csmonitor--2020-04-09--Democracy around the world is down but not out. Test case: Brazil.

“ The fact that it goes relatively slowly and that there ’ s still quite a strong international norm [ for liberal democracy ] provides a window of hope and opportunity , ” he says .
But it isn ’ t inevitable .
Today ’ s era , Dr. Lindberg explains , may offer more opportunities to mobilize and shore up faltering democracies than the first two waves , in the 1930s and ’ 60s .
Brazil has veered away from democracy more quickly than almost any other country , says political scientist Staffan Lindberg .
That ’ s accelerated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of autocratization ” washing over the globe , from India and Turkey to the United States .
Mr. Bolsonaro , in office for just over a year , has been one of the highest-profile skeptics of painful lockdown measures .
But for many critics , fears about his leadership , and the health of Brazil ’ s young democracy , predate this crisis .
The right-wing president has voiced nostalgia for the former military dictatorship , filled his cabinet with military men , and attacked democratic institutions .
Amid the coronavirus crisis , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of windows and porch doors , cheering and banging pots and pans to support medical workers .
But many Brazilians are banging theirs for a different reason : to call for the resignation of President Jair Bolsonaro .
It ’ s a muggy Saturday night in February , and a man arrives outside a home in a quiet , middle-class neighborhood in this Brazilian city at the center of South America .
He takes out a black recorder from an instrument case and begins blowing the tune to “ The Internationale , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the owners ’ cue to unlatch their gate .
Each month the password changes , and visitors only receive the address after members scrutinize their social media to vet their political leanings .
Welcome to the Secret Bar , started late last year by a couple worried about Brazil ’ s increasingly authoritarian and illiberal turn under President Jair Bolsonaro .
“ The first rule is you can ’ t be fascist , misogynist , xenophobic , or share any of the intolerance of Bolsonaro , ” says Cristiana Vasconcelos , one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting of like minds , filled with former union leaders , writers , anarchists , teachers , and students who feel like a minority in this Bolsonaro stronghold .
But the goals , on this pleasant , plant-filled patio decorated with paper lanterns and homemade art , aim higher than just a night out .
This gathering is one of many efforts , small and large , aiming to organize resistance against the right-wing former army captain who is testing Brazil ’ s young democracy .
Bolsonaro critics ’ more existential fears have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus .
The president is one of the highest-profile skeptics of painful lockdown measures , prioritizing economic growth and dismissing COVID-19 as “ a little cold.
” During protests against Brazil ’ s other branches of government March 15 , he shook supporters ’ hands , against public health guidelines , and he has downplayed the importance of physical distancing measures enforced around the globe .
The country now has some 16,000 cases , and more than 800 people have died .
Concern over Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s disdain for democratic norms , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the past three years , Brazil has veered away from democracy more quickly than almost any other country in the world , says Staffan Lindberg , executive director of Varieties of Democracy ( V-Dem ) , which measures global democracy , at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden .
That paved the way for Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s rise and has accelerated what he calls the “ third wave of autocratization ” washing over more than a third of the global population , from India , Turkey , and the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some countries on the list are still well in the democratic camp , including the U.S .
Yet for the first time since 2001 , autocracies rule a majority of the world – 54 % of the global population – according to a report V-Dem released March 20 .
The first wave arrived in the 1930s , as democracies broke down in the lead-up to World War II .
The second hit in the 1960s and ’ 70s , when many recently decolonized democracies reversed to strongman rule .
Whereas sudden military coups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this third wave has built more gradually , with a media outlet closed down here , a court intimidated there , making it hard to know when to react and how .
But this era may offer more opportunities to mobilize to shore up faltering democracies .
The V-Dem report shows that the share of countries with substantial pro-democracy protests , in which citizens took to the streets to demand clean elections or defend civil liberties and the rule of law , rose from 27 % in 2009 to 44 % in 2019 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that it goes relatively slowly and that there ’ s still quite a strong international norm [ for liberal democracy ] provides a window of hope and opportunity , ” Dr. Lindberg says .
“ It ’ s not inevitable that these processes we see happening now have to run their course into dictatorship.
” The Secret Bar is closed for now , because of the coronavirus , but its founders are finally seeing the protests they aimed to generate .
As many people around the world lean out their windows , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on medical workers , Brazilians in major cities are banging theirs to call for Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s resignation .
In much of Brazil , opposition has been quiet until now .
In that silence , most see weariness from half a decade of political upheaval .
In 2014 , when the Workers ’ Party was in power , one of the most complex corruption scandals in South American history broke .
Called “ Car Wash , ” for the site of the first investigation , it engulfed former President Luiz Inácio Lula @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and left political disillusionment in its wake .
Like U.S. President Donald Trump , with his call to “ drain the swamp , ” Mr. Bolsonaro promised in his 2018 campaign an anti-establishment approach to crack down on corruption and crime and turn the economy around .
It won him 55 % of the vote .
He is often dubbed “ Trump of the Tropics , ” and like every byname it ’ s overly simplistic .
But like his American counterpart , Mr. Bolsonaro tests all conventions , and often with gusto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once told a congresswoman she wasn ’ t worth raping , and that he ’ d rather a son be killed than be gay .
Three “ B ’ s ” are said to have won him the presidency : Bible , bullet , and beef .
And in Cuiabá , the state capital of Mato Grosso , lies the beef vote .
The once sleepy capital , considered a gate to the Amazon , has grown rapidly alongside growth in agribusiness , from cattle ranching to commodity exports like soy and corn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign called Direita Mato Grosso , whose WhatsApp groups have attracted young voters concerned about corruption and crime .
A jeweler who was once assaulted at gunpoint inside his store , he was drawn to Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s early speeches about “ good guys ” like himself , who should be able to carry guns to protect themselves from the “ bandits.
” “ We were all sick of a lack of security , while the level of corruption was mounting , ” Mr. Yonekubo says .
For Edson Arruda , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ church in downtown Cuiabá , it ’ s about “ Bibles.
” On a recent Monday , two dozen members show up for noon service .
Music blares as the bishop enters the room , apologizing for being late .
He fires up Christian YouTube songs on his laptop , as the congregation belts out words by heart .
“ Bolsonaro embraces family values , and the family is the base of our society , ” says Mr. Arruda .
“ That ’ s why 90 % of the people here support him.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
But from the streets , it ’ s often hard to perceive .
There have been some protests , especially over environmental policies .
Dozens of demonstrations took place this summer , when Amazon fires drew international attention , after the president decried them as a left-wing conspiracy .
There have been growing calls for impeachment from intellectuals and , increasingly , the political opposition .
But as the rest of Latin America erupted in protest last year , Brazil was eerily quiet , says Carlos Sanches , co-founder of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposition , he and Ms. Vasconcelos began their gatherings , modeling them on Prohibition-era speak-easies in the U.S. About 70 people turned up to monthly meetings , and they plan to seed the movement in other cities , though that has been stymied by COVID-19 .
Similar fears about democracy ’ s fragility extend beyond Brazil .
According to the latest Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University , which has tracked regional attitudes since 2004 , support for democracy is at an all-time low .
Amid corruption , crime , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the 2000s , many voters decided strongman leadership is needed .
Only 60 % of Brazilians say that democracy is the best form of government .
Luiz Inácio Almeide , a retired engineer , sits on a patio in the historic center of Cuiabá , where colonial facades are splashed with vibrant street art .
He says he supports democracy , freedom of expression , and personal choice , and admires former U.S. President Barack Obama .
But he welcomes Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s new style and army background .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many years of corruption and lies , ” Mr. Almeide says .
But for others it ’ s an ominous turn .
Mr. Bolsonaro has often voiced nostalgia for Brazil ’ s military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985 .
He has filled his cabinet with military men and attacked democratic institutions like the free press , Supreme Court , and Congress .
“ I think left to his own devices , he is a threat to democracy , ” says Thomas Trebat , director of Columbia University ’ s Global Center in Rio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and opposition have proved a formidable defense , he says , “ as long as you ’ ve got a guy lighting matches near a room full of gasoline cans , you ’ ve got to worry.
” Today , amid the coronavirus crisis , just 34 % of Brazilians support the president , according to a Datafolha poll , and 15 % of respondents who voted for him now say they regret it .
The pots-and-pans protests may mark a turn , as well .
Governors who once supported Mr. Bolsonaro have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus , and a divided opposition has united , increasing calls for the president ’ s impeachment .
Still , 59 % of Brazilians don ’ t want to see him resign , according to another Datafolha poll released last week .
“ It seems people are just waiting for [ Mr. Bolsonaro ] to fall , ” Mr. Sanches said at a gathering of friends .
And he says that could be too late .
Cândido Moreira Rodrigues , a history professor at the Federal University of Mato Grosso , spends a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dissect Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s support .
His desk is littered with books about democracy and its decline : Robert Paxton ’ s “ The Anatomy of Fascism , ” or Manuel Castells ’ “ Rupture : The Crisis of Liberal Democracy.
” Like many analysts studying democracy ’ s demise worldwide , the professor believes that the electorate no longer trusts politicians to address their problems , against the backdrop of rising inequalities and a globalized economy .
