texas A&M University. “He has nothing to say – no proposals, no empathy.”
Still, despite everything, it’s far too early to discount Mr. Trump’s chances of winning reelection.
Trump biographer Gwenda Blair is reminded of Mr. Trump’s period of intense acquisition in the 1980s, when he took on a giant yacht, a football team, an airline, the Plaza Hotel, and three casinos in Atlantic City.
“It was all in pursuit of making that brand as big as possible, a juggernaut, and he’d be able to ride over anything,” Ms. Blair says.
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By the end of the decade, Mr. Trump was headed for multiple rounds of corporate bankruptcy. But with the help of the banks, he still came out on top.
“It worked,” Ms. Blair says. “You tell people what they want to hear, and they’ll follow you.”


csmonitor--2020-06-03--Trump and the (not so new) battle over government oversight

“ If you want government to be honest , then Congress has to have the right to investigate , inspector generals have to have the right to investigate , whistleblowers have to whistle , ” says former Senate historian Don Ritchie .
Temptations to abuse power abound in every administration , he notes .
They need to be thwarted .
Since early April , President Donald Trump has fired , transferred , or moved to replace five inspectors general or acting IGs , as well as a whistleblower scientist who crossed the president on the coronavirus .
They were in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pentagon , and they were looking into sensitive matters , such as favoritism , federal spending , and preparedness on the pandemic .
One fired inspector general , Michael Atkinson of the intelligence community , received the whistleblower tip that triggered the impeachment inquiry .
The American battle over government accountability is as old as the Constitution .
But obliging the government to control itself has gotten harder , particularly when it comes to oversight of presidents and their administrations .
Polarized partisanship accounts for much of the problem .
Parties in Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the president .
In the process , they cede more power to the executive branch .
Ask Don Ritchie about the furor over President Donald Trump ’ s recent targeting of five internal watchdogs from prominent government agencies , and the former Senate historian cites James Madison ’ s argument for a government with checks and balances .
“ If men were angels ” there would be no need for government , the Founding Father posed , and if angels ruled , there would be no need for controls on government .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ concluded : “ You must first enable the government to control the governed ; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.
” But obliging the government to control itself has gotten harder , particularly when it comes to oversight of presidents and their administrations , say Mr. Ritchie and others inside and outside government .
Polarized partisanship accounts for much of the problem .
Parties in Congress walk in lockstep with – or against – the president .
In the process , they cede more power to the executive branch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s lawyers sought to strengthen that shift by arguing against certain congressional subpoena power before the Supreme Court .
Additionally , the government ’ s inspectors general – the independent guardians against waste , fraud , and abuse within federal agencies – are in the president ’ s crosshairs , with little complaint from his party , which controls the Senate .
“ If you want government to be honest , then Congress has to have the right to investigate , inspector generals have to have the right to investigate , whistleblowers have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Temptations to abuse power abound in every administration , he notes .
They need to be thwarted .
One of the most recent inspectors general to lose his job , Steve Linick , was fired from his State Department post May 15 , reportedly while investigating arms sales to Saudi Arabia and looking into misusing a political appointee for errands for the secretary and his wife .
Today he met virtually with lawmakers from the House and Senate , defending the integrity of his work .
Since early April , President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to replace four other inspectors general or acting IGs , as well as a whistleblower scientist who crossed the president on the coronavirus .
They were in high-profile departments such as intelligence and the Pentagon , and they were looking into sensitive matters , such as favoritism , federal spending , and preparedness on the pandemic .
One fired inspector general , Michael Atkinson of the intelligence community , received the whistleblower tip that triggered the impeachment inquiry .
The president nominated a permanent replacement for the acting inspector general at Health and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she released a report on shortages on coronavirus testing and protective gear ; ousted Glenn Fine from acting inspector general at the Pentagon after he was selected to oversee more than $ 2 trillion in coronavirus spending ; and removed the Department of Transportation ’ s acting Inspector General Mitchell Behm amid reports of favoritism by the department secretary .
Danielle Brian , executive director for the Project on Government Oversight , says she is “ increasingly alarmed ” that a weak response from Congress is being perceived as a green light for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the inspector general system .
That produces a “ chilling effect ” in the IG offices and discourages potential whistleblowers , says Ms. Brian , whose organization describes itself as a non-partisan independent watchdog .
“ In a way , it ’ s really clever of the White House to target this particular universe of offices … because they are uniquely able to ferret out misconduct and corruption , which is why they were created in the first place , ” she says .
Today ’ s corps of 74 inspectors general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Watergate scandal , which led to President Nixon ’ s resignation in 1974 .
Created by Congress , the posts are meant to be independent , nonpartisan watchdogs inside the government who conduct audits and investigate wrongdoing .
People can report tips to them , and IG offices can investigate those tips , make findings , and recommend changes .
They report to both the agency head and to Congress .
In recent years , inspectors general have found the armed services lax in reporting sex offenders to the FBI ; concluded that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ links between the Trump campaign and Russia ( strongly disputed by the president and still being investigated today ) ; and that a troubled solar panel company , Solyndra , misled federal officials and cost taxpayers half a billion dollars during the Obama administration .
