csmonitor--2020-09-30--A Thai village takes a novel approach to save ancestral forest

The villagers of Ban Boon Rueang , in northern Thailand , had long known that they benefited from the community wetland forest that supplied them with fish and firewood , but it wasn ’ t until devastating floods in 2010 that they realized just how much .
That year , flooding from the Ing river , which often spills its banks in the annual rainy season , was particularly severe , inundating several villages .
Ban Boon Rueang escaped the worst of it because the 583-acre wetland forest served as a buffer .
“ If it weren ’ t for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also got flooded severely , ” said Srongpol Chantharueang , chairman of the Boon Rueang Wetland Forest Conservation Group ( BRWFCG ) .
“ We realized then how important it was for us .
That made us more aware of the threats to the wetland , and more determined to protect it , ” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation as he walked around the forest , pointing to edible mushrooms and honeycombs .
Destruction of natural resources , the denial of forest rights , and loss of community lands in Thailand for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ villagers , many of whom lack formal tenure .
When the Thai government in 2015 earmarked Chiang Khong district , where Ban Boon Rueang is located , as part of a Special Economic Zone ( SEZ ) , the villagers decided to oppose the plan to infill the wetland , with a novel approach .
They set up BRWFCG , mobilized support from other conservation groups and academics in the local university , and appealed to the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand ( NHRCT ) , saying their lives and livelihoods were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2018 , authorities withdrew the proposal , and on Tuesday , BRWFCG will receive the United Nations ’ Equator Prize for “ outstanding community efforts to reduce poverty through the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity.
” “ Convincing the government to conserve the wetland forest was a momentous achievement , made through advocacy and dialogue , ” said David Ganz , executive director of the Center for People and Forests ( RECOFTC ) , a Bangkok-based organization which backed the community .
“ Boon Rueang is a successful model for community forestry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injustice .
The community ’ s achievement is an inspiration to others who may be facing similar challenges , ” he added .
The community ’ s right to participate Wetlands such as floodplains , marshes , mangroves , and peatlands help purify water , replenish groundwater , limit flooding , and store carbon , researchers say .
Along coastlines , they provide a buffer against storms and surges .
Yet across Asia , demand for land for housing and farming has led to wetlands being destroyed , even as more intense rainfall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and coastal flooding .
Thailand has 15 sites defined under the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands totaling 15,645 square miles .
But authorities often fail to recognize their importance and the community ’ s role in preserving them , said Niwat Roikaew , head of the Chiang Khong Conservation Group .
“ Activism and knowledge are key to conserving natural resources .
We have to educate the community that they have a constitutional right to participate in natural resource management , ” said Mr. Roikaew , who backed the Boon Rueang campaign .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to us more because they recognize the role of the community , ” said Mr. Roikaew , whose two-decade-old community organization has fought against deforestation , dams , and unchecked development in northern Thailand .
BRWFCG launched advocacy and social media campaigns to showcase their community forestry management model , and submitted academic research to show how vital the wetland was to the local ecosystem and for mitigating disasters .
With nearly 300 species of flora and fauna and dozens of edible and medicinal plants , the forest is vital to the food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has the potential to store 26 tons of carbon per 0.16 hectare , the research showed .
At a ceremony to celebrate the Equator Prize earlier this month , Chiang Rai province acting Gov .
Kritpetch Petcharaburanin acknowledged the community ’ s efforts .
“ This forest has a history of hundreds of years .
I am very pleased that the Boon Rueang community has preserved and taken care of the forest , ” he said , adding that he endorsed their proposal to declare the wetland as a Ramsar site .
Thailand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about 40 % of total land area , from just over a third now .
But land rights activists have voiced concerns that the government ’ s policies have hurt communities who live in or near forests .
At the same time , forests face constant threats from industrial projects .
Before the SEZ , Ban Boon Rueang had defeated proposals for factories and plantations .
“ We inherited this forest from our ancestors , and it is our duty to preserve it for future generations , ” said Neam Chantharueang , head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The SEZ is cancelled , but there is no guarantee something else won ’ t come up .
That ’ s why we want it to be declared a Ramsar site , ” she said .
Forest authorities will work with local communities to resolve any conflicts , said Minister of Natural Resources and Environment Warawut Silpa-archa .
“ We have to find ways to enable people to co-exist with forests , ” he said .
The Boon Rueang community of nearly 300 families manages the forest through traditional methods , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also has its own clear rules .
The rules include not cutting trees beyond a certain size , a ban on hunting , and the commercial sale of bamboo and firewood .
Villagers can fish and collect crickets , mushrooms , and firewood .
The Boon Rueang wetland provides direct and indirect ecological services worth about $ 4 million annually , RECOFTC estimates , which includes food and other products , as well as the value from water retention , the wildlife , and heritage .
“ It not only provides food and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ preserve its identity and culture , ” said Tuenjai Deetes , a former NHRCT commissioner who studied the case .
But even the community ’ s best efforts can not stop the impact of climate change and upstream dams that are hurting the flow of the river Ing that sustains the wetland , said Mr. Srongpol .
“ This time of year , we normally have to move around the forest by boat .
But for the past couple of years , the river level is low , ” he said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is fewer fish , and the vegetation will begin to die .
The forest is like our kitchen – if it is destroyed , how will we eat ?
” This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation .

The villagers of Ban Boon Rueang, in northern Thailand, had long known that they benefited from the community wetland forest that supplied them with fish and firewood, but it wasn’t until devastating floods in 2010 that they realized just how much.
That year, flooding from the Ing river, which often spills its banks in the annual rainy season, was particularly severe, inundating several villages. Ban Boon Rueang escaped the worst of it because the 583-acre wetland forest served as a buffer.
“If it weren’t for the wetland, our village would have also got flooded severely,” said Srongpol Chantharueang, chairman of the Boon Rueang Wetland Forest Conservation Group (BRWFCG).
“We realized then how important it was for us. That made us more aware of the threats to the wetland, and more determined to protect it,” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation as he walked around the forest, pointing to edible mushrooms and honeycombs.
Destruction of natural resources, the denial of forest rights, and loss of community lands in Thailand for industry and tourism have hurt farmers and villagers, many of whom lack formal tenure.
When the Thai government in 2015 earmarked Chiang Khong district, where Ban Boon Rueang is located, as part of a Special Economic Zone (SEZ), the villagers decided to oppose the plan to infill the wetland, with a novel approach.
They set up BRWFCG, mobilized support from other conservation groups and academics in the local university, and appealed to the National Human Rights Commission of Thailand (NHRCT), saying their lives and livelihoods were at stake.
It worked: in 2018, authorities withdrew the proposal, and on Tuesday, BRWFCG will receive the United Nations’ Equator Prize for “outstanding community efforts to reduce poverty through the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity.”
“Convincing the government to conserve the wetland forest was a momentous achievement, made through advocacy and dialogue,” said David Ganz, executive director of the Center for People and Forests (RECOFTC), a Bangkok-based organization which backed the community.
“Boon Rueang is a successful model for community forestry and showcases a nature-based solution to environmental injustice. The community’s achievement is an inspiration to others who may be facing similar challenges,” he added.
The community’s right to participate
Wetlands such as floodplains, marshes, mangroves, and peatlands help purify water, replenish groundwater, limit flooding, and store carbon, researchers say. Along coastlines, they provide a buffer against storms and surges.
Yet across Asia, demand for land for housing and farming has led to wetlands being destroyed, even as more intense rainfall and rising seas cause more frequent river and coastal flooding.
Thailand has 15 sites defined under the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands totaling 15,645 square miles.
But authorities often fail to recognize their importance and the community’s role in preserving them, said Niwat Roikaew, head of the Chiang Khong Conservation Group.
“Activism and knowledge are key to conserving natural resources. We have to educate the community that they have a constitutional right to participate in natural resource management,” said Mr. Roikaew, who backed the Boon Rueang campaign.
“Government officials in the area are listening to us more because they recognize the role of the community,” said Mr. Roikaew, whose two-decade-old community organization has fought against deforestation, dams, and unchecked development in northern Thailand.
BRWFCG launched advocacy and social media campaigns to showcase their community forestry management model, and submitted academic research to show how vital the wetland was to the local ecosystem and for mitigating disasters.
With nearly 300 species of flora and fauna and dozens of edible and medicinal plants, the forest is vital to the food security of the villagers. It also has the potential to store 26 tons of carbon per 0.16 hectare, the research showed.
At a ceremony to celebrate the Equator Prize earlier this month, Chiang Rai province acting Gov. Kritpetch Petcharaburanin acknowledged the community’s efforts.
“This forest has a history of hundreds of years. I am very pleased that the Boon Rueang community has preserved and taken care of the forest,” he said, adding that he endorsed their proposal to declare the wetland as a Ramsar site.
Preserving a ‘community kitchen’ for future generations
Thailand aims to increase its forest cover to about 40% of total land area, from just over a third now.
But land rights activists have voiced concerns that the government’s policies have hurt communities who live in or near forests.
At the same time, forests face constant threats from industrial projects. Before the SEZ, Ban Boon Rueang had defeated proposals for factories and plantations.
“We inherited this forest from our ancestors, and it is our duty to preserve it for future generations,” said Neam Chantharueang, head of the village women’s group.
“The SEZ is cancelled, but there is no guarantee something else won’t come up. That’s why we want it to be declared a Ramsar site,” she said.
Forest authorities will work with local communities to resolve any conflicts, said Minister of Natural Resources and Environment Warawut Silpa-archa.
“We have to find ways to enable people to co-exist with forests,” he said.
The Boon Rueang community of nearly 300 families manages the forest through traditional methods, such as tree ordination ceremonies, and also has its own clear rules.
The rules include not cutting trees beyond a certain size, a ban on hunting, and the commercial sale of bamboo and firewood. Villagers can fish and collect crickets, mushrooms, and firewood.
The Boon Rueang wetland provides direct and indirect ecological services worth about $4 million annually, RECOFTC estimates, which includes food and other products, as well as the value from water retention, the wildlife, and heritage.
“It not only provides food and livelihoods, it enables the community to preserve its identity and culture,” said Tuenjai Deetes, a former NHRCT commissioner who studied the case.
But even the community’s best efforts cannot stop the impact of climate change and upstream dams that are hurting the flow of the river Ing that sustains the wetland, said Mr. Srongpol.
“This time of year, we normally have to move around the forest by boat. But for the past couple of years, the river level is low,” he said.
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“If there is no flooding, there is fewer fish, and the vegetation will begin to die. The forest is like our kitchen – if it is destroyed, how will we eat?”
This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation.


csmonitor--2020-09-30--Trump-Biden debate defined by interruptions, acrid tone. Who won?

