csmonitor--2020-10-15--The election is in 19 days. The legal battles have already begun.

This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts .
With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere , “ some irregularities are bound to develop , ” says Michael Morley , an assistant professor of law at Florida State University , in Tallahassee .
The election rules being litigated vary , says Justin Levitt , a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department ’ s Civil Rights Division under President Barack Obama , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.
” Both campaigns have built legal war rooms for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court .
But even if there ’ s no replay of the razor-thin margins in the 2000 litigation of Bush v. Gore , election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections .
In the presidential race , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationwide .
And the pandemic ’ s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted .
Two decades ago , a presidential election was decided by Bush v. Gore , a Supreme Court ruling that put a stop to ballot recounts in Florida and handed victory to George W. Bush by a margin of 537 votes .
That postelection legal battle in 2000 turned on incompletely punched paper ballots and a faulty ballot design in one Florida county .
Now , in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vice President Joe Biden , hundreds of election law disputes are percolating in jurisdictions nationwide .
And the pandemic ’ s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted .
In the event of a close margin in a battleground state , some of these cases could prove pivotal .
Trailing in the polls , President Trump continues to make claims of systemic fraud by Democrats and refuses to commit to a transition of power if he loses on Nov. 3 .
Both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepare for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court .
But even if there ’ s no replay of the razor-thin margins in Bush v. Gore , election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections .
“ Most election litigation contests an election after the election is done , ” says Barry Richard , a Gainesville , Florida , attorney and Mr. Bush ’ s general counsel in the state in 2000 .
Many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of contested ballots are too few to swing the outcome .
“ This time it ’ s different because we ’ ve got a huge amount of litigation challenging things before the election happens , ” he says .
What ’ s also different , he adds , are repeated attacks on the legitimacy of the election .
“ In the past , nobody questioned the integrity of the system .
Nobody suggested that the vote was fraudulent or that the election wasn ’ t fair .
It was just a question of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Mr. Richard , who has represented Democratic and Republican candidates in litigation .
Expansion vs. contraction of the electorate Republicans contend that the rapid expansion of mail-in voting in November ’ s election opens the door to ballots improperly cast .
“ Democrats are working to shred election integrity measures one state at a time , and there ’ s no question they ’ ll continue their shenanigans , ” Matthew Morgan , the Trump campaign ’ s general counsel , said in an email .
Specifically , suggests the Republican National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Democrats are using the pandemic and courts to eliminate election safeguards by legalizing ballot harvesting and implementing a nationwide mail-in ballot system .
Democrats argue that the greater risk is voter disenfranchisement and that postal ballots can be secure , as demonstrated in several states that already hold universal mail-in elections .
They accuse Republicans of seeking to suppress turnout by limiting the number of ballot drop boxes , for example .
The election rules being litigated vary , says Justin Levitt , a former deputy assistant attorney general in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under President Barack Obama , noting , “ One of the political parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.
” This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts .
These may portend what lies ahead in battleground states , say legal scholars .
With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Michael Morley , an assistant professor of law at Florida State University in Tallahassee .
In California , where ballots are being mailed to all voters ahead of the election , over 2,000 registered Los Angeles County voters recently received mail-in ballots that didn ’ t have a section to vote for a president .
Officials apologized and said new ballots would be sent .
Minor bureaucratic mistakes , say election law experts , don ’ t add up to the rampant fraud alleged by President Trump and his allies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from taking small-bore problems and saying it ’ s chaos and can ’ t be successful , ” says Richard Hasen , a professor of law and political science at the University of California , Irvine .
Disputes over postal ballots involve questions such as : Do you need a witness ?
How are signatures verified ?
Does the ballot need to arrive on Election Day and what if the post is late ?
Can a deadline be extended once early voting has begun ?
Courts have already weighed in on some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuits during the primaries .
The Supreme Court ruled on one case in South Carolina on Oct. 5 , siding with Republicans over signature validation rules .
Another pending case involves Pennsylvania , where the Republican-controlled legislature wants to overturn a three-day extension for ballots mailed by Election Day that Pennsylvania ’ s Supreme Court upheld .
The court is also reviewing a similar extension in Wisconsin , another battleground state .
These cases could set important precedents , even if the vote in those states isn ’ t close , says Professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court ] rules the state legislatures have more powers than courts to set the rules , then that has important implications.
” Not all the disputes involve mail-in voting .
Battles are being waged over the rules for in-person voting in precincts that often have long lines because of what Democrats say are deliberate suppression efforts .
Still , most of the scenarios for postelection legal showdowns relate to disputes over the validation of postal ballots .
Polls suggest as many as one-third of all voters will mail their ballots .
Studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are likely to be disqualified .
The success of postal voting in states like Oregon and Colorado , which both Republicans and Democrats have hailed for their efficiency , may be an imperfect guide to what could happen elsewhere , warns Professor Morley .
“ It might look smooth today , but that ’ s only because it took numerous election cycles to get to that point.
” “ Mistakes will happen , ” says Franita Tolson , a law professor at the University of Southern California , in Los Angeles .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to count the vote and to get an accurate count.
” In the Florida race in 2000 , the Supreme Court had to adjudicate between state officials who wanted to certify the initial results and the state ’ s highest court , which ordered a halt to the recount of disputed ballots .
The Supreme Court ruled that the recount process was flawed and no recount could be held in time for the deadline for deciding Electoral College seats .
President Trump said in the Sept. 29 presidential debate that the Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election : “ I ’ m counting on them to look at the ballots , definitely.
” That is not a position Chief Justice John Roberts would relish , given the rancor over Bush v. Gore , says Professor Tolson .
“ He ’ s very concerned with the legitimacy of the court , and I do think on some level he has internalized the lessons of the 2000 election , ” she says .
Mr. Richard , who litigated for Mr. Bush in Florida in 2000 , concurs : “ I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to decide this election unless they absolutely have no choice.
” Some of the top lawyers in Mr. Biden ’ s camp cut their teeth on the Florida recount battle , including Marc Elias , who is overseeing efforts to protect voter access and ballot counts .
Republicans have also hired lawyers from large firms and recruited scores of volunteers and poll watchers to scour for irregularities in swing states .
With just weeks to go , and millions of votes already cast , some legal scholars are looking at polls and wondering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , postelection unrest – may be averted by an indisputable defeat for Mr. Trump .
“ We may squeak by this time , ” says Professor Hasan , referring to a clear-cut result .
But that ’ s cold comfort if the same flaws occur next time , in the absence of greater professional and nonpartisan administration of how Americans vote .
“ Our election system is quite weak .
”