They have uncovered the torture of post-9/11 detainees , and billions in waste in Afghanistan reconstruction projects .
Ms. Brian calls President Trump ’ s actions against these agency guardians an unprecedented attack that she believes is not over yet .
Critics of the president ’ s rapid-fire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complain that replacements are political allies of Mr. Trump with conflicts of interest .
Republican Sen. Charles Grassley of Iowa , who has vigorously defended inspectors general and whistleblowers over his long career , wrote to the president demanding he follow the law , requiring a full explanation for the firings .
Last week the White House responded , defending the president ’ s right to remove an inspector general in whom he simply has lost confidence .
Democratic Rep. Gerry Connolly of Virginia , of the House Oversight Committee , says he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s letter-writing .
“ Where ’ s the firebrand Chuck Grassley who ’ s the Thor with the hammer protecting the independence of IGs and insisting on oversight and accountability no matter what it takes ?
” asks Representative Connolly .
The congressman has co-written a bill that would further protect inspectors general from undue political influence and retribution by allowing removal only for cause , and by requiring documentation of that to Congress .
The law allows the president broad discretion , and when it ’ s unchecked , it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says former Rep. Tom Davis , a Virginia Republican who chaired the House oversight committee during the presidency of George W. Bush .
The president is well within his rights , he says , but he doesn ’ t believe the law envisioned retaliatory firings or “ these particular cases.
” He adds that in his experience , “ not all IGs are good.
” Indeed , in 2008 Congress added a special council to oversee inspectors general .
But the problem with oversight is bigger than the IG law , says Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen over the last 20 years is a huge transfer of power from Congress to the executive branch , ” he says .
“ This has been going on for some time .
The president just accelerated it.
” Congressional investigations of the executive branch tend to be highly partisan in divided government – think of the months that Republicans spent investigating the Benghazi attack under President Barack Obama , and of course , the impeachment of President Trump , says Ms. Brian .
“ For successful oversight , you ’ ve got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public will not see the effort as legitimate , ” she says .
She points out that the Obama administration prosecuted more whistleblowers than any other administration .
President Obama also fired an inspector general over a sensitive matter saying merely that he lacked confidence in the official .
But the hue and cry , including congressional investigation , over that one case held a lesson for the president and that was the last time he did that .
“ We have been trying to enhance protection for IGs since the Bush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Ms. Brian .
Ms. Brian says she is working on inspector-general reform legislation with Senator Grassley ’ s office and reaching out to a few other Republicans in the Senate – the chokepoint of any such reform because of GOP loyalty to the president .
The IGs need “ guardrails ” she says .
They need “ for-cause ” removal protections , and also ways to prevent sidelining of their investigations when they leave their posts ; they should not be replaced temporarily by the president ’ s political allies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope ” in the interest of a few other Senate Republicans .
And anecdotally , she was pleased that when she appeared as a guest on a recent C-SPAN show , about half of the Republican callers said that firing the inspectors general “ was not OK. ” “ This is the kind of accountability … in government that is important to conservative values , and it is making more Republicans uncomfortable than we ’ ve seen before , ” she says .
Others are less optimistic , with Mr. Davis predicting that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and that more tussles between Congress and the president will end up in court .
A Supreme Court ruling against congressional subpoenas of the president ’ s financial records would “ completely upend the ability of Congress to do any meaningful oversight at all , ” says Representative Connolly .
Mr. Ritchie suspects that the tightening of the IG system will wait until after the election , when a consensus develops that “ something is wrong.
” That ’ s what happened after Watergate .
“ I ’ ve lived through a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says , “ and they do tend , in the end , to right themselves .
”

Checks and balances: Everybody wants accountability in government. Except, at times, those governing. President Trump’s targeting of inspectors general is one more example of why oversight has become harder.
“If you want government to be honest, then Congress has to have the right to investigate, inspector generals have to have the right to investigate, whistleblowers have to whistle,” says former Senate historian Don Ritchie. Temptations to abuse power abound in every administration, he notes. They need to be thwarted.
Since early April, President Donald Trump has fired, transferred, or moved to replace five inspectors general or acting IGs, as well as a whistleblower scientist who crossed the president on the coronavirus. They were in high-profile departments such as intelligence and the Pentagon, and they were looking into sensitive matters, such as favoritism, federal spending, and preparedness on the pandemic. One fired inspector general, Michael Atkinson of the intelligence community, received the whistleblower tip that triggered the impeachment inquiry.
The American battle over government accountability is as old as the Constitution. But obliging the government to control itself has gotten harder, particularly when it comes to oversight of presidents and their administrations. Polarized partisanship accounts for much of the problem. Parties in Congress walk in lockstep with – or against – the president. In the process, they cede more power to the executive branch.
Ask Don Ritchie about the furor over President Donald Trump’s recent targeting of five internal watchdogs from prominent government agencies, and the former Senate historian cites James Madison’s argument for a government with checks and balances.
“If men were angels” there would be no need for government, the Founding Father posed, and if angels ruled, there would be no need for controls on government. Since neither is the case, Madison concluded: “You must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.”