After more than a year of circling each other , Republican President Donald Trump and Democratic challenger Joe Biden met on the debate stage Tuesday night in Ohio .
The president and former vice president are similar in age , and they share a mutual dislike .
But they differ starkly in style and substance .
All of that was evident from the outset on the Cleveland stage .
Here are key takeaways from the first of three scheduled presidential debates before Election Day on Nov. 3 .
And in this corner Mr. Trump is no stranger to going on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stage left his Democratic opponent fighting to complete a sentence .
Trailing in public and private polling , Trump advisers have pushed him to reframe the election away from a referendum on his presidency to a choice between him and Mr. Biden .
Mr. Trump , instead , commandeered the debate , trying to trip up Mr. Biden by interrupting and insulting him .
In the process , Mr. Trump made the debate more about himself .
“ There ’ s nothing smart about you , ” Mr. Trump said of Mr. Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done nothing.
” While Mr. Trump played into his reputation as a bully , it may have been effective at breaking up the worst of Mr. Biden ’ s attacks – simply by talking over them .
Trump aides believed before the debate that Mr. Biden would be unable to withstand the withering offensive on style and substance from Mr. Trump , but Mr. Biden came with a few retorts of his own , calling Mr. Trump a “ clown ” and mocking Mr. Trump ’ s style by asking , “ Will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump ’ s supporters may have been cheered by his frontal assault .
Whether undecided voters , who watched the debate to try to learn about the two candidates , were impressed is another matter .
Moderator Chris Wallace was none too amused , delivering a pointed reproach to Mr. Trump for his interruptions .
“ Frankly , you ’ ve been doing more interrupting , ” Mr. Wallace said , appealing to Mr. Trump to let his opponent speak .
Mr. Trump is fond of superlatives , but in the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it was the most acrimonious of since the forums have been televised .
Mr. Trump has wanted the election to be about anything but the coronavirus pandemic , but he couldn ’ t outrun reality on the debate stage .
“ It is what it is because you are who you are , ” Mr. Biden told the president , referring to Mr. Trump ’ s months of downplaying COVID-19 while he said privately he understood how deadly it is .
But Mr. Trump didn ’ t take it quietly .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mix of self-defense and counter-offensives .
200,000 dead ?
Mr. Biden ’ s death toll would have been “ millions , ” Mr. Trump said .
A rocky economy ?
Mr. Biden would ’ ve been worse .
Mr. Biden wouldn ’ t have manufactured enough masks or ventilators .
The kicker : “ There will be a vaccine very soon.
” Mr. Biden fell back on his bottom line : “ A lot of people died , and a lot more are going to unless he gets a lot smarter.
” For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ better handle the pandemic , the exchange may not have offered anything new .
Mr. Trump said Mr. Biden was the politician who helped put millions of Black Americans in prison with the 1994 crime law .
Mr. Biden called Mr. Trump “ the racist ” in the Oval Office .
For a nation confronting a summer of racial unrest – and centuries of injustice – the debate was the latest cultural flashpoint .
Mr. Biden was quiet as Mr. Trump blitzed him as a tool of the “ radical left ” and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and order.
” He pressed Mr. Biden repeatedly to name any police union that ’ s endorsed him .
He falsely accused Mr. Biden of wanting to “ defund the police.
” Mr. Biden didn ’ t capitalize when Mr. Trump refused to condemn armed militias and insisted , against the guidance of his own FBI director : “ This is not a right-wing problem .
This is a left-wing problem.
” “ Proud Boys , stand back and stand by , ” Mr. Trump said when prompted on the far-right group .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ what , somebody ’ s got to do something about antifa and the left.
” The former vice president tried to push back , but not until after Mr. Trump had made his arguments , including the misrepresentations .
Mr. Biden regained some footing mocking the president ’ s warnings about suburbs , saying , “ He wouldn ’ t know a suburb unless he took a wrong turn.
” And perhaps revealing the thinking about allowing Mr. Trump the rhetorical upper hand , Mr. Biden said , “ All these dog whistles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Mr. Trump defended his decision to nominate Amy Barrett to the Supreme Court just weeks before Election Day , saying “ elections have consequences.
” Mr. Biden said he was “ not opposed to the justice , ” but said the “ American people have a right to have a say in who the Supreme Court nominee is.
” But rather than litigate Republicans ’ 2016 blocking of Merrick Garland to the high court , Mr. Biden quickly pivoted to the issues that will potentially come before the court : health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort by the Democrat to refocus the all-but-certain confirmation fight for Mr. Trump ’ s third justice to the Supreme Court into an assault on Mr. Trump and his record .
Mr. Biden said Ms. Barrett , who would be the sixth justice on the nine-member court to be appointed by a Republican , would endanger the Affordable Care Act and tens of millions of Americans with preexisting conditions , and would imperil legalized abortion .
It was a reframing of the political debate to terms far more favorable to the Democrat , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump said of the conservative Ms. Barrett , “ You don ’ t know her view on Roe vs. Wade ” and he defended his efforts to try to chip away at the popular Obama-era health law .
Mr. Biden has tried to press Democrats to use the court confirmation fight as a rallying cry against Mr. Trump , and the debate discussion largely played out on his turf .
Mr. Wallace , of Fox News , tried mightily to hold his ground Tuesday as debate moderator after saying beforehand that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates , especially Mr. Trump , in real time .
But Mr. Wallace struggled to stop Mr. Trump from interrupting and at times seemed to lose control of the debate .
“ Mr .
President , as the moderator , we are going to talk about COVID in the next segment , ” Mr. Wallace said .
Soon after : “ I ’ m the moderator , and I ’ d like you to let me ask my question.
” Minutes later : “ I have to give you roughly equal time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ And when Mr. Wallace noted that Mr. Trump hasn ’ t come up with his health care plan after nearly four years in office , Mr. Trump turned the question back on Mr. Wallace .
“ First of all , I ’ m debating you and not him .
That ’ s okay .
I ’ m not surprised.
” Mr. Wallace said before the debate he wanted to be “ invisible ” as moderator .
Well , that was impossible .
As expected , Mr. Trump found a way to bring up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s son , and recycle allegations about the son 's international business practices .
Mr. Biden called Mr. Trump ’ s litany “ discredited ” and fired back , “ I mean , his family we can talk about all night.
” But Mr. Biden sidestepped any of the specifics of Mr. Trump ’ s international business dealings and instead turned straight to the camera .
“ This is not about my family or his family , ” Mr. Biden said as Mr. Trump tried to talk over him .
“ This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later exchange , Mr. Trump interrupted Mr. Biden when he was talking about his late son , Beau Biden , who died of cancer in 2015 after having served in Iraq .
“ I don ’ t know Beau , I know Hunter , ” Mr. Trump said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

