csmonitor--2020-07-17--‘Justice needs to be served’: Minneapolis businesses put principles first

“ Most people who run small businesses don ’ t see it as only a job , ” says Jamie Schwesnedl , co-owner of Moon Palace Books .
“ They ’ re part of the neighborhood , and their customers are their neighbors .
The way we see it , we ’ re in this together.
” Residents have rushed to ease the hardship of businesses by cleaning up debris and contributing to recovery funds and GoFundMe campaigns for rebuilding efforts .
Yet for Longfellow business owners , many of them people of color , the outpouring neither obscures nor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clogs the economy and the city struggles with enduring racial inequities .
The neighborhood of 5,000 residents – a mix of young families , downtown workers , and retirees – absorbed perhaps the heaviest blow of any in Minneapolis and St. Paul .
The casualty list includes grocery , drug and department stores , dozens of restaurants and cafes , the post office , a medical clinic , and a 200-unit affordable housing complex that was under construction .
A desire for racial justice and a distinct lack of self-pity unite small business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they attempt to recover from the fires , looting , and vandalism that damaged or destroyed almost 1,500 businesses in the Twin Cities .
First came the pandemic .
In March , as Minnesota and the country ran low on certain essential supplies , Chris and Shanelle Montana realized they could help meet demand for one coveted item and , in turn , save their business .
The owners of Du Nord Craft Spirits , a microdistillery that opened in 2013 , they started producing a new alcohol-based commodity , switching from vodka @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitizer .
Then came the protests .
After Minneapolis police killed George Floyd on Memorial Day , demonstrations erupted in the state ’ s largest city .
The four officers charged in Mr. Floyd ’ s death worked out of the 3rd Precinct in the Longfellow neighborhood , five blocks from Du Nord .
Mr. Montana braved clouds of tear gas to hand out bottled water and hand sanitizer to protesters as they filled the streets around the police station .
And then came the destruction .
As mostly peaceful marches in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looters started a fire in Du Nord ’ s warehouse , setting off the sprinkler system .
Water flooded the building and caused its ceiling to collapse .
Shaking off their initial distress , the Montanas rallied employees and volunteers to convert the warehouse into a food bank , where residents in need could pick up donated goods .
The couple decided against defending their business as protests flared .
“ There ’ s nothing in here that ’ s worth a life , ” Mr. Montana says , standing in Du Nord @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a space that contains its distillery equipment and cocktail room .
He attributes its survival to his employees , who boarded up windows with signs that read “ Black-Owned.
” “ Our thinking was , ‘ We ’ re going to give the building to Minneapolis and continue to support the demonstrations , ’ ” says Mr. Montana , one of the country ’ s few Black distillery owners .
“ As much as this place means to us , you can ’ t compare that with what happened to George Floyd.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distinct lack of self-pity unite small business owners in Longfellow as they attempt to recover from the fires , looting , and vandalism that damaged or destroyed almost 1,500 businesses in Minneapolis and St. Paul .
The neighborhood of 5,000 residents – a mix of young families , downtown workers , and retirees – absorbed perhaps the heaviest blow of any in the Twin Cities .
The casualty list includes grocery , drug , and department stores , dozens of restaurants and cafes , the post office , a medical clinic , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under construction .
Residents have rushed to ease the hardship of businesses by cleaning up debris and contributing to recovery funds and GoFundMe campaigns for rebuilding efforts .
Yet for the Montanas and other Longfellow business owners , many of them people of color , the outpouring neither obscures nor alleviates an uncertain future as the coronavirus clogs the economy and the city struggles with enduring racial inequities .
“ The pandemic and the protests have been a double gut punch , ” says Karl Benson , president of the Minnesota Black Chamber @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minority businesses owners won ’ t be able to last without government grants and subsidies because they don ’ t have much in the way of financial reserves to ride things out .
There are a lot of tough days ahead.
” The riots blunted in a matter of days the gradual progress that Longfellow has nurtured over the past quarter-century .
Minority-owned businesses lie at the heart of the revival in a neighborhood located a 10-minute drive from downtown and known for its tree-lined streets , ethnic restaurants , and lower cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The area began to grow in size and diversity in the mid-1990s after stagnating for two decades as white residents departed for the suburbs .
A steady flow of immigrants from Africa , Latin America , and South Asia settled in Longfellow and nearby neighborhoods to raise families and pursue career dreams .
