csmonitor--2020-10-27--As college grads flee the GOP, political ‘diploma divide’ grows

“ Education is a stronger predictor [ of voting than income ] because it correlates with your underlying values , ” says Alan Abramowitz , a political scientist at Emory University who studies polarization .
The shift is scrambling everything from long-standing party policy positions to traditional advantages and disadvantages when it comes to campaign cash and the electoral map .
It also reflects the extent to which cultural issues – as much as pocketbook concerns – shape voting behavior .
In 1996 , Republican voters were more likely than Democrats to have a four-year degree , according to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , college graduates make up 41 % of Democrats , compared with 30 % of Republicans .
The “ diploma divide ” in U.S. politics predates Mr. Trump .
But like many partisan fault lines , from gender to religion , it has gaped wider under his presidency , sending into hyperdrive a decadeslong realignment of the Democratic and Republican parties .
Growing up in a conservative white household outside Atlanta , Brendon Pace says he always thought of himself as a Republican .
But after attending college and starting medical school in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ GOP under President Donald Trump , and recently cast a ballot for Joe Biden .
Maybe someday he ’ ll vote Republican again , he says – but for now , “ they ’ ve definitely lost me.
” Four years ago , Donald Trump ’ s path to the White House ran through Rust Belt states with higher-than-average numbers of white voters without college degrees .
That strategy paid off , seeding a narrative of a working-class revolt from the right led by a billionaire Republican , who is seeking to turn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But what also happened in 2016 now looks arguably more significant : College-educated voters , who once leaned Republican , swung hard to the Democrats , including voters in suburban districts who then helped flip the House of Representatives in 2018 .
The polarization among white voters by educational levels has since grown wider , putting more pressure on Republicans to turn out non-college-educated white voters , a demographic that is shrinking within an increasingly diverse and educated electorate .
To gain a second term , President Trump likely needs to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polls , as well as win back some disaffected college grads .
The “ diploma divide ” in U.S. politics predates Mr. Trump .
But like many partisan fault lines , from gender to religion , it has gaped wider under his presidency – sending into hyperdrive a decadeslong realignment of the Democratic and Republican parties .
These shifting partisan coalitions , in turn , are scrambling everything from long-standing party policy positions to traditional advantages and disadvantages when it comes to campaign cash and the electoral map .
“ One of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the existence of a college degree .
[ If ] you have a college degree , you ’ ve been drifting Democrat .
If you don ’ t , you ’ ve been drifting Republican , ” says Scott Jennings , a GOP strategist .
“ What was true in 2016 is true today .
It ’ s been exacerbated.
” This divide has also reshaped political coalitions in European democracies .
Populist right-wing politicians have won over working-class communities that used to vote reliably for center-left parties , which are now more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In multiparty systems like the Netherlands , college graduates make up the base of Green parties .
In 2016 , the United Kingdom ’ s Brexit referendum slashed across party lines as less educated voters chose to leave the European Union , against the wishes of college graduates .
Last year ’ s election saw Boris Johnson , leader of the pro-Brexit Conservatives , flip dozens of seats in England ’ s equivalent of the Rust Belt , while center-left Labour held onto university towns .
In the United States , education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ society that aspires to be classless .
In fact , some non-college-educated white voters – who made up 42 % of the electorate in 2016 – are relatively affluent , which is why researchers control for income when studying their voting patterns .
By that measure , Mr. Trump ’ s popularity among the white working class is less impressive than the myth : They made up 31 % of votes he received , a similar share to Mitt Romney , a more traditional Republican , in 2012 .
Where Mr. Trump did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes from non-college-educated white people with higher incomes , a factor that many pollsters missed in tracking the 2016 race .
These increasing margins reflect how cultural issues like same-sex marriage and race relations , as much as pocketbook concerns , shape voting behavior , says Alan Abramowitz , a political scientist at Emory University who studies polarization .
“ Education is a stronger predictor [ than income ] because it correlates with your underlying values , ” he says .
Growing up in a conservative white household outside Atlanta , Brendon Pace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its well-off community .
“ The idea of supporting the Democrats or anyone liberal was ridiculed , ” he says .
In 2016 , Mr. Pace , by then a college undergraduate in Virginia , cast his first ballot .
“ I thought of myself as a Republican and I voted for Trump in 2016 , ” he says , ruefully .
Since then , he ’ s shifted left , to the dismay of his family , and recently cast an absentee ballot for Joe Biden .
Mr. Pace , who is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Virginia Medical School in Norfolk , Virginia , says he ’ s unhappy with Mr. Trump ’ s presidency and how Republican lawmakers fell in line behind him .
And while he says he may consider voting again for the party in the future , for now “ they ’ ve definitely lost me.
” For this election cycle , polls show Republicans holding college educated white people in Georgia , while losing this demographic to Democrats in battleground states like Michigan and Pennsylvania .
Among white voters without college degrees , Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like Texas and North Carolina .
( Nonwhite voters overwhelmingly tilt Democratic . )
While Mr. Trump ’ s crossover appeal has been exaggerated – white working-class voters also helped put George W. Bush into office – he did flip some Democratic strongholds in 2016 , including Johnston , Rhode Island , where Democrats dominate local and state politics .
Stephanie Muravchik , a social historian at Claremont McKenna College , studied Johnston and two other Trump-voting districts in Iowa and Kentucky that otherwise rarely or never voted for Republicans , for her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats.
” In all three places , most voters are white , without college degrees .
In Johnston , self-identified Republicans were so thin on the ground , says Ms. Muravchik , that when a Trump surrogate was proposed for an election debate in 2016 , Democratic Mayor Joe Polisena didn ’ t recognize the name .
“ And he knows everyone in town .
I mean , everyone , ” she says .
Yet in many ways , Democratic officials like Mr. Polisena share some stylistic similarities with Mr. Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Muravchik , who calls it “ boss politics.
” That type of politics holds a certain appeal to non-college-educated voters , particularly men , who respect toughness over formality .
Local bosses “ promise to take care of their supporters and help them out , and expect loyalty in return .
So Trump seemed familiar to people in these areas , ” she says .
Since 2016 , Republicans have built an electoral base in Johnston , even as voters remain loyal to local Democrats like Mr. Polisena , a former state senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fox News , ” says Ms. Muravchik .
Still , these GOP conversions are swimming against the general demographic tide , in which non-college-educated white voters are a declining portion of the electorate .
Analysts calculate that the president needs to increase their overall turnout by 5 percentage points from 2016 simply to offset this decline – as well as win a larger share of their votes .
“ If you ’ re writing off white college graduates and nonwhites , you ’ re appealing to a shrinking share of the electorate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Republican base .
Brian Hern , a tax attorney who lives in an affluent town outside Boston , is a fiscal and judicial conservative who voted twice against former President Barack Obama .
“ I don ’ t like big government .
I don ’ t think the government does anything well , ” he says .
In 2012 , he voted enthusiastically for Mr. Romney , a former Massachusetts governor .
But he didn ’ t support Mr. Trump and has been appalled by his chaotic leadership and how it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s like a cult following , ” he says .
“ I think he ’ s destroyed the party ’ s image.
” Mr. Hern says he won ’ t vote for Mr. Biden or Mr. Trump , though he hopes Mr. Trump will lose and “ the fever will break , ” encouraging Republicans to steer back to a politics that plays down cultural divisions .
“ Our politics keep getting ramped up to extreme levels , ” he says .
A generation ago , college graduates like Mr. Hern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In 1996 , Republican voters were more likely than Democrats to have a four-year degree , according to a Pew study of party identification .
Today college graduates make up 41 % of Democrats , compared with 30 % of Republicans .
In 2016 , the diploma divide among white voters hit a new high , with Mr. Trump ’ s opponent , Hillary Clinton , winning a higher margin of college-educated white voters than Mr. Obama in 2012 .
The divide was even higher among more affluent voters , a trend that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ path to victory not only for Mr. Trump but also for vulnerable down-ballot Republicans .
It also has had a significant effect on campaign fundraising .
According to a recent analysis by The New York Times , Mr. Biden out-raised Mr. Trump $ 478 million to $ 104 million in ZIP codes where two-thirds or more of the population were college graduates , primarily on the coasts .
In the rest of the country , meanwhile , Mr. Trump outpaced Mr. Biden by $ 630 million to $ 591 million .
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a vehicle of metropolitan elites and nonwhites that has lost touch with less-educated white voters .
Over the past four years , the party has moved further left on issues like climate change and LGBTQ rights , making it harder to bridge the gap with traditional Democrats in places like Johnston .
( Liberal donors also tend to push these priorities . )
“ If they want to be the party of the working class , they have to include the white working class – who are still a majority of the working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Still , Democrats see themselves as carrying the New Deal torch and governing for the less advantaged , notes Thomas Patterson , a professor of government at Harvard .
“ Even if their coalition doesn ’ t look like it , their philosophy tips it , ” he says .
That gives the party a chance at retaining or even growing some of their working-class support .
He ’ s more skeptical that the Republicans can close their education gap by wooing back disenchanted “ managerial and business-oriented ” Republicans .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he says .
“ That ’ s going to make it hard for the two sides to get together , because they care about different things .
”