After more than a year of circling each other, Republican President Donald Trump and Democratic challenger Joe Biden met on the debate stage Tuesday night in Ohio.
The president and former vice president are similar in age, and they share a mutual dislike. But they differ starkly in style and substance. All of that was evident from the outset on the Cleveland stage.
Here are key takeaways from the first of three scheduled presidential debates before Election Day on Nov. 3.
And in this corner
Mr. Trump is no stranger to going on offense, but his pugilistic approach on stage left his Democratic opponent fighting to complete a sentence.
Trailing in public and private polling, Trump advisers have pushed him to reframe the election away from a referendum on his presidency to a choice between him and Mr. Biden. Mr. Trump, instead, commandeered the debate, trying to trip up Mr. Biden by interrupting and insulting him. In the process, Mr. Trump made the debate more about himself.
“There’s nothing smart about you,” Mr. Trump said of Mr. Biden. “47 years you’ve done nothing.”
While Mr. Trump played into his reputation as a bully, it may have been effective at breaking up the worst of Mr. Biden’s attacks – simply by talking over them.
Trump aides believed before the debate that Mr. Biden would be unable to withstand the withering offensive on style and substance from Mr. Trump, but Mr. Biden came with a few retorts of his own, calling Mr. Trump a “clown” and mocking Mr. Trump’s style by asking, “Will you shut up, man?”
Mr. Trump’s supporters may have been cheered by his frontal assault. Whether undecided voters, who watched the debate to try to learn about the two candidates, were impressed is another matter.
Moderator Chris Wallace was none too amused, delivering a pointed reproach to Mr. Trump for his interruptions. “Frankly, you’ve been doing more interrupting,” Mr. Wallace said, appealing to Mr. Trump to let his opponent speak.
Mr. Trump is fond of superlatives, but in the case of the debate there is little doubt that it was the most acrimonious of since the forums have been televised.
Coronavirus
Mr. Trump has wanted the election to be about anything but the coronavirus pandemic, but he couldn’t outrun reality on the debate stage.
“It is what it is because you are who you are,” Mr. Biden told the president, referring to Mr. Trump’s months of downplaying COVID-19 while he said privately he understood how deadly it is.
But Mr. Trump didn’t take it quietly. He proceeded to blitz Mr. Biden with a mix of self-defense and counter-offensives. 200,000 dead? Mr. Biden’s death toll would have been “millions,” Mr. Trump said. A rocky economy? Mr. Biden would’ve been worse. Mr. Biden wouldn’t have manufactured enough masks or ventilators.
The kicker: “There will be a vaccine very soon.”
Mr. Biden fell back on his bottom line: “A lot of people died, and a lot more are going to unless he gets a lot smarter.”
For voters still undecided about who’d better handle the pandemic, the exchange may not have offered anything new.
Race and racism
Mr. Trump said Mr. Biden was the politician who helped put millions of Black Americans in prison with the 1994 crime law. Mr. Biden called Mr. Trump “the racist” in the Oval Office.
For a nation confronting a summer of racial unrest – and centuries of injustice – the debate was the latest cultural flashpoint.
Mr. Biden was quiet as Mr. Trump blitzed him as a tool of the “radical left” and a weak figure who opposes “law and order.” He pressed Mr. Biden repeatedly to name any police union that’s endorsed him. He falsely accused Mr. Biden of wanting to “defund the police.”
Mr. Biden didn’t capitalize when Mr. Trump refused to condemn armed militias and insisted, against the guidance of his own FBI director: “This is not a right-wing problem. This is a left-wing problem.”
“Proud Boys, stand back and stand by,” Mr. Trump said when prompted on the far-right group. “But I’ll tell you what, somebody’s got to do something about antifa and the left.”
The former vice president tried to push back, but not until after Mr. Trump had made his arguments, including the misrepresentations.
Mr. Biden regained some footing mocking the president’s warnings about suburbs, saying, “He wouldn’t know a suburb unless he took a wrong turn.” And perhaps revealing the thinking about allowing Mr. Trump the rhetorical upper hand, Mr. Biden said, “All these dog whistles and racism doesn’t work anymore.”
Supreme Court and health care
Mr. Trump defended his decision to nominate Amy Barrett to the Supreme Court just weeks before Election Day, saying “elections have consequences.”
Mr. Biden said he was “not opposed to the justice,” but said the “American people have a right to have a say in who the Supreme Court nominee is.”
But rather than litigate Republicans’ 2016 blocking of Merrick Garland to the high court, Mr. Biden quickly pivoted to the issues that will potentially come before the court: health care and abortion. It’s an effort by the Democrat to refocus the all-but-certain confirmation fight for Mr. Trump’s third justice to the Supreme Court into an assault on Mr. Trump and his record.
Mr. Biden said Ms. Barrett, who would be the sixth justice on the nine-member court to be appointed by a Republican, would endanger the Affordable Care Act and tens of millions of Americans with preexisting conditions, and would imperil legalized abortion. It was a reframing of the political debate to terms far more favorable to the Democrat, and one Mr. Trump played into. Mr. Trump said of the conservative Ms. Barrett, “You don’t know her view on Roe vs. Wade” and he defended his efforts to try to chip away at the popular Obama-era health law.
Mr. Biden has tried to press Democrats to use the court confirmation fight as a rallying cry against Mr. Trump, and the debate discussion largely played out on his turf.
The not-so-invisible Mr. Wallace
Mr. Wallace, of Fox News, tried mightily to hold his ground Tuesday as debate moderator after saying beforehand that it was not his job to fact-check the candidates, especially Mr. Trump, in real time.
But Mr. Wallace struggled to stop Mr. Trump from interrupting and at times seemed to lose control of the debate.
“Mr. President, as the moderator, we are going to talk about COVID in the next segment,” Mr. Wallace said.
Soon after: “I’m the moderator, and I’d like you to let me ask my question.”
Minutes later: “I have to give you roughly equal time. Please let the vice president talk.”
And when Mr. Wallace noted that Mr. Trump hasn’t come up with his health care plan after nearly four years in office, Mr. Trump turned the question back on Mr. Wallace.
“First of all, I’m debating you and not him. That’s okay. I’m not surprised.”
Mr. Wallace said before the debate he wanted to be “invisible” as moderator.
Well, that was impossible.
Family business
As expected, Mr. Trump found a way to bring up Hunter Biden, the former vice president’s son, and recycle allegations about the son's international business practices. Mr. Biden called Mr. Trump’s litany “discredited” and fired back, “I mean, his family we can talk about all night.”
But Mr. Biden sidestepped any of the specifics of Mr. Trump’s international business dealings and instead turned straight to the camera.
“This is not about my family or his family,” Mr. Biden said as Mr. Trump tried to talk over him. “This is about your family.”
In a later exchange, Mr. Trump interrupted Mr. Biden when he was talking about his late son, Beau Biden, who died of cancer in 2015 after having served in Iraq.
“I don’t know Beau, I know Hunter,” Mr. Trump said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-01--Louisville and beyond: Calls for reform on ‘no-knock’ police raids

He adds , “ Knowing what I know now , I wish I didn ’ t have the gun at all because I wouldn ’ t have had that option and that guy would be alive and I ’ d be in a totally different place in life.
” “ If [ police are ] going in for something that ’ s not a life-or-death matter , then you really have to weigh out the pros and cons , ” says Ryan Frederick in Richmond , Virginia , who served a lengthy prison sentence for involuntary manslaughter after shooting and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dead of night .
“ How dangerous is this ?
Is the risk worth the reward ?
” As the Breonna Taylor case in Louisville shows , one result can be tragic deaths in a country with both expansive gun rights and expansive police authority .
These incidents – a real-time real-time clash over Second and Fourth Amendment rights – often leave no clear heroes or villains .
Law enforcement and legislatures nationwide are now wondering whether gun rights can safely coexist with no-knock raids .
The use of “ no-knock ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but risky .
While there ’ s no clear data , American police carry out 40,000 to 50,000 no-knock raids each year by some estimates .
Ryan Frederick wakes up to furious barking from his dogs and the booming sound of splintered wood , like a broken tree .
It ’ s night ; he doesn ’ t know what time .
All he knows is that he lives in a rough neighborhood in Chesapeake , Virginia , and that his house was broken into just days ago .
Mr. Frederick gets up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hall , grabs his handgun .
He isn ’ t a great shot .
He doesn ’ t even exactly know what his gun is called .
But he keeps it for home defense , like his grandfather always told him to .
The booming continues as he turns toward his front door .
It ’ s broken .
From the light of a small lamp he can see bluejeans and a quicksilver jacket , someone halfway in and reaching for the deadbolt .
“ I ’ m on adrenaline , ” remembers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , just kind of reacting.
” He clicks the safety , and he fires .
Less than half an hour later , he lies face-down outside , handcuffed , and surrounded by squad cars .
“ Do you know what you just did ?
” an officer asks .
Suddenly nauseous , Mr. Frederick learns that his house had been the target of a police raid .
The officers went in that summer night in 2009 looking for a drug-dealing operation .
They found only a small amount of marijuana , and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the process , a detective lost his life , and Mr. Frederick lost almost 10 years of his to prison for involuntary manslaughter .
All the result of one bad tip , one poorly aimed bullet , and a court sentence that many of Mr. Frederick ’ s neighbors thought was unjust .
“ I still didn ’ t feel like it was real , ” he remembers .
“ I was like , this can ’ t be happening .
There is no way that I just shot a police officer .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in through a hole in your door.
” In fact , police officers sometimes do , executing legal but risky “ no-knock ” or “ knock-and-announce ” warrants .
While there ’ s no clear data , American police carry out 40,000 to 50,000 no-knock raids each year by some estimates .
As the Breonna Taylor case in Louisville shows , they can lead to the wrenching outcome in which both sides use force legally , and someone still dies .
These confrontations are rare , but in a country with expansive gun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year .
In their wake , they leave tragedies without clear heroes or villains – and the trauma caused by a real-time clash over Second and Fourth Amendment rights .
In the reckoning over invasive policing , in part caused by Ms. Taylor ’ s death , law enforcement and legislatures nationwide are now wondering whether gun rights can safely coexist with no-knock raids .
“ If [ police are ] going in for something that ’ s not a life-or-death matter , then you really have to weigh out the pros and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ How dangerous is this ?
Is the risk worth the reward ?
” The answer to that question from police departments has long been yes , says Radley Balko , author of “ Rise of the Warrior Cop : The Militarization of America ’ s Police Forces.
” No-knock warrants first became legal during the war on drugs around 50 years ago .
At that time , they were primarily used to catch violent criminals by surprise , and prevent an armed conflict before it could begin .
In the years since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have become less exclusive and are often used against low-level offenders or those with clean records – like Mr. Frederick .
Such a wide net can at times entrap innocent civilians in invasive raids , either from misinformation or poor intelligence .
In essence , this is what happened to Ms. Taylor .
Police entered her home this March without announcing their presence , according to most witnesses .
Fearing the worst , Ms. Taylor ’ s boyfriend , Kenneth Walker , opened fire , and police fired back .
Ms. Taylor was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for her death in the grand jury ’ s rulings last week – though one officer was indicted with wanton endangerment for hitting the walls of neighboring apartments .
The city of Louisville has agreed to a $ 12 million settlement with Ms. Taylor 's family and promised to institute reforms .
To many members of the public – and to the grand jury , which dropped the initial charges against him – Mr. Walker acted in reasonable self-defense .
“ I think he did what a lot of people would have done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Louisville resident .
There are legal barriers intended to prevent this kind of confrontation .
When police apply for a search warrant , they must present probable cause to a magistrate or judge .
To protect one ’ s right to privacy , regular search warrants require that police knock on the door and announce themselves before entering .
In cases with potential for danger or the destruction of evidence , police can request no-knock permission .
But even without that permission , police can disregard the knock-and-announce rule if circumstances change during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lowered incentive to follow protocol in the first place , since the Supreme Court ruled in Hudson v. Michigan in 2006 that evidence acquired in a botched raid is still admissible in court .
As police have gained authority to enter private homes , civilians have invested more in home protection .
In the last 30 years , largely due to marketing from the firearm industry , the primary reason for gun ownership has changed from sport to self-defense , says Daniel Webster , director of the Center for Gun Policy and Research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ culture has moved , the law has followed .
In 2008 ’ s District of Columbia v. Heller , the Supreme Court affirmed the right of law-abiding citizens to keep a firearm in the house for the purposes of protection .
The ruling complements self-defense laws across the country , which allow citizens to use proportional force to protect themselves against violent crime , says Russell Covey , a professor of criminal law at Georgia State University .
In public , most states require citizens to retreat from violent confrontations if possible – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your ground ” laws .
At home , says Professor Covey , citizens are exempt from that rule under a provision known as the castle doctrine .
This combination of more invasive police and more armed civilians has created a kind of crisis instability , with potential for small mistakes to be fatal .
“ Once we ’ re at the point where the police are breaking down the door and you have an armed person inside that doesn ’ t know or can be reasonably mistaken about whether , in fact , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s too late , ” says Darrell Miller , the Melvin G. Shimm professor of law at Duke University and author of “ The Positive Second Amendment : Rights , Regulation , and the Future of Heller.
” It may seem like a legal paradox , says Professor Covey , but under the law it ’ s possible for both sides to reasonably believe they need to use force – especially during adrenaline-filled raids .
Fight-or-flight responses can be especially dangerous when perceptions of threat are skewed by race , as they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are involved , says Professor Miller .
“ Either with a knock or without a knock [ conducting a raid is ] scary as hell , ” says David Thomas , a former SWAT team officer and professor of forensic studies at Florida Gulf Coast University .
Even with intelligence , police never know exactly what ’ s on the other side of the door , and they have to enter with the idea that their target could be deadly , he says .
They ’ re prepared to lose their life , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accident .
“ It ’ s just a hazard of the job , ” he says .
But it ’ s another thing for civilians , who don ’ t volunteer for the dangers of police work , to accept those costs .
“ If the cops did a no-knock warrant on me – I have a mom , a dad , sisters , and brothers I have to look out for .
So I ’ m going to fire , ” says Shyler Andis , a Louisville resident whose sibling was killed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right to fire my weapon if I feel threatened or somebody barges in my house.
” Ms. Andis and many others marched through the city last week to protest the grand jury ’ s rulings .
Following the outcry this summer over Ms. Taylor ’ s death , Louisville and other cities across the country banned no-knock warrants – though many don ’ t think that is enough .
“ They can just force themselves into our homes , unannounced .
It ’ s scary , ” says DaPree Oldham , another Louisville @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be a different approach.
” In such an environment of grievance and legal contradiction , the only way out is reform , says Eugene O ’ Donnell , a former NYPD officer and professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice .
If legislatures don ’ t think no-knock warrants are appropriate , he says , they should ban them .
The same goes for other police practices .
But maintaining the status quo , says Mr. Balko , the author on police militarization , can make certain lives seem disposable .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an innocent person died and the police were following policy and there ’ s nothing wrong with the policy and you ’ re not going to change the policy , then the only conclusion that we can draw from that is that innocent people dying is a perfectly acceptable outcome , ” he says .
“ I ’ d be in a totally different place ” For Mr. Frederick , the death of the detective that night 11 years ago has never been acceptable .
( His case at the time drew widespread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social media and left a “ we support you , Ryan Frederick ” sign on his yard , signed by dozens . )
Yet no matter the circumstances , he still killed a father , husband , and family member .
After all , the officer was just doing his job .
Like Mr. Walker , Mr. Frederick says he didn ’ t know it was police breaking through his door .
Unlike Mr. Walker , his shot was fatal .
After spending some time in Florida , he now works as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s followed the Breonna Taylor case with interest , hoping it brings a change in police culture and accountability .
Still , he says , it brings back bad memories .
Several times , Mr. Frederick ’ s considered reaching out to the detective ’ s family .
Every time , he ’ s felt too nervous or too scared .
“ I worry that would just stir up a negative reaction that doesn ’ t need to be , ” he says .
But if they ever reached out , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk .
Maybe his time in prison gave them some closure .
Maybe they , like him , have found a way to make peace with it all .
“ Knowing what I know now , I wish I didn ’ t have the gun at all because I wouldn ’ t have had that option and that guy would be alive and I ’ d be in a totally different place in life , ” he says .