But obliging the government to control itself has gotten harder, particularly when it comes to oversight of presidents and their administrations, say Mr. Ritchie and others inside and outside government.
Why We Wrote This Checks and balances: Everybody wants accountability in government. Except, at times, those governing. President Trump’s targeting of inspectors general is one more example of why oversight has become harder.
Polarized partisanship accounts for much of the problem. Parties in Congress walk in lockstep with – or against – the president. In the process, they cede more power to the executive branch.
In May, President Trump’s lawyers sought to strengthen that shift by arguing against certain congressional subpoena power before the Supreme Court. Additionally, the government’s inspectors general – the independent guardians against waste, fraud, and abuse within federal agencies – are in the president’s crosshairs, with little complaint from his party, which controls the Senate.
“If you want government to be honest, then Congress has to have the right to investigate, inspector generals have to have the right to investigate, whistleblowers have to whistle,” says Mr. Ritchie. Temptations to abuse power abound in every administration, he notes. They need to be thwarted.
Congressional response
One of the most recent inspectors general to lose his job, Steve Linick, was fired from his State Department post May 15, reportedly while investigating arms sales to Saudi Arabia and looking into misusing a political appointee for errands for the secretary and his wife. Today he met virtually with lawmakers from the House and Senate, defending the integrity of his work.
Since early April, President Trump has fired, transferred, or moved to replace four other inspectors general or acting IGs, as well as a whistleblower scientist who crossed the president on the coronavirus.
They were in high-profile departments such as intelligence and the Pentagon, and they were looking into sensitive matters, such as favoritism, federal spending, and preparedness on the pandemic. One fired inspector general, Michael Atkinson of the intelligence community, received the whistleblower tip that triggered the impeachment inquiry.
The president nominated a permanent replacement for the acting inspector general at Health and Human Services, Christi Grimm, after she released a report on shortages on coronavirus testing and protective gear; ousted Glenn Fine from acting inspector general at the Pentagon after he was selected to oversee more than $2 trillion in coronavirus spending; and removed the Department of Transportation’s acting Inspector General Mitchell Behm amid reports of favoritism by the department secretary.
Danielle Brian, executive director for the Project on Government Oversight, says she is “increasingly alarmed” that a weak response from Congress is being perceived as a green light for the president to wage “war” on the inspector general system. That produces a “chilling effect” in the IG offices and discourages potential whistleblowers, says Ms. Brian, whose organization describes itself as a non-partisan independent watchdog.
“In a way, it’s really clever of the White House to target this particular universe of offices … because they are uniquely able to ferret out misconduct and corruption, which is why they were created in the first place,” she says.
Watergate legacy
Today’s corps of 74 inspectors general has its roots in reforms following the Watergate scandal, which led to President Nixon’s resignation in 1974. Created by Congress, the posts are meant to be independent, nonpartisan watchdogs inside the government who conduct audits and investigate wrongdoing. People can report tips to them, and IG offices can investigate those tips, make findings, and recommend changes. They report to both the agency head and to Congress.
In recent years, inspectors general have found the armed services lax in reporting sex offenders to the FBI; concluded that the FBI had cause to investigate alleged links between the Trump campaign and Russia (strongly disputed by the president and still being investigated today); and that a troubled solar panel company, Solyndra, misled federal officials and cost taxpayers half a billion dollars during the Obama administration. They have uncovered the torture of post-9/11 detainees, and billions in waste in Afghanistan reconstruction projects.
Ms. Brian calls President Trump’s actions against these agency guardians an unprecedented attack that she believes is not over yet. Critics of the president’s rapid-fire changes describe them as retaliatory, and complain that replacements are political allies of Mr. Trump with conflicts of interest.
Republican Sen. Charles Grassley of Iowa, who has vigorously defended inspectors general and whistleblowers over his long career, wrote to the president demanding he follow the law, requiring a full explanation for the firings. Last week the White House responded, defending the president’s right to remove an inspector general in whom he simply has lost confidence.
Democratic Rep. Gerry Connolly of Virginia, of the House Oversight Committee, says he is not impressed with Senator Grassley’s letter-writing.
“Where’s the firebrand Chuck Grassley who’s the Thor with the hammer protecting the independence of IGs and insisting on oversight and accountability no matter what it takes?” asks Representative Connolly. The congressman has co-written a bill that would further protect inspectors general from undue political influence and retribution by allowing removal only for cause, and by requiring documentation of that to Congress.
Transfer of power
The law allows the president broad discretion, and when it’s unchecked, it’s going to get taken advantage of, says former Rep. Tom Davis, a Virginia Republican who chaired the House oversight committee during the presidency of George W. Bush. The president is well within his rights, he says, but he doesn’t believe the law envisioned retaliatory firings or “these particular cases.” He adds that in his experience, “not all IGs are good.” Indeed, in 2008 Congress added a special council to oversee inspectors general.
But the problem with oversight is bigger than the IG law, says Mr. Davis. “What we’ve seen over the last 20 years is a huge transfer of power from Congress to the executive branch,” he says.