“Education is a stronger predictor [of voting than income] because it correlates with your underlying values,” says Alan Abramowitz, a political scientist at Emory University who studies polarization.
The shift is scrambling everything from long-standing party policy positions to traditional advantages and disadvantages when it comes to campaign cash and the electoral map. It also reflects the extent to which cultural issues – as much as pocketbook concerns – shape voting behavior.
In 1996, Republican voters were more likely than Democrats to have a four-year degree, according to a Pew study of party identification . Today, college graduates make up 41% of Democrats, compared with 30% of Republicans.
President Trump won in 2016 thanks in part to support from non-college-educated white voters. Those with college degrees are increasingly voting Democratic – shifting partisan policy priorities and campaign strategies.
The “diploma divide” in U.S. politics predates Mr. Trump. But like many partisan fault lines, from gender to religion, it has gaped wider under his presidency, sending into hyperdrive a decadeslong realignment of the Democratic and Republican parties.
Growing up in a conservative white household outside Atlanta, Brendon Pace says he always thought of himself as a Republican. But after attending college and starting medical school in Virginia, he became unhappy with the GOP under President Donald Trump, and recently cast a ballot for Joe Biden. Maybe someday he’ll vote Republican again, he says – but for now, “they’ve definitely lost me.”
Four years ago, Donald Trump’s path to the White House ran through Rust Belt states with higher-than-average numbers of white voters without college degrees.
That strategy paid off, seeding a narrative of a working-class revolt from the right led by a billionaire Republican, who is seeking to turn out those voters again on Nov. 3.
But what also happened in 2016 now looks arguably more significant: College-educated voters, who once leaned Republican, swung hard to the Democrats, including voters in suburban districts who then helped flip the House of Representatives in 2018.
Why We Wrote This President Trump won in 2016 thanks in part to support from non-college-educated white voters. Those with college degrees are increasingly voting Democratic – shifting partisan policy priorities and campaign strategies.
The polarization among white voters by educational levels has since grown wider, putting more pressure on Republicans to turn out non-college-educated white voters, a demographic that is shrinking within an increasingly diverse and educated electorate. To gain a second term, President Trump likely needs to get even more of these voters to the polls, as well as win back some disaffected college grads.
The “diploma divide” in U.S. politics predates Mr. Trump. But like many partisan fault lines, from gender to religion, it has gaped wider under his presidency – sending into hyperdrive a decadeslong realignment of the Democratic and Republican parties. These shifting partisan coalitions, in turn, are scrambling everything from long-standing party policy positions to traditional advantages and disadvantages when it comes to campaign cash and the electoral map.
SOURCE: Pew Research Center | Jacob Turcotte/Staff
“One of the great political divides in this country is the existence of a college degree. [If] you have a college degree, you’ve been drifting Democrat. If you don’t, you’ve been drifting Republican,” says Scott Jennings, a GOP strategist. “What was true in 2016 is true today. It’s been exacerbated.”
This divide has also reshaped political coalitions in European democracies. Populist right-wing politicians have won over working-class communities that used to vote reliably for center-left parties, which are now more oriented toward more affluent and educated voters. In multiparty systems like the Netherlands, college graduates make up the base of Green parties.
In 2016, the United Kingdom’s Brexit referendum slashed across party lines as less educated voters chose to leave the European Union, against the wishes of college graduates. Last year’s election saw Boris Johnson, leader of the pro-Brexit Conservatives, flip dozens of seats in England’s equivalent of the Rust Belt, while center-left Labour held onto university towns.
In the United States, education is a proxy for class in a society that aspires to be classless. In fact, some non-college-educated white voters – who made up 42% of the electorate in 2016 – are relatively affluent, which is why researchers control for income when studying their voting patterns.
By that measure, Mr. Trump’s popularity among the white working class is less impressive than the myth: They made up 31% of votes he received, a similar share to Mitt Romney, a more traditional Republican, in 2012.
Where Mr. Trump did better, however, was in attracting votes from non-college-educated white people with higher incomes, a factor that many pollsters missed in tracking the 2016 race.
These increasing margins reflect how cultural issues like same-sex marriage and race relations, as much as pocketbook concerns, shape voting behavior, says Alan Abramowitz, a political scientist at Emory University who studies polarization. “Education is a stronger predictor [than income] because it correlates with your underlying values,” he says.
Kevin Lamarque/Reuters View caption Hide caption Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden speaks during a drive-in campaign event at Dallas High School in Dallas, Pennsylvania, Oct. 24, 2020. The education gap is growing among voters, with those with college degrees tending to vote for Democrats, while those without favor the GOP.
“They’ve definitely lost me”
Growing up in a conservative white household outside Atlanta, Brendon Pace absorbed the values of his family and its well-off community. “The idea of supporting the Democrats or anyone liberal was ridiculed,” he says.
In 2016, Mr. Pace, by then a college undergraduate in Virginia, cast his first ballot. “I thought of myself as a Republican and I voted for Trump in 2016,” he says, ruefully.
Since then, he’s shifted left, to the dismay of his family, and recently cast an absentee ballot for Joe Biden. Mr. Pace, who is now in his first year at Eastern Virginia Medical School in Norfolk, Virginia, says he’s unhappy with Mr. Trump’s presidency and how Republican lawmakers fell in line behind him. And while he says he may consider voting again for the party in the future, for now “they’ve definitely lost me.”
For this election cycle, polls show Republicans holding college educated white people in Georgia, while losing this demographic to Democrats in battleground states like Michigan and Pennsylvania. Among white voters without college degrees, Mr. Trump runs up large margins in states like Texas and North Carolina. (Nonwhite voters overwhelmingly tilt Democratic.)
While Mr. Trump’s crossover appeal has been exaggerated – white working-class voters also helped put George W. Bush into office – he did flip some Democratic strongholds in 2016, including Johnston, Rhode Island, where Democrats dominate local and state politics.
Stephanie Muravchik, a social historian at Claremont McKenna College, studied Johnston and two other Trump-voting districts in Iowa and Kentucky that otherwise rarely or never voted for Republicans, for her co-written book, “Trump’s Democrats.” In all three places, most voters are white, without college degrees.
In Johnston, self-identified Republicans were so thin on the ground, says Ms. Muravchik, that when a Trump surrogate was proposed for an election debate in 2016, Democratic Mayor Joe Polisena didn’t recognize the name. “And he knows everyone in town. I mean, everyone,” she says.
Yet in many ways, Democratic officials like Mr. Polisena share some stylistic similarities with Mr. Trump’s brash, nationalist candidacy, says Ms. Muravchik, who calls it “boss politics.” That type of politics holds a certain appeal to non-college-educated voters, particularly men, who respect toughness over formality.
Local bosses “promise to take care of their supporters and help them out, and expect loyalty in return. So Trump seemed familiar to people in these areas,” she says.
Since 2016, Republicans have built an electoral base in Johnston, even as voters remain loyal to local Democrats like Mr. Polisena, a former state senator. “Now they’re watching Fox News,” says Ms. Muravchik.
Still, these GOP conversions are swimming against the general demographic tide, in which non-college-educated white voters are a declining portion of the electorate. Analysts calculate that the president needs to increase their overall turnout by 5 percentage points from 2016 simply to offset this decline – as well as win a larger share of their votes.
“If you’re writing off white college graduates and nonwhites, you’re appealing to a shrinking share of the electorate,” says Mr. Abramowitz, referring to the Republican base.
Brian Hern, a tax attorney who lives in an affluent town outside Boston, is a fiscal and judicial conservative who voted twice against former President Barack Obama. “I don’t like big government. I don’t think the government does anything well,” he says.
In 2012, he voted enthusiastically for Mr. Romney, a former Massachusetts governor. But he didn’t support Mr. Trump and has been appalled by his chaotic leadership and how it’s warped the Republican Party. “It’s like a cult following,” he says. “I think he’s destroyed the party’s image.”
Mr. Hern says he won’t vote for Mr. Biden or Mr. Trump, though he hopes Mr. Trump will lose and “the fever will break,” encouraging Republicans to steer back to a politics that plays down cultural divisions. “Our politics keep getting ramped up to extreme levels,” he says.
A new high
A generation ago, college graduates like Mr. Hern split fairly evenly in voting behavior. In 1996, Republican voters were more likely than Democrats to have a four-year degree, according to a Pew study of party identification. Today college graduates make up 41% of Democrats, compared with 30% of Republicans.
In 2016, the diploma divide among white voters hit a new high, with Mr. Trump’s opponent, Hillary Clinton, winning a higher margin of college-educated white voters than Mr. Obama in 2012. The divide was even higher among more affluent voters, a trend that has since accelerated. This narrows the path to victory not only for Mr. Trump but also for vulnerable down-ballot Republicans.
It also has had a significant effect on campaign fundraising. According to a recent analysis by The New York Times, Mr. Biden out-raised Mr. Trump $478 million to $104 million in ZIP codes where two-thirds or more of the population were college graduates, primarily on the coasts. In the rest of the country, meanwhile, Mr. Trump outpaced Mr. Biden by $630 million to $591 million.
But the divide also risks defining the party as a vehicle of metropolitan elites and nonwhites that has lost touch with less-educated white voters. Over the past four years, the party has moved further left on issues like climate change and LGBTQ rights, making it harder to bridge the gap with traditional Democrats in places like Johnston. (Liberal donors also tend to push these priorities.)
“If they want to be the party of the working class, they have to include the white working class – who are still a majority of the working class,” says Ms. Muravchik.
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Still, Democrats see themselves as carrying the New Deal torch and governing for the less advantaged, notes Thomas Patterson, a professor of government at Harvard. “Even if their coalition doesn’t look like it, their philosophy tips it,” he says. That gives the party a chance at retaining or even growing some of their working-class support.
He’s more skeptical that the Republicans can close their education gap by wooing back disenchanted “managerial and business-oriented” Republicans. “The base is more symbolically and culturally oriented,” he says. “That’s going to make it hard for the two sides to get together, because they care about different things.”