This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts. With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere, “some irregularities are bound to develop,” says Michael Morley, an assistant professor of law at Florida State University, in Tallahassee.
The election rules being litigated vary, says Justin Levitt, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division under President Barack Obama, noting, “One of the political parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.”
One party wants expansion of the electorate, the other wants to contract it. How that plays out on and around Election Day will be battled by legal teams both presidential campaigns have assembled to challenge how voters’ ballots are cast and counted.
Both campaigns have built legal war rooms for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court. But even if there’s no replay of the razor-thin margins in the 2000 litigation of Bush v. Gore, election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections.
In the presidential race, hundreds of election law disputes are percolating nationwide. And the pandemic’s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted.
Two decades ago, a presidential election was decided by Bush v. Gore, a Supreme Court ruling that put a stop to ballot recounts in Florida and handed victory to George W. Bush by a margin of 537 votes.
That postelection legal battle in 2000 turned on incompletely punched paper ballots and a faulty ballot design in one Florida county.
Now, in the race between President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden, hundreds of election law disputes are percolating in jurisdictions nationwide. And the pandemic’s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted.
Why We Wrote This One party wants expansion of the electorate, the other wants to contract it. How that plays out on and around Election Day will be battled by legal teams both presidential campaigns have assembled to challenge how voters’ ballots are cast and counted.
In the event of a close margin in a battleground state, some of these cases could prove pivotal. Trailing in the polls, President Trump continues to make claims of systemic fraud by Democrats and refuses to commit to a transition of power if he loses on Nov. 3.
Both campaigns have built legal war rooms to prepare for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court. But even if there’s no replay of the razor-thin margins in Bush v. Gore, election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections.
“Most election litigation contests an election after the election is done,” says Barry Richard, a Tallahassee, Florida, attorney and Mr. Bush’s general counsel in the state in 2000.
Many of these lawsuits are dropped because the number of contested ballots are too few to swing the outcome. “This time it’s different because we’ve got a huge amount of litigation challenging things before the election happens,” he says.
What’s also different, he adds, are repeated attacks on the legitimacy of the election.
“In the past, nobody questioned the integrity of the system. Nobody suggested that the vote was fraudulent or that the election wasn’t fair. It was just a question of how you fix the problem,” says Mr. Richard, who has represented Democratic and Republican candidates in litigation.
Expansion vs. contraction of the electorate
Republicans contend that the rapid expansion of mail-in voting in November’s election opens the door to ballots improperly cast.
“Democrats are working to shred election integrity measures one state at a time, and there’s no question they’ll continue their shenanigans,” Matthew Morgan, the Trump campaign’s general counsel, said in an email. Specifically, suggests the Republican National Committee’s Protect the Vote website, the Democrats are using the pandemic and courts to eliminate election safeguards by legalizing ballot harvesting and implementing a nationwide mail-in ballot system.
Democrats argue that the greater risk is voter disenfranchisement and that postal ballots can be secure, as demonstrated in several states that already hold universal mail-in elections. They accuse Republicans of seeking to suppress turnout by limiting the number of ballot drop boxes, for example.
Charles Rex Arbogast/AP View caption Hide caption University of Illinois students walk past a mail-in ballot drop box that sits on the northwest corner of the university's quad in Urbana on Oct. 6, 2020. Changing options for casting ballots create scenarios for postelection legal showdowns.
The election rules being litigated vary, says Justin Levitt, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division under President Barack Obama, noting, “One of the political parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.”
This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts. These may portend what lies ahead in battleground states, say legal scholars.
With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere, “some irregularities are bound to develop,” says Michael Morley, an assistant professor of law at Florida State University in Tallahassee.
In California, where ballots are being mailed to all voters ahead of the election, over 2,000 registered Los Angeles County voters recently received mail-in ballots that didn’t have a section to vote for a president. Officials apologized and said new ballots would be sent.
Minor errors or rampant fraud?
Minor bureaucratic mistakes, say election law experts, don’t add up to the rampant fraud alleged by President Trump and his allies.
Spotlighting minor errors “is different from taking small-bore problems and saying it’s chaos and can’t be successful,” says Richard Hasen, a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine.
Disputes over postal ballots involve questions such as: Do you need a witness? How are signatures verified? Does the ballot need to arrive on Election Day and what if the post is late? Can a deadline be extended once early voting has begun?
Courts have already weighed in on some of these disputes after an initial flurry of lawsuits during the primaries. The Supreme Court ruled on one case in South Carolina on Oct. 5, siding with Republicans over signature validation rules. Another pending case involves Pennsylvania, where the Republican-controlled legislature wants to overturn a three-day extension for ballots mailed by Election Day that Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court upheld. The court is also reviewing a similar extension in Wisconsin, another battleground state.
These cases could set important precedents, even if the vote in those states isn’t close, says Professor Hasen. “If it [the Supreme Court] rules the state legislatures have more powers than courts to set the rules, then that has important implications.”
Not all the disputes involve mail-in voting. Battles are being waged over the rules for in-person voting in precincts that often have long lines because of what Democrats say are deliberate suppression efforts.
Michael Holahan/The Augusta Chronicle/AP View caption Hide caption Early voting started Monday Oct. 12, 2020, in Georgia, and voters lined up by the thousands. Here people waited to cast their ballots early at the Bell Auditorium in Augusta, Georgia.
Still, most of the scenarios for postelection legal showdowns relate to disputes over the validation of postal ballots. Polls suggest as many as one-third of all voters will mail their ballots. Studies show that a higher proportion of them are likely to be disqualified.
The success of postal voting in states like Oregon and Colorado, which both Republicans and Democrats have hailed for their efficiency, may be an imperfect guide to what could happen elsewhere, warns Professor Morley. “It might look smooth today, but that’s only because it took numerous election cycles to get to that point.”
“Mistakes will happen,” says Franita Tolson, a law professor at the University of Southern California, in Los Angeles. “That’s the importance of giving time to count the vote and to get an accurate count.”
Wide victory margin averts disputes
In the Florida race in 2000, the Supreme Court had to adjudicate between state officials who wanted to certify the initial results and the state’s highest court, which ordered a halt to the recount of disputed ballots. The Supreme Court ruled that the recount process was flawed and no recount could be held in time for the deadline for deciding Electoral College seats.
President Trump said in the Sept. 29 presidential debate that the Supreme Court could decide this year’s election: “I’m counting on them to look at the ballots, definitely.”
That is not a position Chief Justice John Roberts would relish, given the rancor over Bush v. Gore, says Professor Tolson. “He’s very concerned with the legitimacy of the court, and I do think on some level he has internalized the lessons of the 2000 election,” she says.
Mr. Richard, who litigated for Mr. Bush in Florida in 2000, concurs: “I think the Court will not take a case to decide this election unless they absolutely have no choice.”
Some of the top lawyers in Mr. Biden’s camp cut their teeth on the Florida recount battle, including Marc Elias, who is overseeing efforts to protect voter access and ballot counts. Republicans have also hired lawyers from large firms and recruited scores of volunteers and poll watchers to scour for irregularities in swing states.
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With just weeks to go, and millions of votes already cast, some legal scholars are looking at polls and wondering if worst-case scenarios – contested ballot counts, postelection unrest – may be averted by an indisputable defeat for Mr. Trump.
“We may squeak by this time,” says Professor Hasan, referring to a clear-cut result. But that’s cold comfort if the same flaws occur next time, in the absence of greater professional and nonpartisan administration of how Americans vote. “Our election system is quite weak.”


csmonitor--2020-10-15--A 'Club Med' of peaceful petrostates?

A 'Club Med' of peaceful petrostates?

On Wednesday , officials from Israel and Lebanon – two neighbors still technically at war – met inside a tent for their first talks on a nonsecurity issue in three decades .
The tent , which belongs to United Nations peacekeepers in southern Lebanon , was an apt metaphor .
It symbolizes a widening tent for countries in the eastern Mediterranean to collaborate in tapping newly discovered oil and natural gas in their offshore seabed .
The talks between Lebanon and Israel were limited to resolving a maritime border dispute that is holding up petroleum exploration .
Yet their main @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Steinitz , is to create security and stability for the benefit of all the people in the region .
In different parts of the world , peace has often become a reality when longtime foes find a common interest such as sharing resources .
Peace talks between the Palestinians and Israel , for example , began in the early 1990s over a joint desire to resolve issues over water resources .
Israel and Lebanon are eager to tap the oil and gas off their shores mainly out of domestic pressures for prosperity .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries have joined in this quest .
In September , Cyprus , Greece , Egypt , Israel , Italy , Jordan , and the Palestinian Authority formed the East Mediterranean Gas Forum , an entity designed to allow friendly coordination in exploration and production .
The outlier has been Turkey .
Under the legal norms of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea , its options for offshore drilling are limited .
In a belligerent move , it has sent exploration ships into waters claimed by Greece and Cyprus – often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ships actually collided in August .
Both the European Union and NATO are trying to calm the tensions caused by Turkey ’ s actions and extraterritorial claims .
This makes the Israel-Lebanon talks even more important .
Formal peace talks between the two countries are not expected .
Yet the talks do help widen the tent for regional cooperation .
What binds neighbors is often greater than what divides them .
And supporting each other in tapping natural wealth is preferable to risking conflict .

On Wednesday, officials from Israel and Lebanon – two neighbors still technically at war – met inside a tent for their first talks on a nonsecurity issue in three decades. The tent, which belongs to United Nations peacekeepers in southern Lebanon, was an apt metaphor. It symbolizes a widening tent for countries in the eastern Mediterranean to collaborate in tapping newly discovered oil and natural gas in their offshore seabed.
The talks between Lebanon and Israel were limited to resolving a maritime border dispute that is holding up petroleum exploration. Yet their main goal, said Israeli Energy Minister Yuval Steinitz, is to create security and stability for the benefit of all the people in the region.
In different parts of the world, peace has often become a reality when longtime foes find a common interest such as sharing resources. Peace talks between the Palestinians and Israel, for example, began in the early 1990s over a joint desire to resolve issues over water resources.
Israel and Lebanon are eager to tap the oil and gas off their shores mainly out of domestic pressures for prosperity. Over the past decade, other nearby countries have joined in this quest. In September, Cyprus, Greece, Egypt, Israel, Italy, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority formed the East Mediterranean Gas Forum, an entity designed to allow friendly coordination in exploration and production.
The outlier has been Turkey. Under the legal norms of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea, its options for offshore drilling are limited. In a belligerent move, it has sent exploration ships into waters claimed by Greece and Cyprus – often accompanied by warships. Greek and Turkish ships actually collided in August. Both the European Union and NATO are trying to calm the tensions caused by Turkey’s actions and extraterritorial claims.
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This makes the Israel-Lebanon talks even more important. Formal peace talks between the two countries are not expected. Yet the talks do help widen the tent for regional cooperation.
What binds neighbors is often greater than what divides them. And supporting each other in tapping natural wealth is preferable to risking conflict.


csmonitor--2020-10-15--Emergency declared in Bangkok after protesters heckle royal motorcade