“This has been going on for some time. The president just accelerated it.”
Congressional investigations of the executive branch tend to be highly partisan in divided government – think of the months that Republicans spent investigating the Benghazi attack under President Barack Obama, and of course, the impeachment of President Trump, says Ms. Brian. “For successful oversight, you’ve got to have buy-in from both sides or the public will not see the effort as legitimate,” she says.
She points out that the Obama administration prosecuted more whistleblowers than any other administration. President Obama also fired an inspector general over a sensitive matter saying merely that he lacked confidence in the official. But the hue and cry, including congressional investigation, over that one case held a lesson for the president and that was the last time he did that.
“We have been trying to enhance protection for IGs since the Bush administration. This was a foreseeable problem,” says Ms. Brian.
Conservative values
Ms. Brian says she is working on inspector-general reform legislation with Senator Grassley’s office and reaching out to a few other Republicans in the Senate – the chokepoint of any such reform because of GOP loyalty to the president. The IGs need “guardrails” she says. They need “for-cause” removal protections, and also ways to prevent sidelining of their investigations when they leave their posts; they should not be replaced temporarily by the president’s political allies.
She sees a “glimmer of hope” in the interest of a few other Senate Republicans. And anecdotally, she was pleased that when she appeared as a guest on a recent C-SPAN show, about half of the Republican callers said that firing the inspectors general “was not OK.”
“This is the kind of accountability … in government that is important to conservative values, and it is making more Republicans uncomfortable than we’ve seen before,” she says.
Others are less optimistic, with Mr. Davis predicting that things get worse before they get better, and that more tussles between Congress and the president will end up in court. A Supreme Court ruling against congressional subpoenas of the president’s financial records would “completely upend the ability of Congress to do any meaningful oversight at all,” says Representative Connolly.
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Mr. Ritchie suspects that the tightening of the IG system will wait until after the election, when a consensus develops that “something is wrong.” That’s what happened after Watergate.
“I’ve lived through a lot of big scandals,” he says, “and they do tend, in the end, to right themselves.”


csmonitor--2020-06-03--The perilous choice of protesting during coronavirus

Dear reader : Thousands of Americans have marched in big cities in recent days to protest police brutality and years of law enforcement-related killings of African Americans .
In doing so , are they increasing the risk of a new wave of coronavirus outbreaks , by engaging in just the sort of mass gathering that health authorities have warned us to avoid as states slowly reopen from COVID-19 shutdowns ?
This is not a comment on demonstrators ’ purpose .
Monitor writers have covered the meaning and historical context of the protest explosion in numerous other stories since they began @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on beaches were getting shamed on social media .
The crowds that have turned up in Washington , New York , Los Angeles , and other metropolises this week are big , and densely packed .
Social distancing in that context is almost impossible – though masks are a help .
Dr. Anthony Fauci – probably the most famous epidemiologist in America – continues to warn against big public gatherings , though he has stopped short of talking about the George Floyd protests directly .
In a June 2 interview with the Journal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mentioned the protest context but Dr. Fauci shifted focus a bit in his response .
“ Pictures , photos , and TV clips of people very much congregated , no masks together , very closely congregated on a boardwalk , on a beach , in a pool , has been and continues to be a concern to me , ” Dr. Fauci said .
Some other health experts and politicians have said that systemic racism and police brutality are also public health threats and thus it is understandable that people have gone straight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nothing else , this is a serious public health messaging challenge , pointed out NBC ’ s Suzy Khimm on Twitter June 3 .
On the one hand , authorities have said for months to be as isolated as possible .
On the other hand , suddenly it ’ s OK to go to mass events – but only certain ones .
The whole thing points out that instead of an all-or-nothing approach America may need a middle way to manage the risks inherent in living life during a pandemic .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t know what the COVID-19 risks of these protests are yet .
We will have a better idea in a few weeks , ” writes Ms. Khimm .
Let us know what you ’ re thinking at csmpolitics @ csmonitor.com

Dear reader:
Thousands of Americans have marched in big cities in recent days to protest police brutality and years of law enforcement-related killings of African Americans.
In doing so, are they increasing the risk of a new wave of coronavirus outbreaks, by engaging in just the sort of mass gathering that health authorities have warned us to avoid as states slowly reopen from COVID-19 shutdowns?
This is not a comment on demonstrators’ purpose. Monitor writers have covered the meaning and historical context of the protest explosion in numerous other stories since they began.
But only weeks ago Americans congregating on beaches were getting shamed on social media. The crowds that have turned up in Washington, New York, Los Angeles, and other metropolises this week are big, and densely packed. Social distancing in that context is almost impossible – though masks are a help.
Dr. Anthony Fauci – probably the most famous epidemiologist in America – continues to warn against big public gatherings, though he has stopped short of talking about the George Floyd protests directly. In a June 2 interview with the Journal of the American Medical Association a questioner mentioned the protest context but Dr. Fauci shifted focus a bit in his response.
“Pictures, photos, and TV clips of people very much congregated, no masks together, very closely congregated on a boardwalk, on a beach, in a pool, has been and continues to be a concern to me,” Dr. Fauci said.