At the same time , cultural wars have upended values systems in ways radicals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The far-right in Brazil has used the opportunity of this fracture to say , ‘ We are the only option , ’ ” Dr. Rodrigues says .
He doesn ’ t believe an old-style military coup is likely , but warns that “ a new form , like Donald Trump has used to subvert democracy , is possible.
” In Brazil , such fractures have led to toxic polarization – a fundamental feature of autocratization , according to V-Dem .
Henrique Lopes do Nascimento , who works at the teachers union of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been scared about reports of parents complaining lessons about the fall of the military dictatorship were communist propaganda .
“ Teachers complain about being afraid to express their opinions in the school space , for fear of being labeled , and watched , ” he says .
The same is true in the streets .
“ If you don ’ t support Bolsonaro , you are called thieves , jerks , ” and , of course , “ a communist , ” says Secret Bar founder Ms. Vasconcelos , although it cuts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t allow in people who voted for Mr. Bolsonaro , even if they now regret it .
“ Us versus them ” is inherent in the “ good versus bad ” talk that Mr. Yonekubo references , and the discourse about family values and who has them .
When Brazilian filmmaker Petra Costa was nominated for an Oscar this year for her documentary “ The Edge of Democracy ” – which takes a decidedly left-wing stance on the politics leading up to Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s victory – the government issued a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ Polarization becomes dangerous to democracy and becomes a useful tool for ‘ wannabe dictators ’ when that means that you no longer have a dialogue with the other side , ” says Dr. Lindberg , of V-Dem .
“ The other side is seen as an enemy and it becomes more like a war .
You either win or you lose .
And if the other side wins , then they ’ re going to take everything from you or take all the things from you that you cherish .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death .
That creates fear.
” Edna Mahnic admits to feeling some of that fear , but it doesn ’ t show .
A local politician for the opposition Workers ’ Party in Primavera do Leste , three hours east of Cuiabá , she is not hiding her allegiances this morning : Her blouse , big beaded necklace , and fingernails are all red , the international symbol of socialism .
But she has been shaken since last spring .
The problem started after Mr. Bolsonaro railed against Brazil ’ s becoming a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If you want to come here and have sex with a woman , go for your life , ” he added – angering many , including Ms. Mahnic , who said his comments were misogynistic , implicitly putting out a welcome mat for straight sex tourism and prostitution .
“ I ’ m a woman , I ’ m a mother , I ’ m a daughter , ” she says .
“ I ’ m also a representative .
And the only one who represents the other side , ” she says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stand.
” She became an immediate target .
Online critics accused her of calling all Brazilian women prostitutes , and the vitriol continues .
Sometimes she wonders if the attacks online could turn into a real attack on the street .
Still , she is running for reelection in municipal elections this fall – the first major test for Mr. Bolsonaro ’ s strength .
“ We have to defend democracy , and we can not lose the right of democratic choice , even if it is weakened , ” she says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ only been able to vote for a short time .
We can not lose the right to say what we think and choose what we want .
”

“The fact that it goes relatively slowly and that there’s still quite a strong international norm [for liberal democracy] provides a window of hope and opportunity,” he says.
But it isn’t inevitable. Today’s era, Dr. Lindberg explains, may offer more opportunities to mobilize and shore up faltering democracies than the first two waves, in the 1930s and ’60s.
Brazil has veered away from democracy more quickly than almost any other country, says political scientist Staffan Lindberg. That’s accelerated what he calls the “third wave of autocratization” washing over the globe, from India and Turkey to the United States.
Why is democracy’s star dimming so much around the globe? Brazil is a key test case for why so many people are questioning old norms – but also, why autocracy’s gains are far from assured. Part 5 of our series “ Navigating Uncertainty .”
Mr. Bolsonaro, in office for just over a year, has been one of the highest-profile skeptics of painful lockdown measures. But for many critics, fears about his leadership, and the health of Brazil’s young democracy, predate this crisis. The right-wing president has voiced nostalgia for the former military dictatorship, filled his cabinet with military men, and attacked democratic institutions.
Amid the coronavirus crisis, people around the world are leaning out of windows and porch doors, cheering and banging pots and pans to support medical workers. But many Brazilians are banging theirs for a different reason: to call for the resignation of President Jair Bolsonaro.
It’s a muggy Saturday night in February, and a man arrives outside a home in a quiet, middle-class neighborhood in this Brazilian city at the center of South America. He takes out a black recorder from an instrument case and begins blowing the tune to “The Internationale,” the 19th-century left-wing anthem.
This is the owners’ cue to unlatch their gate. Each month the password changes, and visitors only receive the address after members scrutinize their social media to vet their political leanings.
Welcome to the Secret Bar, started late last year by a couple worried about Brazil’s increasingly authoritarian and illiberal turn under President Jair Bolsonaro. “The first rule is you can’t be fascist, misogynist, xenophobic, or share any of the intolerance of Bolsonaro,” says Cristiana Vasconcelos, one of the founders.
Why We Wrote This Why is democracy’s star dimming so much around the globe? Brazil is a key test case for why so many people are questioning old norms – but also, why autocracy’s gains are far from assured. Part 5 of our series “Navigating Uncertainty.”
It’s a meeting of like minds, filled with former union leaders, writers, anarchists, teachers, and students who feel like a minority in this Bolsonaro stronghold. But the goals, on this pleasant, plant-filled patio decorated with paper lanterns and homemade art, aim higher than just a night out. This gathering is one of many efforts, small and large, aiming to organize resistance against the right-wing former army captain who is testing Brazil’s young democracy.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Cristiana Vasconcelos, holding her baby, and her husband, Carlos Sanches (right), chat with friends during a gathering at their home Feb. 1, 2020, in Cuiabá. The couple started "Secret Bar" gatherings to try and push back against the Bolsonaro government's turn toward the right.
Bolsonaro critics’ more existential fears have been realized in his handling of the coronavirus. The president is one of the highest-profile skeptics of painful lockdown measures, prioritizing economic growth and dismissing COVID-19 as “a little cold.” During protests against Brazil’s other branches of government March 15, he shook supporters’ hands, against public health guidelines, and he has downplayed the importance of physical distancing measures enforced around the globe. The country now has some 16,000 cases, and more than 800 people have died.
Concern over Mr. Bolsonaro’s disdain for democratic norms, however, long predates the current crisis. In the past three years, Brazil has veered away from democracy more quickly than almost any other country in the world, says Staffan Lindberg, executive director of Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem), which measures global democracy, at the University of Gothenburg in Sweden. That paved the way for Mr. Bolsonaro’s rise and has accelerated what he calls the “third wave of autocratization” washing over more than a third of the global population, from India, Turkey, and the United States to many Eastern European countries.
Some countries on the list are still well in the democratic camp, including the U.S. Yet for the first time since 2001, autocracies rule a majority of the world – 54% of the global population – according to a report V-Dem released March 20.
The first wave arrived in the 1930s, as democracies broke down in the lead-up to World War II. The second hit in the 1960s and ’70s, when many recently decolonized democracies reversed to strongman rule. Whereas sudden military coups often ushered in the first two, this third wave has built more gradually, with a media outlet closed down here, a court intimidated there, making it hard to know when to react and how.
SOURCE: The Economist Intelligence Unit 2019 Democracy Index | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
But this era may offer more opportunities to mobilize to shore up faltering democracies. The V-Dem report shows that the share of countries with substantial pro-democracy protests, in which citizens took to the streets to demand clean elections or defend civil liberties and the rule of law, rose from 27% in 2009 to 44% in 2019, an all-time high.
“The fact that it goes relatively slowly and that there’s still quite a strong international norm [for liberal democracy] provides a window of hope and opportunity,” Dr. Lindberg says. “It’s not inevitable that these processes we see happening now have to run their course into dictatorship.”
The Secret Bar is closed for now, because of the coronavirus, but its founders are finally seeing the protests they aimed to generate. As many people around the world lean out their windows, banging on pots and pans to cheer on medical workers, Brazilians in major cities are banging theirs to call for Mr. Bolsonaro’s resignation.
Bolsonaro’s three B’s
In much of Brazil, opposition has been quiet until now. In that silence, most see weariness from half a decade of political upheaval.
In 2014, when the Workers’ Party was in power, one of the most complex corruption scandals in South American history broke. Called “Car Wash,” for the site of the first investigation, it engulfed former President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, known as Lula, and left political disillusionment in its wake.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Tall buildings dot the skyline of Cuiabá, which has a population of more than 600,000 people. Cuiabá is the capital of the central state of Mato Grosso.
Like U.S. President Donald Trump, with his call to “drain the swamp,” Mr. Bolsonaro promised in his 2018 campaign an anti-establishment approach to crack down on corruption and crime and turn the economy around. It won him 55% of the vote.
He is often dubbed “Trump of the Tropics,” and like every byname it’s overly simplistic. But like his American counterpart, Mr. Bolsonaro tests all conventions, and often with gusto. As a national legislator, he once told a congresswoman she wasn’t worth raping, and that he’d rather a son be killed than be gay.