Ruhel Islam moved to Minneapolis in 2000 , four years after arriving in New York from Bangladesh , and in 2008 he opened a restaurant in Longfellow .
Gandhi Mahal weathered the Great Recession and blossomed into a beloved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city and coverage from the Food Network show “ Diners , Drive-Ins , and Dives.
” Mr. Islam provided a room in his restaurant for medics to treat injured protesters during the first two nights of unrest after Mr. Floyd ’ s death .
The following night , when rioters set fire to the 3rd Precinct a block away , flames destroyed much of the restaurant .
The next morning , in a Facebook post that went viral , Mr. Islam ’ s teenage daughter , Hafsa , quoted him as saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice needs to be served , put those officers in jail.
” He likens the largely white police force in Minneapolis – accused for decades of using excessive force against people of color – to the military dictatorship he lived under in his youth in Bangladesh .
“ I grew up in a police state , ” he says , recalling the deaths of two fellow students at the hands of officers in his homeland .
“ So I understand why people here are angry.
” Lillie Nelson , a retired assembly-line worker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Deep South , has rented her one-bedroom apartment in Longfellow since 2000 .
The fires during the protests claimed the Aldi , Cub Foods , and Target where she bought groceries and the Walgreens where she picked up her medications .
The loss of the stores has complicated her daily life .
Still , Ms. Nelson , who is Black , finds little fault with demonstrators .
“ I don ’ t blame them , ” she says .
“ I blame the police .
They ’ ve been treating us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been here.
” Mr. Islam returned to the ruins of Gandhi Mahal on a recent afternoon to salvage items from the ashes and meet with an insurance adjuster .
He credits the loyalty of Longfellow residents for his restaurant ’ s success , and his vow to rebuild extends beyond its charred walls to the community that has embraced him .
“ We need to have a multicultural movement for racial justice , ” he says .
“ If all of us do our part , we can fix things so that our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the same problems.
” The question remains whether people of color who live in Longfellow will care to wait for buildings to rise and inequality to fall .
Jordan and Emily Baynard , who rent a duplex near Gandhi Mahal , once a favorite dinner destination , lean toward leaving after eight years in Minneapolis .
The interracial couple – he ’ s Black , she ’ s white – is mulling a move to Charlotte , North Carolina , to raise their two young children in a more racially mixed city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” says Mr. Baynard , a national sales manger with a St. Paul company .
“ We ’ re asking ourselves , do we want to stay and fight and see if things change ?
Or do we want to find a more diverse area to live ?
” The liberal reputation of Minneapolis shrouds chronic disparities in income , education , and housing between minorities and white residents , who make up 60 % of the population .
A similar imbalance afflicts the business sector , including access to bank loans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to businesses in the Twin Cities – with losses estimated at $ 500 million – will summon the forces of gentrification .
“ The hard truth is that there ’ s now an opportunity for white developers to buy properties for pennies on the dollar , ” he says .
The added burden of rebuilding during a pandemic could persuade minority business owners in Longfellow and other neighborhoods to walk away .
“ There ’ s a realization that this is a chance to take the insurance money and get out.
” Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close his distillery for good when knee-high water gushed out of his flooded warehouse in late May .
He has heard from several business owners in the area who have received offers to sell .
“ We know the developers are out there circling , ” says Mr. Montana , a former attorney and the father of three children .
He and his wife hope to resume producing spirits by fall .
“ We need public officials and the private sector working together to protect our businesses .
When we give Black and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that ’ s how we can build generational wealth and reduce inequality.
” The federal government last week denied Minnesota Gov .
Tim Walz ’ s request for $ 16 million to assist with rebuilding businesses in the Twin Cities .
State lawmakers have proposed a $ 300 million aid package that would help business owners recover and create a redevelopment agency to preserve small businesses owned by people of color .
The Longfellow Community Council has launched a neighborhood initiative to provide guidance to business owners planning to rebuild .
Marya @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s board of directors , explains that the nonprofit advocacy group seeks to prevent a washing away of the neighborhood ’ s independent restaurants , coffee shops , and retailers .
“ We have to be really vigilant with the city and state to make sure that businesses have enough time to recover , ” she says .
Ms. McIntosh bought a house in Longfellow five years ago , lured by its affordability , easy access to bus lines , and proximity to downtown , where she works for the Nature Conservancy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to businesses that reflect their values .