Some other health experts and politicians have said that systemic racism and police brutality are also public health threats and thus it is understandable that people have gone straight from lockdown to the streets.
If nothing else, this is a serious public health messaging challenge, pointed out NBC’s Suzy Khimm on Twitter June 3. On the one hand, authorities have said for months to be as isolated as possible. On the other hand, suddenly it’s OK to go to mass events – but only certain ones.
The whole thing points out that instead of an all-or-nothing approach America may need a middle way to manage the risks inherent in living life during a pandemic.
“The bottom line is we just don’t know what the COVID-19 risks of these protests are yet. We will have a better idea in a few weeks,” writes Ms. Khimm.
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com
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csmonitor--2020-06-03--A bid for real change: Legislators examine police use of force

A wave of police killings of young black men in 2014 prompted 24 states to quickly pass some type of law enforcement reform , but many declined to address the most glaring issue : police use of force .
Six years later , only about a third of states have passed laws on the question .
The issue is at the heart of nationwide protests set off by the May 25 death of George Floyd , a black man who died after a white police officer in Minneapolis pressed a knee into Mr. Floyd 's neck for several minutes while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some lawmakers and governors are hoping to harness the renewed wave of anger to push through changes on the use of force they could n't manage after 2014 , a year that included the deaths at the hands of police of Michael Brown in Ferguson , Missouri , Eric Garner in New York , and 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Cleveland .
`` We 're absolutely at a point in time where we have to do more , '' said Maryland state Del .
Vanessa Atterbeary , a Democrat who will chair a working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up use-of-force standards for that state .
Pushback from politically influential law enforcement unions prompted some states ' use-of-force proposals to stall , while others have opted for voluntary programs to change policing practices .
In some states , lawmakers have even broadened the powers of police , such as increasing penalties for those who attack officers or , as in Tennessee and Utah , limiting the power of independent review boards that investigate police conduct .
As of August 2018 , at least 16 states had passed use-of-force laws , according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A handful of those directly restricted what police could do .
In Utah and Missouri , for example , force used by officers must be `` reasonable and necessary . ''
Colorado has banned chokeholds , the maneuver used on Mr. Garner .
Other laws created task forces to set new standards , boosted training , or improved tracking of officers ' use of guns and deadly force .
In 2014 , Republican-led Wisconsin became the first state in the country to enact a law requiring outside investigations when people die in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state 's largest police union .
This week , Democratic Gov .
Tony Evers asked the Legislature to go further and pass a bill that would require law enforcement agencies to minimize the use of force and prioritize preserving life .
In New Jersey , Democratic Gov .
Phil Murphy and the attorney general said Tuesday they will update state guidelines governing police use of force for the first time in two decades .
Despite the sense in many places that this moment could produce real change , challenges remain .
Police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers ' use of deadly force and are politically potent in most states .
Paige Fernandez , a policing policy adviser at the ACLU , said many unions `` have convinced themselves that police are unable to protect themselves if they value the bodily integrity and personal lives of the the people they are supposed to be serving . ''
The National Fraternal Order of Police issued a statement acknowledging there is `` no doubt '' Mr. Floyd 's death has diminished public trust in police .
`` Police officers need to treat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understanding and should be held to the very highest standards for their conduct , '' the organization said .
Since 2016 , groups representing police nationwide have contributed $ 1.3 million directly to candidates for governor and attorney general and given at least another $ 1 million for independent expenditures that advocate for or against candidates for all state-level offices , according to an Associated Press analysis of data collected by the National Institute on Money in Politics .
Much of that money has been spent in California , where unions initially defeated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of laws last year .
One allows police to use lethal force only when necessary to defend against an imminent threat of death or serious injury to officers or bystanders .
The second requires additional officer training .
The California debate was driven in part by the fatal 2018 shooting by Sacramento police of 22-year-old Stephon Clark , who was clutching a cellphone that officers said they mistook for a weapon .
The shooting in Ohio of Tamir Rice , whose toy Airsoft gun officers said they mistook for a real one , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Ohio Collaborative Community-Police Advisory Board .
In 2015 , the board adopted statewide standards limiting use of deadly force by police officers to defending themselves or others from serious injury or death .
The state 's Republican-led Legislature opted against turning those recommendations into law , leaving police agencies to comply voluntarily .
Karhlton Moore , who leads the Ohio Department of Public Safety division that oversees the standards , said roughly three-quarters of Ohio residents now live in areas covered by police agencies that are either certified or in the process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But Ohio House Minority Leader Emilia Sykes , a Democrat who is black , criticized Republican lawmakers this week for failing to enact laws recommended by Mr. Kasich 's task force , saying their actions `` show us time and time again that black lives do not matter . ''
Ohio Democrats want immediate reforms addressing racism and inequality .
In Pennsylvania , a package of bills seeking to limit the justifications for the use of deadly force by police has stalled in the state 's Republican-controlled Legislature .
But changing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rep. Summer Lee , a chief sponsor of the bills who represents East Pittsburgh .