Thailand ’ s government declared a strict new state of emergency for the capital on Thursday , a day after a student-led protest against the country ’ s traditional establishment saw an extraordinary moment in which demonstrators heckled a royal motorcade .
After the pre-dawn declaration , riot police moved in to clear out demonstrators who after a day of rallies and confrontation had gathered outside Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha ’ s office to push their demands , which include the former general ’ s stepping down , constitutional changes , and reform of the monarchy .
Several top leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ custody , with one later declaring on his Facebook page that he had been denied access to a lawyer and was being forced onto a helicopter and taken to a city in the country ’ s north .
Police said they had made 22 arrests .
Despite a new ban against large public gatherings , several thousand people answered calls to rally again in another area of the city later Thursday .
The text of the emergency declaration said it was needed because “ certain groups of perpetrators intended to instigate an untoward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by way of various methods and via different channels , including causing obstruction to the royal motorcade.
” The protest on Wednesday in Bangkok ’ s historic district , not far from glittering temples and royal palaces , was the third major gathering by student-led activists who have been pushing the boundaries of what is considered acceptable – and legal – language by publicly questioning the role of Thailand ’ s monarchy in the nation ’ s power structure .
Thailand ’ s royal family has long been considered sacrosanct and a pillar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other key members of the royal family are protected by a lese majeste law that has regularly been used to silence critics , who risk up to 15 years in prison if deemed to have insulted the institution .
The protest – held on the anniversary of a 1973 student-led uprising against a military dictatorship – was complicated by the presence of royalist counter protesters who had gathered both to show support for the government and to greet the royal family as they traveled to and from a religious ceremony in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ captured in photos and video that circulated widely on social media in which what appeared to be protesters gestured and shouted just a few feet from the royal motorcade .
Such actions are unprecedented in Thailand , where those waiting for a royal motorcade regularly sit on the ground or prostrate themselves .
Some experts say a line may have been crossed .
“ What seemed to be a low-boil stalemate that the Prayuth government was managing with reasonable success has now , following the incident involving the procession of the queen ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an active protest was under way and the arrests of protest leaders , become a full-blown crisis , ” said Michael Montesano , coordinator of the Thailand Studies Program at the ISEAS-Yusof Isak Institute in Singapore .
“ Unlike even 48 hours ago , the country is in dangerous territory now.
” Government spokesman Anucha Buraphachaisri announced Thursday morning that the prime minister had ordered police to take strict action against those who obstruct a royal procession or otherwise insult the monarchy .
One change is that police said they will install checkpoints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order will be facilitated by the new emergency decree for Bangkok , which bans unauthorized gatherings of more than five people and gives authorities other powers they deem needed to prevent unrest , including detaining people temporarily without charge .
It also outlaws news that distorts information or could cause a “ misunderstanding.
” Thailand is already under a national state of emergency as part of its efforts to fight the coronavirus , and it was not immediately clear how the new decree was different .
Protesters gathered again in a Bangkok shopping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The crowd grew big enough to block a major intersection flanked by upmarket malls and a famous shrine , where they were addressed by a series of speakers denouncing the government .
Police stood by while the crowd chanted rude slogans calling for the prime minister to step down .
They also chanted “ Free our friends , ” in reference to the arrested leaders .
“ I want to fight for my future .
I want to fight for my friends .
I want to fight for my democracy .
My @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 24-year-old NGO worker Aitarnik Chitwiset .
Deputy police spokesman Col. Kissana Phathanacharoen warned earlier that calling for such a protest or attending one was against the law .
Human rights group Amnesty International criticized the crackdown as “ unjustified.
” “ These moves are clearly designed to stamp out dissent , and sow fear in anyone who sympathizes with the protesters ’ views , ” the group said in a statement .
The protest movement was launched in March by university students , but quickly put on hold as Thailand was gripped by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in July , when the threat from the virus eased , and has since grown in size .
The movement ’ s original core demands were new elections , changes in the constitution to make it more democratic , and an end to intimidation of activists .
The protesters charge that Mr. Prayuth , who as army commander led a 2014 coup that toppled an elected government , was returned to power unfairly in last year ’ s general election because laws had been changed to favor a pro-military party .
The protesters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and passed in a referendum in which campaigning against it was illegal is undemocratic .
The movement took another stunning turn in August , when students at a rally aired unprecedented criticism of the monarchy and issued calls for its reform .
Using direct language normally expressed in whispers , if at all , the speakers criticized the king ’ s wealth , his influence , and that he spends much of his time in Germany , not Thailand .
Conservative royalist Thais accuse the protest movement of seeking to end the monarchy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nevertheless , analysts say the incident with the royal motorcade may harden positions .
It “ is not just unprecedented but will be shocking for many , ” said Kevin Hewison , professor emeritus from the University of North Carolina and veteran Thai studies scholar .
“ Yet it is reflective of how a new generation of protesters sees the monarchy and military-backed regime as intertwined and that political reform demands reform of the monarchy as well.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Thailand’s government declared a strict new state of emergency for the capital on Thursday, a day after a student-led protest against the country’s traditional establishment saw an extraordinary moment in which demonstrators heckled a royal motorcade.
After the pre-dawn declaration, riot police moved in to clear out demonstrators who after a day of rallies and confrontation had gathered outside Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha’s office to push their demands, which include the former general’s stepping down, constitutional changes, and reform of the monarchy.
Several top leaders of the protest movement were taken into custody, with one later declaring on his Facebook page that he had been denied access to a lawyer and was being forced onto a helicopter and taken to a city in the country’s north. Police said they had made 22 arrests.
Despite a new ban against large public gatherings, several thousand people answered calls to rally again in another area of the city later Thursday.
The text of the emergency declaration said it was needed because “certain groups of perpetrators intended to instigate an untoward incident and movement in the Bangkok area by way of various methods and via different channels, including causing obstruction to the royal motorcade.”
The protest on Wednesday in Bangkok’s historic district, not far from glittering temples and royal palaces, was the third major gathering by student-led activists who have been pushing the boundaries of what is considered acceptable – and legal – language by publicly questioning the role of Thailand’s monarchy in the nation’s power structure.
Thailand’s royal family has long been considered sacrosanct and a pillar of Thai identity. King Maha Vajiralongkorn and other key members of the royal family are protected by a lese majeste law that has regularly been used to silence critics, who risk up to 15 years in prison if deemed to have insulted the institution.
The protest – held on the anniversary of a 1973 student-led uprising against a military dictatorship – was complicated by the presence of royalist counter protesters who had gathered both to show support for the government and to greet the royal family as they traveled to and from a religious ceremony in the area.
That led to a moment captured in photos and video that circulated widely on social media in which what appeared to be protesters gestured and shouted just a few feet from the royal motorcade. Such actions are unprecedented in Thailand, where those waiting for a royal motorcade regularly sit on the ground or prostrate themselves.
Some experts say a line may have been crossed.
“What seemed to be a low-boil stalemate that the Prayuth government was managing with reasonable success has now, following the incident involving the procession of the queen’s motorcade down a street in which an active protest was under way and the arrests of protest leaders, become a full-blown crisis,” said Michael Montesano, coordinator of the Thailand Studies Program at the ISEAS-Yusof Isak Institute in Singapore. “Unlike even 48 hours ago, the country is in dangerous territory now.”
Government spokesman Anucha Buraphachaisri announced Thursday morning that the prime minister had ordered police to take strict action against those who obstruct a royal procession or otherwise insult the monarchy.
One change is that police said they will install checkpoints around Bangkok for security purposes.
Keeping order will be facilitated by the new emergency decree for Bangkok, which bans unauthorized gatherings of more than five people and gives authorities other powers they deem needed to prevent unrest, including detaining people temporarily without charge. It also outlaws news that distorts information or could cause a “misunderstanding.”
Thailand is already under a national state of emergency as part of its efforts to fight the coronavirus, and it was not immediately clear how the new decree was different.
Protesters gathered again in a Bangkok shopping district Thursday afternoon and into the evening. The crowd grew big enough to block a major intersection flanked by upmarket malls and a famous shrine, where they were addressed by a series of speakers denouncing the government.
Police stood by while the crowd chanted rude slogans calling for the prime minister to step down. They also chanted “Free our friends,” in reference to the arrested leaders.
“I want to fight for my future. I want to fight for my friends. I want to fight for my democracy. My country must be democracy,” said 24-year-old NGO worker Aitarnik Chitwiset.
Deputy police spokesman Col. Kissana Phathanacharoen warned earlier that calling for such a protest or attending one was against the law.
Human rights group Amnesty International criticized the crackdown as “unjustified.”
“These moves are clearly designed to stamp out dissent, and sow fear in anyone who sympathizes with the protesters’ views,” the group said in a statement.
The protest movement was launched in March by university students, but quickly put on hold as Thailand was gripped by the coronavirus pandemic. It came back in July, when the threat from the virus eased, and has since grown in size.
The movement’s original core demands were new elections, changes in the constitution to make it more democratic, and an end to intimidation of activists.
The protesters charge that Mr. Prayuth, who as army commander led a 2014 coup that toppled an elected government, was returned to power unfairly in last year’s general election because laws had been changed to favor a pro-military party. The protesters say a constitution promulgated under military rule and passed in a referendum in which campaigning against it was illegal is undemocratic.
The movement took another stunning turn in August, when students at a rally aired unprecedented criticism of the monarchy and issued calls for its reform. Using direct language normally expressed in whispers, if at all, the speakers criticized the king’s wealth, his influence, and that he spends much of his time in Germany, not Thailand.
Conservative royalist Thais accuse the protest movement of seeking to end the monarchy, an allegation its leaders deny.
Nevertheless, analysts say the incident with the royal motorcade may harden positions.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
It “is not just unprecedented but will be shocking for many,” said Kevin Hewison, professor emeritus from the University of North Carolina and veteran Thai studies scholar. “Yet it is reflective of how a new generation of protesters sees the monarchy and military-backed regime as intertwined and that political reform demands reform of the monarchy as well.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-15--For third time since 2005, protests oust Kyrgyzstan's president