That ’ s part of what makes a neighborhood feel like a neighborhood.
” The demonstrations revealed those shared values as business owners supported the cause of protesters .
Moon Palace Books occupies a storefront less than a block from the 3rd Precinct , and as crowds in the area swelled , police tried to commandeer the shop ’ s parking lot to use as a staging area .
Jamie Schwesnedl , who owns the store with his wife , insisted the cops leave .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sign in the shop ’ s upper windows that read “ Abolish The Police.
” They later boarded up the facade and painted the same message across the wood planks .
The building went nearly untouched during the unrest .
“ Most people who run small businesses don ’ t see it as only a job , ” he says .
“ They ’ re part of the neighborhood , and their customers are their neighbors .
The way we see it , we ’ re in this together .
”

“Most people who run small businesses don’t see it as only a job,” says Jamie Schwesnedl, co-owner of Moon Palace Books. “They’re part of the neighborhood, and their customers are their neighbors. The way we see it, we’re in this together.”
Residents have rushed to ease the hardship of businesses by cleaning up debris and contributing to recovery funds and GoFundMe campaigns for rebuilding efforts. Yet for Longfellow business owners, many of them people of color, the outpouring neither obscures nor alleviates an uncertain future as the coronavirus clogs the economy and the city struggles with enduring racial inequities.
Minneapolis’ small businesses were already having a precarious 2020 because of the pandemic. Then 1,500 were burned or looted during outrage over George Floyd’s killing. Instead of anger or self-pity, many say their life’s work can’t compare to a lost life.
The neighborhood of 5,000 residents – a mix of young families, downtown workers, and retirees – absorbed perhaps the heaviest blow of any in Minneapolis and St. Paul. The casualty list includes grocery, drug and department stores, dozens of restaurants and cafes, the post office, a medical clinic, and a 200-unit affordable housing complex that was under construction.
A desire for racial justice and a distinct lack of self-pity unite small business owners in Minneapolis’ Longfellow neighborhood as they attempt to recover from the fires, looting, and vandalism that damaged or destroyed almost 1,500 businesses in the Twin Cities.
First came the pandemic. In March, as Minnesota and the country ran low on certain essential supplies, Chris and Shanelle Montana realized they could help meet demand for one coveted item and, in turn, save their business. The owners of Du Nord Craft Spirits, a microdistillery that opened in 2013, they started producing a new alcohol-based commodity, switching from vodka, gin, and whiskey to hand sanitizer.
Then came the protests. After Minneapolis police killed George Floyd on Memorial Day, demonstrations erupted in the state’s largest city. The four officers charged in Mr. Floyd’s death worked out of the 3rd Precinct in the Longfellow neighborhood, five blocks from Du Nord. Mr. Montana braved clouds of tear gas to hand out bottled water and hand sanitizer to protesters as they filled the streets around the police station.
And then came the destruction. As mostly peaceful marches in the area gave way to sporadic rioting, looters started a fire in Du Nord’s warehouse, setting off the sprinkler system. Water flooded the building and caused its ceiling to collapse. Shaking off their initial distress, the Montanas rallied employees and volunteers to convert the warehouse into a food bank, where residents in need could pick up donated goods.
Why We Wrote This Minneapolis’ small businesses were already having a precarious 2020 because of the pandemic. Then 1,500 were burned or looted during outrage over George Floyd’s killing. Instead of anger or self-pity, many say their life’s work can’t compare to a lost life.
The couple decided against defending their business as protests flared. “There’s nothing in here that’s worth a life,” Mr. Montana says, standing in Du Nord’s almost unscathed main building, a space that contains its distillery equipment and cocktail room. He attributes its survival to his employees, who boarded up windows with signs that read “Black-Owned.”
“Our thinking was, ‘We’re going to give the building to Minneapolis and continue to support the demonstrations,’” says Mr. Montana, one of the country’s few Black distillery owners. “As much as this place means to us, you can’t compare that with what happened to George Floyd.”
A desire for racial justice and a distinct lack of self-pity unite small business owners in Longfellow as they attempt to recover from the fires, looting, and vandalism that damaged or destroyed almost 1,500 businesses in Minneapolis and St. Paul.
