csmonitor--2020-11-30--Trump administration seeks to tie Biden’s hands. Will it work?

“ But when you add the crises we ’ re facing as a nation , combined with the shorter transition period , and now combined with Trump ’ s intentional efforts to obstruct the new administration , the potential toll on human health and lives could be disastrous though impossible to ever quantify , ” says Mr. Mehrbani , a former member of the White House Transition Coordinating Council under President Barack Obama .
Even if everything were going smoothly , and the outgoing and incoming administrations were working hand in glove , this transition would be difficult , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nonpartisan Democracy Fund Voice .
From a raft of end-of-term regulations and executive orders , to the Treasury ’ s move to “ claw back ” hundreds of billions of dollars in unspent emergency-lending funds , to a host of foreign-policy actions , President Donald Trump and his team have been busy in an apparent effort to tie the incoming Biden administration ’ s hands .
The current changeover , however , stands to be among the most consequential in modern history .
American history is replete with messy presidential transitions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the W ’ s from some office computers were famously removed as George W. Bush prepared to take over .
Drama has long been essential to President Donald Trump ’ s brand , and the post-2020 election period is delivering in spades .
President Trump ’ s legal challenges to the election results in multiple states are Exhibit A .
But as that fight reaches its denouement , after repeated defeats in court , a more concretely impactful kind of drama is playing out : apparent efforts to tie an incoming Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and foreign policy .
From a raft of end-of-term regulations and executive orders , to the Treasury ’ s move to “ claw back ” hundreds of billions of dollars in unspent emergency-lending funds , to a host of foreign-policy actions that could limit President-elect Joe Biden ’ s room for maneuver , Mr. Trump and his team have been busy .
American history is replete with messy presidential transitions , including the contested election of 2000 – when the W ’ s from some office computers were famously removed as George W. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the deep animosity that accompanied the arrival of the new president .
But the conflicts marking the current changeover stand to be among the most consequential .
“ In modern memory , from what I ’ ve seen , this is going to be one of the most challenging transitions in the country ’ s history , ” says Rudy Mehrbani , a senior adviser at the nonpartisan Democracy Fund Voice .
Even if everything were going smoothly and the outgoing and incoming administrations were working hand in glove , this transition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ But when you add the crises we ’ re facing as a nation , combined with the shorter transition period , and now combined with Trump ’ s intentional efforts to obstruct the new administration , the potential toll on human health and lives could be disastrous though impossible to ever quantify , ” says Mr. Mehrbani , a former member of the White House Transition Coordinating Council under President Barack Obama .
In the domestic sphere , examples of controversial end-of-term moves by the White House and federal agencies include : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sped-up timelines for approval , that affect food and worker safety , oil drilling in national parks , migrant workers , food stamps , endangered species , transgender people , refugees , and federal executions , among other issues .
• Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin ’ s move to put $ 455 billion in unspent COVID-19 stimulus relief money back in the Treasury ’ s general fund .
Janet Yellen , the incoming secretary , if confirmed , would have to get permission from Congress to access the funds for that purpose .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ hinder the incoming Biden administration .
• A major change to the federal civil service – called the biggest in generations – that would reclassify tens of thousands of career employees into political appointees , removing job protections .
Such a move would make it easier , for example , for the current president to fire Anthony Fauci , the nation ’ s leading epidemiologist , with whom he has clashed .
Already , the Oct. 21 executive order signed by Mr. Trump is reportedly accelerating at a key agency , the Office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at other agencies is also being “ fast-tracked ” ahead of the Jan. 19 deadline into the new job category , known as “ Schedule F. ” On his first day in office , Mr. Biden is expected to sign dozens of executive orders reversing many of Mr. Trump ’ s – including his orders quitting the Paris climate accord and the World Health Organization – but unwinding the Schedule F move won ’ t be easy .
Employees who have been fired can ’ t necessarily be instantly rehired , nor can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be immediately dismissed .
Mr. Biden is also expected to try to make use of the Congressional Review Act ( CRA ) , which allows for the overturning of regulations within a certain period .
Though if Democrats don ’ t win the two U.S. Senate seats up for grabs in a Jan. 5 runoff election in Georgia , Republicans will still control the Senate , and Mr. Biden ’ s ability to use the CRA will be limited .
Mr. Trump , by contrast , was able to reverse 14 Obama-era rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as the Republicans then controlled both houses of Congress .
Today , the flurry of so-called midnight regulations being set in motion by the Trump administration adds yet another head-spinning dimension to a transition that is already marked by tumult .
One factor may be that Mr. Trump appeared unprepared to lose the Nov. 3 election .
“ The rules issued between now and inauguration may be more haphazard than in previous administrations , in part because President Trump is generally less disciplined than his predecessors , ” writes Susan Dudley , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Studies Center , in an email .
What ’ s more , because the last three administrations knew their time in office would end after a second term , they also had time to focus on finishing their highest-priority actions , adds Ms. Dudley , former head of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs during the second Bush administration .
Since Election Day , Mr. Trump has also taken numerous foreign-policy steps whose goals or implementation don ’ t necessarily mesh with those of the incoming Biden team : • The formal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so-called Open Skies Treaty , which allows Russia and the West to engage in reconnaissance flights over each other ’ s territories .
Rejoining the treaty wouldn ’ t be simple .
The U.S. has moved to get rid of the special planes it used to carry out surveillance .
• Arms sales to the United Arab Emirates worth $ 23 billion , which could alter the balance of power in the Middle East .
• Added sanctions on Iran that would make it harder for the United States to rejoin the Iran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drama , which began when Mr. Trump decided to contest the results and refused to allow the formal transition to begin , the process now appears on track .
On Nov. 23 , nearly three weeks after the election , the Trump administration “ ascertained ” Mr. Biden as the apparent winner , allowing for the release of federal funds and sharing of information with the incoming Biden team – including on the pandemic and plans for distribution of vaccines .
Experts on presidential transitions say the three-week delay was unfortunate but not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which lasted six weeks .
“ Biden is the most experienced person ever to become president , and his transition team is the deepest , most experienced , and best organized transition team ever , and so that mitigates the impact of the delay , ” says David Marchick , director of the Center for Presidential Transition at the Partnership for Public Service .
Mr. Marchick says the transition so far has gone “ very well.
” His organization works with the three key stakeholders : the Trump White House , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Biden team .
Experts also credit the Trump administration for being ready – before the election – to carry out a transition , including preparation of briefing books .
But once the election had taken place , followed by numerous efforts to overturn the results in key states , partisan hackles were raised – hardly a surprise in this era of anger and division .
And so the transition , too , fell prey to those sentiments .
“ I ’ m not surprised this transition is angry and bitter , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave political hand grenades everywhere they can , ” says Jeffrey Engel , founding director of the Center for Presidential History at Southern Methodist University in Dallas .
“ But it ’ s hardly the first or even the 10,000th example of the norms of civility breaking down in our politics .
”