csmonitor--2020-10-27--A new era of police reform – and more

A new era of police reform – and more

In the five months since the killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis , 10 U.S. states have held special legislative sessions to adopt police reforms .
More than 100 cities have at least debated new police procedures and department budgets .
Many are revising their city charters to enable broader changes .
Now , after a summer of protests over racial injustice , Americans are adding their voices at the polls .
Scores of elected offices may change hands .
In eight states , voters will decide 20 ballot initiatives covering reforms ranging from bans on police use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social services .
For what is perhaps the most essential of public services – the 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the United States – policing remains something of an oddity in the American system of government .
The need for it and the restraints on it arise from the country ’ s founding and the evolution of the U.S. Constitution .
But it is also constantly being reshaped by social history .
The earliest forms of law enforcement included units in Boston to monitor the predominantly immigrant labor unions and in the mandatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws .
The slogan “ to protect and to serve ” was minted only in 1955 .
In recent years the conspicuous use of military hardware by police has prompted critics to echo the framers ’ warnings against keeping a standing army for domestic purposes .
Such a local force , Alexander Hamilton argued with foresight , could diminish civil and political rights .
The summer ’ s deep anguish over police violence against Black people and other minorities flared anew Monday in Philadelphia .
Two police officers fired multiple close-range shots at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Jarring incidents like this have again prompted calls to defund the police .
But polls show reforms can not be that simplistic .
In August , a Gallup Poll found public confidence in the police had fallen below 50 % for the first time since it began tracking it in 1993 .
Among Black people , only 19 % trust police .
Despite these low numbers , police remain one of the most popular public institutions among all races .
A July Pew poll found that large majorities favor reforms instead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 73 % said police budgets should remain the same or be increased , while 92 % said officers should be trained in nonviolent alternatives to deadly force .
Citizens also want more accountability .
Two-thirds said police officers should be able to be sued for misconduct or excessive force , something not usually possible under current immunity laws .
The reforms being debated across the country show a society striving to address the causes of violence .
This reflects a desire for greater compassion toward “ the violence of poverty ” – mental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We can ban choke-holds .
We can ban no-knock warrants .
We can ban the use of grand juries in a police shooting , ” Isaac Bryan , founding executive director of the UCLA Black Policy Project , told Bloomberg .
“ But that won ’ t ultimately change the material conditions of life for communities that have historically had a lethal relationship with some of our civic institutions – not in the same way that changing our budget priorities to center on care , healing , opportunity , and justice will.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ now ballots , Americans continue the long project of uniting a multiethnic society on the ideal of equality under the law .
Shifting the culture and practice of policing will take time , requiring more than institutional change .
The latest reforms come from Americans reassessing their relationship to each other and toward law enforcement .
Both exercises rest on recognizing each individual ’ s dignity and worth .

In the five months since the killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis, 10 U.S. states have held special legislative sessions to adopt police reforms. More than 100 cities have at least debated new police procedures and department budgets. Many are revising their city charters to enable broader changes.
Now, after a summer of protests over racial injustice, Americans are adding their voices at the polls. Scores of elected offices may change hands. In eight states, voters will decide 20 ballot initiatives covering reforms ranging from bans on police use of chokeholds to reallocating police funding toward social services.
For what is perhaps the most essential of public services – the 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the United States – policing remains something of an oddity in the American system of government. The need for it and the restraints on it arise from the country’s founding and the evolution of the U.S. Constitution. But it is also constantly being reshaped by social history.
The earliest forms of law enforcement included units in Boston to monitor the predominantly immigrant labor unions and in the mandatory patrols in the South to enforce slave laws. The slogan “to protect and to serve” was minted only in 1955. In recent years the conspicuous use of military hardware by police has prompted critics to echo the framers’ warnings against keeping a standing army for domestic purposes. Such a local force, Alexander Hamilton argued with foresight, could diminish civil and political rights.
The summer’s deep anguish over police violence against Black people and other minorities flared anew Monday in Philadelphia. Two police officers fired multiple close-range shots at a Black man allegedly wielding a knife. Jarring incidents like this have again prompted calls to defund the police. But polls show reforms cannot be that simplistic.
In August, a Gallup Poll found public confidence in the police had fallen below 50% for the first time since it began tracking it in 1993. Among Black people, only 19% trust police. Despite these low numbers, police remain one of the most popular public institutions among all races.
A July Pew poll found that large majorities favor reforms instead of defunding or disbanding the police. Some 73% said police budgets should remain the same or be increased, while 92% said officers should be trained in nonviolent alternatives to deadly force. Citizens also want more accountability. Two-thirds said police officers should be able to be sued for misconduct or excessive force, something not usually possible under current immunity laws.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The reforms being debated across the country show a society striving to address the causes of violence. This reflects a desire for greater compassion toward “the violence of poverty” – mental illness, homelessness, and addiction. “We can ban choke-holds. We can ban no-knock warrants. We can ban the use of grand juries in a police shooting,” Isaac Bryan, founding executive director of the UCLA Black Policy Project, told Bloomberg. “But that won’t ultimately change the material conditions of life for communities that have historically had a lethal relationship with some of our civic institutions – not in the same way that changing our budget priorities to center on care, healing, opportunity, and justice will.”
Through a season of marches and now ballots, Americans continue the long project of uniting a multiethnic society on the ideal of equality under the law. Shifting the culture and practice of policing will take time, requiring more than institutional change. The latest reforms come from Americans reassessing their relationship to each other and toward law enforcement. Both exercises rest on recognizing each individual’s dignity and worth.


csmonitor--2020-10-27--How blue and red Ohio suburbanites are rallying voters

Something changed in Yana Duke this year .
She came to the United States as a youth from Ukraine , and had never been involved in politics before .
But during the 2020 campaign season , she felt she had to do something .
“ What I ’ m afraid is , coming to this country is what I ’ m running away from , ” she said .
“ I ’ m really worried about socialism.
” The suburban Cincinnati woman is campaigning for President Donald Trump on social media , helping distribute yard signs , and volunteering for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent visit to Cincinnati by his daughter Ivanka .
She also admires the Republican president because “ he gets things done.
” With perennial swing-state Ohio appearing to be a toss-up in recent polling , the roles of campaign volunteers and grassroots groups in generating enthusiasm and turning out the vote will likely be crucial in the battle for the state ’ s 18 electoral votes .
Other than Mr. Trump , most candidates are eschewing rallies , and the traditional meet-the-candidates nights and forums in community recreation centers are absent this year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who normally would spend their weekends going door-to-door now are reaching out to registered voters by texts , emails , and on social media .
Katie Paris , of suburban Cleveland , has been involved with politically progressive organizations much of her adult life .
But not like the one she founded a year ago , called Red , Wine & Blue .
It ’ s a female-oriented online community which she calls “ pro-Mom , pro-democracy , ” and this year , pro-Joe Biden , the Democratic presidential candidate .
During the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media group has seen an explosion in engagement .
“ Many of them balance full-time work , raising kids , and now a little home school on the side , ” Ms. Paris said .
“ Yet people want to do something ; they want to make a difference.
” She added : “ There ’ s no question that this is not a normal election year , but women are good at adapting.
” In Cleveland , the co-founder of a nonpartisan group that promotes and facilitates voting in urban communities said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ setting up booths at summer festivals or going door-to-door have been replaced by interactive infographics and a livestream town hall with rapper David Banner .
“ I would say ... [ the pandemic ] really has pushed us to be more creative , ” said Erika Anthony , of Cleveland Votes .
“ There ’ s a bit of a learning curve here.
” For Richard Asimus , who helped start a small but vigorous organization called Bold New Democracy that had previously met weekly and staged candidate nights in the Cincinnati area @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is his key campaign tool .
He spends hours every day texting , calling , and sending emails .
“ I ’ m an organizer , ” Mr. Asimus said .
A Democratic congressional campaign wanted some friendly faces at a press conference on short notice , so Mr. Asimus turned out a half dozen or so after a round of calls .
In another short amount of time , he also helped raise $ 2,000 to buy social media ads for local candidates .
Mr. Asimus got involved a couple years ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gerrymandering of congressional seats in Ohio – a federal panel of judges declared Ohio ’ s U.S. House districts were unfairly drawn , but the Supreme Court ruled that redistricting was up to state legislatures .
Diane Cunningham Redden helped start SHELeads four years ago in the Cincinnati area .
Its primary mission is to identify , mentor , and provide support for female candidates .
“ We ’ re not like a ladies ’ club that ’ s getting together for lunch , ” said Ms. Redden , who also is active @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There were no Labor Day parades or picnics for candidates to drop in on this year , so pro-Trump activists have put on vehicle parades and gathered to wave placards at passing motorists at busy intersections .
Ohio ’ s Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said recently that voting statewide is on a record pace .
And the grassroots activists have no plans to slow down .
“ I ’ m old and you ’ ve got keep some balance , ” Mr. Asimus said , before adding that he expects to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day , seven days a week , through Nov. 3 .
Ms. Duke will be volunteering on Election Day .
And she ’ ll be busy on social media .
She saw the power of it a few weeks when she made a post complaining that someone had stolen her Trump yard sign .
Soon , more Trump signs were sprouting in her neighborhood .
Ms. Paris said Red , Wine & Blue , which often uses humorous content that satirizes suburban mom stereotypes , has created an online community “ with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ there ’ s real power ” as women reach out to their friends and neighbors with videos and other messages about voting .
In Cleveland , Ms. Anthony said volunteers are setting up ride-shares and providing other transportation to the polls for those who want to vote in person , and making sure that people have personal protective equipment for going out amid the pandemic .
Ms. Redden said there are a number of grassroots activities planned to build excitement .
But she said energy is already high among Trump fans .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ much more exciting it could be , ” Ms. Redden said , chuckling .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Something changed in Yana Duke this year. She came to the United States as a youth from Ukraine, and had never been involved in politics before. But during the 2020 campaign season, she felt she had to do something.
“What I’m afraid is, coming to this country is what I’m running away from,” she said. “I’m really worried about socialism.”
The suburban Cincinnati woman is campaigning for President Donald Trump on social media, helping distribute yard signs, and volunteering for such tasks as setting up for a recent visit to Cincinnati by his daughter Ivanka.
She also admires the Republican president because “he gets things done.”
With perennial swing-state Ohio appearing to be a toss-up in recent polling, the roles of campaign volunteers and grassroots groups in generating enthusiasm and turning out the vote will likely be crucial in the battle for the state’s 18 electoral votes.
Other than Mr. Trump, most candidates are eschewing rallies, and the traditional meet-the-candidates nights and forums in community recreation centers are absent this year because of the coronavirus pandemic. Volunteers who normally would spend their weekends going door-to-door now are reaching out to registered voters by texts, emails, and on social media.
Katie Paris, of suburban Cleveland, has been involved with politically progressive organizations much of her adult life. But not like the one she founded a year ago, called Red, Wine & Blue. It’s a female-oriented online community which she calls “pro-Mom, pro-democracy,” and this year, pro-Joe Biden, the Democratic presidential candidate.
During the pandemic, Ms. Paris said her social media group has seen an explosion in engagement.
“Many of them balance full-time work, raising kids, and now a little home school on the side,” Ms. Paris said. “Yet people want to do something; they want to make a difference.”
She added: “There’s no question that this is not a normal election year, but women are good at adapting.”
In Cleveland, the co-founder of a nonpartisan group that promotes and facilitates voting in urban communities said the traditional ways of outreach such as setting up booths at summer festivals or going door-to-door have been replaced by interactive infographics and a livestream town hall with rapper David Banner.
“I would say ... [the pandemic] really has pushed us to be more creative,” said Erika Anthony, of Cleveland Votes. “There’s a bit of a learning curve here.”
For Richard Asimus, who helped start a small but vigorous organization called Bold New Democracy that had previously met weekly and staged candidate nights in the Cincinnati area before the pandemic, his phone now is his key campaign tool. He spends hours every day texting, calling, and sending emails.
“I’m an organizer,” Mr. Asimus said. A Democratic congressional campaign wanted some friendly faces at a press conference on short notice, so Mr. Asimus turned out a half dozen or so after a round of calls. In another short amount of time, he also helped raise $2,000 to buy social media ads for local candidates.
Mr. Asimus got involved a couple years ago because he was unhappy about the Republican-dominated gerrymandering of congressional seats in Ohio – a federal panel of judges declared Ohio’s U.S. House districts were unfairly drawn, but the Supreme Court ruled that redistricting was up to state legislatures.
Diane Cunningham Redden helped start SHELeads four years ago in the Cincinnati area. Its primary mission is to identify, mentor, and provide support for female candidates.
“We’re not like a ladies’ club that’s getting together for lunch,” said Ms. Redden, who also is active with the Hamilton County Republican Party. There were no Labor Day parades or picnics for candidates to drop in on this year, so pro-Trump activists have put on vehicle parades and gathered to wave placards at passing motorists at busy intersections.
Ohio’s Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose said recently that voting statewide is on a record pace.
And the grassroots activists have no plans to slow down.
“I’m old and you’ve got keep some balance,” Mr. Asimus said, before adding that he expects to be active 8 to 9 hours a day, seven days a week, through Nov. 3.
Ms. Duke will be volunteering on Election Day. And she’ll be busy on social media. She saw the power of it a few weeks when she made a post complaining that someone had stolen her Trump yard sign. Soon, more Trump signs were sprouting in her neighborhood.
Ms. Paris said Red, Wine & Blue, which often uses humorous content that satirizes suburban mom stereotypes, has created an online community “with a lot of momentum,” and that “there’s real power” as women reach out to their friends and neighbors with videos and other messages about voting.
In Cleveland, Ms. Anthony said volunteers are setting up ride-shares and providing other transportation to the polls for those who want to vote in person, and making sure that people have personal protective equipment for going out amid the pandemic.
Ms. Redden said there are a number of grassroots activities planned to build excitement. But she said energy is already high among Trump fans.
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“I don’t know how much more exciting it could be,” Ms. Redden said, chuckling.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-27--Actors with disabilities urge inclusivity on ADA anniversary