Three “B’s” are said to have won him the presidency: Bible, bullet, and beef. And in Cuiabá, the state capital of Mato Grosso, lies the beef vote. The once sleepy capital, considered a gate to the Amazon, has grown rapidly alongside growth in agribusiness, from cattle ranching to commodity exports like soy and corn.
Rafael Yonekubo runs a state grassroots campaign called Direita Mato Grosso, whose WhatsApp groups have attracted young voters concerned about corruption and crime. A jeweler who was once assaulted at gunpoint inside his store, he was drawn to Mr. Bolsonaro’s early speeches about “good guys” like himself, who should be able to carry guns to protect themselves from the “bandits.”
“We were all sick of a lack of security, while the level of corruption was mounting,” Mr. Yonekubo says.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Rafael Yonekubo, the coordinator for Direita MT, organizes grassroots support for President Jair Bolsonaro.
For Edson Arruda, a young pastor at a tiny storefront evangelical church in downtown Cuiabá, it’s about “Bibles.” On a recent Monday, two dozen members show up for noon service. Music blares as the bishop enters the room, apologizing for being late. He fires up Christian YouTube songs on his laptop, as the congregation belts out words by heart.
“Bolsonaro embraces family values, and the family is the base of our society,” says Mr. Arruda. “That’s why 90% of the people here support him.”
Defending democracy?
That support has dipped since the election. But from the streets, it’s often hard to perceive.
There have been some protests, especially over environmental policies. Dozens of demonstrations took place this summer, when Amazon fires drew international attention, after the president decried them as a left-wing conspiracy. There have been growing calls for impeachment from intellectuals and, increasingly, the political opposition.
But as the rest of Latin America erupted in protest last year, Brazil was eerily quiet, says Carlos Sanches, co-founder of the Secret Bar. Hoping to invigorate the opposition, he and Ms. Vasconcelos began their gatherings, modeling them on Prohibition-era speak-easies in the U.S. About 70 people turned up to monthly meetings, and they plan to seed the movement in other cities, though that has been stymied by COVID-19.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Luiz Inacio Almeide sits outside a cafe in the Centro Historico of Cuiaba. He says he likes Jair Bolsonaro because the president is a former military officer and the country needs discipline.
Similar fears about democracy’s fragility extend beyond Brazil. According to the latest Latin American Public Opinion Project at Vanderbilt University, which has tracked regional attitudes since 2004, support for democracy is at an all-time low. Amid corruption, crime, and weakened economies that followed the commodities boom in the 2000s, many voters decided strongman leadership is needed. Only 60% of Brazilians say that democracy is the best form of government.
Luiz Inácio Almeide, a retired engineer, sits on a patio in the historic center of Cuiabá, where colonial facades are splashed with vibrant street art. He says he supports democracy, freedom of expression, and personal choice, and admires former U.S. President Barack Obama. But he welcomes Mr. Bolsonaro’s new style and army background. “The country needs military discipline, after so many years of corruption and lies,” Mr. Almeide says.
But for others it’s an ominous turn. Mr. Bolsonaro has often voiced nostalgia for Brazil’s military dictatorship from 1964 to 1985. He has filled his cabinet with military men and attacked democratic institutions like the free press, Supreme Court, and Congress.
“I think left to his own devices, he is a threat to democracy,” says Thomas Trebat, director of Columbia University’s Global Center in Rio de Janeiro. While the Brazilian media and opposition have proved a formidable defense, he says, “as long as you’ve got a guy lighting matches near a room full of gasoline cans, you’ve got to worry.”
SOURCE: Varieties of Democracy Report 2020 | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Today, amid the coronavirus crisis, just 34% of Brazilians support the president, according to a Datafolha poll, and 15% of respondents who voted for him now say they regret it. The pots-and-pans protests may mark a turn, as well. Governors who once supported Mr. Bolsonaro have since publicly condemned his policies on the coronavirus, and a divided opposition has united, increasing calls for the president’s impeachment.
Still, 59% of Brazilians don’t want to see him resign, according to another Datafolha poll released last week.
“It seems people are just waiting for [Mr. Bolsonaro] to fall,” Mr. Sanches said at a gathering of friends.
And he says that could be too late.
Us versus them
Cândido Moreira Rodrigues, a history professor at the Federal University of Mato Grosso, spends a good deal of his time trying to dissect Mr. Bolsonaro’s support. His desk is littered with books about democracy and its decline: Robert Paxton’s “The Anatomy of Fascism,” or Manuel Castells’ “Rupture: The Crisis of Liberal Democracy.”
Like many analysts studying democracy’s demise worldwide, the professor believes that the electorate no longer trusts politicians to address their problems, against the backdrop of rising inequalities and a globalized economy. At the same time, cultural wars have upended values systems in ways radicals across the spectrum have seized upon.
“The far-right in Brazil has used the opportunity of this fracture to say, ‘We are the only option,’” Dr. Rodrigues says. He doesn’t believe an old-style military coup is likely, but warns that “a new form, like Donald Trump has used to subvert democracy, is possible.”
In Brazil, such fractures have led to toxic polarization – a fundamental feature of autocratization, according to V-Dem.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Henrique Lopes do Nascimento, who works at the teachers union of Mato Gross, stands in a classroom Feb. 3, 2020, in Cuiabá. He says teachers are afraid to teach history amid Brazil's polarization since Jair Bolsonaro came to office.
Henrique Lopes do Nascimento, who works at the teachers union of Mato Grosso, says that some teachers have been scared about reports of parents complaining lessons about the fall of the military dictatorship were communist propaganda. “Teachers complain about being afraid to express their opinions in the school space, for fear of being labeled, and watched,” he says.
The same is true in the streets. “If you don’t support Bolsonaro, you are called thieves, jerks,” and, of course, “a communist,” says Secret Bar founder Ms. Vasconcelos, although it cuts both ways. The Secret Bar doesn’t allow in people who voted for Mr. Bolsonaro, even if they now regret it.
“Us versus them” is inherent in the “good versus bad” talk that Mr. Yonekubo references, and the discourse about family values and who has them. When Brazilian filmmaker Petra Costa was nominated for an Oscar this year for her documentary “The Edge of Democracy” – which takes a decidedly left-wing stance on the politics leading up to Mr. Bolsonaro’s victory – the government issued a statement calling her an “anti-Brazil activist.”
“Polarization becomes dangerous to democracy and becomes a useful tool for ‘wannabe dictators’ when that means that you no longer have a dialogue with the other side,” says Dr. Lindberg, of V-Dem. “The other side is seen as an enemy and it becomes more like a war. You either win or you lose. And if the other side wins, then they’re going to take everything from you or take all the things from you that you cherish. So it becomes an issue of life and death. That creates fear.”
Edna Mahnic admits to feeling some of that fear, but it doesn’t show. A local politician for the opposition Workers’ Party in Primavera do Leste, three hours east of Cuiabá, she is not hiding her allegiances this morning: Her blouse, big beaded necklace, and fingernails are all red, the international symbol of socialism.
Melanie Stetson Freeman/Staff View caption Hide caption Edna Mahnic, a city councilwoman from a nearby town, speaks about the political climate in Brazil. Ms. Mahnic was harassed online and on the street as an opposition leader in a city with strong support for President Jair Bolsonaro. She wears red to represent the Workers' Party.
But she has been shaken since last spring. The problem started after Mr. Bolsonaro railed against Brazil’s becoming a haven for gay sex tourism. “If you want to come here and have sex with a woman, go for your life,” he added – angering many, including Ms. Mahnic, who said his comments were misogynistic, implicitly putting out a welcome mat for straight sex tourism and prostitution.
“I’m a woman, I’m a mother, I’m a daughter,” she says. “I’m also a representative. And the only one who represents the other side,” she says. “I had to take a stand.”
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She became an immediate target. Online critics accused her of calling all Brazilian women prostitutes, and the vitriol continues. Sometimes she wonders if the attacks online could turn into a real attack on the street. Still, she is running for reelection in municipal elections this fall – the first major test for Mr. Bolsonaro’s strength.
“We have to defend democracy, and we cannot lose the right of democratic choice, even if it is weakened,” she says. “For Brazilians, we’ve only been able to vote for a short time. We cannot lose the right to say what we think and choose what we want.”


csmonitor--2020-04-13--What a lockdown means when home is hundreds of miles away

“ There is no simple answer to this tragic dilemma between two humanitarian crises – the spread of the virus and the devastation caused by the lockdown – but some basic principles apply , ” says Jean Drèze , an activist and visiting economics professor at the University of Ranchi .
“ One of them is that no one should be allowed to starve.
” Officials have since set up assistance , such as soup kitchens , and forbidden migrants ’ landlords from demanding rent for the month .
But the crisis has shone a spotlight on existing inequalities and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lockdown .
Here , as elsewhere , officials are wrestling with how to balance public health with the economy ’ s health , particularly for society ’ s most vulnerable .
That question has especially high stakes in India , where some 80 % to 90 % of the workforce are informal workers , often left out of safety-net schemes .