“But when you add the crises we’re facing as a nation, combined with the shorter transition period, and now combined with Trump’s intentional efforts to obstruct the new administration, the potential toll on human health and lives could be disastrous though impossible to ever quantify,” says Mr. Mehrbani, a former member of the White House Transition Coordinating Council under President Barack Obama.
Even if everything were going smoothly, and the outgoing and incoming administrations were working hand in glove, this transition would be difficult, says Rudy Mehrbani, a senior adviser at the nonpartisan Democracy Fund Voice .
From a raft of end-of-term regulations and executive orders, to the Treasury’s move to “claw back” hundreds of billions of dollars in unspent emergency-lending funds, to a host of foreign-policy actions, President Donald Trump and his team have been busy in an apparent effort to tie the incoming Biden administration’s hands.
Presidential transitions are never easy. But the flurry of “midnight regulations” being set in motion by the Trump administration adds another disruptive dimension to a handover already marked by tumult.
The current changeover, however, stands to be among the most consequential in modern history.
American history is replete with messy presidential transitions, including the contested election of 2000 – when the W’s from some office computers were famously removed as George W. Bush prepared to take over.
Drama has long been essential to President Donald Trump’s brand, and the post-2020 election period is delivering in spades.
President Trump’s legal challenges to the election results in multiple states are Exhibit A. But as that fight reaches its denouement, after repeated defeats in court, a more concretely impactful kind of drama is playing out: apparent efforts to tie an incoming Biden administration’s hands on both domestic and foreign policy.
From a raft of end-of-term regulations and executive orders, to the Treasury’s move to “claw back” hundreds of billions of dollars in unspent emergency-lending funds, to a host of foreign-policy actions that could limit President-elect Joe Biden’s room for maneuver, Mr. Trump and his team have been busy.
Why We Wrote This Presidential transitions are never easy. But the flurry of “midnight regulations” being set in motion by the Trump administration adds another disruptive dimension to a handover already marked by tumult.
American history is replete with messy presidential transitions, including the contested election of 2000 – when the W’s from some office computers were famously removed as George W. Bush prepared to take over, symbolic of the deep animosity that accompanied the arrival of the new president.
But the conflicts marking the current changeover stand to be among the most consequential.
“In modern memory, from what I’ve seen, this is going to be one of the most challenging transitions in the country’s history,” says Rudy Mehrbani, a senior adviser at the nonpartisan Democracy Fund Voice.
Even if everything were going smoothly and the outgoing and incoming administrations were working hand in glove, this transition would be difficult, he adds.
“But when you add the crises we’re facing as a nation, combined with the shorter transition period, and now combined with Trump’s intentional efforts to obstruct the new administration, the potential toll on human health and lives could be disastrous though impossible to ever quantify,” says Mr. Mehrbani, a former member of the White House Transition Coordinating Council under President Barack Obama.
Toni L. Sandys/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin has moved to put $455 billion in unspent COVID-19 stimulus relief money back in the Treasury’s general fund. Janet Yellen, the incoming secretary, if confirmed, would have to get permission from Congress to access the funds for that purpose.
In the domestic sphere, examples of controversial end-of-term moves by the White House and federal agencies include:
Dozens of government regulations, with sped-up timelines for approval, that affect food and worker safety, oil drilling in national parks, migrant workers, food stamps, endangered species, transgender people, refugees, and federal executions, among other issues.
Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin’s move to put $455 billion in unspent COVID-19 stimulus relief money back in the Treasury’s general fund. Janet Yellen, the incoming secretary, if confirmed, would have to get permission from Congress to access the funds for that purpose. Secretary Mnuchin denies he is trying to hinder the incoming Biden administration.
A major change to the federal civil service – called the biggest in generations – that would reclassify tens of thousands of career employees into political appointees, removing job protections. Such a move would make it easier, for example, for the current president to fire Anthony Fauci, the nation’s leading epidemiologist, with whom he has clashed.
Already, the Oct. 21 executive order signed by Mr. Trump is reportedly accelerating at a key agency, the Office of Management and Budget. Reclassifying employees at other agencies is also being “fast-tracked” ahead of the Jan. 19 deadline into the new job category, known as “Schedule F.”
On his first day in office, Mr. Biden is expected to sign dozens of executive orders reversing many of Mr. Trump’s – including his orders quitting the Paris climate accord and the World Health Organization – but unwinding the Schedule F move won’t be easy. Employees who have been fired can’t necessarily be instantly rehired, nor can those hired under the new job category be immediately dismissed.
Mr. Biden is also expected to try to make use of the Congressional Review Act (CRA), which allows for the overturning of regulations within a certain period. Though if Democrats don’t win the two U.S. Senate seats up for grabs in a Jan. 5 runoff election in Georgia, Republicans will still control the Senate, and Mr. Biden’s ability to use the CRA will be limited. Mr. Trump, by contrast, was able to reverse 14 Obama-era rules in his first four months in office, as the Republicans then controlled both houses of Congress.
Today, the flurry of so-called midnight regulations being set in motion by the Trump administration adds yet another head-spinning dimension to a transition that is already marked by tumult. One factor may be that Mr. Trump appeared unprepared to lose the Nov. 3 election.
“The rules issued between now and inauguration may be more haphazard than in previous administrations, in part because President Trump is generally less disciplined than his predecessors,” writes Susan Dudley, director of the George Washington University Regulatory Studies Center, in an email.
What’s more, because the last three administrations knew their time in office would end after a second term, they also had time to focus on finishing their highest-priority actions, adds Ms. Dudley, former head of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs during the second Bush administration.
Carolyn Kaster/AP View caption Hide caption President-elect Joe Biden speaks at The Queen theater Nov. 25, 2020, in Wilmington, Delaware. On his first day in office, Mr. Biden is expected to sign executive orders reversing many of President Trump’s – including his orders quitting the Paris climate accord and the World Health Organization.
Since Election Day, Mr. Trump has also taken numerous foreign-policy steps whose goals or implementation don’t necessarily mesh with those of the incoming Biden team:
Announced troop level cuts in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The formal exit of the United States from the so-called Open Skies Treaty, which allows Russia and the West to engage in reconnaissance flights over each other’s territories. Rejoining the treaty wouldn’t be simple. The U.S. has moved to get rid of the special planes it used to carry out surveillance.
Arms sales to the United Arab Emirates worth $23 billion, which could alter the balance of power in the Middle East.
Added sanctions on Iran that would make it harder for the United States to rejoin the Iran nuclear deal.
Despite all the postelection drama, which began when Mr. Trump decided to contest the results and refused to allow the formal transition to begin, the process now appears on track. On Nov. 23, nearly three weeks after the election, the Trump administration “ascertained” Mr. Biden as the apparent winner, allowing for the release of federal funds and sharing of information with the incoming Biden team – including on the pandemic and plans for distribution of vaccines.
Experts on presidential transitions say the three-week delay was unfortunate but not as damaging as the one in 2000, which lasted six weeks.
“Biden is the most experienced person ever to become president, and his transition team is the deepest, most experienced, and best organized transition team ever, and so that mitigates the impact of the delay,” says David Marchick, director of the Center for Presidential Transition at the Partnership for Public Service.
Mr. Marchick says the transition so far has gone “very well.” His organization works with the three key stakeholders: the Trump White House, the agencies responsible for transition planning, and the Biden team.
Experts also credit the Trump administration for being ready – before the election – to carry out a transition, including preparation of briefing books. But once the election had taken place, followed by numerous efforts to overturn the results in key states, partisan hackles were raised – hardly a surprise in this era of anger and division.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
And so the transition, too, fell prey to those sentiments.
“I’m not surprised this transition is angry and bitter, and that the outgoing administration will try to leave political hand grenades everywhere they can,” says Jeffrey Engel, founding director of the Center for Presidential History at Southern Methodist University in Dallas. “But it’s hardly the first or even the 10,000th example of the norms of civility breaking down in our politics.”