It ’ s an old cliche that if an actor wants to win an Oscar , he or she should consider playing a character with a disability .
And it ’ s not entirely unfounded advice : 61 actors have been nominated for playing a character with a disability and 27 have walked away winners .
But only two of those actors actually had a disability – Marlee Matlin in “ Children of a Lesser God ” and Harold Russell in “ The Best Years of Our Lives.
” That ’ s just one of the things that needs to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entertainment industry professionals with disabilities including actors Danny Woodburn , “ A Quiet Place ’ s ” Millicent Simmonds , and “ Peanut Butter Falcon ’ s ” Zack Gottsagen .
They and other creatives with disabilities , from directors to VFX artists , spoke about the state of representation in front of and behind the camera in series of virtual panels organized by the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences that debuted Monday night .
The panels , funded in part by a grant from the Ruderman Family Foundation , coincides @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans with Disabilities Act .
“ It would be really helpful to have a disabled [ Disney ] princess , ” said actor and comedian Maysoon Zayid , who has cerebral palsy .
Ms. Zayid noted that people with visible and invisible disabilities make up about 20 % of the American population but a miniscule number of characters on television and in film .
“ The message being sent out to disabled kids is you do not belong in this world , ” Ms. Zayid said .
“ People with disabilities face enormous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discrimination .
Positive images of disability can stop that.
” Part of that is casting actors with disabilities to play characters with disabilities .
Ms. Simmonds , who is deaf , said she ’ s had to go up against non-disabled actors for disabled roles .
She recalled that her “ A Quiet Place ” director John Krasinski had to fight to cast a deaf actor and that producers wanted someone who was hearing .
“ Deaf roles should be played by deaf actors , ” she said through an interpreter .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a step forward to advocate for herself .
“ I ’ m not above calling directors or producers and suggesting that they have a deaf actress for a particular role , ” she said .
But another part of the equation is giving actors rich and nuanced storylines that go beyond the three they usually get : “ ‘ You can ’ t love me because I ’ m disabled , ’ ‘ heal me , ’ or ‘ kill me , ’ ” said Ms. Zayid .
Mr. Woodburn , who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dunn when he was young and seeing only stereotypes and tropes like the “ sad little man ” or the “ devious little man ” , and storylines that were the same .
There is also the issue of working and how productions can be more accommodating to people with disabilities both on screen and behind the scenes .
Many noted that they don ’ t want to ask for special accommodations .
Ms. Zayid remembered being unable to get into her trailer on the set of “ You Don ’ t Mess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ask a production assistant to help hoist her up .
“ Adam Sandler saw and said , ‘ What is happening ?
Make her trailer accessible !
’ ” I said I didn ’ t want to be high maintenance , ” she said .
“ He said ‘ look around , we ’ re in Hollywood.
’ ” Jim LeBrecht , who directed the Netflix documentary “ Crip Camp , ” said it could help if the industry re-thought its own barriers to entry , like starting as a production assistant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coffee and work 20 hour days to get a foot in the door .
“ Instead of asking what you won ’ t be able to do , ask is there anything I can do to help you do the best work you can , ” Mr. LeBrecht said .
“ None of us got to your door by being oversensitive and mad at everybody ... we are comfortable with our disability.
” VFX supervisor Kaitlyn Yang said that people with disabilities can be particularly effective in post-production roles .
She ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video conferencing realities of COVID-era filmmaking : She doesn ’ t have to wonder now if she should address her wheelchair .
“ Video conferencing is taking away the uncomfortableness that people might have if I were to take a meeting and roll into the conference room , ” Ms. Yang said .
“ It puts us on an equal playing field.
” Talent manager Eryn Brown hopes that disability representation reach the same level of discussion as LGBTQ and racial and ethnic diversity .
She said the ingrained stigma around it has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with her clients .
“ A raised awareness in this moment of cultural reckoning is imperative , ” Ms. Brown said .
“ Anyone at any moment can become disabled so it ’ s in everyone ’ s best interests in the world to be accommodating.
” The film academy , which puts on the Oscars , has been working to increase diversity in its own ranks and in the industry and recently set inclusion standards for best picture nominees .
“ As the Academy continues to examine longstanding issues of representation within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imperative we bring conversations about disabilities to the forefront , ” said Christine Simmons , who heads the Academy ’ s office of representation , inclusion , and equity .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