He adds, “Knowing what I know now, I wish I didn’t have the gun at all because I wouldn’t have had that option and that guy would be alive and I’d be in a totally different place in life.”
“If [police are] going in for something that’s not a life-or-death matter, then you really have to weigh out the pros and cons,” says Ryan Frederick in Richmond, Virginia, who served a lengthy prison sentence for involuntary manslaughter after shooting and killing an officer entering his home in the dead of night. “How dangerous is this? Is the risk worth the reward?”
The combination of more invasive policing and more armed civilians has created a kind of crisis instability. This story takes a closer look at the consequences – including for reform.
As the Breonna Taylor case in Louisville shows, one result can be tragic deaths in a country with both expansive gun rights and expansive police authority. These incidents – a real-time real-time clash over Second and Fourth Amendment rights – often leave no clear heroes or villains. Law enforcement and legislatures nationwide are now wondering whether gun rights can safely coexist with no-knock raids.
The use of “no-knock” or “knock-and-announce” warrants is legal but risky. While there’s no clear data, American police carry out 40,000 to 50,000 no-knock raids each year by some estimates.
Ryan Frederick wakes up to furious barking from his dogs and the booming sound of splintered wood, like a broken tree. It’s night; he doesn’t know what time. All he knows is that he lives in a rough neighborhood in Chesapeake, Virginia, and that his house was broken into just days ago.
Mr. Frederick gets up, and before stepping gently into the hall, grabs his handgun. He isn’t a great shot. He doesn’t even exactly know what his gun is called. But he keeps it for home defense, like his grandfather always told him to.
The booming continues as he turns toward his front door. It’s broken. From the light of a small lamp he can see bluejeans and a quicksilver jacket, someone halfway in and reaching for the deadbolt.
Why We Wrote This The combination of more invasive policing and more armed civilians has created a kind of crisis instability. This story takes a closer look at the consequences – including for reform.
“I’m on adrenaline,” remembers Mr. Frederick, “not really thinking, just kind of reacting.”
He clicks the safety, and he fires.
Less than half an hour later, he lies face-down outside, handcuffed, and surrounded by squad cars.
“Do you know what you just did?” an officer asks.
“Not exactly,” says Mr. Frederick.
“You just killed a police officer.”
Suddenly nauseous, Mr. Frederick learns that his house had been the target of a police raid. The officers went in that summer night in 2009 looking for a drug-dealing operation. They found only a small amount of marijuana, and that their intelligence had been incorrect. In the process, a detective lost his life, and Mr. Frederick lost almost 10 years of his to prison for involuntary manslaughter. All the result of one bad tip, one poorly aimed bullet, and a court sentence that many of Mr. Frederick’s neighbors thought was unjust.
“I still didn’t feel like it was real,” he remembers. “I was like, this can’t be happening. There is no way that I just shot a police officer. Police officers don’t come breaking in through a hole in your door.”
In fact, police officers sometimes do, executing legal but risky “no-knock” or “knock-and-announce” warrants. While there’s no clear data, American police carry out 40,000 to 50,000 no-knock raids each year by some estimates. As the Breonna Taylor case in Louisville shows, they can lead to the wrenching outcome in which both sides use force legally, and someone still dies.
These confrontations are rare, but in a country with expansive gun rights and police authority they occur each year. In their wake, they leave tragedies without clear heroes or villains – and the trauma caused by a real-time clash over Second and Fourth Amendment rights.
In the reckoning over invasive policing, in part caused by Ms. Taylor’s death, law enforcement and legislatures nationwide are now wondering whether gun rights can safely coexist with no-knock raids.
“If [police are] going in for something that’s not a life-or-death matter, then you really have to weigh out the pros and cons,” says Mr. Frederick. “How dangerous is this? Is the risk worth the reward?”
The rise of no-knock raids
The answer to that question from police departments has long been yes, says Radley Balko, author of “Rise of the Warrior Cop: The Militarization of America’s Police Forces.”
No-knock warrants first became legal during the war on drugs around 50 years ago. At that time, they were primarily used to catch violent criminals by surprise, and prevent an armed conflict before it could begin. In the years since, says Mr. Balko, the warrants have become less exclusive and are often used against low-level offenders or those with clean records – like Mr. Frederick.
Such a wide net can at times entrap innocent civilians in invasive raids, either from misinformation or poor intelligence. In essence, this is what happened to Ms. Taylor.
Police entered her home this March without announcing their presence, according to most witnesses. Fearing the worst, Ms. Taylor’s boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, opened fire, and police fired back. Ms. Taylor was killed, but no one was charged for her death in the grand jury’s rulings last week – though one officer was indicted with wanton endangerment for hitting the walls of neighboring apartments. The city of Louisville has agreed to a $12 million settlement with Ms. Taylor's family and promised to institute reforms.
Dylan T. Lovan/AP View caption Hide caption A billboard sponsored by O, The Oprah Magazine, shows a photo of Breonna Taylor on Aug. 7, 2020, in Louisville, Kentucky. Despite public protests over Ms. Taylor's case, police officers have not been charged in her death.
To many members of the public – and to the grand jury, which dropped the initial charges against him – Mr. Walker acted in reasonable self-defense.
“I think he did what a lot of people would have done,” says Dana McMahan, a Louisville resident.
There are legal barriers intended to prevent this kind of confrontation. When police apply for a search warrant, they must present probable cause to a magistrate or judge. To protect one’s right to privacy, regular search warrants require that police knock on the door and announce themselves before entering. In cases with potential for danger or the destruction of evidence, police can request no-knock permission.
But even without that permission, police can disregard the knock-and-announce rule if circumstances change during a raid. There’s also lowered incentive to follow protocol in the first place, since the Supreme Court ruled in Hudson v. Michigan in 2006 that evidence acquired in a botched raid is still admissible in court.
Guns in homes
As police have gained authority to enter private homes, civilians have invested more in home protection.
In the last 30 years, largely due to marketing from the firearm industry, the primary reason for gun ownership has changed from sport to self-defense, says Daniel Webster, director of the Center for Gun Policy and Research at Johns Hopkins University.
Where the culture has moved, the law has followed. In 2008’s District of Columbia v. Heller, the Supreme Court affirmed the right of law-abiding citizens to keep a firearm in the house for the purposes of protection.
Keith Srakocic/AP View caption Hide caption A gun buyer fills out legal forms to buy a handgun at Dukes Sport Shop in New Castle, Pennsylvania. As police have increasingly relied on "no-knock" raids, Americans have purchased an increasing number of guns.
The ruling complements self-defense laws across the country, which allow citizens to use proportional force to protect themselves against violent crime, says Russell Covey, a professor of criminal law at Georgia State University.
In public, most states require citizens to retreat from violent confrontations if possible – though not in states with “stand your ground” laws. At home, says Professor Covey, citizens are exempt from that rule under a provision known as the castle doctrine.
An unstable situation
This combination of more invasive police and more armed civilians has created a kind of crisis instability, with potential for small mistakes to be fatal.
“Once we’re at the point where the police are breaking down the door and you have an armed person inside that doesn’t know or can be reasonably mistaken about whether, in fact, it’s the police ... it’s too late,” says Darrell Miller, the Melvin G. Shimm professor of law at Duke University and author of “The Positive Second Amendment: Rights, Regulation, and the Future of Heller.”
It may seem like a legal paradox, says Professor Covey, but under the law it’s possible for both sides to reasonably believe they need to use force – especially during adrenaline-filled raids. Fight-or-flight responses can be especially dangerous when perceptions of threat are skewed by race, as they often seem to be when African Americans are involved, says Professor Miller.
“Either with a knock or without a knock [conducting a raid is] scary as hell,” says David Thomas, a former SWAT team officer and professor of forensic studies at Florida Gulf Coast University.
Even with intelligence, police never know exactly what’s on the other side of the door, and they have to enter with the idea that their target could be deadly, he says. They’re prepared to lose their life, says Mr. Thomas, even if by accident.
“It’s just a hazard of the job,” he says.
Anguish in Louisville
But it’s another thing for civilians, who don’t volunteer for the dangers of police work, to accept those costs.
“If the cops did a no-knock warrant on me – I have a mom, a dad, sisters, and brothers I have to look out for. So I’m going to fire,” says Shyler Andis, a Louisville resident whose sibling was killed by police. “I have a right to fire my weapon if I feel threatened or somebody barges in my house.”
Ms. Andis and many others marched through the city last week to protest the grand jury’s rulings. Following the outcry this summer over Ms. Taylor’s death, Louisville and other cities across the country banned no-knock warrants – though many don’t think that is enough.
“They can just force themselves into our homes, unannounced. It’s scary,” says DaPree Oldham, another Louisville resident. “There’s got to be a different approach.”
In such an environment of grievance and legal contradiction, the only way out is reform, says Eugene O’Donnell, a former NYPD officer and professor at John Jay College of Criminal Justice.
If legislatures don’t think no-knock warrants are appropriate, he says, they should ban them. The same goes for other police practices.
But maintaining the status quo, says Mr. Balko, the author on police militarization, can make certain lives seem disposable.
“If you conducted this raid and an innocent person died and the police were following policy and there’s nothing wrong with the policy and you’re not going to change the policy, then the only conclusion that we can draw from that is that innocent people dying is a perfectly acceptable outcome,” he says.
“I’d be in a totally different place”
For Mr. Frederick, the death of the detective that night 11 years ago has never been acceptable. (His case at the time drew widespread support from neighbors, who gathered on social media and left a “we support you, Ryan Frederick” sign on his yard, signed by dozens.)
Yet no matter the circumstances, he still killed a father, husband, and family member. After all, the officer was just doing his job.
Like Mr. Walker, Mr. Frederick says he didn’t know it was police breaking through his door. Unlike Mr. Walker, his shot was fatal.
After spending some time in Florida, he now works as a plumber outside Richmond, Virginia. He’s followed the Breonna Taylor case with interest, hoping it brings a change in police culture and accountability. Still, he says, it brings back bad memories.
Several times, Mr. Frederick’s considered reaching out to the detective’s family. Every time, he’s felt too nervous or too scared.
“I worry that would just stir up a negative reaction that doesn’t need to be,” he says.
But if they ever reached out, he thinks he’d be willing to talk. Maybe his time in prison gave them some closure. Maybe they, like him, have found a way to make peace with it all.
“Knowing what I know now, I wish I didn’t have the gun at all because I wouldn’t have had that option and that guy would be alive and I’d be in a totally different place in life,” he says.