csmonitor--2020-11-30--Government shutdown looms over a bitterly divided House

After months of shadowboxing amid a tense and toxic campaign , Capitol Hill ’ s main players are returning for one final , perhaps futile , attempt at deal-making on a challenging menu of year-end business .
COVID-19 relief , a $ 1.4 trillion catchall spending package , and defense policy – and a final burst of judicial nominees – dominate a truncated two- or three-week session occurring as the coronavirus pandemic rockets out of control in President Donald Trump ’ s final weeks in office .
The only absolute must-do business is preventing a government shutdown when a temporary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The route preferred by top lawmakers like House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , D-Calif. , and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , is to agree upon and pass an omnibus spending bill for the government .
But it may be difficult to overcome bitter divisions regarding a long-delayed COVID-19 relief package that ’ s a top priority of business , state and local governments , educators , and others .
Time is working against lawmakers as well , as is the Capitol ’ s emerging status as a COVID-19 hotspot .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate Republicans are joining Democrats in forgoing the in-person lunch meetings that usually anchor their workweeks .
It ’ ll take serious , good-faith conversations among top players to determine what ’ s possible , but those haven ’ t transpired yet .
At a bare minimum , lawmakers need to keep the government running by passing a stopgap spending bill known as a continuing resolution , which would punt $ 1.4 trillion worth of unfinished agency spending into next year .
That ’ s a typical way to deal with a handoff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McConnell and Ms. Pelosi are two veterans of the Capitol ’ s appropriations culture and are pressing hard for a catchall spending package .
A battle over using budget sleight of hand to add a two percentage point , $ 12 billion increase to domestic programs to accommodate rapidly growing veterans health care spending is an issue , as are Mr. Trump ’ s demands for United States-Mexico border wall funding .
Getting Mr. Trump to sign the measure is another challenge .
Two years ago he sparked a lengthy partial government shutdown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sides would like to clear away the pile of unfinished legislation to give the Biden administration a fresh start .
The changeover in administrations probably wouldn ’ t affect an omnibus deal very much .
At issue are the 12 annual spending bills comprising the portion of the government ’ s budget that passes through Congress each year on a bipartisan basis .
Whatever approach passes , it ’ s likely to contain a batch of unfinished leftovers such as extending expiring health care policies and tax provisions , and continuing the authorization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ program .
Democrats have battled with Republicans and the White House for months over a fresh installment of COVID-19 relief that all sides say they want .
But a lack of good faith and an unwillingness to embark on compromises that might lead either side out of their political comfort zones have helped keep another rescue package on ice .
The aid remains out of reach despite a fragile economy and out-of-control increases in coronavirus cases , especially in Midwest GOP strongholds .
Mr. McConnell is a potent force for a smaller – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supplanted Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin as the most important Republican force in the negotiations .
Ms. Pelosi seems to have overplayed her hand as she held out for $ 2 trillion-plus right up until the election .
The results of the election , which saw Democrats lose seats in the House , appear to have significantly undercut her position , but she is holding firm on another round of aid to state and local governments .
Before the election , Mr. Trump seemed to be focused on a provision that would send another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans .
He hasn ’ t shown a lot of interest in the topic since , apart from stray tweets .
But the chief obstacles now appear to be Ms. Pelosi ’ s demand for state and local government aid and Mr. McConnell ’ s demand for a liability shield for businesses reopening during the pandemic .
At stake is funding for vaccines and testing , reopening schools , various economic “ stimulus ” ideas like another round of “ paycheck protection ” subsidies for businesses especially hard hit by the pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ vault the topic to the top of Mr. Biden ’ s legislative agenda next year .
A spat over military bases named for Confederate officers is threatening the annual passage of a defense policy measure that has passed for 59 years in a row on a bipartisan basis .
The measure is critical in the defense policy world , guiding Pentagon policy , and cementing decisions about troop levels , new weapons systems and military readiness , military personnel policy , and other military goals .
Both the House and Senate measures would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Fort Benning and Fort Hood , but Mr. Trump opposes the idea and has threatened a veto over it .
The battle erupted this summer amid widespread racial protests , and Mr. Trump used the debate to appeal to white Southern voters nostalgic about the Confederacy .
It ’ s a live issue in two Senate runoff elections in Georgia that will determine control of the chamber during the first two years of Mr. Biden ’ s tenure .
Democrats are insisting on changing the names and it ’ s not obvious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

After months of shadowboxing amid a tense and toxic campaign, Capitol Hill’s main players are returning for one final, perhaps futile, attempt at deal-making on a challenging menu of year-end business.
COVID-19 relief, a $1.4 trillion catchall spending package, and defense policy – and a final burst of judicial nominees – dominate a truncated two- or three-week session occurring as the coronavirus pandemic rockets out of control in President Donald Trump’s final weeks in office.
The only absolute must-do business is preventing a government shutdown when a temporary spending bill expires on Dec. 11. The route preferred by top lawmakers like House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., is to agree upon and pass an omnibus spending bill for the government. But it may be difficult to overcome bitter divisions regarding a long-delayed COVID-19 relief package that’s a top priority of business, state and local governments, educators, and others.
Time is working against lawmakers as well, as is the Capitol’s emerging status as a COVID-19 hotspot. The House has truncated its schedule, and Senate Republicans are joining Democrats in forgoing the in-person lunch meetings that usually anchor their workweeks. It’ll take serious, good-faith conversations among top players to determine what’s possible, but those haven’t transpired yet.
Top items for December’s lame-duck session:
Keeping the government open
At a bare minimum, lawmakers need to keep the government running by passing a stopgap spending bill known as a continuing resolution, which would punt $1.4 trillion worth of unfinished agency spending into next year.
That’s a typical way to deal with a handoff to a new administration, but Mr. McConnell and Ms. Pelosi are two veterans of the Capitol’s appropriations culture and are pressing hard for a catchall spending package. A battle over using budget sleight of hand to add a two percentage point, $12 billion increase to domestic programs to accommodate rapidly growing veterans health care spending is an issue, as are Mr. Trump’s demands for United States-Mexico border wall funding.
Getting Mr. Trump to sign the measure is another challenge. Two years ago he sparked a lengthy partial government shutdown over the border wall, but both sides would like to clear away the pile of unfinished legislation to give the Biden administration a fresh start. The changeover in administrations probably wouldn’t affect an omnibus deal very much.
At issue are the 12 annual spending bills comprising the portion of the government’s budget that passes through Congress each year on a bipartisan basis. Whatever approach passes, it’s likely to contain a batch of unfinished leftovers such as extending expiring health care policies and tax provisions, and continuing the authorization for the government’s flood insurance program.
COVID-19 relief
Democrats have battled with Republicans and the White House for months over a fresh installment of COVID-19 relief that all sides say they want. But a lack of good faith and an unwillingness to embark on compromises that might lead either side out of their political comfort zones have helped keep another rescue package on ice.
The aid remains out of reach despite a fragile economy and out-of-control increases in coronavirus cases, especially in Midwest GOP strongholds. Mr. McConnell is a potent force for a smaller – but still sizable – package and has supplanted Treasury Secretary Steven
Mnuchin as the most important Republican force in the negotiations.
Ms. Pelosi seems to have overplayed her hand as she held out for $2 trillion-plus right up until the election. The results of the election, which saw Democrats lose seats in the House, appear to have significantly undercut her position, but she is holding firm on another round of aid to state and local governments.
Before the election, Mr. Trump seemed to be focused on a provision that would send another round of $1,200 payments to most Americans. He hasn’t shown a lot of interest in the topic since, apart from stray tweets. But the chief obstacles now appear to be Ms. Pelosi’s demand for state and local government aid and Mr. McConnell’s demand for a liability shield for businesses reopening during the pandemic.
At stake is funding for vaccines and testing, reopening schools, various economic “stimulus” ideas like another round of “paycheck protection” subsidies for businesses especially hard hit by the pandemic. Failure to pass a measure now would vault the topic to the top of Mr. Biden’s legislative agenda next year.
Defense policy
A spat over military bases named for Confederate officers is threatening the annual passage of a defense policy measure that has passed for 59 years in a row on a bipartisan basis. The measure is critical in the defense policy world, guiding Pentagon policy, and cementing decisions about troop levels, new weapons systems and military readiness, military personnel policy, and other military goals.
Both the House and Senate measures would require the Pentagon to rename bases such as Fort Benning and Fort Hood, but Mr. Trump opposes the idea and has threatened a veto over it. The battle erupted this summer amid widespread racial protests, and Mr. Trump used the debate to appeal to white Southern voters nostalgic about the Confederacy. It’s a live issue in two Senate runoff elections in Georgia that will determine control of the chamber during the first two years of Mr. Biden’s tenure.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Democrats are insisting on changing the names and it’s not obvious how it’ll all end up.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-30--Who will run the Biden communications team? Women.