It’s an old cliche that if an actor wants to win an Oscar, he or she should consider playing a character with a disability. And it’s not entirely unfounded advice: 61 actors have been nominated for playing a character with a disability and 27 have walked away winners.
But only two of those actors actually had a disability – Marlee Matlin in “Children of a Lesser God” and Harold Russell in “The Best Years of Our Lives.”
That’s just one of the things that needs to change, according to a group of entertainment industry professionals with disabilities including actors Danny Woodburn, “A Quiet Place’s” Millicent Simmonds, and “Peanut Butter Falcon’s” Zack Gottsagen. They and other creatives with disabilities, from directors to VFX artists, spoke about the state of representation in front of and behind the camera in series of virtual panels organized by the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences that debuted Monday night. The panels, funded in part by a grant from the Ruderman Family Foundation, coincides with the 30th anniversary year of the Americans with Disabilities Act.
“It would be really helpful to have a disabled [Disney] princess,” said actor and comedian Maysoon Zayid, who has cerebral palsy.
Ms. Zayid noted that people with visible and invisible disabilities make up about 20% of the American population but a miniscule number of characters on television and in film.
“The message being sent out to disabled kids is you do not belong in this world,” Ms. Zayid said. “People with disabilities face enormous amounts of bullying, violence, and discrimination. Positive images of disability can stop that.”
Part of that is casting actors with disabilities to play characters with disabilities. Ms. Simmonds, who is deaf, said she’s had to go up against non-disabled actors for disabled roles. She recalled that her “A Quiet Place” director John Krasinski had to fight to cast a deaf actor and that producers wanted someone who was hearing.
“Deaf roles should be played by deaf actors,” she said through an interpreter.
At times she’s even taken it a step forward to advocate for herself.
“I’m not above calling directors or producers and suggesting that they have a deaf actress for a particular role,” she said.
But another part of the equation is giving actors rich and nuanced storylines that go beyond the three they usually get: “‘You can’t love me because I’m disabled,’ ‘heal me,’ or ‘kill me,’” said Ms. Zayid.
Mr. Woodburn, who has dwarfism, remembers watching actors like Michael Dunn when he was young and seeing only stereotypes and tropes like the “sad little man” or the “devious little man”, and storylines that were the same.
There is also the issue of working and how productions can be more accommodating to people with disabilities both on screen and behind the scenes. Many noted that they don’t want to ask for special accommodations.
Ms. Zayid remembered being unable to get into her trailer on the set of “You Don’t Mess with the Zohan” and basically had to ask a production assistant to help hoist her up.
“Adam Sandler saw and said, ‘What is happening? Make her trailer accessible!’” I said I didn’t want to be high maintenance,” she said.
“He said ‘look around, we’re in Hollywood.’”
Jim LeBrecht, who directed the Netflix documentary “Crip Camp,” said it could help if the industry re-thought its own barriers to entry, like starting as a production assistant who has to carry 14 cups of coffee and work 20 hour days to get a foot in the door.
“Instead of asking what you won’t be able to do, ask is there anything I can do to help you do the best work you can,” Mr. LeBrecht said. “None of us got to your door by being oversensitive and mad at everybody ... we are comfortable with our disability.”
VFX supervisor Kaitlyn Yang said that people with disabilities can be particularly effective in post-production roles. She’s also found a silver lining in the video conferencing realities of COVID-era filmmaking: She doesn’t have to wonder now if she should address her wheelchair.
“Video conferencing is taking away the uncomfortableness that people might have if I were to take a meeting and roll into the conference room,” Ms. Yang said. “It puts us on an equal playing field.”
Talent manager Eryn Brown hopes that disability representation reach the same level of discussion as LGBTQ and racial and ethnic diversity. She said the ingrained stigma around it has even made her reticent to discuss it with her clients.
“A raised awareness in this moment of cultural reckoning is imperative,” Ms. Brown said. “Anyone at any moment can become disabled so it’s in everyone’s best interests in the world to be accommodating.”
The film academy, which puts on the Oscars, has been working to increase diversity in its own ranks and in the industry and recently set inclusion standards for best picture nominees.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“As the Academy continues to examine longstanding issues of representation within the film industry, it’s imperative we bring conversations about disabilities to the forefront,” said Christine Simmons, who heads the Academy’s office of representation, inclusion, and equity.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-27--Rooftop farms in Jordan help Gazans reconnect with lost land

“ Perhaps the more important impact is psychological , ” says Mr. Siyam .
“ Camp residents are going from relying on others to becoming self-reliant .
After years of feeling helpless or depressed , this is a very empowering notion.
” For some , descendants of small-farm owners or sharecroppers , the gardens are also fulfilling something unquantifiable : a longing for land .
But camp resident Mohammed Siyam was alerted that hydroponic farming offered a solution .
Space on rooftops , he says , “ was an untapped resource we could maximize.
” Under a pilot project backed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crops of lettuce , basil , cucumber , and zucchini .
The average harvest of a 40-day cycle yields some $ 340 in profit .
The former residents of the Gaza Strip who arrived at the camp in 1968 and their descendants have been denied citizenship or permanent status in Jordan .
Without national IDs , the vast majority of job sectors are closed to the Gazans .
Unemployment in the camp stood at 40 % , before the COVID-19 pandemic .
In Jordan ’ s Jerash refugee camp , an experiment in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a badly needed source of income .
It ’ s offering a reconnection to the land for a people uprooted for half a century .
Islam Abu Saud checks the series of white plastic tubes running and twisting across the expanse of green canvas in what looks like a life-sized school science project .
She scans digital pH readers and engine pumps .
Finally , the 22-year-old university graduate gazes with satisfaction at the end result of the past four weeks of labor : bright green heads of lettuce .
Even better ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ center – this is her rooftop .
“ After waiting for opportunities to arrive , ” Ms. Abu Saud says , “ I am making opportunities grow at home.
” In Jordan ’ s Jerash refugee camp , an experiment in hydroponic rooftop gardening is offering more than a badly needed source of income .
It ’ s offering a reconnection to the land for a people who have been uprooted for half a century .
In Jordan , a country whose population has one of the highest percentages of refugees in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Camp ” – Gazans who arrived here at the Jerash camp in 1968 and their descendants – have it perhaps the hardest .
As the Gaza Strip was not under Jordanian administration at the time of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War , Jordan did not grant citizenship to Gaza refugees like it did for Palestinians arriving from the West Bank .
This has left few options for the 31,000 residents in Jerash camp , a hill of cinder block houses and narrow broken roads 30 miles northwest of Amman .
Without national IDs , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closed to Gazans .
Unemployment in the camp stood at 40 % , and 52 % of residents were below the poverty line before the COVID-19 pandemic .
Many secured income as day laborers on farms and construction sites or as street vendors , all sectors that have been decimated by the pandemic and government lockdowns .
But Mohammed Siyam , a camp resident and community organizer , was determined to break the cycle .
He was alerted by another camp resident , an agricultural engineer , that hydroponic farming – growing crops @ @ @ @ @ @ @ land , large amounts of soil , or constant irrigation – could offer a solution .
“ The only breathing space people have here is their rooftops , ” Mr. Siyam says , gesturing to a seemingly endless wave of concrete rooftops behind him .
“ It was an untapped resource we could maximize.
” The average home in the “ Gaza Camp ” has some 535 to 800 square feet of rooftop area to use as garden space , enough room for a hydroponic system that can raise from 800 to 1,200 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea , UNICEF supported Mr. Siyam by launching a pilot project this past February .
Mr. Siyam and his team planned gardens that would impose the lowest possible costs on residents .
The farms are built to grow multiple cycles of crops with the same water , which is cycled through a closed system of pipes .
A timed system pumps water at intervals , keeping electricity bills to the bare minimum .
Today , 24 families are harvesting crops of lettuce , basil , cucumber , and zucchini .
Families also sell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortages caused by government-imposed COVID-19 lockdowns .
“ This innovative technology provides youth and women in the camp with long-term income generation and increases the community ’ s food-security , ” says Tanya Chapuisat , UNICEF representative in Jordan .
With the average harvest of a 40-day cycle yielding some 240 JOD ( $ 340 ) in profit , slightly more than the minimum wage in Jordan , the gardens have been life-changing for many .
“ With unemployment , we have poverty and negative social phenomena such as early marriage and school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who tends her rooftop farm with her twin sister .
“ With people growing produce in their own home and selling directly , they have a steady stream of income they never had before .
We can stop these negative practices and improve the well-being of the entire camp.
” For some , the gardens are also fulfilling something unquantifiable : a longing for land .
The concrete camp is located in the heart of water-starved Jordan ’ s greenest area .
From any rooftop , rolling hills covered with vineyards and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – where many camp residents work as farmhands during harvest season – can be seen in the near distance .
This sense of longing is increased by the fact that before being driven into Jordan by war , and their camp growing into an urban maze , many Gaza families were small-farm owners or sharecroppers , attached and attuned to the natural cycle of land and seasons .
“ In the early years of the camp , houses were spread apart , there was room to grow small gardens of tomatoes and cucumbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the camp had small farms .
I grew up with greenery around us , ” says Khaled Abu Saud , Islam ’ s 48-year-old father .
“ The camp grew , and it was all covered by concrete.
” Abdulhakim al-Ayan , who was among the first to be born in the camp in 1968 and whose daughter and son now grow basil and lettuce from their rooftop , recounts how his parents cultivated wheat , figs , and apples on farms in the West Bank and Gaza before arriving in Jordan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ our blood , is part of our collective culture , ” Mr. Ayan says .
The gardens have also added a sense of purpose , and even vindication , for young Gazans who have been turned away by employers , such as Ahmed Abu Elewah , the experimental project ’ s technical director , who developed the hydroponic system .
As a youth , Mr. Abu Elewah , who was born and raised in the Jerash camp , worked on farms in northern Jordan .
Frustrated at being denied a fair wage and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expertise , Mr. Abu Elewah vowed to become more successful than the farm owners who overlooked him .
He won a university scholarship to study as an agricultural engineer , yet like most Gazans in Jordan , and despite sterling qualifications , he was unable to land a job in his field .
“ We have so much expertise and talents to give , but we are denied the opportunity to give them , ” he says as he proudly demonstrates the timed water-pumping cycle .
“ Growing crops allows an outlet for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agrees .
“ Perhaps the more important impact is psychological , ” he says .
“ Camp residents are going from relying on others to becoming self-reliant .
After years of feeling helpless or depressed , this is a very empowering notion.
” With a grant from the Netherlands government , UNICEF will expand the project to 140 hydroponic farms benefitting 280 families .
Future developments are planned that would allow families to grow out-of-season crops such as strawberries and tomatoes to yield larger profit margins .
Residents say they are already harvesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ born in Jordan , we are treated as if we are temporary , that we don ’ t belong to the land we grew up on , ” says Mr. Abu Saud .
“ When my daughters grow crops , they are putting down roots here .
”