csmonitor--2020-10-01--Is there room for empathy in politics?

Is there room for empathy in politics?

If you have limited patience for verbal sparring , you might be forgiven for tuning out partisan political bickering .
American presidential campaigns inspire a particular kind of vitriol .
The volley of attacks began early in the election cycle – well before 2020 even began .
And the battles only intensified with efforts to fill the vacancy on the U.S. Supreme Court after the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
When I first read Linda Feldmann ’ s cover story “ Who is Joe Biden ?
, ” what stayed with me wasn ’ t her analysis of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the time she devoted to exploring his capacity for empathy .
Regardless of how they felt about his political views , source after source told Linda that they felt heard by Mr. Biden .
Majorities of voters in both major U.S. parties say it is essential for someone in high political office to be compassionate and empathetic , though Democrats tend to give those soft skills more weight than Republicans do .
So why does empathy matter ?
In my time as science editor , I ’ ve seen political trench digging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve also seen how empathy can turn a battle into a conversation .
When we start to explore the experiences and fears that fuel the intensity of this debate , these two warring factions come into focus as people .
Presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin says empathy has been essential for many presidents too .
Her 2018 book , “ Leadership : In Turbulent Times , ” draws attention to the role of compassion in the presidential administrations of Abraham Lincoln , Theodore Roosevelt , Franklin D. Roosevelt , and Lyndon B. Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power amid “ unprecedented ” partisanship , not unlike today .
But each of these politicians employed empathy as a guiding light through dark times .
That spirit of compassion and the desire to understand the perspectives of others were on display in Illinois during the Lincoln-Douglas debates in 1858 .
Lincoln was trying to unseat incumbent Sen. Stephen Douglas .
A staunch abolitionist , Lincoln denounced slavery , but he stopped short of writing off the people who supported it .
“ I have no prejudice against the Southern people , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what we would be in their situation .
If slavery did not now exist amongst them , they would not introduce it .
If it did now exist amongst us , we should not instantly give it up.
” Empathy played a role in the success of Franklin Roosevelt ’ s fireside chats during the Great Depression .
Roosevelt saw these talks as an opportunity to speak to the American people as individuals .
He explained policy decisions , but he also showed voters that he understood their worries , and he enlisted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in banishing fear , ” he implored in his first such address on March 12 , 1933 .
Then , as now , it was difficult for Americans to imagine common ground .
But it ’ s worth remembering Roosevelt ’ s closing remarks from that first fireside chat : “ Together we can not fail .
”

If you have limited patience for verbal sparring, you might be forgiven for tuning out partisan political bickering. American presidential campaigns inspire a particular kind of vitriol. The volley of attacks began early in the election cycle – well before 2020 even began. And the battles only intensified with efforts to fill the vacancy on the U.S. Supreme Court after the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
When I first read Linda Feldmann’s cover story “Who is Joe Biden?,” what stayed with me wasn’t her analysis of his skills as a campaigner. It was the time she devoted to exploring his capacity for empathy.
Regardless of how they felt about his political views, source after source told Linda that they felt heard by Mr. Biden. Majorities of voters in both major U.S. parties say it is essential for someone in high political office to be compassionate and empathetic, though Democrats tend to give those soft skills more weight than Republicans do.
So why does empathy matter?
In my time as science editor, I’ve seen political trench digging around climate change. But I’ve also seen how empathy can turn a battle into a conversation. When we start to explore the experiences and fears that fuel the intensity of this debate, these two warring factions come into focus as people.
Presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin says empathy has been essential for many presidents too. Her 2018 book, “Leadership: In Turbulent Times,” draws attention to the role of compassion in the presidential administrations of Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Lyndon B. Johnson. Each of these presidents came to power amid “unprecedented” partisanship, not unlike today. But each of these politicians employed empathy as a guiding light through dark times.
That spirit of compassion and the desire to understand the perspectives of others were on display in Illinois during the Lincoln-Douglas debates in 1858. Lincoln was trying to unseat incumbent Sen. Stephen Douglas. A staunch abolitionist, Lincoln denounced slavery, but he stopped short of writing off the people who supported it.
“I have no prejudice against the Southern people,” he said. “They are just what we would be in their situation. If slavery did not now exist amongst them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist amongst us, we should not instantly give it up.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Empathy played a role in the success of Franklin Roosevelt’s fireside chats during the Great Depression. Roosevelt saw these talks as an opportunity to speak to the American people as individuals. He explained policy decisions, but he also showed voters that he understood their worries, and he enlisted their help. “Let us unite in banishing fear,” he implored in his first such address on March 12, 1933.
Then, as now, it was difficult for Americans to imagine common ground. But it’s worth remembering Roosevelt’s closing remarks from that first fireside chat: “Together we cannot fail.”


csmonitor--2020-10-01--California task force to study reparations for Black Americans