President-elect Joe Biden will have an all-female senior communications team at his White House , reflecting his stated desire to build out a diverse White House team as well as what ’ s expected to be a return to a more traditional press operation .
Biden campaign communications director Kate Bedingfield will serve as Mr. Biden ’ s White House communications director .
Jen Psaki , a longtime Democratic spokeswoman , will be his press secretary .
Four of the seven top communications roles at the White House will be filled by women of color , and it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House communications team will be entirely female .
President Donald Trump upended the ways in which his administration communicated with the press .
In contrast with administrations past , Mr. Trump ’ s communications team held few press briefings , and those that did occur were often combative affairs riddled with inaccuracies and falsehoods .
Mr. Trump himself sometimes served as his own press secretary , taking questions from the media , and he often bypassed the White House press corps entirely by dialing into his favorite Fox News shows .
In a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Biden plans to announce a number of his top economic advisers this week .
He ’ ll name Neera Tanden , the president and CEO of the liberal think tank Center for American Progress , as director of the Office of Management and Budget ( OMB ) , according to a person familiar with the transition process granted anonymity to speak freely about internal deliberations .
In a statement announcing the White House communications team , Mr. Biden said : “ Communicating directly and truthfully to the American people is one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President , and this team will be entrusted with the tremendous responsibility of connecting the American people to the White House.
” He added : “ These qualified , experienced communicators bring diverse perspectives to their work and a shared commitment to building this country back better.
” Ms. Bedingfield , Ms. Psaki , and Ms. Tanden are all veterans of the Obama administration .
Ms. Bedingfield served as communications director for Mr. Biden while he was vice president ; Ms. Psaki was a White House communications director and a spokesperson at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a senior adviser to Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius and helped craft the Affordable Care Act .
Others joining the White House communications staff are : Three Biden campaign senior advisers are being appointed to top communications roles : • Ashley Etienne , a former communications director for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , will serve as Ms. Harris ’ communications director .
• Symone Sanders , another senior adviser on the Biden campaign , will be Ms. Harris ’ senior adviser and chief spokesperson .
• Elizabeth Alexander , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s press secretary and his communications director while he was a U.S. senator from Delaware , will serve as Jill Biden ’ s communications director .
After his campaign went virtual due to the coronavirus pandemic , Mr. Biden faced some criticism for not being accessible to reporters .
But near the end of the campaign , he answered questions from the press more frequently , and his transition team has held weekly briefings since he was elected president .
The choice of a number of Obama administration veterans – many with deep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also suggests a return to a more congenial relationship with the press .
Also joining the Biden administration as economic advisers , according to a person familiar with transition plans who was not authorized to speak on the matter : Brian Deese , a former Obama administration economic adviser , is expected to be named to head the National Economic Council .
Princeton University economist Cecilia Rouse , who served on the Council of Economic Advisers during the Obama administration , is expected to be named to head the Council of Economic advisers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ co-founder of the Washington Center for Equitable Growth , and Jared Bernstein , who served as an economic adviser to Mr. Biden during the Obama administration , are also expected to be named to the Council of Economic Advisers .
As head of the OMB , Ms. Tanden would be responsible for preparing Mr. Biden ’ s budget submission and would command several hundred budget analysts , economists , and policy advisers with deep knowledge of the inner workings of the government .
Her choice may mollify progressives , who have been putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commitment to progressive priorities with his early staff appointments .
She was chosen over more moderate voices with roots in the party ’ s anti-deficit wing such as Bruce Reed , who was staff director of President Barack Obama ’ s 2010 deficit commission , which proposed a set of politically painful recommendations that were never acted upon .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Alexandra Jaffe, Andrew Taylor, and Aamer Madhani

President-elect Joe Biden will have an all-female senior communications team at his White House, reflecting his stated desire to build out a diverse White House team as well as what’s expected to be a return to a more traditional press operation.
Biden campaign communications director Kate Bedingfield will serve as Mr. Biden’s White House communications director. Jen Psaki, a longtime Democratic spokeswoman, will be his press secretary.
Four of the seven top communications roles at the White House will be filled by women of color, and it’s the first time the entire senior White House communications team will be entirely female.
President Donald Trump upended the ways in which his administration communicated with the press. In contrast with administrations past, Mr. Trump’s communications team held few press briefings, and those that did occur were often combative affairs riddled with inaccuracies and falsehoods.
Mr. Trump himself sometimes served as his own press secretary, taking questions from the media, and he often bypassed the White House press corps entirely by dialing into his favorite Fox News shows.
In a different area of the White House operation, Mr. Biden plans to announce a number of his top economic advisers this week. He’ll name Neera Tanden, the president and CEO of the liberal think tank Center for American Progress, as director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), according to a person familiar with the transition process granted anonymity to speak freely about internal deliberations.
In a statement announcing the White House communications team, Mr. Biden said: “Communicating directly and truthfully to the American people is one of the most important duties of a President, and this team will be entrusted with the tremendous responsibility of connecting the American people to the White House.”
He added: “These qualified, experienced communicators bring diverse perspectives to their work and a shared commitment to building this country back better.”
Ms. Bedingfield, Ms. Psaki, and Ms. Tanden are all veterans of the Obama administration. Ms. Bedingfield served as communications director for Mr. Biden while he was vice president; Ms. Psaki was a White House communications director and a spokesperson at the State Department; and Ms. Tanden served as a senior adviser to Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius and helped craft the Affordable Care Act.
Others joining the White House communications staff are:
Karine Jean Pierre, who was Vice President-elect Kamala Harris’ chief of staff, will serve as a principal deputy press secretary for the president-elect. She’s another Obama administration alumna, having served as a regional political director for the White House office of political affairs.
Pili Tobar, who was communications director for coalitions on Mr. Biden’s campaign, will be his deputy White House communications director. She most recently was deputy director for America’s Voice, an immigration reform advocacy group, and was a press staffer for Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y.
Three Biden campaign senior advisers are being appointed to top communications roles:
Ashley Etienne, a former communications director for House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, will serve as Ms. Harris’ communications director.
Symone Sanders, another senior adviser on the Biden campaign, will be Ms. Harris’ senior adviser and chief spokesperson.
Elizabeth Alexander, who served as the former vice president’s press secretary and his communications director while he was a U.S. senator from Delaware, will serve as Jill Biden’s communications director.
After his campaign went virtual due to the coronavirus pandemic, Mr. Biden faced some criticism for not being accessible to reporters. But near the end of the campaign, he answered questions from the press more frequently, and his transition team has held weekly briefings since he was elected president.
The choice of a number of Obama administration veterans – many with deep relationships with the Washington press corps – also suggests a return to a more congenial relationship with the press.
Also joining the Biden administration as economic advisers, according to a person familiar with transition plans who was not authorized to speak on the matter:
Brian Deese, a former Obama administration economic adviser, is expected to be named to head the National Economic Council.
Princeton University economist Cecilia Rouse, who served on the Council of Economic Advisers during the Obama administration, is expected to be named to head the Council of Economic advisers.
Heather Boushey, the president and co-founder of the Washington Center for Equitable Growth, and Jared Bernstein, who served as an economic adviser to Mr. Biden during the Obama administration, are also expected to be named to the Council of Economic Advisers.
As head of the OMB, Ms. Tanden would be responsible for preparing Mr. Biden’s budget submission and would command several hundred budget analysts, economists, and policy advisers with deep knowledge of the inner workings of the government.
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Her choice may mollify progressives, who have been putting pressure on Mr. Biden to show his commitment to progressive priorities with his early staff appointments. She was chosen over more moderate voices with roots in the party’s anti-deficit wing such as Bruce Reed, who was staff director of President Barack Obama’s 2010 deficit commission, which proposed a set of politically painful recommendations that were never acted upon.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-30--With a kick, Sarah Fuller makes Vanderbilt football history