“Perhaps the more important impact is psychological,” says Mr. Siyam. “Camp residents are going from relying on others to becoming self-reliant. After years of feeling helpless or depressed, this is a very empowering notion.”
For some, descendants of small-farm owners or sharecroppers, the gardens are also fulfilling something unquantifiable: a longing for land.
But camp resident Mohammed Siyam was alerted that hydroponic farming offered a solution. Space on rooftops, he says, “was an untapped resource we could maximize.” Under a pilot project backed by UNICEF, 24 families are harvesting crops of lettuce, basil, cucumber, and zucchini. The average harvest of a 40-day cycle yields some $340 in profit.
Farmers know. The experience of growing a crop binds you to the land. So even if rooftop hydroponics are a far cry from tilled fields, the act of farming can still speak to the soul of a displaced people.
The former residents of the Gaza Strip who arrived at the camp in 1968 and their descendants have been denied citizenship or permanent status in Jordan. Without national IDs, the vast majority of job sectors are closed to the Gazans. Unemployment in the camp stood at 40%, before the COVID-19 pandemic.
In Jordan’s Jerash refugee camp, an experiment in hydroponic rooftop gardening is offering more than a badly needed source of income. It’s offering a reconnection to the land for a people uprooted for half a century.
Islam Abu Saud checks the series of white plastic tubes running and twisting across the expanse of green canvas in what looks like a life-sized school science project.
She scans digital pH readers and engine pumps. Finally, the 22-year-old university graduate gazes with satisfaction at the end result of the past four weeks of labor: bright green heads of lettuce.
Even better? This is not a farm or research center – this is her rooftop.
Why We Wrote This Farmers know. The experience of growing a crop binds you to the land. So even if rooftop hydroponics are a far cry from tilled fields, the act of farming can still speak to the soul of a displaced people.
“After waiting for opportunities to arrive,” Ms. Abu Saud says, “I am making opportunities grow at home.”
In Jordan’s Jerash refugee camp, an experiment in hydroponic rooftop gardening is offering more than a badly needed source of income. It’s offering a reconnection to the land for a people who have been uprooted for half a century.
In Jordan, a country whose population has one of the highest percentages of refugees in the world, residents in the “Gaza Camp” – Gazans who arrived here at the Jerash camp in 1968 and their descendants – have it perhaps the hardest.
As the Gaza Strip was not under Jordanian administration at the time of the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Jordan did not grant citizenship to Gaza refugees like it did for Palestinians arriving from the West Bank.
This has left few options for the 31,000 residents in Jerash camp, a hill of cinder block houses and narrow broken roads 30 miles northwest of Amman.
Without national IDs, the vast majority of job sectors are closed to Gazans. Unemployment in the camp stood at 40%, and 52% of residents were below the poverty line before the COVID-19 pandemic.
Many secured income as day laborers on farms and construction sites or as street vendors, all sectors that have been decimated by the pandemic and government lockdowns.
Rooftops as “untapped resource”
But Mohammed Siyam, a camp resident and community organizer, was determined to break the cycle.
He was alerted by another camp resident, an agricultural engineer, that hydroponic farming – growing crops in water containers without the need for land, large amounts of soil, or constant irrigation – could offer a solution.
“The only breathing space people have here is their rooftops,” Mr. Siyam says, gesturing to a seemingly endless wave of concrete rooftops behind him. “It was an untapped resource we could maximize.”
The average home in the “Gaza Camp” has some 535 to 800 square feet of rooftop area to use as garden space, enough room for a hydroponic system that can raise from 800 to 1,200 shoots of crops.
Alerted to the idea, UNICEF supported Mr. Siyam by launching a pilot project this past February.
Taylor Luck View caption Hide caption Agricultural engineer Ahmed Abu Elewah takes a PH reading at his specially-designed hydroponic garden in Jerash camp, northern Jordan, Oct. 21, 2020.
Mr. Siyam and his team planned gardens that would impose the lowest possible costs on residents.
The farms are built to grow multiple cycles of crops with the same water, which is cycled through a closed system of pipes. A timed system pumps water at intervals, keeping electricity bills to the bare minimum.
Today, 24 families are harvesting crops of lettuce, basil, cucumber, and zucchini.
Families also sell to local markets, seizing on vegetable shortages caused by government-imposed COVID-19 lockdowns.
“This innovative technology provides youth and women in the camp with long-term income generation and increases the community’s food-security,” says Tanya Chapuisat, UNICEF representative in Jordan.
With the average harvest of a 40-day cycle yielding some 240 JOD ($340) in profit, slightly more than the minimum wage in Jordan, the gardens have been life-changing for many.
“With unemployment, we have poverty and negative social phenomena such as early marriage and school dropouts,” says Ms. Abu Saud, who tends her rooftop farm with her twin sister.
“With people growing produce in their own home and selling directly, they have a steady stream of income they never had before. We can stop these negative practices and improve the well-being of the entire camp.”
A history of farming
For some, the gardens are also fulfilling something unquantifiable: a longing for land.
The concrete camp is located in the heart of water-starved Jordan’s greenest area. From any rooftop, rolling hills covered with vineyards and olive, fig, and pomegranate orchards – where many camp residents work as farmhands during harvest season – can be seen in the near distance.
This sense of longing is increased by the fact that before being driven into Jordan by war, and their camp growing into an urban maze, many Gaza families were small-farm owners or sharecroppers, attached and attuned to the natural cycle of land and seasons.
“In the early years of the camp, houses were spread apart, there was room to grow small gardens of tomatoes and cucumbers, and those on the outskirts of the camp had small farms. I grew up with greenery around us,” says Khaled Abu Saud, Islam’s 48-year-old father. “The camp grew, and it was all covered by concrete.”
Abdulhakim al-Ayan, who was among the first to be born in the camp in 1968 and whose daughter and son now grow basil and lettuce from their rooftop, recounts how his parents cultivated wheat, figs, and apples on farms in the West Bank and Gaza before arriving in Jordan.
“Tending to the land is in our blood, is part of our collective culture,” Mr. Ayan says.
Taylor Luck View caption Hide caption The Jerash refugee camp, where more than half its 31,000 residents live below the poverty line and unemployment hovers at 40%, in northern Jordan, Oct. 21, 2020.
The gardens have also added a sense of purpose, and even vindication, for young Gazans who have been turned away by employers, such as Ahmed Abu Elewah, the experimental project’s technical director, who developed the hydroponic system.
As a youth, Mr. Abu Elewah, who was born and raised in the Jerash camp, worked on farms in northern Jordan. Frustrated at being denied a fair wage and the opportunity to advance despite his growing expertise, Mr. Abu Elewah vowed to become more successful than the farm owners who overlooked him.
Creativity and self-reliance
He won a university scholarship to study as an agricultural engineer, yet like most Gazans in Jordan, and despite sterling qualifications, he was unable to land a job in his field.
“We have so much expertise and talents to give, but we are denied the opportunity to give them,” he says as he proudly demonstrates the timed water-pumping cycle. “Growing crops allows an outlet for our creativity and self-reliance.”
Mr. Siyam agrees. “Perhaps the more important impact is psychological,” he says. “Camp residents are going from relying on others to becoming self-reliant. After years of feeling helpless or depressed, this is a very empowering notion.”
With a grant from the Netherlands government, UNICEF will expand the project to 140 hydroponic farms benefitting 280 families. Future developments are planned that would allow families to grow out-of-season crops such as strawberries and tomatoes to yield larger profit margins.
Residents say they are already harvesting benefits.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Even though we are born in Jordan, we are treated as if we are temporary, that we don’t belong to the land we grew up on,” says Mr. Abu Saud.
“When my daughters grow crops, they are putting down roots here.”


csmonitor--2020-10-27--Evidence of water on the moon opens new frontiers

The moon ’ s shadowed , frigid nooks and crannies may hold frozen water in more places and in larger quantities than previously suspected .
And for the first time , the presence of water on the moon ’ s sunlit surface has been confirmed , scientists reported Monday .
That ’ s good news for astronauts at future lunar bases who could tap into these resources for drinking and making rocket fuel .
While previous observations have indicated millions of tons of ice in the permanently shadowed craters of the moon ’ s poles , a pair of studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ availability of lunar surface water to a new level .
More than 15,400 square miles of lunar terrain have the capability to trap water in the form of ice , according to a team led by the University of Colorado ’ s Paul Hayne .
That ’ s 20 % more area than previous estimates , he said .
The presence of water in sunlit surfaces had been previously suggested , but not confirmed .
The molecules are so far apart that they are in neither liquid nor solid form , said lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at NASA ’ s Goddard Space Flight Center in Maryland .
“ To be clear , this is not puddles of water , ” she stressed at a news conference .
NASA ’ s astrophysics director Paul Hertz said it ’ s too soon to know whether this water – found in and around the southern hemisphere ’ s sunlit Clavius Crater – would be accessible .
The surface could be harder there , ruining wheels and drills .
These latest findings , nonetheless , expand the possible landing spots for robots and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estate previously considered ‘ off limits ’ for being bone dry , ” Dr. Hayne said in an email to The Associated Press .
For now , NASA said it still aims to send astronauts to the lunar south pole , especially rich in frozen water .
The White House deadline is 2024 .
As for the shadowed areas believed to be brimming with frozen water near the moon ’ s north and south poles , temperatures are so low that they could hold onto the water for millions or even billions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down to minus 261 degrees Fahrenheit .
Using data from NASA ’ s Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter , the researchers identified cold traps as small as a few yards across and as wide as 18 miles and more , and used computer models to get all the way down to micrometers in size .
“ Since the little ones are too small to see from orbit , despite being vastly more numerous , we can ’ t yet identify ice inside them , ” Dr. Hayne said .
“ Once we ’ re on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experiment.
” For the second study , scientists used NASA ’ s airborne infrared observatory Sofia to conclusively identify water molecules on sunlit portions of the moon just outside the polar regions .
Most of these molecules are likely stored in the voids between moon dust and other particles or entombed in the glassy residue of of micrometeorite impacts .
In this way , the molecules can withstand the moon ’ s harsh environment , scientists said .
By flying 45,000 feet above Earth , the Sofia plane is above the water vapors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For now , Sofia can analyze only the moon ’ s outermost surface , but these water molecules could be buried yards deep , Dr. Honniball noted .
As a comparison , the Sahara desert has 100 times the amount of water than what Sofia detected in the lunar soil .
Scientists believe all this water on the moon came from comets , asteroids , interplanetary dust , the solar wind , or even lunar volcanic eruptions .
They ’ ll have a better idea of the sources “ if we can get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the ice , ” Dr. Hayne said .
Jason Bleacher , chief scientist for NASA ’ s human exploration and operations office , said at some point decisions will need to be made regarding lunar technology .
Will it be easier to survive the extremely cold polar environments and tap into deep shadowed craters for water , he asked , or to dig into the moon at the milder middle latitudes in search of water .
“ I can certainly envision ways that robots might be beneficial in all of those , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to launch a water-seeking rover named Viper to the moon ’ s south pole by the end of 2022 .
Astronauts would follow in a series of missions intended to set up long-term bases .
The space agency wants its new Artemis moon-landing program to be sustainable , unlike the Apollo program a half-century ago .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