And the challenges perhaps have been most dire for 100 million internal migrant workers , many of whom attempted to walk hundreds of miles home after losing work , and often shelter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the globe , 1.3 billion people in India are under orders to stay inside due to the coronavirus pandemic .
Late last month , as India ’ s transport came to a halt and its residents prepared for lockdown , Prakash Meghwal began a long walk home .
With roughly a dollar and a half in his pocket , and three other people for company , he traced his way through forested land , careful to avoid the main roads whenever possible .
Small roadside shops provided them some food during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at night .
“ We were scared , ” Mr. Meghwal says .
“ ‘ What just happened ?
’ we wondered .
We have never experienced anything like this before in our lifetime.
” Six days later , having covered more than 90 miles on foot , he reached his village in Rajasthan state .
For over a decade , Mr. Meghwal worked as a waiter in the tourist hill town Mount Abu , and sent money to his family of six back home .
But suddenly , with the new coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work or wages , and he was forced to return home .
His household no longer has a source of income .
In the face of a pandemic , a third of the global population is under some form of lockdown , and countries are grappling with how to balance health and the economy – particularly for society ’ s most vulnerable .
And on March 24 , with only four hours ’ notice , India began the world ’ s biggest test yet : Prime Minister Narendra Modi ordered the entire country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 21 days .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
The announcement did not include any concrete transport , safety , or economic measures for India ’ s roughly 400 million informal workers , who are estimated to make up 80 % to 90 % of the total workforce and live without a safety net .
With businesses and establishments shut down , they lost their daily wages ; many of the country ’ s roughly 100 million migrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their head .
Balancing either the belongings on their heads or young children on their shoulders , hundreds of thousands tried to walk back home .
Many have faced hunger and police brutality .
At least 22 migrants have died on the way .
Some states organized buses to help the migrants , but bus stops quickly became overcrowded .
A few days later , fearing a surge in coronavirus cases due to the movement of migrants , the central government ordered states to seal their borders .
It announced food and cash @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demanding rent for a month , and ordered that businesses must pay wages for the duration of the lockdown .
But the crisis has shone a spotlight on inequalities that predate COVID-19 .
Those disparities are likely to endure beyond this particular crisis .
“ India ’ s economic growth model is based on the cheap labour of rural-to-urban migrants who often work for less than minimum wages in its high growth sectors .
Yet they remain an unenumerated , unrecognized presence in cities , ” excluded from many welfare programs , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which advocates for migrants and laborers .
“ There is an absolute gap ... the inability of the governments to be able to tell how many migrants are in a city , let alone reach them .
The pandemic and lockdown has only exposed this fundamental flaw in India 's policy design.
” Most migrants are not included in the Public Distribution System , which entitles poor families to subsidized grains .
Owing to the long list of intermediaries involved in employing a migrant worker , the order to pay wages is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have tried to boost migrants ’ support : Kerala , for example , was one of the first states to enhance social security pensions and set up shelters , and New Delhi has opened more than 1,000 food centers .
But more is needed , especially in smaller towns and far-flung areas “ where hunger is more stark and fear is more prevalent , ” says Suroor Mander , a lawyer and activist with the nonprofit Karwan-e Mohabbat .
“ There is no simple answer to this tragic dilemma between two humanitarian crises @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the devastation caused by the lockdown – but some basic principles apply , ” says Jean Drèze , an activist and visiting economics professor at the University of Ranchi .
“ One of them is that no one should be allowed to starve.
” Living in overcrowded homes or shelters , India ’ s workers have been left more vulnerable to the pandemic .
But with such a large population already struggling with hunger , additional measures to address their health and safety have been pushed to the brink .
In one state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the road , and sprayed with a bleaching agent .
According to Manisha Dutta , a public health professional in Udaipur , there continues to be inconsistent , inadequate information about the pandemic , which has led to confusion and fear among migrant workers .
Returning migrants are reportedly being screened for the coronavirus in a number of states , but she is worried it isn ’ t rigorous enough .
Teachers and health workers have hurriedly been asked to step in and screen returnees .
Most of them are at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not received proper training , Ms. Dutta says .
In addition , “ there are also a number of horrible rumors doing the rounds , some that refer to migrants being disease carriers and taken away by the police .
...
So this has all been really intimidating for them.
” At the best of times , accessing health care is challenging for many migrants .
Among Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development members and partners , India has the fewest number of hospital beds per 1,000 people .
Mr. Meghwal said his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he is no longer able to take them to the nearest health center , about 15 miles away , because of the lockdown .
Health experts are especially concerned about tuberculosis among migrant workers , particularly at a time when many will be malnourished .
India has the highest TB burden in the world , according to the World Health Organization , and the disease disproportionately affects poor and marginalized people .
Once India has provided adequate rations and cash distributions , experts warn , it needs to confront long-term challenges , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is broken now and this means there will be a shortage of labour in many sectors , ” says Dipa Sinha , professor of economics at Delhi ’ s Ambedkar University .
“ For instance , this is harvest season in northern India , which relies on migrant farm labourers from states like Bihar .
The crops can ’ t be allowed to simply go to waste.
” The Mahatma Gandhi National Employment Rural Guarantee Act , which provides at least 100 days of paid employment per year to unskilled laborers , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the longer run , however , workers ’ advocates view it as a crucial system to provide income to migrant workers who ’ ve returned to their villages , and officials are asking for the strengthening of the act .
An ambitious One Nation One Ration Card scheme , which aims to make subsidized food available to workers who are currently left out , is scheduled to be operational in June .
On-the-ground implementation remains a challenge , however .
The lockdown is scheduled to end Tuesday , but is likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of cases rises , many are calling for continued , but more humane , social distancing measures .
But for now , many migrant workers ’ main concern is their livelihood .
With many rural areas ’ economies focused on agriculture , returned workers face few job prospects .
“ The plan is to go back as soon as I can .
What other option is there ?
” Mr. Meghwal says .
“ I have to work and feed my family after all.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ free .
No paywall .

“There is no simple answer to this tragic dilemma between two humanitarian crises – the spread of the virus and the devastation caused by the lockdown – but some basic principles apply,” says Jean Drèze, an activist and visiting economics professor at the University of Ranchi. “One of them is that no one should be allowed to starve.”
Officials have since set up assistance, such as soup kitchens, and forbidden migrants’ landlords from demanding rent for the month. But the crisis has shone a spotlight on existing inequalities and resulting challenges that could endure beyond the lockdown.
“Stay at home” is a common refrain as countries announce lockdowns against COVID-19. But that can be practically impossible for society’s most vulnerable. That challenge has played out on a massive scale in India.
Here, as elsewhere, officials are wrestling with how to balance public health with the economy’s health, particularly for society’s most vulnerable. That question has especially high stakes in India, where some 80% to 90% of the workforce are informal workers, often left out of safety-net schemes. And the challenges perhaps have been most dire for 100 million internal migrant workers, many of whom attempted to walk hundreds of miles home after losing work, and often shelter, during the lockdown.
Like much of the globe, 1.3 billion people in India are under orders to stay inside due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Late last month, as India’s transport came to a halt and its residents prepared for lockdown, Prakash Meghwal began a long walk home. With roughly a dollar and a half in his pocket, and three other people for company, he traced his way through forested land, careful to avoid the main roads whenever possible. Small roadside shops provided them some food during the day and shelter outside their shuttered fronts at night.
“We were scared,” Mr. Meghwal says. “‘What just happened?’ we wondered. We have never experienced anything like this before in our lifetime.” Six days later, having covered more than 90 miles on foot, he reached his village in Rajasthan state.
For over a decade, Mr. Meghwal worked as a waiter in the tourist hill town Mount Abu, and sent money to his family of six back home. But suddenly, with the new coronavirus shutting down business, there was no work or wages, and he was forced to return home. His household no longer has a source of income.
Why We Wrote This “Stay at home” is a common refrain as countries announce lockdowns against COVID-19. But that can be practically impossible for society’s most vulnerable. That challenge has played out on a massive scale in India.
In the face of a pandemic, a third of the global population is under some form of lockdown, and countries are grappling with how to balance health and the economy – particularly for society’s most vulnerable. And on March 24, with only four hours’ notice, India began the world’s biggest test yet: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ordered the entire country of 1.3 billion people to stay indoors for 21 days.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
The announcement did not include any concrete transport, safety, or economic measures for India’s roughly 400 million informal workers, who are estimated to make up 80% to 90% of the total workforce and live without a safety net. With businesses and establishments shut down, they lost their daily wages; many of the country’s roughly 100 million migrant workers have also lost the roof over their head. Balancing either the belongings on their heads or young children on their shoulders, hundreds of thousands tried to walk back home.
Many have faced hunger and police brutality. At least 22 migrants have died on the way.
Adnan Abidi/Reuters View caption Hide caption Migrant workers and homeless people rest inside a sports complex turned into a shelter, during a 21-day nationwide lockdown to slow the spread of COVID-19, in New Delhi, India, April 4, 2020.