Sarah Fuller was playing around with a teammate a couple months ago when she kicked a soccer ball through the uprights from 45 yards away .
During the Southeastern Conference soccer tournament , she joked about being able to kick a football .
On Saturday , she did – and she made history .
Ms. Fuller became the first woman to participate in a Power Five conference football game when she kicked off for Vanderbilt to start the second half at Missouri , a moment that may take some time to soak in for her .
“ I just think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to do this , and all I want to do is be a good influence to the young girls out there because there were times [ where ] I struggled in sports , ” Ms. Fuller said .
“ But I am so thankful I stuck with it , and it ’ s given me so many opportunities .
I ’ ve met so many amazing people through sports , and I just want to say literally you can do anything you set your mind to.
” Ms. Fuller kicked with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a designed squib kick .
The senior sent a low kick to the 35-yard line where it was pounced on by Missouri ’ s Mason Pack .
Ms. Fuller didn ’ t get any other opportunities in Vanderbilt ’ s 41-0 loss to Missouri .
Coach Derek Mason made clear that Ms. Fuller kicked for the Commodores due to need , not for history or publicity .
COVID-19 protocols and restrictions left Mr. Mason with very few options , prompting him to reach out to the soccer team for help .
Ms. Fuller @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was up for the challenge .
“ I ’ m not about making statements , ” Mr. Mason said .
“ This was out of necessity .
You look at our week .
Our students had gone home .
The ability to have access to students and tryouts was almost nil in terms of what ’ s available .
... That just happened to be the most viable option.
” After Ms. Fuller ’ s kick , she went straight to the sideline , where she high-fived some of her new teammates and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s parents watched and cheered from the stands along with her boyfriend and best friend .
She had the phrase “ Play Like A Girl ” printed on the back of her helmet .
The senior will get to keep the No .
32 jersey she wore Saturday , the same as her number when playing soccer .
Ms. Fuller even gave a halftime pep talk , which she usually left to her soccer teammates , telling her new teammates on the football team that Vanderbilt won the SEC soccer tournament title @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the field or the sideline .
“ I just went in there and I said exactly what I was thinking .
I was like , ‘ We need to be cheering each other on .
This is how you win games .
This is how you get better is by calling each other out for stuff , and I ’ m going to call you guys out .
We need to be supporting one another .
We need to be lifting each other up .
That ’ s what a team ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to ESPN .
“ I think this team has struggled , and that ’ s been part of it.
” “ We had a different mindset coming out the second half , ” quarterback Mike Wright said .
After her kickoff , reaction poured in on social media .
Ms. Fuller was the No .
2 trending topic on Twitter , followed by Vanderbilt .
Her soccer team wrote on Twitter : “ Glass .
Everywhere.
” – in a reference to the glass ceiling she had shattered .
Pat McAfee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ms. Fuller ’ s squib kick , noting the ball didn ’ t go out of bounds and there was no chance of a return , setting up the defense .
“ Congrats to @ SarahFuller_27 for being THE FIRST EVER WOMAN TO KICKOFF A POWER 5 GAME , ” Mr. McAfee wrote in a tweet .
“ Incredibly rare to be the ‘ 1st ever person to do something ’ these days..this is really cool.
” While no woman had appeared in an SEC football game or on any Power Five team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to score in a college football game with two extra points for Willamette University in the NAIA on Oct. 18 , 1997 .
Katie Hnida was the first woman to score at the Football Bowl Subdivision level with two extra points for New Mexico on Aug. 30 , 2003 .
April Goss was the second , with an extra point for Kent State in 2015 .
Tonya Butler was the first woman to kick a field goal in an NCAA game for Division II West Alabama on Sept. 13 , 2003 .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hnida wrote on Twitter on Friday , adding that she and Ms. Goss “ are waiting with snacks !
” Missouri coach Eli Drinkwitz visited with Ms. Fuller before kickoff and repeated a message that Ms. Fuller has heard a lot in recent days .
The father of four daughters told Ms. Fuller it was incredible they watched her make history .
“ I ’ ve had ... dads come up to me and they ’ re like , ‘ You ’ re inspiring my little girls , and I want them to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ re proving that point.
’ And I think that has been the coolest thing , ” Ms. Fuller said .
Ms. Fuller also made clear she ’ d be up for continuing to help the football team if needed .
She believes she can refine her timing and technique with more practice .
“ If she wants to kick and she ’ s available , we ’ d love to have her , ” Mr. Mason said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Sarah Fuller was playing around with a teammate a couple months ago when she kicked a soccer ball through the uprights from 45 yards away. During the Southeastern Conference soccer tournament, she joked about being able to kick a football.
On Saturday, she did – and she made history.
Ms. Fuller became the first woman to participate in a Power Five conference football game when she kicked off for Vanderbilt to start the second half at Missouri, a moment that may take some time to soak in for her.
“I just think it’s incredible that I am able to do this, and all I want to do is be a good influence to the young girls out there because there were times [where] I struggled in sports,” Ms. Fuller said. “But I am so thankful I stuck with it, and it’s given me so many opportunities. I’ve met so many amazing people through sports, and I just want to say literally you can do anything you set your mind to.”
Ms. Fuller kicked with a holder rather than using a tee in a designed squib kick. The senior sent a low kick to the 35-yard line where it was pounced on by Missouri’s Mason Pack. Ms. Fuller didn’t get any other opportunities in Vanderbilt’s 41-0 loss to Missouri.
Coach Derek Mason made clear that Ms. Fuller kicked for the Commodores due to need, not for history or publicity. COVID-19 protocols and restrictions left Mr. Mason with very few options, prompting him to reach out to the soccer team for help.
Ms. Fuller, a 6-foot-2 goalkeeper, decided she was up for the challenge.
“I’m not about making statements,” Mr. Mason said. “This was out of necessity. You look at our week. Our students had gone home. The ability to have access to students and tryouts was almost nil in terms of what’s available. ... That just happened to be the most viable option.”
After Ms. Fuller’s kick, she went straight to the sideline, where she high-fived some of her new teammates and swapped some elbow bumps. Ms. Fuller’s parents watched and cheered from the stands along with her boyfriend and best friend.
She had the phrase “Play Like A Girl” printed on the back of her helmet. The senior will get to keep the No. 32 jersey she wore Saturday, the same as her number when playing soccer.
Ms. Fuller even gave a halftime pep talk, which she usually left to her soccer teammates, telling her new teammates on the football team that Vanderbilt won the SEC soccer tournament title by cheering for each other whether on the field or the sideline.
“I just went in there and I said exactly what I was thinking. I was like, ‘We need to be cheering each other on. This is how you win games. This is how you get better is by calling each other out for stuff, and I’m going to call you guys out. We need to be supporting one another. We need to be lifting each other up. That’s what a team’s about,’” Ms. Fuller said, according to ESPN. “I think this team has struggled, and that’s been part of it.”
“We had a different mindset coming out the second half,” quarterback Mike Wright said.
After her kickoff, reaction poured in on social media. Ms. Fuller was the No. 2 trending topic on Twitter, followed by Vanderbilt. Her soccer team wrote on Twitter: “Glass. Everywhere.” – in a reference to the glass ceiling she had shattered.
Pat McAfee, a former NFL punter, reviewed Ms. Fuller’s squib kick, noting the ball didn’t go out of bounds and there was no chance of a return, setting up the defense.
“Congrats to @SarahFuller_27 for being THE FIRST EVER WOMAN TO KICKOFF A POWER 5 GAME,” Mr. McAfee wrote in a tweet. “Incredibly rare to be the ‘1st ever person to do something’ these days..this is really cool.”
While no woman had appeared in an SEC football game or on any Power Five team, Liz Heaston became the first woman to score in a college football game with two extra points for Willamette University in the NAIA on Oct. 18, 1997.
Katie Hnida was the first woman to score at the Football Bowl Subdivision level with two extra points for New Mexico on Aug. 30, 2003.
April Goss was the second, with an extra point for Kent State in 2015. Tonya Butler was the first woman to kick a field goal in an NCAA game for Division II West Alabama on Sept. 13, 2003.
“Welcome to the club,” Ms. Hnida wrote on Twitter on Friday, adding that she and Ms. Goss “are waiting with snacks!”
Missouri coach Eli Drinkwitz visited with Ms. Fuller before kickoff and repeated a message that Ms. Fuller has heard a lot in recent days. The father of four daughters told Ms. Fuller it was incredible they watched her make history.
“I’ve had ... dads come up to me and they’re like, ‘You’re inspiring my little girls, and I want them to know that they can do anything and you’re proving that point.’ And I think that has been the coolest thing,” Ms. Fuller said.
Ms. Fuller also made clear she’d be up for continuing to help the football team if needed. She believes she can refine her timing and technique with more practice.
Vanderbilt (0-8) visits No. 13 Georgia next week.
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“If she wants to kick and she’s available, we’d love to have her,” Mr. Mason said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-30--French protesters denounce bill outlawing use of police images