Police around the nation have condemned the way Mr. Floyd was restrained .
Inherent racism must be dealt with as well , said Ms. Lee , who is black .
She said some lawmakers were paying lip service to the necessity of fighting racism – but were n't taking action .
`` We have bills – we have tangible things the Legislature can do today , '' Ms. Lee said .
This story was reported by The Associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mike Catalini , Kimberlee Kruesi , Marc Levy , David Lieb , Geoff Mulvihill , Don Thompson , Andrew Welsh-Huggins , Lindsay Whitehurst , and Brian Witte contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

A wave of police killings of young black men in 2014 prompted 24 states to quickly pass some type of law enforcement reform, but many declined to address the most glaring issue: police use of force. Six years later, only about a third of states have passed laws on the question.
The issue is at the heart of nationwide protests set off by the May 25 death of George Floyd, a black man who died after a white police officer in Minneapolis pressed a knee into Mr. Floyd's neck for several minutes while he pleaded for air.
Now, some lawmakers and governors are hoping to harness the renewed wave of anger to push through changes on the use of force they couldn't manage after 2014, a year that included the deaths at the hands of police of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, Eric Garner in New York, and 12-year-old Tamir Rice in Cleveland.
"We're absolutely at a point in time where we have to do more," said Maryland state Del. Vanessa Atterbeary, a Democrat who will chair a working group announced this week that will take up use-of-force standards for that state.
Pushback from politically influential law enforcement unions prompted some states' use-of-force proposals to stall, while others have opted for voluntary programs to change policing practices. In some states, lawmakers have even broadened the powers of police, such as increasing penalties for those who attack officers or, as in Tennessee and Utah, limiting the power of independent review boards that investigate police conduct.
As of August 2018, at least 16 states had passed use-of-force laws, according to the nonpartisan National Conference of State Legislatures. A handful of those directly restricted what police could do. In Utah and Missouri, for example, force used by officers must be "reasonable and necessary." Colorado has banned chokeholds, the maneuver used on Mr. Garner.
Other laws created task forces to set new standards, boosted training, or improved tracking of officers' use of guns and deadly force.
In 2014, Republican-led Wisconsin became the first state in the country to enact a law requiring outside investigations when people die in police custody – a law supported by the state's largest police union.
This week, Democratic Gov. Tony Evers asked the Legislature to go further and pass a bill that would require law enforcement agencies to minimize the use of force and prioritize preserving life. In New Jersey, Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy and the attorney general said Tuesday they will update state guidelines governing police use of force for the first time in two decades.
Despite the sense in many places that this moment could produce real change, challenges remain.
Police unions have often resisted attempts to restrict officers' use of deadly force and are politically potent in most states.
Paige Fernandez, a policing policy adviser at the ACLU, said many unions "have convinced themselves that police are unable to protect themselves if they value the bodily integrity and personal lives of the the people they are supposed to be serving."
The National Fraternal Order of Police issued a statement acknowledging there is "no doubt" Mr. Floyd's death has diminished public trust in police.
"Police officers need to treat all of our citizens with respect and understanding and should be held to the very highest standards for their conduct," the organization said.
Since 2016, groups representing police nationwide have contributed $1.3 million directly to candidates for governor and attorney general and given at least another $1 million for independent expenditures that advocate for or against candidates for all state-level offices, according to an Associated Press analysis of data collected by the National Institute on Money in Politics.
Much of that money has been spent in California, where unions initially defeated reforms before the state enacted a pair of laws last year. One allows police to use lethal force only when necessary to defend against an imminent threat of death or serious injury to officers or bystanders. The second requires additional officer training.
The California debate was driven in part by the fatal 2018 shooting by Sacramento police of 22-year-old Stephon Clark, who was clutching a cellphone that officers said they mistook for a weapon.
The shooting in Ohio of Tamir Rice, whose toy Airsoft gun officers said they mistook for a real one, contributed to then-Gov. John Kasich creating the Ohio Collaborative Community-Police Advisory Board.
In 2015, the board adopted statewide standards limiting use of deadly force by police officers to defending themselves or others from serious injury or death. The state's Republican-led Legislature opted against turning those recommendations into law, leaving police agencies to comply voluntarily.
Karhlton Moore, who leads the Ohio Department of Public Safety division that oversees the standards, said roughly three-quarters of Ohio residents now live in areas covered by police agencies that are either certified or in the process of being certified as upholding the standards.
But Ohio House Minority Leader Emilia Sykes, a Democrat who is black, criticized Republican lawmakers this week for failing to enact laws recommended by Mr. Kasich's task force, saying their actions "show us time and time again that black lives do not matter."
Ohio Democrats want immediate reforms addressing racism and inequality.
In Pennsylvania, a package of bills seeking to limit the justifications for the use of deadly force by police has stalled in the state's Republican-controlled Legislature.
But changing the law isn't enough, said Democratic Rep. Summer Lee, a chief sponsor of the bills who represents East Pittsburgh. Police around the nation have condemned the way Mr. Floyd was restrained.
Inherent racism must be dealt with as well, said Ms. Lee, who is black.