Some states organized buses to help the migrants, but bus stops quickly became overcrowded. A few days later, fearing a surge in coronavirus cases due to the movement of migrants, the central government ordered states to seal their borders. It announced food and cash assistance, forbade migrants’ landlords from demanding rent for a month, and ordered that businesses must pay wages for the duration of the lockdown. But the crisis has shone a spotlight on inequalities that predate COVID-19. Those disparities are likely to endure beyond this particular crisis.
“India’s economic growth model is based on the cheap labour of rural-to-urban migrants who often work for less than minimum wages in its high growth sectors. Yet they remain an unenumerated, unrecognized presence in cities,” excluded from many welfare programs, says Nivedita Jayaram of the nonprofit Aajeevika Bureau, which advocates for migrants and laborers. “There is an absolute gap ... the inability of the governments to be able to tell how many migrants are in a city, let alone reach them. The pandemic and lockdown has only exposed this fundamental flaw in India's policy design.”
Most migrants are not included in the Public Distribution System, which entitles poor families to subsidized grains. Owing to the long list of intermediaries involved in employing a migrant worker, the order to pay wages is difficult to enforce too.
Some states have tried to boost migrants’ support: Kerala, for example, was one of the first states to enhance social security pensions and set up shelters, and New Delhi has opened more than 1,000 food centers. But more is needed, especially in smaller towns and far-flung areas “where hunger is more stark and fear is more prevalent,” says Suroor Mander, a lawyer and activist with the nonprofit Karwan-e Mohabbat.
“There is no simple answer to this tragic dilemma between two humanitarian crises – the spread of the virus and the devastation caused by the lockdown – but some basic principles apply,” says Jean Drèze, an activist and visiting economics professor at the University of Ranchi. “One of them is that no one should be allowed to starve.”
More than hunger
Living in overcrowded homes or shelters, India’s workers have been left more vulnerable to the pandemic. But with such a large population already struggling with hunger, additional measures to address their health and safety have been pushed to the brink. In one state, returning migrants were asked to squat on the road, and sprayed with a bleaching agent.
According to Manisha Dutta, a public health professional in Udaipur, there continues to be inconsistent, inadequate information about the pandemic, which has led to confusion and fear among migrant workers. Returning migrants are reportedly being screened for the coronavirus in a number of states, but she is worried it isn’t rigorous enough.
Teachers and health workers have hurriedly been asked to step in and screen returnees. Most of them are at the front lines without safety gear and have not received proper training, Ms. Dutta says. In addition, “there are also a number of horrible rumors doing the rounds, some that refer to migrants being disease carriers and taken away by the police. ... So this has all been really intimidating for them.”
At the best of times, accessing health care is challenging for many migrants. Among Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development members and partners, India has the fewest number of hospital beds per 1,000 people. Mr. Meghwal said his young children are frequently ill, but he is no longer able to take them to the nearest health center, about 15 miles away, because of the lockdown.
Health experts are especially concerned about tuberculosis among migrant workers, particularly at a time when many will be malnourished. India has the highest TB burden in the world, according to the World Health Organization, and the disease disproportionately affects poor and marginalized people.
Preparing for the long haul
Once India has provided adequate rations and cash distributions, experts warn, it needs to confront long-term challenges, including job creation.
“The migration system is broken now and this means there will be a shortage of labour in many sectors,” says Dipa Sinha, professor of economics at Delhi’s Ambedkar University. “For instance, this is harvest season in northern India, which relies on migrant farm labourers from states like Bihar. The crops can’t be allowed to simply go to waste.”
The Mahatma Gandhi National Employment Rural Guarantee Act, which provides at least 100 days of paid employment per year to unskilled laborers, has come to a halt under the lockdown. In the longer run, however, workers’ advocates view it as a crucial system to provide income to migrant workers who’ve returned to their villages, and officials are asking for the strengthening of the act.
An ambitious One Nation One Ration Card scheme, which aims to make subsidized food available to workers who are currently left out, is scheduled to be operational in June. On-the-ground implementation remains a challenge, however.
The lockdown is scheduled to end Tuesday, but is likely to be extended. As the number of cases rises, many are calling for continued, but more humane, social distancing measures. But for now, many migrant workers’ main concern is their livelihood. With many rural areas’ economies focused on agriculture, returned workers face few job prospects.
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“The plan is to go back as soon as I can. What other option is there?” Mr. Meghwal says. “I have to work and feed my family after all.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-04-13--Monday Sunrise Briefing: Historic oil deal offers stability

A historic oil agreement Sunday puts an end to a damaging price war , and provides some stability to oil and stock markets .
A group of 23 oil-producing nations agreed to an unprecedented cut of nearly 10 million barrels , or a tenth of global supply .
As of Friday , U.S. crude was trading at $ 22.76 per barrel , down 63 % year-to-date .
Oil prices would have fallen anyway as factories and commuters worldwide went on coronavirus lockdown , but the decline was exacerbated by a feud between Saudi Arabia and Russia .
President Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it would save “ hundreds of thousands of energy jobs ” in the U.S. “ This is at least a temporary relief for the energy industry and for the global economy , ” oil analyst Per Magnus Nysveen told the Associated Press .
2 .
Europe emerging .
British Prime Minister Boris Johnson was released from the hospital Sunday .
The U.K. hasn ’ t flattened the coronavirus curve yet , but across Europe the first steps to lift lockdowns are underway .
WHO officials say it ’ s premature .
But in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will reopen Monday .
In Spain , some factories and construction sites will reopen this week , while the general public remains under stay-at-home orders until April 26 .
In Germany , officials plan to meet Wednesday to discuss plans to return to work .
Mr. Johnson released a video expressing profound gratitude for U.K. doctors and nurses , calling out “ Jenny from New Zealand ” and “ Luis from Portugal , ” who he said “ stood by my bedside for 48 hours when things could have gone either way.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world , mostly forbidden to gather , celebrated Easter Sunday in novel ways .
Many congregations met online .
Some congregated in their cars in church parking lots , obeying social-distancing rules .
In Kentucky , state police handed out quarantine notices and wrote down license plate numbers of the dozens of people who met at a Baptist church .
In New York , members of churches from across the city stayed home and sang “ Christ the Lord is Risen Today ” from balconies and windows .
“ Even if you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heard everyone , '' said Kathy Keller , of Redeemer Presbyterian Church , who helped organize the Easter2020 event .
Andrea Bocelli sang his message of hope at the cathedral in Milan , Italy , which was live-streamed on Youtube .
“ I believe in the strength of praying together ; I believe in the Christian Easter , a universal symbol of rebirth that everyone — whether they are believers or not — truly needs right now , '' Mr. Bocelli said .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ No paywall .
Leadership test .
South Korea is the first country to hold a major election amid the coronavirus crisis .
Voters will choose all 300 members of the parliament .
President Moon Jae-in and his party have benefited by getting the outbreak under control relatively quickly .
Roadmap for recovery : G20 finance ministers and central bank governors meet via video to discuss plans for handling the pandemic as well as how to restart the global economy .
Peacock premieres .
Yes , another streaming service .
NBC Universal debuts `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out to more audiences this summer .
With free and paid tiers , the service offers reruns of old TV and movie favorites , as well as new programming , such as “ Division One ” with Amy Poehler starring as a women ’ s college soccer coach .
HORSE hoops .
You can watch the finals of this week ’ s HORSE tournament , where current and former NBA and WNBA stars face off ( on their own courts ) with $ 200,000 being donated to coronavirus relief efforts .
Broadcast by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their shot and trash-talking while their opponent tries to duplicate it .
If they fail , they get a letter .
First to spell HORSE loses .
Sports , sort of : The WNBA draft starts tonight on ESPN at 7 p.m .
The likely No .
1 pick is Sabrina Ionescu of Oregon , but there ’ s also buzz around two of her Ducks teammates , Satou Sabally and Ruthy Hebard .
COVID-19 concert .
A bevy of stars and late-night hosts will join Lady Gaga for the “ One World @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the World Health Organization .
Ms. Gaga has already raised more than $ 35 million by lobbying 68 CEOs , reports Vogue .
Sometimes a sign of hope is , well , literally a sign of hope .
In Hanover , Massachusetts , the Rustic Marlin sign shop is making signs of appreciation for coronavirus frontline workers , collecting donations to help small businesses , and boosting community spirit .
The “ Signs of Hope ” initiative was launched by Melanie and Brian O ’ Neil , who started their sign making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now , they employ a team of more than 30 designers , artists , and craftsmen .
But the coronavirus lockdown hit their small business as hard as any other .
That ’ s when they hatched the idea .
For $ 20 , you can buy a sign with a heart or “ hope ” and give it to a frontline worker - a grocery store clerk , a doctor , a fireman , a nurse .
All profits go to Rustic Marlin employees and other area small businesses .
They ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far .
“ The idea is to use the profits to assist ordinary people that just a few weeks ago had jobs within a small business but now their world has been turned upside down because the company they work at had to close , ” Mr. O ’ Neil said in a statement .
There ’ s one more wrinkle : the couple is banking on the integrity of the public .