Kyrgyzstan ’ s embattled president said Thursday he was resigning following protests over a disputed parliamentary election , the third time in 15 years that a leader of the Central Asian country has been ousted by a popular uprising .
Protesters in the capital of Bishkek celebrated the decision by President Sooronbai Jeenbekov , but it ’ s not clear if it will quell the unrest that has gripped the country since last week .
The demonstrators quickly demanded that parliament be dissolved and that its speaker , who is next in the order of succession , also resign .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to step down from the protests and some opposition politicians including the new prime minister , had dismissed calls to resign only a day earlier .
But in a statement released by his office , he said that he feared violence if he stayed in power , noting that protesters were facing off against the police and the military .
“ In this case , blood will be shed .
It is inevitable , ” the statement said .
“ I don ’ t want to go down in history as a president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own citizens.
” Mr. Jeenbekov said the situation in Bishkek “ remains tense ” and that he didn ’ t want to escalate those tensions .
He urged opposition politicians to get their supporters off the streets and “ bring peaceful life back to the people.
” Parliament must officially approve his resignation , and Speaker Kanat Isayev , who was appointed earlier this week , told local media it would meet Friday to consider it .
Raising the possibility of further political turmoil , Mr. Isayev told the Kyrgyz news outlet 24.kg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has the right to take over the presidency since the current parliamentary term is about to end .
The country of 6.5 million people on the border with China was plunged into chaos following an Oct. 4 parliamentary election whose results were a victory for pro-government parties .
The opposition said the balloting was tainted by vote-buying and other irregularities .
Protesters then took over government buildings , looting some offices , and the Central Election Commission nullified the election .
The opposition then announced plans to oust Mr. Jeenbekov and form a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low profile in the first few days after the vote , using the infighting among protest leaders to dig in .
He introduced a state of emergency in Bishkek , which was endorsed Tuesday by parliament , and authorities deployed troops to the capital and introduced a curfew .
The move eased tensions in the city , where residents feared the violence and vandalism that accompanied previous uprisings and had been forming vigilante groups to protect their property .
Stores and banks that were closed last week have reopened .
To try to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wednesday endorsed the appointment of Sadyr Zhaparov as prime minister .
The former lawmaker was freed from jail by demonstrators last week .
Mr. Jeenbekov also approved Mr. Zhaparov ’ s new Cabinet .
Mr. Zhaparov has repeatedly demanded Mr. Jeenbekov ’ s resignation and promised his supporters to push for it – but Mr. Jeenbekov said he would stay in the job until the political situation had stabilized .
Hundreds of Mr. Zhaparov ’ s supporters rallied in the capital Wednesday , threatening to storm the presidential residence if Mr. Jeenbekov did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promised to meet with the president Thursday , but it is not clear if that took place .
As in the uprisings that ousted presidents in 2005 and 2010 , the current unrest has been driven by clan rivalries that shape the country ’ s politics .
Kyrgyzstan , one of the poorest countries to emerge from the former Soviet Union , is a member of Russia-dominated economic and security alliances , hosts a Russian air base , and depends on Moscow ’ s economic support .
It formerly was the site of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used in the war in Afghanistan .
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov on Thursday said “ a certain pause ” in providing support to Kyrgyzstan “ makes sense ” because “ there is no government as such , as far as we see.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Kyrgyzstan’s embattled president said Thursday he was resigning following protests over a disputed parliamentary election, the third time in 15 years that a leader of the Central Asian country has been ousted by a popular uprising.
Protesters in the capital of Bishkek celebrated the decision by President Sooronbai Jeenbekov, but it’s not clear if it will quell the unrest that has gripped the country since last week. The demonstrators quickly demanded that parliament be dissolved and that its speaker, who is next in the order of succession, also resign.
Mr. Jeenbekov, who came under pressure to step down from the protests and some opposition politicians including the new prime minister, had dismissed calls to resign only a day earlier. But in a statement released by his office, he said that he feared violence if he stayed in power, noting that protesters were facing off against the police and the military.
“In this case, blood will be shed. It is inevitable,” the statement said. “I don’t want to go down in history as a president who shed blood and shot at his own citizens.”
Mr. Jeenbekov said the situation in Bishkek “remains tense” and that he didn’t want to escalate those tensions. He urged opposition politicians to get their supporters off the streets and “bring peaceful life back to the people.”
Parliament must officially approve his resignation, and Speaker Kanat Isayev, who was appointed earlier this week, told local media it would meet Friday to consider it. Raising the possibility of further political turmoil, Mr. Isayev told the Kyrgyz news outlet 24.kg that he doesn’t feel he has the right to take over the presidency since the current parliamentary term is about to end.
The country of 6.5 million people on the border with China was plunged into chaos following an Oct. 4 parliamentary election whose results were a victory for pro-government parties. The opposition said the balloting was tainted by vote-buying and other irregularities.
Protesters then took over government buildings, looting some offices, and the Central Election Commission nullified the election. The opposition then announced plans to oust Mr. Jeenbekov and form a new government.
Mr. Jeenbekov kept a low profile in the first few days after the vote, using the infighting among protest leaders to dig in. He introduced a state of emergency in Bishkek, which was endorsed Tuesday by parliament, and authorities deployed troops to the capital and introduced a curfew.
The move eased tensions in the city, where residents feared the violence and vandalism that accompanied previous uprisings and had been forming vigilante groups to protect their property. Stores and banks that were closed last week have reopened.
To try to halt the unrest, Mr. Jeenbekov on Wednesday endorsed the appointment of Sadyr Zhaparov as prime minister. The former lawmaker was freed from jail by demonstrators last week. Mr. Jeenbekov also approved Mr. Zhaparov’s new Cabinet.
Mr. Zhaparov has repeatedly demanded Mr. Jeenbekov’s resignation and promised his supporters to push for it – but Mr. Jeenbekov said he would stay in the job until the political situation had stabilized.
Hundreds of Mr. Zhaparov’s supporters rallied in the capital Wednesday, threatening to storm the presidential residence if Mr. Jeenbekov did not step down. Mr. Zhaparov had promised to meet with the president Thursday, but it is not clear if that took place.
As in the uprisings that ousted presidents in 2005 and 2010, the current unrest has been driven by clan rivalries that shape the country’s politics.
Kyrgyzstan, one of the poorest countries to emerge from the former Soviet Union, is a member of Russia-dominated economic and security alliances, hosts a Russian air base, and depends on Moscow’s economic support. It formerly was the site of a United States air base that was used in the war in Afghanistan.
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Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov on Thursday said “a certain pause” in providing support to Kyrgyzstan “makes sense” because “there is no government as such, as far as we see.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-15--Drive-thru Texas state fair: fried Oreos, yes. Baby animals, no.