California will develop a detailed plan for reparations under a new law signed on Wednesday by Gov .
Gavin Newsom , making it the first state to mandate a study of how it can make amends for its role in the oppression of Black people .
The law creates a nine-member task force to come up with proposals for how the state could provide reparations to Black Americans , what form those reparations might take , and who would be eligible to receive them .
“ This is not just about California , this is about making an impact , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country , ” Mr. Newsom said moments after signing the bill during a ceremony broadcast on his YouTube channel .
The law does not limit reparations to slavery , although it requires the task force to give special consideration for Black people who are descendants of slaves .
California never had a government-sanctioned system of slavery .
It entered the Union in 1850 as a free state after gold was discovered in the Sierra Nevada mountains .
But the state did let slave-owning whites bring their slaves to California .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal to arrest runaway slaves and return them to their owners .
“ California has come to terms with many of these issues , but it has yet to come to terms with its role in slavery , ” said Assemblywoman Shirley Weber , a Democrat from San Diego who authored the bill .
The law does not say the reparations must be cash payments .
Other options could include forgiving student loans and paying for public works projects or job training .
In July , the City Council in Asheville , North @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make investments in areas where Black people face disparities .
Reparations are not without precedent in the United States .
The U.S. government partially funded German reparations to Holocaust victims following World War II .
And in 1988 , the federal government set up a reparations program for Japanese-Americans who were held in concentration camps during World War II .
Reparations for slavery have been debated for decades in the U.S. A similar proposal to study reparations for Black Americans was first introduced in Congress in 1989 .
It has never passed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposal last year .
Momentum has been building once again for similar proposals in state and local governments across the country after the May police killing of George Floyd in Minnesota reignited a national movement for racial justice .
State legislatures in Texas , New York , and Vermont have considered studying reparations , but none have passed measures .
Mr. Newsom would appoint five members of California ’ s task force .
The other four would come from the Legislature , with two each appointed by the leaders of the state Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ task force must include at least two people from “ major civil society and reparations organizations ” and at least one person from academia who is an expert in civil rights .
The task force must have its first meeting no later than June 1 .
It must submit its recommendations to the state Legislature one year after its first meeting .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

California will develop a detailed plan for reparations under a new law signed on Wednesday by Gov. Gavin Newsom, making it the first state to mandate a study of how it can make amends for its role in the oppression of Black people.
The law creates a nine-member task force to come up with proposals for how the state could provide reparations to Black Americans, what form those reparations might take, and who would be eligible to receive them.
“This is not just about California, this is about making an impact, and a dent, across the rest of the country,” Mr. Newsom said moments after signing the bill during a ceremony broadcast on his YouTube channel.
The law does not limit reparations to slavery, although it requires the task force to give special consideration for Black people who are descendants of slaves.
California never had a government-sanctioned system of slavery. It entered the Union in 1850 as a free state after gold was discovered in the Sierra Nevada mountains. But the state did let slave-owning whites bring their slaves to California. The Legislature even passed a law making it legal to arrest runaway slaves and return them to their owners.
“California has come to terms with many of these issues, but it has yet to come to terms with its role in slavery,” said Assemblywoman Shirley Weber, a Democrat from San Diego who authored the bill.
The law does not say the reparations must be cash payments. Other options could include forgiving student loans and paying for public works projects or job training. In July, the City Council in Asheville, North Carolina, approved reparations by pledging to make investments in areas where Black people face disparities.
Reparations are not without precedent in the United States. The U.S. government partially funded German reparations to Holocaust victims following World War II. And in 1988, the federal government set up a reparations program for Japanese-Americans who were held in concentration camps during World War II.
Reparations for slavery have been debated for decades in the U.S. A similar proposal to study reparations for Black Americans was first introduced in Congress in 1989. It has never passed, but Congress held a hearing on the proposal last year.
Momentum has been building once again for similar proposals in state and local governments across the country after the May police killing of George Floyd in Minnesota reignited a national movement for racial justice. State legislatures in Texas, New York, and Vermont have considered studying reparations, but none have passed measures.
Mr. Newsom would appoint five members of California’s task force. The other four would come from the Legislature, with two each appointed by the leaders of the state Senate and Assembly. The law says the task force must include at least two people from “major civil society and reparations organizations” and at least one person from academia who is an expert in civil rights.
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The task force must have its first meeting no later than June 1. It must submit its recommendations to the state Legislature one year after its first meeting.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-01--US bans Malaysian palm oil producer over labor abuses

Malaysian palm oil producer FGV Holdings Berhad vowed Thursday to “ clear its name ” after the United States banned imports of its palm oil over allegations of forced labor and other abuses .
The U.S. Customs and Border Protection ’ s Office of Trade issued the ban order against FGV on Wednesday , saying it found indicators of forced labor , including concerns about children , along with other abuses such as physical and sexual violence .
The action , announced a week after The Associated Press exposed major labor abuses in Malaysia ’ s palm oil industry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year by nonprofit organizations .
FGV said all the issues raised “ have been the subject of public discourse since 2015 and FGV has taken several steps to correct the situation.
” “ FGV is disappointed that such decision has been made when FGV has been taking concrete steps over the past several years in demonstrating its commitment to respect human rights and to uphold labor standards , ” it said in a statement .
Malaysia is the world ’ s second largest producer of palm oil .
Together with Indonesia , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ producing 85 percent of the $ 65 billion supply .
Palm oil and its derivatives from FGV , and closely connected Malaysian-owned Felda , make their way into the supply chains of major multinationals .
They include Nestle , L ’ Oreal , and Unilever , according to the companies ’ most recently published supplier and palm oil mill lists .
Several huge Western banks and financial institutions not only pour money directly or indirectly into the palm oil industry , but also hold shares in FGV .
AP reporters interviewed more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries at two dozen palm oil companies – including Felda , which owns about a third of the shares in FGV .
They found everything from unpaid wages to outright slavery and allegations of rape , sometimes involving minors .
They also found stateless Rohingya Muslims , one of the world ’ s most persecuted minorities , had been trafficked onto plantations and forced to work .
Many of the problems detailed by the U.S. CBP office mirrored those found by The AP .
This included restriction of movement , isolation , physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , retention of identity documents , withholding of wages , debt bondage , abusive working and living conditions , excessive overtime , and concerns about potential forced child labor .
FGV said Thursday it wasn ’ t involved in any recruitment or employment of refugees .
It said it doesn ’ t hire contract workers .
Migrant workers are recruited mainly from India and Indonesia through legal channels , it said .
It said it ensures workers are not forced to pay any fees .
As of August , FGV had 11,286 Indonesian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ combined form the majority of its plantation workforce .
The company said it is introducing the use of a cashless , electronic wallet payroll system for its workers .
It doesn ’ t retain workers ’ passports and has safety boxes throughout all its 68 housing complexes for them to keep their passports safely .
FGV said it has invested $ 84 million over the past three years in upgrading worker housing and provides medical benefits .
Suppliers and vendors are required to comply with the company ’ s code of conduct , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tolerate any form of human rights infringements or criminal offense in its operations , ” it said , adding it will act on any allegation of physical or sexual violence or intimidation .
FGV said it has submitted evidence of compliance with labor standards to the U.S. CBP office since last year .
It said it will continue its engagement “ to clear FGV ’ s name , and is determined to see through its commitment to respect human rights and uphold labor standards.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press @

Malaysian palm oil producer FGV Holdings Berhad vowed Thursday to “clear its name” after the United States banned imports of its palm oil over allegations of forced labor and other abuses.
The U.S. Customs and Border Protection’s Office of Trade issued the ban order against FGV on Wednesday, saying it found indicators of forced labor, including concerns about children, along with other abuses such as physical and sexual violence.
The action, announced a week after The Associated Press exposed major labor abuses in Malaysia’s palm oil industry, was triggered by a petition filed last year by nonprofit organizations.
FGV said all the issues raised “have been the subject of public discourse since 2015 and FGV has taken several steps to correct the situation.”
“FGV is disappointed that such decision has been made when FGV has been taking concrete steps over the past several years in demonstrating its commitment to respect human rights and to uphold labor standards,” it said in a statement.
Malaysia is the world’s second largest producer of palm oil. Together with Indonesia, the two countries dominate the global market, producing 85 percent of the $65 billion supply.
Palm oil and its derivatives from FGV, and closely connected Malaysian-owned Felda, make their way into the supply chains of major multinationals. They include Nestle, L’Oreal, and Unilever, according to the companies’ most recently published supplier and palm oil mill lists. Several huge Western banks and financial institutions not only pour money directly or indirectly into the palm oil industry, but also hold shares in FGV.
AP reporters interviewed more than 130 former and current workers from eight countries at two dozen palm oil companies – including Felda, which owns about a third of the shares in FGV. They found everything from unpaid wages to outright slavery and allegations of rape, sometimes involving minors. They also found stateless Rohingya Muslims, one of the world’s most persecuted minorities, had been trafficked onto plantations and forced to work.
Many of the problems detailed by the U.S. CBP office mirrored those found by The AP. This included restriction of movement, isolation, physical and sexual violence, intimidation and threats, retention of identity documents, withholding of wages, debt bondage, abusive working and living conditions, excessive overtime, and concerns about potential forced child labor.
FGV said Thursday it wasn’t involved in any recruitment or employment of refugees. It said it doesn’t hire contract workers. Migrant workers are recruited mainly from India and Indonesia through legal channels, it said. It said it ensures workers are not forced to pay any fees.
As of August, FGV had 11,286 Indonesian workers and 4,683 Indian workers, who combined form the majority of its plantation workforce.
The company said it is introducing the use of a cashless, electronic wallet payroll system for its workers. It doesn’t retain workers’ passports and has safety boxes throughout all its 68 housing complexes for them to keep their passports safely.
FGV said it has invested $84 million over the past three years in upgrading worker housing and provides medical benefits. Suppliers and vendors are required to comply with the company’s code of conduct, it said.
“FGV does not tolerate any form of human rights infringements or criminal offense in its operations,” it said, adding it will act on any allegation of physical or sexual violence or intimidation.
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FGV said it has submitted evidence of compliance with labor standards to the U.S. CBP office since last year. It said it will continue its engagement “to clear FGV’s name, and is determined to see through its commitment to respect human rights and uphold labor standards.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-01--Trump administration proposes further cuts in refugee admissions