French activists fear that a proposed new security law will deprive them of a potent weapon against abuse – cellphone videos of police activity – threatening their efforts to document possible cases of police brutality , especially in impoverished immigrant neighborhoods .
French President Emmanuel Macron ’ s government is pushing a new security bill that makes it illegal to publish images of police officers with intent to cause them harm , amid other measures .
Critics fear the new law is overly broad and could be used to hurt press freedoms and make it more difficult for all citizens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I was lucky enough to have videos that protect me , ” said Michel Zecler , a Black music producer who was beaten up recently by several French police officers .
Videos first published Thursday by French website Loopsider have been seen by over 14 million viewers , resulting in widespread outrage over police actions .
Two of the officers are in jail while they are investigated , and two others , also under investigation , are out on bail .
The draft bill , still being debated in parliament , has prompted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freedom advocates and civil rights campaigners .
Tens of thousands of people marched Saturday in Paris to reject the measure , including families and friends of people killed by police .
“ For decades , descendants of post-colonial immigration and residents in populous neighborhoods have denounced police brutality , ” Sihame Assbague , an anti-racism activist , told The Associated Press .
Videos by the public have helped to show a wider audience that there is a “ systemic problem with French police forces , who are abusing , punching , beating , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Activists say the bill may have an even greater impact on people other than journalists , especially those of immigrant origin living in neighborhoods where relationships with the police have long been tense .
Images posted online have been key to denouncing cases of officers ’ misconduct and racism in recent years , they argue .
Ms. Assbague expressed fears that , under the proposed law , those who post videos of police abuses online may be put on trial , where they would face up to a year in jail and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tend to believe that a young Arab man from a poor suburb who posts a video of police brutality in his neighborhood will be more at risk of being found guilty than a journalist who did a video during a protest , ” she said .
Amal Bentounsi ’ s brother , Amine , was shot in the back and killed by a police officer in 2012 .
The officer was sentenced to a five-year suspended prison sentence .
In March , along with other families of victims , she launched a mobile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abuses and bring cases to court .
“ Some police officers already have a sense of impunity .
...
The only solution now is to make videos , ” she told the AP .
The app has been downloaded more than 50,000 times .
“ If we want to improve public confidence in the police , it does not go through hiding the truth , ” she added .
The proposed law is partly a response to demands from police unions , who say it will provide greater protection for officers .
Abdoulaye @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 years of experience in Paris and its suburbs , is both a supporter of the proposed law and strongly condemns police brutality and violence against officers .
“ What people don ’ t understand is that some individuals are using videos to put the faces of our [ police ] colleagues on social media so that they are identified , so that they are threatened or to incite hatred , ” he said .
“ The law doesn ’ t ban journalists or citizens from filming police in action .
...
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harm , physically or psychologically , ” he argued .
“ The lives of officers are important.
” A “ tiny fraction of the population feeds rage and hatred ” against police , Jean-Michel Fauvergue , a former head of elite police forces and a lawmaker in Mr. Macron ’ s party who co-authored the bill , said in the National Assembly .
“ We need to find a solution.
” Justice Minister Eric Dupond-Moretti has acknowledged that “ the intent [ to harm ] is something that is difficult to define ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revamping part of the proposed law .
Activists consider the draft law one more step in a series of security measures passed by French lawmakers to extend police powers at the expense of civil liberties .
A statement signed by over 30 groups of families and friends of victims of police abuses said that since 2005 , “ all security laws adopted have constantly expanded the legal field allowing police impunity.
” Riots in 2005 exposed France ’ s long-running problems between police and youths in public housing projects with large immigrant populations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws have been passed following attacks by extremists .
Critics noted a hardening of police tactics during protests or while arresting individuals .
Hundreds of complaints have been filed against officers during the yellow vest movement against social injustice , which erupted in 2018 and saw weekends of violent clashes .
Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin said out of 3 million police operations per year in France , some 9,500 end up on a government website that denounces abuses , which represents 0.3 % .
France ’ s human rights ombudsman , Claire Hedon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the proposed law , which she said involves “ significant risks of undermining fundamental rights.
” “ Our democracy is hit when the population does not trust its police anymore , ” she told the National Assembly .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer John Leicester contributed from Le Pecq , France .

French activists fear that a proposed new security law will deprive them of a potent weapon against abuse – cellphone videos of police activity – threatening their efforts to document possible cases of police brutality, especially in impoverished immigrant neighborhoods.
French President Emmanuel Macron’s government is pushing a new security bill that makes it illegal to publish images of police officers with intent to cause them harm, amid other measures. Critics fear the new law is overly broad and could be used to hurt press freedoms and make it more difficult for all citizens to report on police brutality.
“I was lucky enough to have videos that protect me,” said Michel Zecler, a Black music producer who was beaten up recently by several French police officers. Videos first published Thursday by French website Loopsider have been seen by over 14 million viewers, resulting in widespread outrage over police actions.
Two of the officers are in jail while they are investigated, and two others, also under investigation, are out on bail.
The draft bill, still being debated in parliament, has prompted protests across the country called by press freedom advocates and civil rights campaigners. Tens of thousands of people marched Saturday in Paris to reject the measure, including families and friends of people killed by police.
“For decades, descendants of post-colonial immigration and residents in populous neighborhoods have denounced police brutality,” Sihame Assbague, an anti-racism activist, told The Associated Press.
Videos by the public have helped to show a wider audience that there is a “systemic problem with French police forces, who are abusing, punching, beating, mutilating, killing,” she said.
Activists say the bill may have an even greater impact on people other than journalists, especially those of immigrant origin living in neighborhoods where relationships with the police have long been tense. Images posted online have been key to denouncing cases of officers’ misconduct and racism in recent years, they argue.
Ms. Assbague expressed fears that, under the proposed law, those who post videos of police abuses online may be put on trial, where they would face up to a year in jail and a $53,000 fine.
“I tend to believe that a young Arab man from a poor suburb who posts a video of police brutality in his neighborhood will be more at risk of being found guilty than a journalist who did a video during a protest,” she said.
Amal Bentounsi’s brother, Amine, was shot in the back and killed by a police officer in 2012. The officer was sentenced to a five-year suspended prison sentence. In March, along with other families of victims, she launched a mobile phone app called Emergency-Police Violence to record abuses and bring cases to court.
“Some police officers already have a sense of impunity. ... The only solution now is to make videos,” she told the AP. The app has been downloaded more than 50,000 times.
“If we want to improve public confidence in the police, it does not go through hiding the truth,” she added.
The proposed law is partly a response to demands from police unions, who say it will provide greater protection for officers.
Abdoulaye Kante, a Black police officer with 20 years of experience in Paris and its suburbs, is both a supporter of the proposed law and strongly condemns police brutality and violence against officers.
“What people don’t understand is that some individuals are using videos to put the faces of our [police] colleagues on social media so that they are identified, so that they are threatened or to incite hatred,” he said.
“The law doesn’t ban journalists or citizens from filming police in action. ... It bans these images from being used to harm, physically or psychologically,” he argued. “The lives of officers are important.”
A “tiny fraction of the population feeds rage and hatred” against police, Jean-Michel Fauvergue, a former head of elite police forces and a lawmaker in Mr. Macron’s party who co-authored the bill, said in the National Assembly. “We need to find a solution.”
Justice Minister Eric Dupond-Moretti has acknowledged that “the intent [to harm] is something that is difficult to define” and the government appears ready to back revamping part of the proposed law.
Activists consider the draft law one more step in a series of security measures passed by French lawmakers to extend police powers at the expense of civil liberties.
A statement signed by over 30 groups of families and friends of victims of police abuses said that since 2005, “all security laws adopted have constantly expanded the legal field allowing police impunity.”
Riots in 2005 exposed France’s long-running problems between police and youths in public housing projects with large immigrant populations.
In recent years, numerous security laws have been passed following attacks by extremists.
Critics noted a hardening of police tactics during protests or while arresting individuals. Hundreds of complaints have been filed against officers during the yellow vest movement against social injustice, which erupted in 2018 and saw weekends of violent clashes.
Interior Minister Gerald Darmanin said out of 3 million police operations per year in France, some 9,500 end up on a government website that denounces abuses, which represents 0.3%.
France’s human rights ombudsman, Claire Hedon, is among the most prominent critics of the proposed law, which she said involves “significant risks of undermining fundamental rights.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Our democracy is hit when the population does not trust its police anymore,” she told the National Assembly.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer John Leicester contributed from Le Pecq, France.