The little signs are sold at half-a-dozen unmanned kiosks south of Boston on the honor system : pick a sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money digitally via Venmo .
Start your week with a recent story that inspired Monitor readers : In tonight ’ s Daily Edition , watch for our story about Leonardo Pavkovic , owner of the world ’ s most unusual boutique record label , MoonJune Music .
Finally , check out the Monitor ’ s selected stories from Friday 's subscription-only Daily Edition : • In scramble for supplies , states start banding together • Coronavirus gives some protesters new mission : Preserving life • To reach his flock in a crisis , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
This is a beta test - an experiment with an early Monday morning news update .
Please give us your feedback via the link below and let us know what you think .
Thank you !

A historic oil agreement Sunday puts an end to a damaging price war, and provides some stability to oil and stock markets. A group of 23 oil-producing nations agreed to an unprecedented cut of nearly 10 million barrels, or a tenth of global supply. As of Friday, U.S. crude was trading at $22.76 per barrel, down 63% year-to-date. Oil prices would have fallen anyway as factories and commuters worldwide went on coronavirus lockdown, but the decline was exacerbated by a feud between Saudi Arabia and Russia. President Donald Trump praised the deal on Twitter, saying it would save “hundreds of thousands of energy jobs” in the U.S. “This is at least a temporary relief for the energy industry and for the global economy,” oil analyst Per Magnus Nysveen told the Associated Press.
2. Europe emerging. British Prime Minister Boris Johnson was released from the hospital Sunday. The U.K. hasn’t flattened the coronavirus curve yet, but across Europe the first steps to lift lockdowns are underway. WHO officials say it’s premature. But in Denmark, schools and day care centers will reopen Monday. In Spain, some factories and construction sites will reopen this week, while the general public remains under stay-at-home orders until April 26. In Germany, officials plan to meet Wednesday to discuss plans to return to work.
Mr. Johnson released a video expressing profound gratitude for U.K. doctors and nurses, calling out “Jenny from New Zealand” and “Luis from Portugal,” who he said “stood by my bedside for 48 hours when things could have gone either way.”
Why We Wrote This Good morning! Welcome to your Monday, April 13, 2020, sunrise briefing. Here are three news events from this past weekend (while you may have been hunting Easter eggs, kite surfing, and enjoying an offline life). Also, what to look for in the news this week.
3. Easter expressed. Christians around the world, mostly forbidden to gather, celebrated Easter Sunday in novel ways. Many congregations met online. Some congregated in their cars in church parking lots, obeying social-distancing rules. In Kentucky, state police handed out quarantine notices and wrote down license plate numbers of the dozens of people who met at a Baptist church. In New York, members of churches from across the city stayed home and sang “Christ the Lord is Risen Today” from balconies and windows. “Even if you didn’t hear everyone, God heard everyone," said Kathy Keller, of Redeemer Presbyterian Church, who helped organize the Easter2020 event.
Andrea Bocelli sang his message of hope at the cathedral in Milan, Italy, which was live-streamed on Youtube. “I believe in the strength of praying together; I believe in the Christian Easter, a universal symbol of rebirth that everyone — whether they are believers or not — truly needs right now," Mr. Bocelli said.
REUTERS/Alex Fraser View caption Hide caption Italian opera singer Andrea Bocelli at Duomo square on Easter Sunday, in Milan, Italy, April 12, 2020.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Look Ahead
Wednesday, April 15
Leadership test. South Korea is the first country to hold a major election amid the coronavirus crisis. Voters will choose all 300 members of the parliament. President Moon Jae-in and his party have benefited by getting the outbreak under control relatively quickly.
Roadmap for recovery: G20 finance ministers and central bank governors meet via video to discuss plans for handling the pandemic as well as how to restart the global economy.
Peacock premieres. Yes, another streaming service. NBC Universal debuts "Peacock" on Comcast cable before rolling out to more audiences this summer. With free and paid tiers, the service offers reruns of old TV and movie favorites, as well as new programming, such as “Division One” with Amy Poehler starring as a women’s college soccer coach.
Thursday, April 16
HORSE hoops. You can watch the finals of this week’s HORSE tournament, where current and former NBA and WNBA stars face off (on their own courts) with $200,000 being donated to coronavirus relief efforts. Broadcast by ESPN. Players will take turns calling their shot and trash-talking while their opponent tries to duplicate it. If they fail, they get a letter. First to spell HORSE loses.
Friday, April 17
Sports, sort of: The WNBA draft starts tonight on ESPN at 7 p.m. The likely No. 1 pick is Sabrina Ionescu of Oregon, but there’s also buzz around two of her Ducks teammates, Satou Sabally and Ruthy Hebard.
Saturday, April 18
COVID-19 concert. A bevy of stars and late-night hosts will join Lady Gaga for the “One World: Together At Home” benefit concert for the World Health Organization. Ms. Gaga has already raised more than $35 million by lobbying 68 CEOs, reports Vogue.
Generosity Watch
Rustic Marlin via Facebook View caption Hide caption On Easter Sunday, someone bought a sign of hope at a kiosk in Hanover, Massachusetts.
Sometimes a sign of hope is, well, literally a sign of hope.
In Hanover, Massachusetts, the Rustic Marlin sign shop is making signs of appreciation for coronavirus frontline workers, collecting donations to help small businesses, and boosting community spirit.
The “Signs of Hope” initiative was launched by Melanie and Brian O’Neil, who started their sign making business in their garage in 2012. Now, they employ a team of more than 30 designers, artists, and craftsmen. But the coronavirus lockdown hit their small business as hard as any other. That’s when they hatched the idea. For $20, you can buy a sign with a heart or “hope” and give it to a frontline worker - a grocery store clerk, a doctor, a fireman, a nurse. All profits go to Rustic Marlin employees and other area small businesses. They’ve raised more than $30,000 so far.
“The idea is to use the profits to assist ordinary people that just a few weeks ago had jobs within a small business but now their world has been turned upside down because the company they work at had to close,” Mr. O’Neil said in a statement.
There’s one more wrinkle: the couple is banking on the integrity of the public. The little signs are sold at half-a-dozen unmanned kiosks south of Boston on the honor system: pick a sign and leave a check or send the money digitally via Venmo.
Hidden gem
Start your week with a recent story that inspired Monitor readers:
Lapping the living room: Lockdown marathoners get creative
Sneak preview
In tonight’s Daily Edition, watch for our story about Leonardo Pavkovic, owner of the world’s most unusual boutique record label, MoonJune Music.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Finally, check out the Monitor’s selected stories from Friday's subscription-only Daily Edition:
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
This is a beta test - an experiment with an early Monday morning news update. Please give us your feedback via the link below and let us know what you think. Thank you!


csmonitor--2020-04-06--‘The doctor won’t see you now.’ Rethinking health care delivery in a crisis.

“ If there is one positive aspect , this crisis is proving that reforming healthcare doesn ’ t necessarily take decades .
It ’ s just a matter of will , ” says Nicola Draoli , an Italian nurse .
Hospitals and clinics are also ramping up telemedicine , out of necessity , amid a pandemic that requires social distancing and has put huge strain on health care resources .
This pivot has drawn attention to telemedicine as a longer-term solution that could help overcome , at least in some aspects of medicine , the shortfalls in medical staff in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Washington state , Gov .
Jay Inslee last week told recent medical retirees and qualified students , “ Like Uncle Sam , we want you !
” Long before COVID-19 hit the headlines , health care systems across Europe and the U.S. had been struggling to plug recruitment gaps , particularly in their nursing ranks .
Now that shortfall has become a crisis , leading to a call-up of recent retirees and new graduates to support front-line staff treating patients .
Veteran Seattle nurse Carolyn Grant had just finished kicking off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when she got a text from her old boss : Would Ms. Grant come out of retirement to help the medical center ’ s COVID-19 testing program ?
That night , she said yes .
In Germany , where “ not a single hospital has enough staff , ” says a Berlin ICU nurse , the government is calling medical students to action , and dissolving bureaucratic hurdles so hospitals can mobilize more medical workers .
In Italy , which has seen the world ’ s highest coronavirus death toll , the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to work , and allocated funding to hire 20,000 more health professionals .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Chronic worker shortages can be patchworked during normal times , but as the COVID-19 pandemic slams medical systems around the globe , having the right personnel can mean the difference between life and death .
Administrators are rehiring retired professionals , tapping medical students before they even graduate , and turning to the military and volunteers to supplement a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis was coming up short .
“ It is like we have a blanket that is too short and everyone is trying to pull it to his side , ” says Nicola Draoli , an Italian nurse .
From Berlin to Seattle , hospitals and clinics are also ramping up telehealth options , which in a few weeks have been overcoming medical , bureaucratic , and consumer resistance that had stymied advocates for years .
As COVID-19 brings waves of patients through hospital and clinic doors , health care systems are turning to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward .
“ If there is one positive aspect , this crisis is proving that reforming health care doesn ’ t necessarily take decades .
It ’ s just a matter of will , ” says Mr. Draoli , a member of the central committee of Italy ’ s national federation of nursing .