The Trump administration has proposed further slashing the number of refugees the United States accepts to a new record low in the coming year .
In a notice sent to Congress late Wednesday , just 34 minutes before a statutory deadline to do so , the administration said it intended to admit a maximum of 15,000 refugees in fiscal year 2021 .
That ’ s 3,000 fewer than the 18,000 ceiling the administration had set for fiscal year 2020 , which expired at midnight Wednesday .
The proposal will now be reviewed by Congress , where there are strong objections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be largely powerless to force changes .
The more than 16.5 % reduction was announced shortly after President Donald Trump vilified refugees as an unwanted burden at a campaign rally in Duluth , Minnesota , where he assailed his opponent , former Vice President Joe Biden .
He claimed Mr. Biden wants to flood the state with foreigners .
“ Biden will turn Minnesota into a refugee camp , and he said that – overwhelming public resources , overcrowding schools , and inundating hospitals .
You know that .
It ’ s already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they ’ ve done to your state , ” Mr. Trump told supporters .
Mr. Trump froze refugee admissions in March amid the coronavirus pandemic , citing a need to protect American jobs as fallout from the coronavirus crashed the economy .
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the administration is committed to the country ’ s history of leading the world in providing a safe place for refugees .
“ We continue to be the single greatest contributor to the relief of humanitarian crisis all around the world , and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Pompeo told reporters in Rome on the sidelines of a conference on religious freedom organized by the U.S. Embassy .
“ Certainly so long as President Trump is in office , I can promise you this administration is deeply committed to that.
” But advocates say the government ’ s actions do not show that .
Since taking office , Mr. Trump has slashed the number of refugees allowed into the country by more than 80 % , reflecting his broader efforts to drastically reduce both legal and illegal immigration .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – a little more than half of the 18,000 cap set by Trump for 2020 – before the State Department suspended the program because of the coronavirus .
The 18,000 cap was already the lowest in the history of the program .
In addition , the State Department announced last week that it would no longer provide some statistical information on refugee resettlement , sparking more concerns .
Advocates say the Trump administration is dismantling a program that has long enjoyed bipartisan support and has been considered a model for protecting the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of resettlement offices have closed because of the drop in federal funding , which is tied to the number of refugees placed in the U.S. And the damage is reverberating beyond American borders as other countries close their doors to refugees as well .
“ We ’ re talking about tens of millions of desperate families with no place to go and having no hope for protection in the near term , ” said Krish Vignarajah , president of the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service , a federally funded agency charged with resettling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an Eritrean refugee , does not want to think about the possibility of another year passing without reuniting with his wife .
For the past 2 1/2 years , he has called the caseworker who helped him resettle in Milwaukee every two weeks to inquire about the status of his wife ’ s refugee case .
The answer is always the same – nothing to report .
“ My wife is always asking me : ‘ Is there news ?
’ ” said Mr. Sibhatu , who talks to her daily over a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very tough .
How would you feel if you were separated from your husband ?
It ’ s not easy .
I don ’ t know what to say to her.
” He said the couple fled Eritrea ’ s authoritarian government and went to neighboring Ethiopia , which hosts more than 170,000 Eritrean refugees and asylum-seekers .
Between 2017 and 2019 , his wife , Ruta , was interviewed , vetted , and approved to be admitted to the U.S. as a refugee .
Then everything came to a halt .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operator at a spa factory , sends her about $ 500 every month to cover her living expenses in Ethiopia .
“ I worry about her , about her life , ” Mr. Sibhatu said , noting Ethiopia ’ s spiraling violence and the pandemic .
“ But there is nothing we can do.
” He hopes his wife will be among the refugees who make it to the U.S. in 2021 .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Matthew Lee reported from Washington .

The Trump administration has proposed further slashing the number of refugees the United States accepts to a new record low in the coming year.
In a notice sent to Congress late Wednesday, just 34 minutes before a statutory deadline to do so, the administration said it intended to admit a maximum of 15,000 refugees in fiscal year 2021. That’s 3,000 fewer than the 18,000 ceiling the administration had set for fiscal year 2020, which expired at midnight Wednesday.
The proposal will now be reviewed by Congress, where there are strong objections to the cuts, but lawmakers will be largely powerless to force changes.
The more than 16.5% reduction was announced shortly after President Donald Trump vilified refugees as an unwanted burden at a campaign rally in Duluth, Minnesota, where he assailed his opponent, former Vice President Joe Biden. He claimed Mr. Biden wants to flood the state with foreigners.
“Biden will turn Minnesota into a refugee camp, and he said that – overwhelming public resources, overcrowding schools, and inundating hospitals. You know that. It’s already there. It’s a disgrace what they’ve done to your state,” Mr. Trump told supporters.
Mr. Trump froze refugee admissions in March amid the coronavirus pandemic, citing a need to protect American jobs as fallout from the coronavirus crashed the economy.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the administration is committed to the country’s history of leading the world in providing a safe place for refugees.
“We continue to be the single greatest contributor to the relief of humanitarian crisis all around the world, and we will continue to do so,” Mr. Pompeo told reporters in Rome on the sidelines of a conference on religious freedom organized by the U.S. Embassy. “Certainly so long as President Trump is in office, I can promise you this administration is deeply committed to that.”
But advocates say the government’s actions do not show that. Since taking office, Mr. Trump has slashed the number of refugees allowed into the country by more than 80%, reflecting his broader efforts to drastically reduce both legal and illegal immigration.
The U.S. allowed in just over 10,800 refugees – a little more than half of the 18,000 cap set by Trump for 2020 – before the State Department suspended the program because of the coronavirus.
The 18,000 cap was already the lowest in the history of the program. In addition, the State Department announced last week that it would no longer provide some statistical information on refugee resettlement, sparking more concerns.
Advocates say the Trump administration is dismantling a program that has long enjoyed bipartisan support and has been considered a model for protecting the world’s most vulnerable people.
Scores of resettlement offices have closed because of the drop in federal funding, which is tied to the number of refugees placed in the U.S.
And the damage is reverberating beyond American borders as other countries close their doors to refugees as well.
“We’re talking about tens of millions of desperate families with no place to go and having no hope for protection in the near term,” said Krish Vignarajah, president of the Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service, a federally funded agency charged with resettling refugees in the U.S.
Bisrat Sibhatu, an Eritrean refugee, does not want to think about the possibility of another year passing without reuniting with his wife.
For the past 2 1/2 years, he has called the caseworker who helped him resettle in Milwaukee every two weeks to inquire about the status of his wife’s refugee case.
The answer is always the same – nothing to report.
“My wife is always asking me: ‘Is there news?’” said Mr. Sibhatu, who talks to her daily over a messaging app. “It’s very tough. How would you feel if you were separated from your husband? It’s not easy. I don’t know what to say to her.”
He said the couple fled Eritrea’s authoritarian government and went to neighboring Ethiopia, which hosts more than 170,000 Eritrean refugees and asylum-seekers. Between 2017 and 2019, his wife, Ruta, was interviewed, vetted, and approved to be admitted to the U.S. as a refugee. Then everything came to a halt.
Mr. Sibhatu, who works as a machine operator at a spa factory, sends her about $500 every month to cover her living expenses in Ethiopia.
“I worry about her, about her life,” Mr. Sibhatu said, noting Ethiopia’s spiraling violence and the pandemic. “But there is nothing we can do.”
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He hopes his wife will be among the refugees who make it to the U.S. in 2021.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Matthew Lee reported from Washington.


csmonitor--2020-10-01--The Arab pinch on Palestinians to unite

The Arab pinch on Palestinians to unite

For years Israeli officials have complained that when it comes to making peace with the Palestinians , they have no one to talk to .
Any potential counterparts , they argue , are either not unified , untrustworthy , or aggressive .
The various Palestinian leaders have their own grievances about Israel ’ s intentions and its influence over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip .
But this dysfunctional relationship could be set for a change .
In September , two Arab nations , United Arab Emirates ( UAE ) and Bahrain , normalized ties with Israel with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not peace treaties like those brokered years ago with Egypt and Jordan , the so-called Abraham Accords give Israel new Arab recognition and economic ties .
The Palestinian people , who have long relied on Arab support in their hope of gaining a homeland , must now wrestle with a critical question : Can their leaders work together , first in governance , and second in talks with Israel ?
For years the two main Palestinian factions , Fatah and Hamas , have been locked in a bitter rivalry .
They are divided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fatah , the heir of Yasser Arafat ’ s Palestine Liberation Organization , holds the presidency of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank .
Hamas , the Islamist faction that is listed as a terrorist organization by the United States and Israel , won a parliamentary election for the Palestinian Authority in 2006 – the last time Palestinians went to the polls .
Factional fighting after the election and failure to reach a power-sharing agreement resulted in a five-day war that put Gaza under Hamas control .
The two sides have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fatah favors a negotiated peace with Israel .
Hamas refuses to recognize Israel ’ s right to exist .
Three years ago , it appeared to drop its longstanding call for Israel ’ s destruction but has waged a campaign of low-level violence against Israel across the Gaza border .
In July , the two factions began to draw closer in response to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ’ s vow to annex large parts of the West Bank .
Then came the UAE and Bahrain accords , which suspended Mr. Netanyahu ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Arab-wide solidarity – hastening a Hamas-Fatah thaw .
Last week the two factions agreed to hold elections within six months .
It is too soon to know if the agreement signals improved prospects for Palestinians .
The historic roots of resistance against Israel run deep .
Yet Arab youth across the Middle East – especially Palestinians – show growing political disinterest and disillusionment .
Those who can pursue better lives elsewhere often do .
Among the masses who can not , some vent their frustrations through violence toward Israel or factional rivals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposed election and an outcome that both sides will honor .
Hamas must break free of its ties to Iran while Fatah must put the social and economic welfare of Palestinians first .
Their agreement is an opportunity to turn away from radical goals that have only left stalemate for decades .
For its part , Israel should support the election .
Among the 2.2 million Palestinians who have the right to vote , an opportunity to express their aspirations through the ballot box is a welcome alternative to violence .
And forging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mandate is an important first step in restarting a long-stalled peace process .