csmonitor--2020-11-30--On Russia’s flank, a small war heralds big changes

Now that the fighting has stopped , “ diplomacy will be given a fresh opportunity to work something out , ” says Russian analyst Sergei Markedonov .
But this time the diplomats will come from Ankara and Moscow , not from Washington or Paris .
This time – helped by Turkey – Azerbaijan won the war .
In the North Caucasus , the tables are turned .
And more broadly , Turkey has extended its reach , forcing Moscow to share its regional influence .
The two neighbors have long been embroiled in a territorial dispute .
Armenia won a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1990s , and the international community then rallied round a diplomatic settlement .
But nobody pushed the peace plan very hard , not even the United States , France , and Russia , who were tasked with mediating .
The recent six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan offers a stark lesson in the costs of diplomatic failure : An unresolved territorial dispute suddenly erupted in violence that took thousands of lives and left a vastly changed landscape in its wake .
This autumn ’ s intense six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan offers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diplomatic failure : An unresolved territorial dispute suddenly erupted in violence that took thousands of lives and left a vastly changed landscape in its wake .
Azerbaijan won the war with arms and advice from Turkey , dramatically reversing Armenia ’ s decisive victory a quarter century ago that had been frozen in place since 1994 .
The nub of the conflict is the Armenian-populated exclave of Nagorno-Karabakh , a Soviet-era autonomous region inside Azerbaijan that declared independence in 1988 as the USSR began to crumble .
In the long and bloody war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secured the region , they occupied a huge swath of additional territory and expelled around 800,000 ethnic Azeris from it .
The new armistice , which Russia imposed last month , restores all of those illegally seized lands to Azerbaijan and inserts 2,000 Russian peacekeeping troops into the area to enforce the deal .
Turkey is also expected to play a role .
But the accord leaves the original problem , the status of Nagorno-Karabakh – now under Russian protection – to be settled by future negotiations .
This dramatic outcome has triggered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a storm of national anguish , and left international diplomacy licking its wounds .
The cease-fire lines brokered by Moscow almost exactly follow the diplomatic settlement that the international community had advocated for almost 30 years , but they were achieved by force of arms .
The Minsk Group , comprising the United States , France , and Russia , which had been charged with resolving the conflict , proved irrelevant as the crisis climaxed ; it was two regional powers , Russia and Turkey , that brought the warring parties to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , an expert with the Institute for International Studies , a think tank attached to the official MGIMO University in Moscow , “ diplomacy will be given a fresh opportunity to work something out.
” But “ it is not going to be easy , ” he adds , because “ that small territory is seen as a key element in the national identities of both Armenia and Azerbaijan.
” Some of the 100,000 Armenians who fled Nagorno-Karabakh during the war are starting to trickle back to their homes through the Lachin Corridor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Nagorno-Karabakh that is now secured by Russian forces .
Many other residents had burned their houses as they left , rather than hand them over to the advancing Azeris .
Those who do return are facing a very uncertain future , and Azeri ideas of a permanent settlement appear to have hardened .
Nagorno-Karabakh ’ s 28-year-long dream of independence is clearly shattered , and even a return to something like Soviet-era autonomy , which gave the Armenian population a great deal of linguistic , cultural , and political leeway , now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was ready to grant autonomy to the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh if Armenia had been ready to accept a peaceful resolution of the conflict , ” says Farid Shafiyev , president of the independent Center of Analysis of International Relations in the Azeri capital , Baku .
However , since Armenia never accepted the diplomatic solutions offered , Azerbaijan was compelled to fight for the land “ at very great cost in lives of our soldiers , ” he says .
“ Now conditions have changed .
Armenians who want to live in Azerbaijan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as other minorities , such as Kurds , Jews , and Russians , whose language , religion , and other rights are protected by law , ” Mr. Shafiyev predicts .
The victorious war has made a public hero of Azerbaijan ’ s hereditary despot , Ilham Aliyev .
Some people are concerned that the Russian peacekeeping force on Azeri soil , due to stay five years , “ might turn into a permanent Russian military presence , ” says Ilgar Velizade , an independent political analyst in Baku .
“ But this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the geopolitical reality in our region , and reflects the will of the two leading powers , Russia and Turkey .
It provides a basis for these two to cooperate here in the long term.
” In Armenia , the sense of shock and denial has been magnified by a national historical memory that associates the fate of Nagorno-Karabakh with the genocide committed against Armenians by the Ottoman Turks just over a century ago .
( One reason for Armenia ’ s reluctance to negotiate over the seven occupied Azeri districts around Karabakh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Azerbaijan , a Turkic-speaking nation closely aligned with Turkey . )
“ I understand the feelings of many Armenians and the trauma they have suffered ” from their unexpectedly swift defeat , says Mr. Markedonov .
“ But they should realize that without Russia stepping in and imposing this cease-fire , the Armenian defeat might have been much worse.
” And the angry crowds and opposition leaders who have been demanding that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan resign for conceding defeat are themselves partly to blame , argues Gayane Ayvazyan , a historian and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yerevan .
“ These people are the same ex-leadership who insisted on never negotiating , never giving an inch , ” she says .
“ They fed us incessant militarization and war propaganda .
Now they want Pashinyan to leave because he had no choice but to accept a defeat that they bear great responsibility for.
” It ’ s a pity , she adds , that Armenia ’ s pro-democracy movement two years ago , which brought Mr. Pashinyan to power , failed to recognize that resolving the frozen conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lasting democracy .
For Russia , even though it may now have to share its regional influence with Turkey , the armistice is a satisfying outcome that has solidified its role and strengthened its grip on Armenia .
“ As a result of this , Armenia is under Russian patronage much more than before , ” says Fyodor Lukyanov , editor of Russia in Global Affairs , a Moscow-based foreign policy journal .
“ That ’ s a very strategic neighborhood so , even after five years of peacekeeping , Russia may well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