Martin Kuz/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Chris Montana, who with his wife, Shanelle, owns Du Nord Craft Spirits in the Longfellow neighborhood of Minneapolis, shifted from spirits to hand sanitizer during the pandemic. A warehouse on the property was damaged during protests in the aftermath of George Floyd’s death.
The neighborhood of 5,000 residents – a mix of young families, downtown workers, and retirees – absorbed perhaps the heaviest blow of any in the Twin Cities. The casualty list includes grocery, drug, and department stores, dozens of restaurants and cafes, the post office, a medical clinic, and a 200-unit affordable housing complex that was under construction.
Residents have rushed to ease the hardship of businesses by cleaning up debris and contributing to recovery funds and GoFundMe campaigns for rebuilding efforts. Yet for the Montanas and other Longfellow business owners, many of them people of color, the outpouring neither obscures nor alleviates an uncertain future as the coronavirus clogs the economy and the city struggles with enduring racial inequities.
“The pandemic and the protests have been a double gut punch,” says Karl Benson, president of the Minnesota Black Chamber of Commerce. “Most of our minority businesses owners won’t be able to last without government grants and subsidies because they don’t have much in the way of financial reserves to ride things out. There are a lot of tough days ahead.”
“Let my building burn”
The riots blunted in a matter of days the gradual progress that Longfellow has nurtured over the past quarter-century. Minority-owned businesses lie at the heart of the revival in a neighborhood located a 10-minute drive from downtown and known for its tree-lined streets, ethnic restaurants, and lower cost of living relative to most of Minneapolis.
The area began to grow in size and diversity in the mid-1990s after stagnating for two decades as white residents departed for the suburbs. A steady flow of immigrants from Africa, Latin America, and South Asia settled in Longfellow and nearby neighborhoods to raise families and pursue career dreams.
Ruhel Islam moved to Minneapolis in 2000, four years after arriving in New York from Bangladesh, and in 2008 he opened a restaurant in Longfellow. Gandhi Mahal weathered the Great Recession and blossomed into a beloved neighborhood spot that attracted customers from across the city and coverage from the Food Network show “Diners, Drive-Ins, and Dives.”
Mr. Islam provided a room in his restaurant for medics to treat injured protesters during the first two nights of unrest after Mr. Floyd’s death. The following night, when rioters set fire to the 3rd Precinct a block away, flames destroyed much of the restaurant.
The next morning, in a Facebook post that went viral, Mr. Islam’s teenage daughter, Hafsa, quoted him as saying, “Let my building burn, justice needs to be served, put those officers in jail.” He likens the largely white police force in Minneapolis – accused for decades of using excessive force against people of color – to the military dictatorship he lived under in his youth in Bangladesh.
“I grew up in a police state,” he says, recalling the deaths of two fellow students at the hands of officers in his homeland. “So I understand why people here are angry.”
Lillie Nelson, a retired assembly-line worker who grew up under Jim Crow laws in the Deep South, has rented her one-bedroom apartment in Longfellow since 2000. The fires during the protests claimed the Aldi, Cub Foods, and Target where she bought groceries and the Walgreens where she picked up her medications.
The loss of the stores has complicated her daily life. Still, Ms. Nelson, who is Black, finds little fault with demonstrators. “I don’t blame them,” she says. “I blame the police. They’ve been treating us wrong as long as I’ve been here.”
Martin Kuz/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Jordan Baynard stands in the front yard of his home in the Longfellow neighborhood of Minneapolis on June 6, 2020. He and his wife, Emily, are weighing whether to leave Minneapolis in the aftermath of George Floyd’s death.
Mr. Islam returned to the ruins of Gandhi Mahal on a recent afternoon to salvage items from the ashes and meet with an insurance adjuster. He credits the loyalty of Longfellow residents for his restaurant’s success, and his vow to rebuild extends beyond its charred walls to the community that has embraced him.
“We need to have a multicultural movement for racial justice,” he says. “If all of us do our part, we can fix things so that our children don’t have to deal with the same problems.”
The question remains whether people of color who live in Longfellow will care to wait for buildings to rise and inequality to fall.
Jordan and Emily Baynard, who rent a duplex near Gandhi Mahal, once a favorite dinner destination, lean toward leaving after eight years in Minneapolis. The interracial couple – he’s Black, she’s white – is mulling a move to Charlotte, North Carolina, to raise their two young children in a more racially mixed city.