For years Israeli officials have complained that when it comes to making peace with the Palestinians, they have no one to talk to. Any potential counterparts, they argue, are either not unified, untrustworthy, or aggressive. The various Palestinian leaders have their own grievances about Israel’s intentions and its influence over the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. But this dysfunctional relationship could be set for a change.
In September, two Arab nations, United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain, normalized ties with Israel with the possibility of more to follow. Although not peace treaties like those brokered years ago with Egypt and Jordan, the so-called Abraham Accords give Israel new Arab recognition and economic ties. The Palestinian people, who have long relied on Arab support in their hope of gaining a homeland, must now wrestle with a critical question: Can their leaders work together, first in governance, and second in talks with Israel?
For years the two main Palestinian factions, Fatah and Hamas, have been locked in a bitter rivalry. They are divided politically, ideologically, and territorially. Fatah, the heir of Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization, holds the presidency of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank. Hamas, the Islamist faction that is listed as a terrorist organization by the United States and Israel, won a parliamentary election for the Palestinian Authority in 2006 – the last time Palestinians went to the polls. Factional fighting after the election and failure to reach a power-sharing agreement resulted in a five-day war that put Gaza under Hamas control. The two sides have been stuck in a stalemate since then.
Fatah favors a negotiated peace with Israel. Hamas refuses to recognize Israel’s right to exist. Three years ago, it appeared to drop its longstanding call for Israel’s destruction but has waged a campaign of low-level violence against Israel across the Gaza border.
In July, the two factions began to draw closer in response to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s vow to annex large parts of the West Bank. Then came the UAE and Bahrain accords, which suspended Mr. Netanyahu’s annexation aims but opened new cracks in Arab-wide solidarity – hastening a Hamas-Fatah thaw. Last week the two factions agreed to hold elections within six months.
It is too soon to know if the agreement signals improved prospects for Palestinians. The historic roots of resistance against Israel run deep. Yet Arab youth across the Middle East – especially Palestinians – show growing political disinterest and disillusionment. Those who can pursue better lives elsewhere often do. Among the masses who cannot, some vent their frustrations through violence toward Israel or factional rivals. That underscores the urgency of the proposed election and an outcome that both sides will honor.
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Hamas must break free of its ties to Iran while Fatah must put the social and economic welfare of Palestinians first. Their agreement is an opportunity to turn away from radical goals that have only left stalemate for decades. For its part, Israel should support the election.
Among the 2.2 million Palestinians who have the right to vote, an opportunity to express their aspirations through the ballot box is a welcome alternative to violence. And forging a united Palestinian government with a fresh mandate is an important first step in restarting a long-stalled peace process.


csmonitor--2020-10-01--Whose art? Theft case forces France to confront colonial past.

Is dislodging African artwork from a European museum a political statement , or a criminal act ?
That ’ s the question a French court weighed Wednesday in an emotionally charged trial centered around a Congolese activist campaigning to take back art he says was plundered by colonizers .
“ It belongs to us !
” shouted a Black woman watching the trial , breaking down in tears and storming out after a lawyer for Paris ’ Quai Branly Museum insisted that its holdings – including tens of thousands of artworks from former colonies – belong to the French state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activists went on trial on attempted theft charges for removing a 19th-century African funeral pole from its perch in the museum in a June protest livestreamed on Facebook .
Guards quickly stopped them ; the activists argue that they never planned to steal the work but just wanted to call attention to its origins .
Lurking beneath nearly every exchange in the courtroom was the question of whether and how former empires should atone for colonial-era wrongs .
The question took on new urgency after this year ’ s global protests against racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ death in the United States at the knee of a white policeman .
Mr. Diyabanza seized on that mood and has staged three livestreamed museum protests in recent months – in Paris , Marseille , and the Netherlands .
French officials denounced the Quai Branly incident , saying it threatens ongoing negotiations with African countries launched by President Emmanuel Macron in 2018 for legal , organized restitution efforts .
If convicted of attempted group theft of a historical object , Mr. Diyabanza could face up to 10 years in prison and a $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the French state did not ask for prison time , demanding only modest fines .
A verdict is scheduled Oct. 14 .
Mr. Diyabanza defended what he called a “ political act ” and said it ’ s about time that Africans , Latin Americans , and other colonized communities take back ill-gotten treasures .
He accuses European museums of making millions on artworks taken from now-impoverished countries like Congo , and said the pole , which came from current-day Chad , should be among works returned to Africa .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he said .
But he insisted that “ appropriation wasn ’ t my goal .
...
The aim was to mark the symbolism of the liberation of these works.
” The presiding judge asked the activists why they thought they had the right to take the law into their own hands .
He insisted that the trial should focus on the specific funeral pole incident and that his court wasn ’ t competent to judge France ’ s colonial era as a whole .
Quai Branly lawyer Yvon Goutal argued that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and African governments , “ there is no need for this political act.
” The French state “ is very committed to this , and serious ” about following through , he said .
The prosecutor said the activists should have made their point via more peaceful means .
Defense lawyer Hakim Chergui argued that it shouldn ’ t have taken this many decades after African countries ’ independence to settle the issue .
He choked up when talking about the skulls of Algerian 19th century resistance fighters , long held as trophies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to his native Algeria this year .
“ There is a frustration in the population that is growing , growing , growing , ” he said , calling Wednesday ’ s proceedings “ a trial of the colonial continuum.
” Applause and boos periodically interrupted the proceedings .
A crowd of supporters shouted in anger at not being able to enter the small , socially distanced courtroom , and judges sent Mr. Diyabanza to calm them down .
The Quai Branly Museum , on the banks of the Seine River near the Eiffel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Jacques Chirac to showcase non-European art , notably from ex-French colonies .
A 2018 study commissioned by Mr. Macron recommended that French museums give back works that were taken without consent , if African countries request them .
So far , France is preparing to give back 26 works of African art – out of some 90,000 works believed held in French museums , most in the Quai Branly .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP Writer Jeffrey Schaeffer in Paris contributed to this report .

Is dislodging African artwork from a European museum a political statement, or a criminal act? That’s the question a French court weighed Wednesday in an emotionally charged trial centered around a Congolese activist campaigning to take back art he says was plundered by colonizers.
“It belongs to us!” shouted a Black woman watching the trial, breaking down in tears and storming out after a lawyer for Paris’ Quai Branly Museum insisted that its holdings – including tens of thousands of artworks from former colonies – belong to the French state.
Congo-born Emery Diyabanza and four other activists went on trial on attempted theft charges for removing a 19th-century African funeral pole from its perch in the museum in a June protest livestreamed on Facebook. Guards quickly stopped them; the activists argue that they never planned to steal the work but just wanted to call attention to its origins.
Lurking beneath nearly every exchange in the courtroom was the question of whether and how former empires should atone for colonial-era wrongs. The question took on new urgency after this year’s global protests against racial injustice unleashed by George Floyd’s death in the United States at the knee of a white policeman.
Mr. Diyabanza seized on that mood and has staged three livestreamed museum protests in recent months – in Paris, Marseille, and the Netherlands.
French officials denounced the Quai Branly incident, saying it threatens ongoing negotiations with African countries launched by President Emmanuel Macron in 2018 for legal, organized restitution efforts.
If convicted of attempted group theft of a historical object, Mr. Diyabanza could face up to 10 years in prison and a $173,000 fine. However, the lawyer for the French state did not ask for prison time, demanding only modest fines. A verdict is scheduled Oct. 14.
Mr. Diyabanza defended what he called a “political act” and said it’s about time that Africans, Latin Americans, and other colonized communities take back ill-gotten treasures. He accuses European museums of making millions on artworks taken from now-impoverished countries like Congo, and said the pole, which came from current-day Chad, should be among works returned to Africa.
“We are the legitimate heirs of these works,” he said. But he insisted that “appropriation wasn’t my goal. ... The aim was to mark the symbolism of the liberation of these works.”
The presiding judge asked the activists why they thought they had the right to take the law into their own hands. He insisted that the trial should focus on the specific funeral pole incident and that his court wasn’t competent to judge France’s colonial era as a whole.
Quai Branly lawyer Yvon Goutal argued that because of the discussions underway between France and African governments, “there is no need for this political act.” The French state “is very committed to this, and serious” about following through, he said. The prosecutor said the activists should have made their point via more peaceful means.
Defense lawyer Hakim Chergui argued that it shouldn’t have taken this many decades after African countries’ independence to settle the issue. He choked up when talking about the skulls of Algerian 19th century resistance fighters, long held as trophies in a French museum and only returned to his native Algeria this year.
“There is a frustration in the population that is growing, growing, growing,” he said, calling Wednesday’s proceedings “a trial of the colonial continuum.”
Applause and boos periodically interrupted the proceedings. A crowd of supporters shouted in anger at not being able to enter the small, socially distanced courtroom, and judges sent Mr. Diyabanza to calm them down.
The Quai Branly Museum, on the banks of the Seine River near the Eiffel Tower, was built under former French President Jacques Chirac to showcase non-European art, notably from ex-French colonies.
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A 2018 study commissioned by Mr. Macron recommended that French museums give back works that were taken without consent, if African countries request them. So far, France is preparing to give back 26 works of African art – out of some 90,000 works believed held in French museums, most in the Quai Branly.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP Writer Jeffrey Schaeffer in Paris contributed to this report.