The moon’s shadowed, frigid nooks and crannies may hold frozen water in more places and in larger quantities than previously suspected. And for the first time, the presence of water on the moon’s sunlit surface has been confirmed, scientists reported Monday.
That’s good news for astronauts at future lunar bases who could tap into these resources for drinking and making rocket fuel.
While previous observations have indicated millions of tons of ice in the permanently shadowed craters of the moon’s poles, a pair of studies in the journal Nature Astronomy take the availability of lunar surface water to a new level.
More than 15,400 square miles of lunar terrain have the capability to trap water in the form of ice, according to a team led by the University of Colorado’s Paul Hayne. That’s 20% more area than previous estimates, he said.
The presence of water in sunlit surfaces had been previously suggested, but not confirmed. The molecules are so far apart that they are in neither liquid nor solid form, said lead researcher Casey Honniball, a postdoctoral fellow at NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center in Maryland.
“To be clear, this is not puddles of water,” she stressed at a news conference.
NASA’s astrophysics director Paul Hertz said it’s too soon to know whether this water – found in and around the southern hemisphere’s sunlit Clavius Crater – would be accessible. The surface could be harder there, ruining wheels and drills.
These latest findings, nonetheless, expand the possible landing spots for robots and astronauts alike – “opening up real estate previously considered ‘off limits’ for being bone dry,” Dr. Hayne said in an email to The Associated Press.
For now, NASA said it still aims to send astronauts to the lunar south pole, especially rich in frozen water. The White House deadline is 2024.
As for the shadowed areas believed to be brimming with frozen water near the moon’s north and south poles, temperatures are so low that they could hold onto the water for millions or even billions of years. These so-called cold traps get down to minus 261 degrees Fahrenheit.
Using data from NASA’s Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter, the researchers identified cold traps as small as a few yards across and as wide as 18 miles and more, and used computer models to get all the way down to micrometers in size.
“Since the little ones are too small to see from orbit, despite being vastly more numerous, we can’t yet identify ice inside them,” Dr. Hayne said. “Once we’re on the surface, we will do that experiment.”
For the second study, scientists used NASA’s airborne infrared observatory Sofia to conclusively identify water molecules on sunlit portions of the moon just outside the polar regions. Most of these molecules are likely stored in the voids between moon dust and other particles or entombed in the glassy residue of of micrometeorite impacts. In this way, the molecules can withstand the moon’s harsh environment, scientists said.
By flying 45,000 feet above Earth, the Sofia plane is above the water vapors that can interfere with infrared observations.
For now, Sofia can analyze only the moon’s outermost surface, but these water molecules could be buried yards deep, Dr. Honniball noted. As a comparison, the Sahara desert has 100 times the amount of water than what Sofia detected in the lunar soil.
Scientists believe all this water on the moon came from comets, asteroids, interplanetary dust, the solar wind, or even lunar volcanic eruptions. They’ll have a better idea of the sources “if we can get down on the surface and analyze samples of the ice,” Dr. Hayne said.
Jason Bleacher, chief scientist for NASA’s human exploration and operations office, said at some point decisions will need to be made regarding lunar technology. Will it be easier to survive the extremely cold polar environments and tap into deep shadowed craters for water, he asked, or to dig into the moon at the milder middle latitudes in search of water.
“I can certainly envision ways that robots might be beneficial in all of those,” Dr. Bleacher said.
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NASA plans to launch a water-seeking rover named Viper to the moon’s south pole by the end of 2022. Astronauts would follow in a series of missions intended to set up long-term bases. The space agency wants its new Artemis moon-landing program to be sustainable, unlike the Apollo program a half-century ago.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-27--Black, a woman, and a cop: A trifecta of American complexity

“ I ’ ve worked as a street cop , a detective , and in property crimes .
I ’ ve been a sergeant , leading others .
Now , I ’ m a lieutenant overseeing community outreach .
It ’ s an honor I ’ ve worked hard to earn .
But , at the end of the day , I ’ m reminded that I ’ m someone ’ s Black daughter , someone ’ s sister , and I ’ m also mom to an 8-year-old little Black boy in America .
Those distinctions shape how I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are an asset on the job.
” “ My career with the Newport News Police Department has been challenging , exciting and rewarding .
But some friends and family have disowned me because they ’ re angry and frustrated with law enforcement .
They can ’ t fathom why I need to do this .
Who I am is exactly why I need to do this .
As a woman and person of color , you often have to fight your battles within the force , too ; you ’ re not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guys.
’ “ I ’ ve been a police officer for 14 years , but I ’ ve been Black for 37 , ” says Melissa Morgan , section commander for the Community and Youth Outreach Division for the Newport News Police Department in Virginia .
This is her story , as a Black woman wearing a badge , as told to Chandra Thomas Whitfield .
Melissa Morgan , is section commander for the Community and Youth Outreach Division for the Newport News Police Department in Virginia .
As a Black woman wearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced to navigate dual identities .
This is her story , as told to Chandra Thomas Whitfield .
I ’ ll never forget this day ; I ’ d just wrapped up a speaking engagement at a Boys & Girls Club in Newport News , Virginia .
Afterward , a young African American girl approached me .
She stood there sizing me up until , finally , she blurted out : “ I didn ’ t know there were Black female police officers , like you.
” She said it real matter-of-factly and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black girl had lived 12 years on this planet and had never seen anyone who looks like herself in law enforcement .
She literally didn ’ t know someone like me exists .
Moments like that inspire me daily and confirm for me that what I do for a living matters .
It ’ s a tough job .
As a Black cop , especially a Black woman cop , you ’ re caught between two worlds that seem at odds , particularly lately as Black Lives Matter protests have erupted in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taylor cases .
The first time I viewed the Floyd video , I burst into tears seeing that officer kneeling into his neck .
It pierced my soul , as a mother , to hear a grown man scream out for his mama .
Heartbreaking .
That could have been my baby brother , my dad or , heck , me .
The badge comes off .
My Black skin , not so much .
As a cop , it hurt to see that there was so much time for those officers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s shameful none of them did .
As for Taylor ’ s case , my sorrow was also met with confusion .
I have served warrants , and there are very specific guidelines .
I wondered how these officers got a supervisor to sign off .
It seemed so reckless , and as a result a young woman lost her life .
The fact that there ’ s no bodycam footage of the raid seems inexcusable .
My department has been using bodycam for more than 10 years .
Situations like this give @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positive efforts and hard work legions of law enforcement officers put in every day .
My career with the Newport News Police Department has been challenging , exciting and rewarding .
But some friends and family members have disowned me because they ’ re angry and frustrated with law enforcement .
They can ’ t fathom why I ’ d want to do this .
To that I say : Who I am is exactly why I need to do what I do for a living .
It hurts because , as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often have to fight your battles within the force , too ; you ’ re not always immediately accepted as “ one of the guys.
” I ’ ve worked as a street cop , a detective , and in property crimes .
I ’ ve also been a sergeant , leading others .
Now , I ’ m a lieutenant overseeing community outreach .
It ’ s a huge honor I ’ ve worked hard to earn .
But , at the end of the day , I ’ m reminded that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ daughter , someone ’ s sister , and I ’ m also mom to an 8-year-old little Black boy in America .
Those distinctions help shape how I view the world and policing , and they are an asset on the job .
So , when some say “ Black Lives Matter ” and I hear , “ well , blue lives matter , too , ” my response is that , for people like me in law enforcement , it ’ s not necessarily that simple .
I ’ ve been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ ve been Black for 37 .
When I ’ m off duty and out and about , the world sees a Black woman .
When you walk into my house , you ca n't tell what I do .
When you pull me over , you ca n't tell what I do unless I 'm in uniform .
Unfortunately I understand , firsthand , why many Black people feel that Black lives don ’ t matter to cops , but that is not a belief held by everyone in the industry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ensuring the nation ’ s police forces better reflect the makeup of the communities they serve should be a top priority .
Having a diverse team , especially those in leadership , sitting together at the table having those “ courageous conversations , ” would be impactful and help bring about much-needed change .
To the Black community and others concerned about police brutality , I say press on , because that should never be tolerated .
However , I also ask that you consider the tough job we face .
On any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the office with my gun on my hip and be forced to make split-second , life-or-death decisions .
I would hope that my 14 years of training and experience would kick in .
But one thing rookies learn quickly in the 21-week training academy is that there are so many variables to account for in real-life situations .
I ’ m not saying cops should be absolved of consequences when we get it wrong .
After all , we all take an oath to protect and to serve ; that should be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often 20/20 .
Still , I cringe when I hear people say things like , “ Why didn ’ t they shoot him in the leg ?
” like Joe Biden suggested at ABC News Town Hall this month .
My answer : It ’ s not a movie , and that ’ s not what we are trained to do .
Know what you expect from police So , if better training is the issue , speak up and demand those changes be made in your community .
Remember , we work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Whether it be policy changes , relationships with different parts of the community , race relations , gender differences or how one community is policed versus another , raise your voice and be clear about what you expect .
Focusing on anger and resentment and things beyond anyone ’ s control is not the answer .
To my brothers and sisters in law enforcement , it ’ s time to listen and seek more understanding about some of the very valid frustrations and concerns that many in the Black community have about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disproportionately impacted communities of color and those living in poverty .
That will help build trust , so that we may move forward together .
Also , instead of a knee-jerk reaction , consider that the so-called defund the police movement is not necessarily a negative thing .
It ’ s a titillating term that , unfortunately , has not been thoroughly explained .
For many , “ reallocation of funds , ” is a more accurate term .
It ’ s about communities redistributing resources to social service agencies that already handle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and assisting people with autism and other challenges .
You know , the stuff we first responders are left to manage , often times without proper training , I should add , when those calls come after 5 p.m. when many support agencies are closed .
Imagine if those calls were handed off to trained professionals , so we police officers could focus on our primary function ; handling criminal matters .
For example when a call comes in to dispatch regarding a noncombative person experiencing , say , a mental health episode @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dispatched and police officers would serve as second responders , hanging back on the scene just in case the situation turns dangerous .
The Seattle Police Department is currently considering a “ community-led ” force and a similar model has been in place for 31 years in Eugene , Oregon .
We should study it and learn more .
The good news is that change is happening and in the Newport News Police Department it ’ s thanks to a very progressive-minded leader .
Chief Steve Drew has implemented several major mandates , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point to have at least one positive interaction with a member of the public , especially youth , during every shift .
He also recently added two more weeks of de-escalation training to our police academy , including training on how to better interact with people on the autism spectrum and with related challenges .
Additionally , before the Floyd case our officers had a “ duty to report ” misconduct in the field – and I watched our chief literally sit in a corner and type this up after the Floyd case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ duty to intervene.
” I am also assisting our public information officer with a campaign to recruit more women and minorities to our department .
Maybe it ’ s because of my current role , but I have hope – I have to – that we can work this out .
It ’ ll require more listening , an open mind and making a sincere commitment to positive change , but I believe it can be done .
When we take the time to embrace the value of all life – Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that of woman , men , LGBTQ , straight , and everything in between – society is better for it and policing is too .
Chandra Thomas Whitfield is an award-winning multimedia journalist .
She is a 2019-20 Leonard C. Goodman Institute for Investigative Reporting fellow and host and producer of the podcast In The Gap .