I grew up in England , and deep-frying everything was , I ’ d thought , an exclusively Scottish pastime .
The highlight of my first State Fair of Texas experience ?
Deep-fried Oreos .
Must inform Scotland .
My $ 65 ticket guarantees me a corn dog , fries , cotton candy and deep-fried Oreos – but no guarantee of when .
We arrive at noon and spend the next four hours in the car inching toward food and Big Tex , the 55-foot-tall animatronic cowboy we 're all here for .
Strange .
It feels like we only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it feels like it was March only last week .
But one does not simply move to Texas and reach straight for the funnel cake bacon queso burger .
One spends years building gastrointestinal resiliency , as I have .
Now it ’ s 2020 , so this year ’ s offerings are more limited , and available only via drive-thru .
This year is the Plague Year , though .
Recreation has been banned , frivolity outlawed , until the curve is as flat as a half-empty Topo Chico left in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visit the State Fair of Texas since I moved here in 2017 , since I ’ d read about the funnel cake bacon queso burger and the time Big Tex burst into flames .
It ’ s late September , which for 134 years has meant one thing in Texas : the start of the state fair .
It ’ s a warm , sunny day , and the drive north up Interstate 35 is as smooth as you can expect that drive to be .
It ’ s going to be a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s late September , which for 134 years has meant one thing in Texas : the start of the state fair .
This year is the Plague Year , though .
Recreation has been banned , frivolity outlawed , until the curve is as flat as a half-empty Topo Chico left in the sun .
Still , this is my first state fair .
I grew up in England , and deep-frying everything was , I ’ d thought , an exclusively Scottish pastime .
I ’ ve wanted to visit the State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2017 , since I ’ d read about the funnel cake bacon queso burger and the time Big Tex burst into flames .
But one does not simply move to Texas and reach straight for the funnel cake bacon queso burger .
One spends years building gastrointestinal resiliency , as I have .
Now it ’ s 2020 , so this year ’ s offerings are more limited , and available only via drive-thru .
My ticket guarantees me a corn dog , fries , cotton candy and deep-fried Oreos .
Traffic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off I-35 .
A Ferris wheel towers above the trees , “ TEXAS ” emblazoned on its spokes .
Enter Fair Park through Gate 11 , the ticket instructs .
We obey , but the line to enter begins at Gate 5 .
My girlfriend – here for corn on the cob , not to be quoted in this report – let out a snort of frustration .
It is just past noon .
Reader , our frustrations are only just beginning .
We ’ re in the parking lot now .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ frustration .
My girlfriend slips out of her shoes and opens a book .
The cars snake across the concrete in a long , curving U.
We ’ re following a silver Chevy Tahoe .
Peering into the other cars – there is nothing else to look at – I see smiles and laughs .
I feel the same .
The line is long , but it ’ s moving .
It is a warm sunny day .
The Texas summer heat has broken , finally .
Or is that just the air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cool air as I lean out the window to photograph the chain of taillights in front of us .
People are getting out of their cars , even though signs say you shouldn ’ t .
They ’ re going to the portable toilets .
Or walking aimlessly .
One man is pushing a stroller .
I take more pictures of lined-up cars , through the car windows this time .
Something more artsy .
I should mark the time we entered the gate , just in case !
The line splits into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behind a black Ford F-150 Texas Edition .
It ’ s a bit dustier than the Tahoe .
Or is it a clean car viewed through a dusty windshield ?
As I ’ m about to say something to my girlfriend about perspective , a car breaks out of line abruptly and heads for the exit .
Strange .
It feels like we only just entered Gate 11 , just like it feels like it was only March last week !
We should play a game , I say .
She suggests alphabets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for A ’ s , B ’ s , C ’ s , D ’ s , etc .
There are no I ’ s in Texas license plates , apparently .
Is there some kind of ban ?
Do they look too much like a “ 1 ” ?
The game ends .
Oh look , Big Tex !
Or a mascot , at least .
Children spill out of cars to take pictures with him .
That ’ s nice .
I wonder why I can ’ t yet see the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a 55-foot-tall animatronic cowboy .
Can you get sunburn through car windows ?
The back of my shirt is very sweaty .
“ Wash me ” is written in the dust of the F-150 Texas Edition ’ s tailgate , I notice .
My girlfriend has gone for a walk .
She ’ ll be back soon !
More cars left .
My surroundings have transformed .
They must be photographed , I know .
But I ’ m not sure why .
Right , the reporting trip .
Reporting trips have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ room table was starting to feel claustrophobic !
Ah look , my girlfriend is back .
And look , we ’ re at the fair entrance !
And it ’ s not even 5 o ’ clock !
Fries : Good .
Remind me how hungry I am .
Corn on the cob : Good , my girlfriend says .
She eats only one .
“ With it being a new event it comes with its challenges , ” Karissa Condoianis , spokesperson for the State Fair of Texas , tells me a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve fixed it now.
” The lines are shorter now , she says .
But while they don ’ t know how many people are in each car , overall attendance is down too , from more than 2.5 million last year to about 30,000 cars for the four-weekend event that ends Oct. 18 .
It ’ s part of an attempt to replace the fair in aggregate .
There ’ s been a shortened market week and some virtual events as well .
The organizers know it ’ s not a perfect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ it was more about keeping the state fair spirit alive .

I grew up in England, and deep-frying everything was, I’d thought, an exclusively Scottish pastime. The highlight of my first State Fair of Texas experience? Deep-fried Oreos. Must inform Scotland.
My $65 ticket guarantees me a corn dog, fries, cotton candy and deep-fried Oreos – but no guarantee of when . We arrive at noon and spend the next four hours in the car inching toward food and Big Tex, the 55-foot-tall animatronic cowboy we're all here for. Strange. It feels like we only just entered Gate 11, just like it feels like it was March only last week.
But one does not simply move to Texas and reach straight for the funnel cake bacon queso burger. One spends years building gastrointestinal resiliency, as I have. Now it’s 2020, so this year’s offerings are more limited, and available only via drive-thru.
This year is the Plague Year, though. Recreation has been banned, frivolity outlawed, until the curve is as flat as a half-empty Topo Chico left in the sun.
The state fair – in whatever state – is an American tradition. And our Texas correspondent reports that despite a long line, a $65 entry ticket, and his first-timer's skepticism, the new socially distanced drive-thru event is still a communal experience.
I’ve wanted to visit the State Fair of Texas since I moved here in 2017, since I’d read about the funnel cake bacon queso burger and the time Big Tex burst into flames .
It’s late September, which for 134 years has meant one thing in Texas: the start of the state fair.
It’s a warm, sunny day, and the drive north up Interstate 35 is as smooth as you can expect that drive to be. It’s going to be a good day, reader.
It’s late September, which for 134 years has meant one thing in Texas: the start of the state fair.
This year is the Plague Year, though. Recreation has been banned, frivolity outlawed, until the curve is as flat as a half-empty Topo Chico left in the sun.
Why We Wrote This The state fair – in whatever state – is an American tradition. And our Texas correspondent reports that despite a long line, a $65 entry ticket, and his first-timer's skepticism, the new socially distanced drive-thru event is still a communal experience.
Still, this is my first state fair. I grew up in England, and deep-frying everything was, I’d thought, an exclusively Scottish pastime.
I’ve wanted to visit the State Fair of Texas since I moved here in 2017, since I’d read about the funnel cake bacon queso burger and the time Big Tex burst into flames.
But one does not simply move to Texas and reach straight for the funnel cake bacon queso burger. One spends years building gastrointestinal resiliency, as I have. Now it’s 2020, so this year’s offerings are more limited, and available only via drive-thru. My ticket guarantees me a corn dog, fries, cotton candy and deep-fried Oreos.
Traffic is beginning to swell as I peel off I-35. A Ferris wheel towers above the trees, “TEXAS” emblazoned on its spokes. Enter Fair Park through Gate 11, the ticket instructs. We obey, but the line to enter begins at Gate 5. My girlfriend – here for corn on the cob, not to be quoted in this report – let out a snort of frustration. It is just past noon.
Henry Gass/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption A volunteer greets a car at the entrance to the Big Tex Fair Food Drive-Thru, the state fair experience re-engineered because of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Reader, our frustrations are only just beginning.
We’re in the parking lot now. It’s 1:30 p.m. Another snort of frustration. My girlfriend slips out of her shoes and opens a book.
The cars snake across the concrete in a long, curving U. We’re following a silver Chevy Tahoe. Peering into the other cars – there is nothing else to look at – I see smiles and laughs. I feel the same. The line is long, but it’s moving.
It is a warm sunny day. The Texas summer heat has broken, finally. Or is that just the air conditioning? No, I taste the cool air as I lean out the window to photograph the chain of taillights in front of us.
People are getting out of their cars, even though signs say you shouldn’t. They’re going to the portable toilets. Or walking aimlessly. One man is pushing a stroller.
I take more pictures of lined-up cars, through the car windows this time. Something more artsy.
I should mark the time we entered the gate, just in case!
The line splits into two lanes. Now we’re behind a black Ford F-150 Texas Edition. It’s a bit dustier than the Tahoe. Or is it a clean car viewed through a dusty windshield? As I’m about to say something to my girlfriend about perspective, a car breaks out of line abruptly and heads for the exit.
Strange. It feels like we only just entered Gate 11, just like it feels like it was only March last week! We should play a game, I say. She suggests alphabets, and we hunt surrounding license plates for A’s, B’s, C’s, D’s, etc.
There are no I’s in Texas license plates, apparently. Is there some kind of ban? Do they look too much like a “1”? The game ends.
Henry Gass/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption A mask-clad Big Tex mascot greets visitors waiting as long as five hours to enter the Big Tex Fair Food Drive-Thru. Attendance at the fair – usually more than 2 million – is severely reduced this year because people had to stay in their cars and inch through the grounds.
Oh look, Big Tex! Or a mascot, at least. Children spill out of cars to take pictures with him. That’s nice. I wonder why I can’t yet see the real Big Tex, given he’s a 55-foot-tall animatronic cowboy.
Can you get sunburn through car windows? The back of my shirt is very sweaty. “Wash me” is written in the dust of the F-150 Texas Edition’s tailgate, I notice. My girlfriend has gone for a walk. She’ll be back soon!
More cars left. My surroundings have transformed. They must be photographed, I know. But I’m not sure why.
Right, the reporting trip. Reporting trips have been rare this year. That dining room table was starting to feel claustrophobic! Ah look, my girlfriend is back. And look, we’re at the fair entrance! And it’s not even 5 o’clock!
Fries: Good. Remind me how hungry I am.
Corn dog: Tasty, but dense: B–.
Corn on the cob: Good, my girlfriend says. She eats only one.
Deep-fried Oreos: The highlight. Must inform Scotland.
Henry Gass/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption It was our reporter's first trip to a state fair -- and he got the usual corn dog and fried Oreo included in his $65 entry fee. But healthy corn on the cob was his add-on.
“With it being a new event it comes with its challenges,” Karissa Condoianis, spokesperson for the State Fair of Texas, tells me a few weeks later. “We’ve fixed it now.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The lines are shorter now, she says. But while they don’t know how many people are in each car, overall attendance is down too, from more than 2.5 million last year to about 30,000 cars for the four-weekend event that ends Oct. 18.
It’s part of an attempt to replace the fair in aggregate. There’s been a shortened market week and some virtual events as well. The organizers know it’s not a perfect substitute, says Ms. Condoianis, but “it was more about keeping the state fair spirit alive.