“We’re tired,” says Mr. Baynard, a national sales manager with a St. Paul company. “We’re asking ourselves, do we want to stay and fight and see if things change? Or do we want to find a more diverse area to live?”
Shared values
The liberal reputation of Minneapolis shrouds chronic disparities in income, education, and housing between minorities and white residents, who make up 60% of the population. A similar imbalance afflicts the business sector, including access to bank loans, and Mr. Benson worries that the damage to businesses in the Twin Cities – with losses estimated at $500 million – will summon the forces of gentrification.
“The hard truth is that there’s now an opportunity for white developers to buy properties for pennies on the dollar,” he says. The added burden of rebuilding during a pandemic could persuade minority business owners in Longfellow and other neighborhoods to walk away. “There’s a realization that this is a chance to take the insurance money and get out.”
Mr. Montana says he felt the urge to close his distillery for good when knee-high water gushed out of his flooded warehouse in late May. He has heard from several business owners in the area who have received offers to sell.
“We know the developers are out there circling,” says Mr. Montana, a former attorney and the father of three children. He and his wife hope to resume producing spirits by fall. “We need public officials and the private sector working together to protect our businesses. When we give Black and brown people a path toward business development, that’s how we can build generational wealth and reduce inequality.”
The federal government last week denied Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz’s request for $16 million to assist with rebuilding businesses in the Twin Cities. State lawmakers have proposed a $300 million aid package that would help business owners recover and create a redevelopment agency to preserve small businesses owned by people of color.
The Longfellow Community Council has launched a neighborhood initiative to provide guidance to business owners planning to rebuild. Marya McIntosh, a member of the council’s board of directors, explains that the nonprofit advocacy group seeks to prevent a washing away of the neighborhood’s independent restaurants, coffee shops, and retailers.
“We have to be really vigilant with the city and state to make sure that businesses have enough time to recover,” she says. Ms. McIntosh bought a house in Longfellow five years ago, lured by its affordability, easy access to bus lines, and proximity to downtown, where she works for the Nature Conservancy. “Residents here want to go to businesses that reflect their values. That’s part of what makes a neighborhood feel like a neighborhood.”
The demonstrations revealed those shared values as business owners supported the cause of protesters. Moon Palace Books occupies a storefront less than a block from the 3rd Precinct, and as crowds in the area swelled, police tried to commandeer the shop’s parking lot to use as a staging area. Jamie Schwesnedl, who owns the store with his wife, insisted the cops leave.
Mr. Schwesnedl and his employees posted a large sign in the shop’s upper windows that read “Abolish The Police.” They later boarded up the facade and painted the same message across the wood planks. The building went nearly untouched during the unrest.
“Most people who run small businesses don’t see it as only a job,” he says. “They’re part of the neighborhood, and their customers are their neighbors. The way we see it, we’re in this together.”


csmonitor--2020-07-17--When Black athletes choose Black schools: Commentary on activism in sports

For Mr. Wright , there ’ s a lot at stake – not just to raise his profile , but to demand respect for mostly Black colleges .
He hopes that by playing for Morgan State he can help to change the minds of “ people who think just because we ’ re an HBCU , that we don ’ t deserve the same privileges and things as other major schools.
” Sharone Wright Jr. is a child of basketball promise .
His father played professional basketball for a decade .
Yet in the face of social unrest and upheaval @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make a decision for himself .
His decision to transfer from Wake Forest University to Morgan State University carries great sociopolitical promise for Black people .
Muhammad Ali ’ s refusal to serve in the Vietnam War cost him $ 10,000 in fines and three years of his boxing prime .
Nevertheless that legacy of activism carries on today – both in action and interpretation .
Recently , a few young men have either committed to attend historically Black colleges and universities ( HBCUs ) or transferred from predominantly white institutions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a proud history lies at the intersection of athletics and activism .
It is also precarious .
The intersection of athletics and activism contains a powerful history – one that stretches through the present summer .
The names at that intersection are iconic – Jackie Robinson .
Curt Flood .
Colin Kaepernick .
The stories of that history are proud , yet they are also precarious .
A number of Black athletes organized in Cleveland , Ohio , in the summer of 1967 for a conference known now as the Ali Summit .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black athletes such as Bill Russell , Jim Brown , and Kareem Abdul-Jabbar surrounding Muhammad Ali in solidarity for Ali ’ s conscientious objection and refusal to serve in the Vietnam War .