“I’ve worked as a street cop, a detective, and in property crimes. I’ve been a sergeant, leading others. Now, I’m a lieutenant overseeing community outreach. It’s an honor I’ve worked hard to earn. But, at the end of the day, I’m reminded that I’m someone’s Black daughter, someone’s sister, and I’m also mom to an 8-year-old little Black boy in America. Those distinctions shape how I view the world and policing, and they are an asset on the job.”
“My career with the Newport News Police Department has been challenging, exciting and rewarding. But some friends and family have disowned me because they’re angry and frustrated with law enforcement. They can’t fathom why I need to do this. Who I am is exactly why I need to do this. As a woman and person of color, you often have to fight your battles within the force, too; you’re not always accepted as ‘one of the guys.’
“I’ve been a police officer for 14 years, but I’ve been Black for 37,” says Melissa Morgan, section commander for the Community and Youth Outreach Division for the Newport News Police Department in Virginia. This is her story, as a Black woman wearing a badge, as told to Chandra Thomas Whitfield.
Melissa Morgan, is section commander for the Community and Youth Outreach Division for the Newport News Police Department in Virginia. As a Black woman wearing a badge, she often finds herself forced to navigate dual identities.
This is her story, as told to Chandra Thomas Whitfield.
I’ll never forget this day; I’d just wrapped up a speaking engagement at a Boys & Girls Club in Newport News, Virginia. Afterward, a young African American girl approached me. She stood there sizing me up until, finally, she blurted out: “I didn’t know there were Black female police officers, like you.”
Why We Wrote This As a Black woman wearing a badge for the Newport News Police Department, Melissa Morgan's experience crosses three tricky fault lines: race, gender, and policing. Her firsthand observations enlighten.
She said it real matter-of-factly and it was heartbreaking to learn that this Black girl had lived 12 years on this planet and had never seen anyone who looks like herself in law enforcement. She literally didn’t know someone like me exists. Moments like that inspire me daily and confirm for me that what I do for a living matters.
It’s a tough job. As a Black cop, especially a Black woman cop, you’re caught between two worlds that seem at odds, particularly lately as Black Lives Matter protests have erupted in the wake of the George Floyd and Breonna Taylor cases. The first time I viewed the Floyd video, I burst into tears seeing that officer kneeling into his neck. It pierced my soul, as a mother, to hear a grown man scream out for his mama. Heartbreaking. That could have been my baby brother, my dad or, heck, me. The badge comes off. My Black skin, not so much. As a cop, it hurt to see that there was so much time for those officers to make a different decision. It’s shameful none of them did.
As for Taylor’s case, my sorrow was also met with confusion. I have served warrants, and there are very specific guidelines. I wondered how these officers got a supervisor to sign off. It seemed so reckless, and as a result a young woman lost her life. The fact that there’s no bodycam footage of the raid seems inexcusable. My department has been using bodycam for more than 10 years. Situations like this give cops a bad name and destroy the positive efforts and hard work legions of law enforcement officers put in every day.
Someone's Black daughter, sister, mom
My career with the Newport News Police Department has been challenging, exciting and rewarding. But some friends and family members have disowned me because they’re angry and frustrated with law enforcement. They can’t fathom why I’d want to do this. To that I say: Who I am is exactly why I need to do what I do for a living. It hurts because, as a woman and person of color, you often have to fight your battles within the force, too; you’re not always immediately accepted as “one of the guys.”
Courtesy of Newport News Police Department View caption Hide caption Newport News Police Lt. Melissa Morgan, here with her son, Liam says there are certain assets that help shape her worldview and policing philosophy: "I’m someone’s Black daughter, someone’s sister, and I’m also mom to an 8-year-old little Black boy in America."
I’ve worked as a street cop, a detective, and in property crimes. I’ve also been a sergeant, leading others. Now, I’m a lieutenant overseeing community outreach. It’s a huge honor I’ve worked hard to earn. But, at the end of the day, I’m reminded that I’m someone’s Black daughter, someone’s sister, and I’m also mom to an 8-year-old little Black boy in America. Those distinctions help shape how I view the world and policing, and they are an asset on the job.
So, when some say “Black Lives Matter” and I hear, “well, blue lives matter, too,” my response is that, for people like me in law enforcement, it’s not necessarily that simple. I’ve been a police officer for 14 years, but I’ve been Black for 37. When I’m off duty and out and about, the world sees a Black woman. When you walk into my house, you can't tell what I do. When you pull me over, you can't tell what I do unless I'm in uniform. Unfortunately I understand, firsthand, why many Black people feel that Black lives don’t matter to cops, but that is not a belief held by everyone in the industry.
Having more diversity would help. Ensuring the nation’s police forces better reflect the makeup of the communities they serve should be a top priority. Having a diverse team, especially those in leadership, sitting together at the table having those “courageous conversations,” would be impactful and help bring about much-needed change.
To the Black community and others concerned about police brutality, I say press on, because that should never be tolerated. However, I also ask that you consider the tough job we face. On any given day, I can walk out of the office with my gun on my hip and be forced to make split-second, life-or-death decisions. I would hope that my 14 years of training and experience would kick in. But one thing rookies learn quickly in the 21-week training academy is that there are so many variables to account for in real-life situations.
I’m not saying cops should be absolved of consequences when we get it wrong. After all, we all take an oath to protect and to serve; that should be extended to all citizens. Hindsight is often 20/20. Still, I cringe when I hear people say things like, “Why didn’t they shoot him in the leg?” like Joe Biden suggested at ABC News Town Hall this month. My answer: It’s not a movie, and that’s not what we are trained to do.
Know what you expect from police
So, if better training is the issue, speak up and demand those changes be made in your community. Remember, we work for you; you are our bosses. Whether it be policy changes, relationships with different parts of the community, race relations, gender differences or how one community is policed versus another, raise your voice and be clear about what you expect. Focusing on anger and resentment and things beyond anyone’s control is not the answer.
To my brothers and sisters in law enforcement, it’s time to listen and seek more understanding about some of the very valid frustrations and concerns that many in the Black community have about how policing does – and has – disproportionately impacted communities of color and those living in poverty. That will help build trust, so that we may move forward together.
Also, instead of a knee-jerk reaction, consider that the so-called defund the police movement is not necessarily a negative thing. It’s a titillating term that, unfortunately, has not been thoroughly explained. For many, “reallocation of funds,” is a more accurate term. It’s about communities redistributing resources to social service agencies that already handle mental health, substance abuse, homelessness and assisting people with autism and other challenges. You know, the stuff we first responders are left to manage, often times without proper training, I should add, when those calls come after 5 p.m. when many support agencies are closed.
Imagine if those calls were handed off to trained professionals, so we police officers could focus on our primary function; handling criminal matters. For example when a call comes in to dispatch regarding a noncombative person experiencing, say, a mental health episode, a mental health provider would be dispatched and police officers would serve as second responders, hanging back on the scene just in case the situation turns dangerous. The Seattle Police Department is currently considering a “community-led” force and a similar model has been in place for 31 years in Eugene, Oregon. We should study it and learn more.
The good news is that change is happening and in the Newport News Police Department it’s thanks to a very progressive-minded leader. Chief Steve Drew has implemented several major mandates, including requiring that all officers make a point to have at least one positive interaction with a member of the public, especially youth, during every shift. He also recently added two more weeks of de-escalation training to our police academy, including training on how to better interact with people on the autism spectrum and with related challenges.
Additionally, before the Floyd case our officers had a “duty to report” misconduct in the field – and I watched our chief literally sit in a corner and type this up after the Floyd case – now our officers also have a “duty to intervene.” I am also assisting our public information officer with a campaign to recruit more women and minorities to our department.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Maybe it’s because of my current role, but I have hope – I have to – that we can work this out. It’ll require more listening, an open mind and making a sincere commitment to positive change, but I believe it can be done. When we take the time to embrace the value of all life – Black, brown, white, blue, and that of woman, men, LGBTQ, straight, and everything in between – society is better for it and policing is too.
Chandra Thomas Whitfield is an award-winning multimedia journalist. She is a 2019-20 Leonard C. Goodman Institute for Investigative Reporting fellow and host and producer of the podcast In The Gap.