csmonitor--2020-10-16--Opportunity strikes: More women behind Bollywood’s cameras

“ If it had been financed by conventional producers for theatrical release , I would have got two rupees to make it , ” says Ms. Taraporevala .
“ It ’ s gratifying for me as a filmmaker to be able to tell stories that are real , without stars , on niche subjects , get the budget the film needs , and have it be promoted well.
” Platforms like Netflix , Amazon Prime , and Hotstar are transforming the scope and variety of stories being told .
Liberated from the usual pressures of box office results , exhibition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new possibilities .
Many female filmmakers say they ’ ve struggled to break into Bollywood .
But here , as elsewhere , streaming services are opening up opportunities .
And that means not just more women behind the camera , but more women in front of it – and more complex female characters .
Take a few popular shows in India today : “ Mentalhood , ” about multitasking mothers ; “ Baarish , ” a love story ; and “ Four More Shots Please , ” often described as an Indian “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they have in common ?
At least two things : All are produced by streaming platforms , and all are directed by women .
“ Guilty , ” a Netflix original film , bears little resemblance to commercial Bollywood cinema .
Set on an Indian college campus , it tackles the often-taboo topic of sexual assault .
The cast boasts no major male stars , nor dance numbers .
And unlike most theatrical releases , it was directed by a woman .
The film was released in March , and was frequently on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” panel .
But director Ruchi Narain , best known for writing a critically acclaimed drama in 2003 , often faced a question : “ Why has it taken you so long [ between films ] ?
Where did you go ?
” “ I ’ m like , nowhere !
” she says , chuckling .
“ I was right here .
I was flogging my scripts , meeting actors , doing everything any filmmaker does.
” For Ms. Narain , a streaming platform offered opportunities the rest of the film industry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money rides on male stars , and male stars have their own concerns .
They may or may not want to take instructions from a woman , whether they say that or not , ” she says .
Film industries in India – of which the Hindi-language Bollywood is the biggest – churn out more than 1,500 films a year .
But Bollywood ’ s closed-in , clubby nature and risk aversion have historically sidelined women-led films , many industry experts say .
But here , as in other countries , that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amazon Prime , Disney+ Hotstar , Voot , Zee5 , and ALTBalaji are transforming the scope , scale , and variety of stories being told .
A PWC India-Assocham report in 2018 estimated the industry would more than double in value from 2017 to 2022 , reaching almost 54 billion rupees ( then around $ 820 million ) .
Liberated from the usual pressures of box office results , exhibition , and distribution , filmmakers in general are finding new opportunities in the digital space .
“ The transition from single-screen theaters to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the kinds of stories ” that get told , says Ms. Narain .
“ Like that , the transition to digital is going to bring a sea change.
” Alankrita Shrivastava is one of the writers and directors behind Amazon ’ s acclaimed web series “ Made in Heaven , ” a drama about two wedding planners and their personal and professional lives .
It was praised for its canny depiction of urban India , and its deft treatment of themes of sexuality , class , and marriage .
She describes roadblocks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of interlocking factors .
Women may be less interested in the hero-focused films favored by studios , for example ; may not find recognizable actors to cast ; and then struggle to market their films , affecting earnings .
This leads to a cycle , reinforcing the notion that movies made by or led by women are less bankable .
“ Definitely streaming platforms are more democratic .
There ’ s more space for diverse voices and women , ” says Ms. Shrivastava .
“ A lot of the network executives are women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” There is no reliable national data on the proportion of Indian programming that is women-helmed , but the increase in the number of women behind the camera appears to line up with worldwide trends .
Across U.S. platforms , women jumped from 12 % of directors in 2014-15 to 30 % in 2019-20 , according to the latest “ Boxed In ” study by Martha M. Lauzen , founder and executive director at the Center for the Study of Women in Television and Film at San Diego State University .
When just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went from 10 % in 2017-18 to 32 % in 2019-20 .
This year , the study notes , streaming services “ featured substantially more female protagonists ” than cable or broadcast programs : 42 % , 27 % , and 24 % , respectively .
“ For film there can be only one director .
For episodic [ formats ] you can have a female director for every episode , ” says Madeline Di Nonno , chief executive officer of the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media .
“ So , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Netflix , Amazon , Disney+ , HBOMax , Peacock , Quibi – you have many more new and global distribution outlets that have to fill their pipeline with content.
” However , she also points out that `` Boxed In '' found 76 % of programs studied across platforms had no women directors , and 73 % had no women creators .
Some platforms say they are actively committed to rectifying imbalances .
“ We have always encouraged women , be it within the organization , in our shows , or behind the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As joint managing director of Balaji Telefilms , one of India ’ s biggest entertainment companies , and managing director of ALTBalaji , its streaming platform , Ms. Kapoor has often been described as one of the most powerful women in television .
“ As they say , content is reflective of the thought process of the creators ; we at ALTBalaji have always strived to break the existing stereotypes.
” Among ALTBalaji ’ s most popular shows are two directed by women : “ Mentalhood , ” about multitasking mothers ; and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One of Amazon Prime ’ s most talked about shows here is “ Four More Shots Please ” – often described as an Indian “ Sex and the City ” – and Netflix is this year working with 30 women producers and directors .
In 2020 , in addition to “ Guilty , ” the platform released Ms. Shrivastava ’ s film “ Dolly Kitty Aur Woh Chamakte Sitare , ” about two women cousins in North India finding themselves , and Sooni Taraporevala ’ s real life-inspired film about two Mumbai @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ If it had been financed by conventional producers for theatrical release , I would have got two rupees to make it , ” says Ms. Taraporevala , of “ Yeh Ballet.
” “ It ’ s gratifying for me as a filmmaker to be able to tell stories that are real , without stars , on niche subjects , get the budget the film needs , and have it be promoted well.
” More women behind the camera also has a ripple effect for women in front of it .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when there is a female writer-director it directly impacts the percentage of female characters on screen , ” says Ms. Di Nonno , of the Geena Davis Institute .
“ Women are 51 % of the population , and as such need to see their stories told authentically onscreen.
” Nor are the gains just for women .
With digital services , every film or show does not need to cater to every viewer , opening up more opportunities for different stories .
Audience diversification and fragmentation “ means women get more opportunities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of stories , ” says Ruchi Joshi , who co-directed one web show and is in talks for another .
“ We are making shows for people across classes , across genders.
” As yet , India ’ s digital shows have been relatively untouched by censorship , allowing greater freedom in portraying women ’ s lives .
Filmmakers and executives believe it has also allowed flawed and more complex women characters to take shape .
“ With more female creative helms – be it writers , directors , producers – comes more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better representation and more engaging plots and themes – something that has never been portrayed before , ” says Aparna Purohit , head of India Originals at Amazon Prime Video .
With theaters shut until now , amid the pandemic , even more people have turned online for entertainment .
Films meant for theatrical release have opted to go digital , including Ms. Shrivastava ’ s latest .
But she highlights the charm of watching big screen films , while warning against treating digital platforms as a panacea for gender gaps .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democratic shouldn ’ t be a reason to edge women out of the commercial theatrical space , ” she says .
“ I think there should be equality in all mediums .
”