She said some lawmakers were paying lip service to the necessity of fighting racism – but weren't taking action.
"We have bills – we have tangible things the Legislature can do today," Ms. Lee said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Scott Bauer, Mike Catalini, Kimberlee Kruesi, Marc Levy, David Lieb, Geoff Mulvihill, Don Thompson, Andrew Welsh-Huggins, Lindsay Whitehurst, and Brian Witte contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-03--Amid unusual primary voting, Biden closes in on nomination

Joe Biden is on the cusp of formally securing the Democratic presidential nomination after winning hundreds more delegates in primary contests that tested the nation 's ability to run elections while balancing a pandemic and sweeping social unrest .
Mr. Biden could lock down the nomination within the next week as West Virginia and Georgia hold primaries .
On Tuesday , voters across America were forced to navigate curfews , health concerns , and National Guard troops – waiting in line hours after polls closed in some cases – after election officials dramatically reduced the number of in-person voting sites @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreak .
Mr. Biden and President Donald Trump easily swept their respective primary contests that ranged from Maryland to Montana and featured the night 's biggest prize : Pennsylvania .
The two men are certain to face each other on the presidential ballot in November , yet party rules require them first to accumulate a majority of delegates in the months-long state-by-state primary season .
Pennsylvania , which offered Tuesday 's largest trove of delegates , also represented a significant test case for Republicans and Democrats working to strengthen their operations in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced to brave long lines in `` militarized zones '' because officials consolidated the vast majority of polling places in Philadelphia to minimize health risks , according to Erin Kramer , executive director of One Pennsylvania .
She noted that some polling places in African American communities are in police stations .
`` Having to stand in line while police officers are entering and exiting the building on police business is not exactly how people want to spend their Election Day , '' Ms. Kramer said .
Mr. Biden was in Philadelphia earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unrest that has erupted across the nation after the police killing of George Floyd .
He did n't talk about the primary , instead focusing his attention on Mr. Trump , whom Mr. Biden blasted as `` more interested in power than in principle . ''
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders is not actively campaigning for the Democratic presidential nomination , having suspended his operation and endorsed Mr. Biden , but his name appeared on the ballots .
On the eve of Tuesday 's primaries , senior adviser Jeff Weaver encouraged progressives to vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his influence in the direction of the Democratic Party .
The comments served as a reminder that Mr. Biden may have no legitimate Democratic rivals remaining but must still win over skeptical activists from his party 's far-left flank , who worry he 's too close to the political establishment .
Party unity was an afterthought this week , however , as more immediate health and safety concerns dominated the national conversation .
The coronavirus death toll has surged past 100,000 nationwide , and thousands of new cases are reported each day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities , particularly Washington , D.C. , and Philadelphia among those voting Tuesday , struggled to contain protests and related looting that led to thousands of arrests .
Some voters said Mr. Trump 's increasingly tough tone toward protesters inspired them to participate in the democratic process .
Nicholas Autiello , who works in finance in Rhode Island , said he was disturbed by police driving back peaceful demonstrators near the White House on Monday .
`` Last night , we have a president who is acting like a dictator , '' Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to come out here this morning and fill in a circle next to a name for someone who I know will restore honor and decency to the presidency was so important . ''
Political groups have had to adjust as some states move to a system that relies largely on voting by mail .
They include Montana , where all 56 counties decided to vote entirely by mail , despite Mr. Trump 's repeated warning against it .
Voting rights watchdogs in multiple states on Tuesday expressed concerns about access to mail ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortage of poll workers that led to long lines .
`` We are in unique times , and voting is a unique challenge for people , '' said Josh Schwerin , chief strategist for the pro-Democrat super PAC Priorities USA .
He said that his organization and others would be watching closely on Tuesday `` to see how well it works , where issues are , and where obstacles have been put in place . ''
Those voting Tuesday included the District of Columbia , Indiana , Maryland , Montana , New Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Dakota .
Two other states holding primary elections on Tuesday , Idaho and Iowa , chose their presidential nominee early in the year .
In Iowa , Republican Rep. Steve King , known nationally for controversial remarks , lost his bid to be nominated for a 10th term to state Sen. Randy Feenstra .
House Republicans stripped Mr. King of his committee assignments in 2019 after comments that seemed to defend white nationalism , providing fuel for Mr. Feenstra 's argument that Mr. King was no longer an effective representative for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters have elected Ella Jones as the city 's first black mayor .
Ms. Jones , a city council member who also will be the first woman to lead the St. Louis suburb , beat fellow council member Heather Robinett in the non-partisan election for a three-year term that starts later this month , the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported .
Incumbent James Knowles III could not run again due to term limits .
In a New Mexico race for an open House seat , ex-CIA operative Valerie Plame lost the Democratic primary to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advocate for Native American communities and voting rights issues .
A first-time candidate for public office , Ms. Plame harnessed her fame as the operative whose secret identity was exposed shorty after her diplomat husband disputed U.S. intelligence used to justify the 2003 Iraq invasion .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Rodrique Ngowi in Providence , R.I. , and Terry Spencer in West Palm Beach , Fla. , contributed to this report .