Now that the fighting has stopped, “diplomacy will be given a fresh opportunity to work something out,” says Russian analyst Sergei Markedonov. But this time the diplomats will come from Ankara and Moscow, not from Washington or Paris.
This time – helped by Turkey – Azerbaijan won the war. In the North Caucasus, the tables are turned. And more broadly, Turkey has extended its reach, forcing Moscow to share its regional influence.
For a quarter century, the world ignored a festering territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. When it blew up again recently in renewed warfare, diplomacy was the big loser.
The two neighbors have long been embroiled in a territorial dispute. Armenia won a war over the Nagorno-Karabakh region in the 1990s, and the international community then rallied round a diplomatic settlement. But nobody pushed the peace plan very hard, not even the United States, France, and Russia, who were tasked with mediating.
The recent six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan offers a stark lesson in the costs of diplomatic failure: An unresolved territorial dispute suddenly erupted in violence that took thousands of lives and left a vastly changed landscape in its wake.
This autumn’s intense six-week war between Armenia and Azerbaijan offers a stark lesson in the costs of diplomatic failure: An unresolved territorial dispute suddenly erupted in violence that took thousands of lives and left a vastly changed landscape in its wake.
Azerbaijan won the war with arms and advice from Turkey, dramatically reversing Armenia’s decisive victory a quarter century ago that had been frozen in place since 1994.
The nub of the conflict is the Armenian-populated exclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, a Soviet-era autonomous region inside Azerbaijan that declared independence in 1988 as the USSR began to crumble. In the long and bloody war that ensued, Armenian forces not only secured the region, they occupied a huge swath of additional territory and expelled around 800,000 ethnic Azeris from it.
Why We Wrote This For a quarter century, the world ignored a festering territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. When it blew up again recently in renewed warfare, diplomacy was the big loser.
The new armistice, which Russia imposed last month, restores all of those illegally seized lands to Azerbaijan and inserts 2,000 Russian peacekeeping troops into the area to enforce the deal. Turkey is also expected to play a role. But the accord leaves the original problem, the status of Nagorno-Karabakh – now under Russian protection – to be settled by future negotiations.
This dramatic outcome has triggered mass jubilation in Azerbaijan, plunged Armenia into a storm of national anguish, and left international diplomacy licking its wounds. The cease-fire lines brokered by Moscow almost exactly follow the diplomatic settlement that the international community had advocated for almost 30 years, but they were achieved by force of arms.
The Minsk Group, comprising the United States, France, and Russia, which had been charged with resolving the conflict, proved irrelevant as the crisis climaxed; it was two regional powers, Russia and Turkey, that brought the warring parties to heel.
Now, says Sergei Markedonov, an expert with the Institute for International Studies, a think tank attached to the official MGIMO University in Moscow, “diplomacy will be given a fresh opportunity to work something out.”
But “it is not going to be easy,” he adds, because “that small territory is seen as a key element in the national identities of both Armenia and Azerbaijan.”
Some of the 100,000 Armenians who fled Nagorno-Karabakh during the war are starting to trickle back to their homes through the Lachin Corridor, a slender land link between Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh that is now secured by Russian forces. Many other residents had burned their houses as they left, rather than hand them over to the advancing Azeris.
Vahram Baghdasaryan/Photolure/Reuters View caption Hide caption A demonstrator is detained during an opposition rally to demand the resignation of Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan after he signed an armistice ending the military conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region of Azerbaijan.
Those who do return are facing a very uncertain future, and Azeri ideas of a permanent settlement appear to have hardened. Nagorno-Karabakh’s 28-year-long dream of independence is clearly shattered, and even a return to something like Soviet-era autonomy, which gave the Armenian population a great deal of linguistic, cultural, and political leeway, now seems off the table.
“Azerbaijan was ready to grant autonomy to the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh if Armenia had been ready to accept a peaceful resolution of the conflict,” says Farid Shafiyev, president of the independent Center of Analysis of International Relations in the Azeri capital, Baku.
However, since Armenia never accepted the diplomatic solutions offered, Azerbaijan was compelled to fight for the land “at very great cost in lives of our soldiers,” he says.
“Now conditions have changed. Armenians who want to live in Azerbaijan in future may enjoy the same privileges as other minorities, such as Kurds, Jews, and Russians, whose language, religion, and other rights are protected by law,” Mr. Shafiyev predicts.
The victorious war has made a public hero of Azerbaijan’s hereditary despot, Ilham Aliyev.
Some people are concerned that the Russian peacekeeping force on Azeri soil, due to stay five years, “might turn into a permanent Russian military presence,” says Ilgar Velizade, an independent political analyst in Baku.
“But this peace deal looks workable. It registers the geopolitical reality in our region, and reflects the will of the two leading powers, Russia and Turkey. It provides a basis for these two to cooperate here in the long term.”
In Armenia, the sense of shock and denial has been magnified by a national historical memory that associates the fate of Nagorno-Karabakh with the genocide committed against Armenians by the Ottoman Turks just over a century ago. (One reason for Armenia’s reluctance to negotiate over the seven occupied Azeri districts around Karabakh has been its lack of trust in Azerbaijan, a Turkic-speaking nation closely aligned with Turkey.)
“I understand the feelings of many Armenians and the trauma they have suffered” from their unexpectedly swift defeat, says Mr. Markedonov. “But they should realize that without Russia stepping in and imposing this cease-fire, the Armenian defeat might have been much worse.”
Russian Foreign Ministry/Reuters View caption Hide caption Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan meets Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Yerevan, Armenia, Nov. 21, 2020.
And the angry crowds and opposition leaders who have been demanding that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan resign for conceding defeat are themselves partly to blame, argues Gayane Ayvazyan, a historian and peace activist in the Armenian capital, Yerevan.
“These people are the same ex-leadership who insisted on never negotiating, never giving an inch,” she says. “They fed us incessant militarization and war propaganda. Now they want Pashinyan to leave because he had no choice but to accept a defeat that they bear great responsibility for.”
It’s a pity, she adds, that Armenia’s pro-democracy movement two years ago, which brought Mr. Pashinyan to power, failed to recognize that resolving the frozen conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh was critical to building a healthy, lasting democracy.
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For Russia, even though it may now have to share its regional influence with Turkey, the armistice is a satisfying outcome that has solidified its role and strengthened its grip on Armenia.
“As a result of this, Armenia is under Russian patronage much more than before,” says Fyodor Lukyanov, editor of Russia in Global Affairs, a Moscow-based foreign policy journal. “That’s a very strategic neighborhood so, even after five years of peacekeeping, Russia may well decide a permanent presence is called for.”


csmonitor--2020-11-30--Vivan los artistas de Cuba

Vivan los artistas de Cuba

The oldest dictatorship in Latin America just blinked .
On Nov. 28 , after days of protest by prominent artists and intellectuals over the detention of one of their own , the government in Cuba agreed to grant more independence to the island ’ s cultural community .
Score one for freedom of thought , the life force of that community ’ s creativity and its independent expressions , which speak loudly to Cubans trapped under communist rule .
Dictators rarely tolerate protests or “ do dialogue ” with independent civil society .
But in recent weeks , Cuba ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unprecedented show of solidarity among a group of artists and thinkers known as the San Isidro Movement .
The group has experienced increasing harassment since a 2018 decree made it illegal for artists to operate without being registered with a state institution .
The spark for the protests was the Nov. 9 arrest of rapper Denis Solís , one of many artists whose work challenges the regime ’ s ideology or its claim to power .
To head off escalation of the protests , officials agreed to allow independent creators to meet freely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminalized ” by security forces , according to Tania Bruguera , a well-known Cuban artist .
The promised tolerance reflects a recognition of how much young Cuban artists are tapping the internet for ideas and reaching foreign audiences .
“ The authorities can continue to harass , intimidate , arrest and criminalize alternative artists and thinkers , but they can not keep their minds in prison , ” says Amnesty International ’ s director for the Americas , Erika Guevara Rosas .
One purpose of art , whether film , dance , literature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people imagine an alternative reality , perhaps a universal truth that bonds people from different views .
Art “ expresses feelings for other people who feel the same but maybe don ’ t know how to articulate it , ” Ms. Bruguera told the Financial Times .
“ Autocratic regimes repress us emotionally .
Art liberates us emotionally.
” In any country , creative people engage with society to open new possibilities , expand thought , and transcend fear .
Cuba ’ s leaders , who enjoy the international recognition of the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have realized the need for artistic freedom .
If so , Cuba is one step closer to democracy .

The oldest dictatorship in Latin America just blinked. On Nov. 28, after days of protest by prominent artists and intellectuals over the detention of one of their own, the government in Cuba agreed to grant more independence to the island’s cultural community.
Score one for freedom of thought, the life force of that community’s creativity and its independent expressions, which speak loudly to Cubans trapped under communist rule.
Dictators rarely tolerate protests or “do dialogue” with independent civil society. But in recent weeks, Cuba’s regime has been faced with an unprecedented show of solidarity among a group of artists and thinkers known as the San Isidro Movement. The group has experienced increasing harassment since a 2018 decree made it illegal for artists to operate without being registered with a state institution.
The spark for the protests was the Nov. 9 arrest of rapper Denis Solís, one of many artists whose work challenges the regime’s ideology or its claim to power. To head off escalation of the protests, officials agreed to allow independent creators to meet freely without being “harassed” or “criminalized” by security forces, according to Tania Bruguera, a well-known Cuban artist.
The promised tolerance reflects a recognition of how much young Cuban artists are tapping the internet for ideas and reaching foreign audiences. “The authorities can continue to harass, intimidate, arrest and criminalize alternative artists and thinkers, but they cannot keep their minds in prison,” says Amnesty International’s director for the Americas, Erika Guevara Rosas.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
One purpose of art, whether film, dance, literature, or painting, is to help people imagine an alternative reality, perhaps a universal truth that bonds people from different views. Art “expresses feelings for other people who feel the same but maybe don’t know how to articulate it,” Ms. Bruguera told the Financial Times. “Autocratic regimes repress us emotionally. Art liberates us emotionally.”
In any country, creative people engage with society to open new possibilities, expand thought, and transcend fear. Cuba’s leaders, who enjoy the international recognition of the country’s rich cultural expressions, may have realized the need for artistic freedom. If so, Cuba is one step closer to democracy.