“If it had been financed by conventional producers for theatrical release, I would have got two rupees to make it,” says Ms. Taraporevala. “It’s gratifying for me as a filmmaker to be able to tell stories that are real, without stars, on niche subjects, get the budget the film needs, and have it be promoted well.”
Platforms like Netflix, Amazon Prime, and Hotstar are transforming the scope and variety of stories being told. Liberated from the usual pressures of box office results, exhibition, and distribution, filmmakers are finding new possibilities.
Streaming services have changed the game for film fans: Going to the movies means opening up your laptop on the couch. But they're changing what happens behind the camera too – especially for women.
Many female filmmakers say they’ve struggled to break into Bollywood. But here, as elsewhere, streaming services are opening up opportunities. And that means not just more women behind the camera, but more women in front of it – and more complex female characters.
Take a few popular shows in India today: “Mentalhood,” about multitasking mothers; “Baarish,” a love story; and “Four More Shots Please,” often described as an Indian “Sex and the City.” What do they have in common? At least two things: All are produced by streaming platforms, and all are directed by women.
“Guilty,” a Netflix original film, bears little resemblance to commercial Bollywood cinema. Set on an Indian college campus, it tackles the often-taboo topic of sexual assault. The cast boasts no major male stars, nor dance numbers. And unlike most theatrical releases, it was directed by a woman.
The film was released in March, and was frequently on Netflix India’s “Top 10” panel. But director Ruchi Narain, best known for writing a critically acclaimed drama in 2003, often faced a question: “Why has it taken you so long [between films]? Where did you go?”
“I’m like, nowhere!” she says, chuckling. “I was right here. I was flogging my scripts, meeting actors, doing everything any filmmaker does.”
Why We Wrote This Streaming services have changed the game for film fans: Going to the movies means opening up your laptop on the couch. But they're changing what happens behind the camera too – especially for women.
For Ms. Narain, a streaming platform offered opportunities the rest of the film industry had not. In Bollywood, “money rides on male stars, and male stars have their own concerns. They may or may not want to take instructions from a woman, whether they say that or not,” she says.
Film industries in India – of which the Hindi-language Bollywood is the biggest – churn out more than 1,500 films a year. But Bollywood’s closed-in, clubby nature and risk aversion have historically sidelined women-led films, many industry experts say.
But here, as in other countries, that is changing. Platforms such as Netflix, Amazon Prime, Disney+ Hotstar, Voot, Zee5, and ALTBalaji are transforming the scope, scale, and variety of stories being told. A PWC India-Assocham report in 2018 estimated the industry would more than double in value from 2017 to 2022, reaching almost 54 billion rupees (then around $820 million). Liberated from the usual pressures of box office results, exhibition, and distribution, filmmakers in general are finding new opportunities in the digital space.
“The transition from single-screen theaters to multiplexes made a huge difference for women and the kinds of stories” that get told, says Ms. Narain. “Like that, the transition to digital is going to bring a sea change.”
Alankrita Shrivastava is one of the writers and directors behind Amazon’s acclaimed web series “Made in Heaven,” a drama about two wedding planners and their personal and professional lives. It was praised for its canny depiction of urban India, and its deft treatment of themes of sexuality, class, and marriage. She describes roadblocks in the industry as a complex set of interlocking factors. Women may be less interested in the hero-focused films favored by studios, for example; may not find recognizable actors to cast; and then struggle to market their films, affecting earnings. This leads to a cycle, reinforcing the notion that movies made by or led by women are less bankable.
“Definitely streaming platforms are more democratic. There’s more space for diverse voices and women,” says Ms. Shrivastava. “A lot of the network executives are women and open to different kinds of content.”
Streaming shift
There is no reliable national data on the proportion of Indian programming that is women-helmed, but the increase in the number of women behind the camera appears to line up with worldwide trends.
Across U.S. platforms, women jumped from 12% of directors in 2014-15 to 30% in 2019-20, according to the latest “Boxed In” study by Martha M. Lauzen, founder and executive director at the Center for the Study of Women in Television and Film at San Diego State University. When just streaming platforms were considered, the figure went from 10% in 2017-18 to 32% in 2019-20. This year, the study notes, streaming services “featured substantially more female protagonists” than cable or broadcast programs: 42%, 27%, and 24%, respectively.
“For film there can be only one director. For episodic [formats] you can have a female director for every episode,” says Madeline Di Nonno, chief executive officer of the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media. “So, with the proliferation of streaming platforms – Netflix, Amazon, Disney+, HBOMax, Peacock, Quibi – you have many more new and global distribution outlets that have to fill their pipeline with content.” However, she also points out that "Boxed In" found 76% of programs studied across platforms had no women directors, and 73% had no women creators.
Courtesy of Weber Shandwick View caption Hide caption From left, Sayani Gupta, Gurbani Judge, Kirti Kulhari and Maanvi Gagroo in 'Four More Shots Please!', one of Amazon India's most talked-about shows.
Some platforms say they are actively committed to rectifying imbalances.
“We have always encouraged women, be it within the organization, in our shows, or behind the camera,” says Ekta Kapoor. As joint managing director of Balaji Telefilms, one of India’s biggest entertainment companies, and managing director of ALTBalaji, its streaming platform, Ms. Kapoor has often been described as one of the most powerful women in television. “As they say, content is reflective of the thought process of the creators; we at ALTBalaji have always strived to break the existing stereotypes.”
Among ALTBalaji’s most popular shows are two directed by women: “Mentalhood,” about multitasking mothers; and “Baarish,” a love story. One of Amazon Prime’s most talked about shows here is “Four More Shots Please” – often described as an Indian “Sex and the City” – and Netflix is this year working with 30 women producers and directors. In 2020, in addition to “Guilty,” the platform released Ms. Shrivastava’s film “Dolly Kitty Aur Woh Chamakte Sitare,” about two women cousins in North India finding themselves, and Sooni Taraporevala’s real life-inspired film about two Mumbai boys pursuing their ballet dancing dreams.
“If it had been financed by conventional producers for theatrical release, I would have got two rupees to make it,” says Ms. Taraporevala, of “Yeh Ballet.” “It’s gratifying for me as a filmmaker to be able to tell stories that are real, without stars, on niche subjects, get the budget the film needs, and have it be promoted well.”
More stories on screen
More women behind the camera also has a ripple effect for women in front of it. “We have found from our previous research that when there is a female writer-director it directly impacts the percentage of female characters on screen,” says Ms. Di Nonno, of the Geena Davis Institute. “Women are 51% of the population, and as such need to see their stories told authentically onscreen.”
Nor are the gains just for women. With digital services, every film or show does not need to cater to every viewer, opening up more opportunities for different stories. Audience diversification and fragmentation “means women get more opportunities because now you are telling all kinds of stories,” says Ruchi Joshi, who co-directed one web show and is in talks for another. “We are making shows for people across classes, across genders.”
Supriya Kantak/Courtesy of Netflix India View caption Hide caption Sooni Taraporevala is the screenwriter and director of 'Yeh Ballet,' a real life-inspired film about two Mumbai boys pursuing their dance dream.
As yet, India’s digital shows have been relatively untouched by censorship, allowing greater freedom in portraying women’s lives. Filmmakers and executives believe it has also allowed flawed and more complex women characters to take shape. “With more female creative helms – be it writers, directors, producers – comes more female characters, with more agency, better representation and more engaging plots and themes – something that has never been portrayed before,” says Aparna Purohit, head of India Originals at Amazon Prime Video.
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With theaters shut until now, amid the pandemic, even more people have turned online for entertainment. Films meant for theatrical release have opted to go digital, including Ms. Shrivastava’s latest.
But she highlights the charm of watching big screen films, while warning against treating digital platforms as a panacea for gender gaps. “Just because streaming platforms are relatively more democratic shouldn’t be a reason to edge women out of the commercial theatrical space,” she says. “I think there should be equality in all mediums.”


csmonitor--2020-10-16--Hawaii to tourists: Testing is required, quarantine is not