In Berlin , a nurse in an intensive care unit who prefers to be called Nico because he ’ s not authorized to speak to the news media loves working with patients , and the undersupply of nurses means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I could work at any hospital or any ICU in Germany , ” he says .
But the shortage has downsides : The hospital had closed a quarter of its ICU beds over the last two years due to lack of staff .
Nico was constantly on call to pick up extra shifts , and also needed to clean patient rooms and tidy pharmacies due to a shortage of assistants .
Over the years , Nico has seen colleagues vote with their feet .
“ The workload is so heavy , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospital is prepping for the COVID-19 crisis by adding ICU beds and training non-ICU staff .
Administrators are also preparing to hire medical students , who now have government-mandated flexibility for education , training , and licensing requirements .
“ We ’ re waiting for the big wave of patients , expecting it to hit in late April , ” says Nico .
Germany is currently facing a shortage of 70,000 nurses in hospitals alone , according to Verdi , a German trade union .
“ We ’ ve lost 300,000 health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Stefan Sell , a professor of economics and social policy at the University of Koblenz .
“ And the younger generation is very small , and young people go into other jobs.
” The situation is no better in other developed countries .
Italy is currently short about 53,000 nurses , estimates Mr. Draoli of the nursing federation .
The United Kingdom ’ s National Health Service is missing about 100,000 health care workers of all kinds , and the United States needs to recruit at least 200,000 more registered nurses each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need more elder and long-term care .
The main reasons are high turnover and not enough new nursing graduates entering the workforce in wealthy countries .
Sociocultural factors also come into play ; most health care workers are women , who are more likely to take part-time shifts because of child care requirements , says Dr. Sell , meaning you need more hires to provide full-time coverage .
Put simply , the job isn ’ t attractive enough , as pay for nursing and medical assistant work hasn ’ t remained competitive .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ care salaries have declined from roughly 40 % of the country ’ s annual public health budget two decades ago , to less than a third today .
“ In the U.K. , we have a lot of vacancies that remain unfilled , ” says Dr. Rocco Friebel , a London School of Economics health policy professor .
“ Working conditions are poor .
It ’ s a very high-pressure job.
” Staffing projections worldwide are sobering .
By 2030 , countries in North , Central and South America are expected to face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doctors , nurses , and other workers , with Europe ’ s shortfall at around 1.4 million , according to a 2017 study by medical researchers .
Governments in the U.S. and Europe have attempted to tackle shortages by shifting workloads , digitizing services , providing funding to create elder care positions , and looking at worker wage increases , among other initiatives .
“ In the U.K. , we ’ ve seen a push to employ clinical assistants , who can do bookkeeping and a lot of the day-to-day tasks , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take care of the most severe cases , ” says Dr. Friebel .
But the main strategy in wealthy nations is to fill their ranks with foreign nurses and health care workers .
The German government is working with Kosovo , Mexico , and the Philippines to integrate workers into its health care system .
In the U.K. , the National Health Service has long tapped European Union nationals , especially those from Poland and other Eastern European countries , to fill jobs .
That ’ s only a partial solution , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in part because of the competition .
“ A lot of other countries such as the Netherlands , France , and Switzerland are also trying to get people from Russia , Ukraine , and other countries , ” he says .
Also , he points out , many potential migrants don ’ t speak the adopted country ’ s language .
“ Ultimately , we have to get additional staff from our [ home ] labor force , ” says Dr. Sell .
“ That will require a multidimensional strategy such as improving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A shortage that will take decades to solve feels acute in the face of a pandemic .
In the U.S. , top officials are crying out for medical volunteers of all stripes .
In New York , more than 50,000 health care workers have answered Gov .
Andrew Cuomo ’ s pleas .
In California , a newly created health corps to expand the workforce has garnered more than 70,000 registrations from “ underemployed ” medical professionals of all stripes .
In Washington state , Gov .
Jay Inslee last week told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Like Uncle Sam , we want you !
” Another infusion of medical manpower is coming from the U.S. military .
Three hundred soldiers from an Army unit in Fort Carson , Colorado , arrived in Seattle last week to set up a 250-bed hospital inside the Seattle Seahawks ’ football stadium , and a Navy hospital ship has docked in New York City .
By caring for patients without COVID-19 , they can free up local hospital beds for those who have the virus .
Health care workers are also being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re redeployed to other units , such as from transplant ICUs to respiratory care .
Italy ’ s worst-hit regions like Lombardy are also tapping another strategy : emphasizing primary-care monitoring and home care rather than hospital admissions .
“ Hospitals have always seen too many people that don ’ t belong in the hospital , ” says Dr. Friebel , the analyst .
As Italian doctors have discovered by necessity , initial screenings of suspected COVID-19 patients can be done without a physical visit .
“ It turns out that a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ COVID-19 ] patients – the mild cases – is about asking questions about symptoms , ” says Joseph Kvedar , a Harvard Medical School professor and incoming president of the American Telemedicine Association .
“ It ’ s a perfect setup for [ telehealth ] technology.
” Advocates of telemedicine say many health care needs can , in fact , be serviced without stepping foot into an office , clinic , or hospital .
Inquiries from U.S. clinicians about telehealth have skyrocketed , Dr. Kvedar says , at the same time that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requirements for licensing across state borders and privacy issues around technology .
They ’ re also reexamining what ’ s defined as a “ visit ” for insurance purposes .
“ There ’ s been a staggering amount of creativity and collaboration , ” says Dr. Charlotte Wu , a physician and founder of Harness Health Partners , a Boston-based consultancy .
“ We ’ re seeing an increased acceptance of virtual medicine , leveraging the skills of diverse team members , and collaborating across institutions – who were traditionally competitors.
” At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , counselors are now offering mental health care by phone and video apps such as Zoom and Doxy.me .
“ We can accept consent via telephone versus in writing ” in treating substance use disorders , says Michael Byun , who runs the nonprofit .
COVID-19 is spurring innovations that might eventually pave the way for routine remote-monitoring of chronic illnesses .
The possibilities are legion .
Seventy percent of U.S. health care costs go to treating health conditions like high blood pressure or high cholesterol that are attributed to or worsened by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poor eating habits ; they can be followed by a virtual-care quick check-in , says Dr. Kvedar .
“ We don ’ t have enough people to deliver service one-to-one in a room at a time , ” says Dr. Kvedar .
“ There ’ s a lot of inefficiency in the way we deliver care .
When the dust settles , I hope we don ’ t go back to doing every single thing in the office.
” New technologies are also helping tackle staffing shortages .
Germany recently called on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and among the entries was a “ digital waiting room ” that vets a patient ’ s symptoms , and an app that rotates nurses more effectively .
Practitioners and researchers are also using artificial intelligence to help forecast disease spread , implement rapid-testing technologies , and develop new approaches to contact tracing .
Back in Seattle , the veteran nurse Ms. Grant has bid her short-lived retirement goodbye ; she ’ s now working 10- to 12-hour days , six days a week , managing COVID-19 testing sites .
Her day begins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testers , as she leads a team of nurses at the University of Washington Medical Center – Northwest who were displaced from outpatient surgery centers and clinics .
Ms. Grant was part of a wave of nurses who entered the workforce during a severe nursing shortage in the U.S. during the 1980s .
“ Many people in that age bracket are exiting the workforce , ” she says , so it ’ s no surprise they ’ re being called back to fill the gaps they ’ ve left .
Ms. Grant feels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to duty .
“ I am able to help this community at a difficult time.
” This story was reported by Monitor correspondent Lenora Chu in Berlin , staff writer Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle , contributor Daniela Sala in Rome , and contributor Austin Davis in Berlin .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“If there is one positive aspect, this crisis is proving that reforming healthcare doesn’t necessarily take decades. It’s just a matter of will,” says Nicola Draoli, an Italian nurse.
Hospitals and clinics are also ramping up telemedicine, out of necessity, amid a pandemic that requires social distancing and has put huge strain on health care resources. This pivot has drawn attention to telemedicine as a longer-term solution that could help overcome, at least in some aspects of medicine, the shortfalls in medical staff in rich aging societies like Italy and Germany.
Health care workers were already in short supply in many rich countries. But the coronavirus pandemic may yield new approaches to telemedicine and staff recruitment.
In Washington state, Gov. Jay Inslee last week told recent medical retirees and qualified students, “Like Uncle Sam, we want you!”
Long before COVID-19 hit the headlines, health care systems across Europe and the U.S. had been struggling to plug recruitment gaps, particularly in their nursing ranks. Now that shortfall has become a crisis, leading to a call-up of recent retirees and new graduates to support front-line staff treating patients.
Veteran Seattle nurse Carolyn Grant had just finished kicking off her retirement with a trip to Hawaii when she got a text from her old boss: Would Ms. Grant come out of retirement to help the medical center’s COVID-19 testing program? That night, she said yes.
In Germany, where “not a single hospital has enough staff,” says a Berlin ICU nurse, the government is calling medical students to action, and dissolving bureaucratic hurdles so hospitals can mobilize more medical workers.