Material from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch was used in this report .
Editor ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Joe Biden is on the cusp of formally securing the Democratic presidential nomination after winning hundreds more delegates in primary contests that tested the nation's ability to run elections while balancing a pandemic and sweeping social unrest.
Mr. Biden could lock down the nomination within the next week as West Virginia and Georgia hold primaries.
On Tuesday, voters across America were forced to navigate curfews, health concerns, and National Guard troops – waiting in line hours after polls closed in some cases – after election officials dramatically reduced the number of in-person voting sites to minimize the spread of the coronavirus outbreak.
Mr. Biden and President Donald Trump easily swept their respective primary contests that ranged from Maryland to Montana and featured the night's biggest prize: Pennsylvania. The two men are certain to face each other on the presidential ballot in November, yet party rules require them first to accumulate a majority of delegates in the months-long state-by-state primary season.
Mr. Trump secured the Republican presidential nomination in March.
Pennsylvania, which offered Tuesday's largest trove of delegates, also represented a significant test case for Republicans and Democrats working to strengthen their operations in a premier general election battleground.
Voters were forced to brave long lines in "militarized zones" because officials consolidated the vast majority of polling places in Philadelphia to minimize health risks, according to Erin Kramer, executive director of One Pennsylvania. She noted that some polling places in African American communities are in police stations.
"Having to stand in line while police officers are entering and exiting the building on police business is not exactly how people want to spend their Election Day," Ms. Kramer said.
Mr. Biden was in Philadelphia earlier Tuesday to deliver remarks about the civil unrest that has erupted across the nation after the police killing of George Floyd. He didn't talk about the primary, instead focusing his attention on Mr. Trump, whom Mr. Biden blasted as "more interested in power than in principle."
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders is not actively campaigning for the Democratic presidential nomination, having suspended his operation and endorsed Mr. Biden, but his name appeared on the ballots. On the eve of Tuesday's primaries, senior adviser Jeff Weaver encouraged progressives to vote for Mr. Sanders anyway to help maximize his influence in the direction of the Democratic Party.
The comments served as a reminder that Mr. Biden may have no legitimate Democratic rivals remaining but must still win over skeptical activists from his party's far-left flank, who worry he's too close to the political establishment.
Party unity was an afterthought this week, however, as more immediate health and safety concerns dominated the national conversation. The coronavirus death toll has surged past 100,000 nationwide, and thousands of new cases are reported each day.
At the same time, several major cities, particularly Washington, D.C., and Philadelphia among those voting Tuesday, struggled to contain protests and related looting that led to thousands of arrests.
Some voters said Mr. Trump's increasingly tough tone toward protesters inspired them to participate in the democratic process. Nicholas Autiello, who works in finance in Rhode Island, said he was disturbed by police driving back peaceful demonstrators near the White House on Monday.
"Last night, we have a president who is acting like a dictator," Mr. Autiello said. "So being able to come out here this morning and fill in a circle next to a name for someone who I know will restore honor and decency to the presidency was so important."
Political groups have had to adjust as some states move to a system that relies largely on voting by mail. They include Montana, where all 56 counties decided to vote entirely by mail, despite Mr. Trump's repeated warning against it. Voting rights watchdogs in multiple states on Tuesday expressed concerns about access to mail ballots, confusion about deadlines, and a shortage of poll workers that led to long lines.
"We are in unique times, and voting is a unique challenge for people," said Josh Schwerin, chief strategist for the pro-Democrat super PAC Priorities USA. He said that his organization and others would be watching closely on Tuesday "to see how well it works, where issues are, and where obstacles have been put in place."
Those voting Tuesday included the District of Columbia, Indiana, Maryland, Montana, New Mexico, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and South Dakota. Two other states holding primary elections on Tuesday, Idaho and Iowa, chose their presidential nominee early in the year.
In Iowa, Republican Rep. Steve King, known nationally for controversial remarks, lost his bid to be nominated for a 10th term to state Sen. Randy Feenstra. House Republicans stripped Mr. King of his committee assignments in 2019 after comments that seemed to defend white nationalism, providing fuel for Mr. Feenstra's argument that Mr. King was no longer an effective representative for the 4th District.
In Missouri, Ferguson voters have elected Ella Jones as the city's first black mayor. Ms. Jones, a city council member who also will be the first woman to lead the St. Louis suburb, beat fellow council member Heather Robinett in the non-partisan election for a three-year term that starts later this month, the St. Louis Post-Dispatch reported. Incumbent James Knowles III could not run again due to term limits.
In a New Mexico race for an open House seat, ex-CIA operative Valerie Plame lost the Democratic primary to attorney Teresa Leger Fernandez, a professional advocate for Native American communities and voting rights issues. A first-time candidate for public office, Ms. Plame harnessed her fame as the operative whose secret identity was exposed shorty after her diplomat husband disputed U.S. intelligence used to justify the 2003 Iraq invasion.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Rodrique Ngowi in Providence, R.I., and Terry Spencer in West Palm Beach, Fla., contributed to this report. Material from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch was used in this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.