About 8,000 people landed in Hawaii on the first day of a pre-travel testing program that allowed travelers to come to the islands without quarantining for two weeks if they could produce a negative coronavirus test .
Angela Margos was among the first passengers in San Francisco to get on a plane to Hawaii Thursday morning .
“ Vacation , peace of mind , ” said Ms. Margos , a nurse from San Carlos , California , of why she ’ s flying to Hawaii .
“ I need time to relax , unwind.
” The new testing program is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic has had on Hawaii ’ s tourism-based economy .
Officials had touted the mandatory quarantine rule as an integral part of Hawaii ’ s early success in keeping the coronavirus at bay .
But gaps in the pre-travel testing program coupled with increasing cases of COVID-19 across the United States have raised questions about whether Hawaii is ready to safely welcome back vacationers .
And when local restrictions were eased before summertime holidays , community spread of the disease spiked to alarming levels , forcing a second round of stay-at-home orders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ms. Margos ran into hiccups with getting her test .
She first did it at the hospital where she works , only to find out it wasn ’ t an approved site for United Airlines and the state of Hawaii .
She then paid $ 105 for a drive-thru test , but she was later informed there was an error with that test .
Ms. Margos ultimately paid $ 250 for a fast-result test Thursday at the airport in San Francisco , which came back negative .
Opponents of the testing program @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before arrival – especially when coupled with the option to fly without a test and still quarantine – is not enough to keep island residents safe .
Kathleen Miyashita and her husband were among those who came to Hawaii Thursday without getting tested .
They said they plan to quarantine at their family ’ s farm on Oahu .
“ We chose to do the 14-day quarantine , ” Ms. Miyashita said .
“ We have no issues with having food being brought in .
It ’ s like a quarantining haven in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at home.
” She said she and her husband were “ not at all ” concerned about being asymptomatic carriers of the disease .
“ We ’ ve been traveling , and we just take precautions , ” she said , adding that they had already done one quarantine in Hawaii about two months ago .
Hawaii ’ s economy is almost entirely built around tourism , and local families who rely on the sector to survive need to return to work .
More than 100 of Hawaii ’ s approximately 4,000 restaurants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permanently and more than 50 % predict they will not survive the coming months , officials have said .
Monica Toguchi Ryan , whose family has owned and operated The Highway Inn restaurant on Oahu for over 70 years , said the lack of tourism has been crippling .
“ The restaurant and service industry has suffered so much during this pandemic , ” Ms. Toguchi Ryan said .
“ Restaurants have not received any federal relief since the spring and are struggling to pay their expenses .
Some restaurants have closed entirely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , food supplies , and staff wages.
” Ms. Toguchi Ryan joined Democratic Gov .
David Ige on Wednesday to talk about a new restaurant debit card that will give some unemployed Hawaii residents $ 500 to spend at local restaurants over the next 60 days .
The $ 75 million program is being funded by federal CARES Act money and is aimed at stimulating the local economy .
“ When restaurants like us have more customers , we buy more from our suppliers and we reinvest the money several times over in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ryan said .
Hawaii , which has about 1.4 million residents , reported 10 additional coronavirus deaths and more than 100 newly confirmed cases on Wednesday .
On Oahu , home to the famed Waikiki Beach and the state ’ s most populated island , the positivity rate was nearly 4 % .
County mayors have criticized the state ’ s plan for a single test prior to flying and want a mandatory second test for all arriving passengers .
Kauai island Mayor Derek Kawakami said last week that his initial proposal for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Big Island Mayor Harry Kim said his county would opt out of the pre-travel testing program entirely and continue to require all arriving visitors to quarantine for two weeks .
Both now have different plans .
The governor said this week that mayors could implement certain secondary testing measures on their respective islands , but the cost and logistics of running such programs would be left to the counties .
Maui and Kauai counties decided on voluntary secondary testing for visitors .
The Big Island will require secondary rapid screening upon arrival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials have said they want to put in place another layer of screening but do not yet have the testing capacity .
The mixed bag of county and state rules could create chaos for vacationers who have not properly prepared for the various screening requirements , especially those traveling to the Big Island .
“ This second test upon arrival to Hawaii island will provide an extra layer of protection for our community , ” Mr. Kim said in a statement Monday .
“ Virtually , all medical and coronavirus experts agree for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Those arriving on the Big Island – home to Hawaii ’ s active volcanoes and the site of a 2018 eruption that wiped out entire neighborhoods – will take a mandatory rapid antigen test when they land .
Results will be available in about 15 minutes , and travelers who test negative will not be required to quarantine .
People who test positive will be required to immediately get a more accurate PCR test and then quarantine until their results are available , usually within 36 hours .
People who test positive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or at home , are required to isolate and can not fly until they no longer have the virus .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Haven Daley in San Francisco contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

About 8,000 people landed in Hawaii on the first day of a pre-travel testing program that allowed travelers to come to the islands without quarantining for two weeks if they could produce a negative coronavirus test.
Angela Margos was among the first passengers in San Francisco to get on a plane to Hawaii Thursday morning.
“Vacation, peace of mind,” said Ms. Margos, a nurse from San Carlos, California, of why she’s flying to Hawaii. “I need time to relax, unwind.”
The new testing program is an effort to stem the devastating downturn the pandemic has had on Hawaii’s tourism-based economy. Officials had touted the mandatory quarantine rule as an integral part of Hawaii’s early success in keeping the coronavirus at bay.
But gaps in the pre-travel testing program coupled with increasing cases of COVID-19 across the United States have raised questions about whether Hawaii is ready to safely welcome back vacationers.
And when local restrictions were eased before summertime holidays, community spread of the disease spiked to alarming levels, forcing a second round of stay-at-home orders for residents and closures for non-essential businesses.
Ms. Margos ran into hiccups with getting her test. She first did it at the hospital where she works, only to find out it wasn’t an approved site for United Airlines and the state of Hawaii. She then paid $105 for a drive-thru test, but she was later informed there was an error with that test.
Ms. Margos ultimately paid $250 for a fast-result test Thursday at the airport in San Francisco, which came back negative.
Opponents of the testing program have said a single test 72 hours before arrival – especially when coupled with the option to fly without a test and still quarantine – is not enough to keep island residents safe.
Kathleen Miyashita and her husband were among those who came to Hawaii Thursday without getting tested. They said they plan to quarantine at their family’s farm on Oahu.
“We chose to do the 14-day quarantine,” Ms. Miyashita said. “We have no issues with having food being brought in. It’s like a quarantining haven in terms of having fresh fruits and vegetables at home.”
She said she and her husband were “not at all” concerned about being asymptomatic carriers of the disease.
“We’ve been traveling, and we just take precautions,” she said, adding that they had already done one quarantine in Hawaii about two months ago.
Hawaii’s economy is almost entirely built around tourism, and local families who rely on the sector to survive need to return to work.
More than 100 of Hawaii’s approximately 4,000 restaurants, bakeries, and caterers have closed permanently and more than 50% predict they will not survive the coming months, officials have said.
Monica Toguchi Ryan, whose family has owned and operated The Highway Inn restaurant on Oahu for over 70 years, said the lack of tourism has been crippling.
“The restaurant and service industry has suffered so much during this pandemic,” Ms. Toguchi Ryan said. “Restaurants have not received any federal relief since the spring and are struggling to pay their expenses. Some restaurants have closed entirely, unable to pay for their rent, food supplies, and staff wages.”
Ms. Toguchi Ryan joined Democratic Gov. David Ige on Wednesday to talk about a new restaurant debit card that will give some unemployed Hawaii residents $500 to spend at local restaurants over the next 60 days. The $75 million program is being funded by federal CARES Act money and is aimed at stimulating the local economy.
“When restaurants like us have more customers, we buy more from our suppliers and we reinvest the money several times over in our local economy,” Ms. Toguchi Ryan said.
Hawaii, which has about 1.4 million residents, reported 10 additional coronavirus deaths and more than 100 newly confirmed cases on Wednesday. On Oahu, home to the famed Waikiki Beach and the state’s most populated island, the positivity rate was nearly 4%.
County mayors have criticized the state’s plan for a single test prior to flying and want a mandatory second test for all arriving passengers.
Kauai island Mayor Derek Kawakami said last week that his initial proposal for secondary testing was rejected by the governor.
Big Island Mayor Harry Kim said his county would opt out of the pre-travel testing program entirely and continue to require all arriving visitors to quarantine for two weeks. Both now have different plans.
The governor said this week that mayors could implement certain secondary testing measures on their respective islands, but the cost and logistics of running such programs would be left to the counties.
Maui and Kauai counties decided on voluntary secondary testing for visitors. The Big Island will require secondary rapid screening upon arrival for visitors to avoid quarantine. Oahu officials have said they want to put in place another layer of screening but do not yet have the testing capacity.
The mixed bag of county and state rules could create chaos for vacationers who have not properly prepared for the various screening requirements, especially those traveling to the Big Island.
“This second test upon arrival to Hawaii island will provide an extra layer of protection for our community,” Mr. Kim said in a statement Monday. “Virtually, all medical and coronavirus experts agree for the necessity of more than one test.”
Those arriving on the Big Island – home to Hawaii’s active volcanoes and the site of a 2018 eruption that wiped out entire neighborhoods – will take a mandatory rapid antigen test when they land.
Results will be available in about 15 minutes, and travelers who test negative will not be required to quarantine. People who test positive will be required to immediately get a more accurate PCR test and then quarantine until their results are available, usually within 36 hours.
People who test positive in the state, whether on vacation or at home, are required to isolate and cannot fly until they no longer have the virus.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Haven Daley in San Francisco contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.