In Italy, which has seen the world’s highest coronavirus death toll, the government has asked recently retired doctors to come back to work, and allocated funding to hire 20,000 more health professionals.
Why We Wrote This Health care workers were already in short supply in many rich countries. But the coronavirus pandemic may yield new approaches to telemedicine and staff recruitment.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Chronic worker shortages can be patchworked during normal times, but as the COVID-19 pandemic slams medical systems around the globe, having the right personnel can mean the difference between life and death. Administrators are rehiring retired professionals, tapping medical students before they even graduate, and turning to the military and volunteers to supplement a stretched workforce that even before the current crisis was coming up short.
“It is like we have a blanket that is too short and everyone is trying to pull it to his side,” says Nicola Draoli, an Italian nurse.
From Berlin to Seattle, hospitals and clinics are also ramping up telehealth options, which in a few weeks have been overcoming medical, bureaucratic, and consumer resistance that had stymied advocates for years. As COVID-19 brings waves of patients through hospital and clinic doors, health care systems are turning to solutions that might become increasingly attractive going forward.
“If there is one positive aspect, this crisis is proving that reforming health care doesn’t necessarily take decades. It’s just a matter of will,” says Mr. Draoli, a member of the central committee of Italy’s national federation of nursing.
In Berlin, a nurse in an intensive care unit who prefers to be called Nico because he’s not authorized to speak to the news media loves working with patients, and the undersupply of nurses means ironclad job stability. “I think I could work at any hospital or any ICU in Germany,” he says.
But the shortage has downsides: The hospital had closed a quarter of its ICU beds over the last two years due to lack of staff. Nico was constantly on call to pick up extra shifts, and also needed to clean patient rooms and tidy pharmacies due to a shortage of assistants. Over the years, Nico has seen colleagues vote with their feet. “The workload is so heavy,” he says.
Today, Nico’s hospital is prepping for the COVID-19 crisis by adding ICU beds and training non-ICU staff. Administrators are also preparing to hire medical students, who now have government-mandated flexibility for education, training, and licensing requirements.
“We’re waiting for the big wave of patients, expecting it to hit in late April,” says Nico.
A structural staff shortfall
Germany is currently facing a shortage of 70,000 nurses in hospitals alone, according to Verdi, a German trade union. “We’ve lost 300,000 health care workers each year to retirement,” says Stefan Sell, a professor of economics and social policy at the University of Koblenz. “And the younger generation is very small, and young people go into other jobs.”
The situation is no better in other developed countries. Italy is currently short about 53,000 nurses, estimates Mr. Draoli of the nursing federation. The United Kingdom’s National Health Service is missing about 100,000 health care workers of all kinds, and the United States needs to recruit at least 200,000 more registered nurses each year. All have aging populations that need more elder and long-term care.
The main reasons are high turnover and not enough new nursing graduates entering the workforce in wealthy countries. Sociocultural factors also come into play; most health care workers are women, who are more likely to take part-time shifts because of child care requirements, says Dr. Sell, meaning you need more hires to provide full-time coverage.
Put simply, the job isn’t attractive enough, as pay for nursing and medical assistant work hasn’t remained competitive. In Italy, for example, health care salaries have declined from roughly 40% of the country’s annual public health budget two decades ago, to less than a third today.
“In the U.K., we have a lot of vacancies that remain unfilled,” says Dr. Rocco Friebel, a London School of Economics health policy professor. “Working conditions are poor. It’s a very high-pressure job.”
Staffing projections worldwide are sobering. By 2030, countries in North, Central and South America are expected to face a combined shortage of roughly 2.5 million doctors, nurses, and other workers, with Europe’s shortfall at around 1.4 million, according to a 2017 study by medical researchers.
Recruiting foreign nurses
Governments in the U.S. and Europe have attempted to tackle shortages by shifting workloads, digitizing services, providing funding to create elder care positions, and looking at worker wage increases, among other initiatives.
“In the U.K., we’ve seen a push to employ clinical assistants, who can do bookkeeping and a lot of the day-to-day tasks, which then frees up fully qualified nurses to take care of the most severe cases,” says Dr. Friebel.
But the main strategy in wealthy nations is to fill their ranks with foreign nurses and health care workers. The German government is working with Kosovo, Mexico, and the Philippines to integrate workers into its health care system. In the U.K., the National Health Service has long tapped European Union nationals, especially those from Poland and other Eastern European countries, to fill jobs.
That’s only a partial solution, says Dr. Sell, the German economist, in part because of the competition. “A lot of other countries such as the Netherlands, France, and Switzerland are also trying to get people from Russia, Ukraine, and other countries,” he says. Also, he points out, many potential migrants don’t speak the adopted country’s language.
“Ultimately, we have to get additional staff from our [home] labor force,” says Dr. Sell. “That will require a multidimensional strategy such as improving working conditions and education” for workers.
A turn to volunteers, telemedicine
A shortage that will take decades to solve feels acute in the face of a pandemic.
In the U.S., top officials are crying out for medical volunteers of all stripes. In New York, more than 50,000 health care workers have answered Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s pleas. In California, a newly created health corps to expand the workforce has garnered more than 70,000 registrations from “underemployed” medical professionals of all stripes.
In Washington state, Gov. Jay Inslee last week told recent medical retirees and qualified students, “Like Uncle Sam, we want you!”
Another infusion of medical manpower is coming from the U.S. military. Three hundred soldiers from an Army unit in Fort Carson, Colorado, arrived in Seattle last week to set up a 250-bed hospital inside the Seattle Seahawks’ football stadium, and a Navy hospital ship has docked in New York City. By caring for patients without COVID-19, they can free up local hospital beds for those who have the virus.
Health care workers are also being asked to shift gears, as they’re redeployed to other units, such as from transplant ICUs to respiratory care.
Italy’s worst-hit regions like Lombardy are also tapping another strategy: emphasizing primary-care monitoring and home care rather than hospital admissions. “Hospitals have always seen too many people that don’t belong in the hospital,” says Dr. Friebel, the analyst.
As Italian doctors have discovered by necessity, initial screenings of suspected COVID-19 patients can be done without a physical visit.
“It turns out that a lot of both screening and follow-up of [COVID-19] patients – the mild cases – is about asking questions about symptoms,” says Joseph Kvedar, a Harvard Medical School professor and incoming president of the American Telemedicine Association. “It’s a perfect setup for [telehealth] technology.”
Advocates of telemedicine say many health care needs can, in fact, be serviced without stepping foot into an office, clinic, or hospital.
Inquiries from U.S. clinicians about telehealth have skyrocketed, Dr. Kvedar says, at the same time that states and the federal government are loosening requirements for licensing across state borders and privacy issues around technology. They’re also reexamining what’s defined as a “visit” for insurance purposes.
“There’s been a staggering amount of creativity and collaboration,” says Dr. Charlotte Wu, a physician and founder of Harness Health Partners, a Boston-based consultancy. “We’re seeing an increased acceptance of virtual medicine, leveraging the skills of diverse team members, and collaborating across institutions – who were traditionally competitors.”
Virtual care, digital fixes
At Asian Counseling and Referral Service in Seattle, counselors are now offering mental health care by phone and video apps such as Zoom and Doxy.me. “We can accept consent via telephone versus in writing” in treating substance use disorders, says Michael Byun, who runs the nonprofit.
COVID-19 is spurring innovations that might eventually pave the way for routine remote-monitoring of chronic illnesses. The possibilities are legion. Seventy percent of U.S. health care costs go to treating health conditions like high blood pressure or high cholesterol that are attributed to or worsened by smoking, lack of exercise, or poor eating habits; they can be followed by a virtual-care quick check-in, says Dr. Kvedar.
“We don’t have enough people to deliver service one-to-one in a room at a time,” says Dr. Kvedar. “There’s a lot of inefficiency in the way we deliver care. When the dust settles, I hope we don’t go back to doing every single thing in the office.”
New technologies are also helping tackle staffing shortages. Germany recently called on the public to suggest COVID-19 related innovations, and among the entries was a “digital waiting room” that vets a patient’s symptoms, and an app that rotates nurses more effectively. Practitioners and researchers are also using artificial intelligence to help forecast disease spread, implement rapid-testing technologies, and develop new approaches to contact tracing.
Back in Seattle, the veteran nurse Ms. Grant has bid her short-lived retirement goodbye; she’s now working 10- to 12-hour days, six days a week, managing COVID-19 testing sites. Her day begins early to ensure adequate supplies for the testers, as she leads a team of nurses at the University of Washington Medical Center – Northwest who were displaced from outpatient surgery centers and clinics.
Ms. Grant was part of a wave of nurses who entered the workforce during a severe nursing shortage in the U.S. during the 1980s. “Many people in that age bracket are exiting the workforce,” she says, so it’s no surprise they’re being called back to fill the gaps they’ve left. Ms. Grant feels a “loyalty” and a call to duty. “I am able to help this community at a difficult time.”
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This story was reported by Monitor correspondent Lenora Chu in Berlin, staff writer Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle, contributor Daniela Sala in Rome, and contributor Austin Davis in Berlin.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.