Nearly three weeks after the summit , Ali was convicted of draft evasion , which came with a five-year prison sentence .
He was also banned from boxing for three years and fined $ 10,000 .
The U.S. Supreme Court overturned his conviction in 1971 , and he served no prison time ; nevertheless , he was stripped of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John Carlos and Tommie Smith raised their black-gloved fists on the medal stand at the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City .
Early that year , Mr. Carlos met Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in a meeting to discuss a possible Olympic boycott .
While the boycott didn ’ t happen , King impressed upon Mr. Carlos the power of a nonviolent protest .
That imperative only grew when King was assassinated in April of that same year .
“ I wanted to do something so powerful that it would reach the ends of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonviolent , ” Mr. Carlos said in an oral history for the Library of Congress .
That legacy of activism carries on today – both in action and interpretation .
Recently , a few young men have either committed to attend historically Black colleges and universities ( HBCUs ) or transferred from predominantly white institutions .
Their decisions have been heralded as game changers in a world where the feats – and labor – of Black players are often underappreciated and undervalued .
Long before those decisions can profoundly affect the world , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ individual .
It ’ s a decision that must be made for one ’ s self .
Sharone Wright Jr. is a child of basketball promise .
His father , Sharone Sr. , was selected sixth overall in the 1994 NBA draft by the Philadelphia 76ers and played professional basketball in the NBA and abroad for a decade .
Sharone Jr. ’ s prep career yielded a commitment to play basketball at Wake Forest University , which competes in the same Atlantic Coast Conference as his father ’ s alma mater , Clemson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social unrest and upheaval , Sharone Jr. found that he had to make a decision for himself , as described in a Twitter post from July 3 titled “ for myself ” : Before i made this decision , i wanted to thank God for blessing me with the ability to play the game of basketball .
I am forever grateful that I ’ ve gotten to experience the many great things basketball has given me .
I ’ ve been thinking on this for some time now and with everything that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it has been a difficult time for many people but mainly US as African Americans .
It ’ s saddening to me to know the world with always be this way towards US whether if we play a sport or not .
It doesn ’ t matter .
MY decision was for myself and what i thought was best for me .
With all of that being said , after thought and much prayer with my family ( handshake emoji ) i ’ ve chosen to further my education and basketball career at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( two exclamation points emoji ) Mr. Wright ’ s decision to transfer , in conjunction with five-star prospect Makur Maker ’ s commitment to Howard University , carries great sociopolitical promise for Black people .
There are people who envision a collective transfer from traditionally white schools to Black schools as a form of empowerment and a social awakening .
While there are a number of factors to consider , including the matter of paying college athletes , it ’ s clear that young Black athletes are at least considering the prospect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview , Mr. Wright specifies what he meant when he said it ’ s been a difficult time for many people , but mainly Black people : “ When I said that it ’ s been a hard time for Black people , i meant everything as far as how we are treated in the world , ” Mr. Wright writes in a text message exchange .
While he acknowledged the effect of the pandemic in this country and worldwide , he expressed that Black people have also dealt with the perpetual issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s one of the things we have been faced with our entire lives , ” he says .
Ironically enough , sports played a huge role in the initial shutdown .
When Utah Jazz center Rudy Gobert tested positive for the coronavirus on March 11 , it sent shock waves through the sporting world and led to a host of cancellations and postponements .
Months later , athletes , like the rest of us , are still in limbo .
“ With everything going on , it ’ s been hard for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gyms have been closed .
This summer , I ’ ve been running and trying to get back in the game shape that I was in prior to the virus [ outbreak ] , ” Mr. Wright says .
“ It ’ s worrying me because people around the world aren ’ t listening and following [ guidelines ] .
So , it ’ s frustrating for us as athletes because we may not have a season or fans to watch us play .
Mentally , I ’ m just trying to think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” For Mr. Wright , there ’ s a lot at stake – not just to raise his profile , but to demand respect for mostly Black colleges .
“ My relationship with my coaches and their desire to win is what brought me here to Morgan State .
I know we all have the same goal in mind , ” Mr. Wright says .
“ That goal is to make it to the national tournament and be able to showcase our talents to the world for people who think just because we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t deserve the same privileges and things as other major schools .
”

For Mr. Wright, there’s a lot at stake – not just to raise his profile, but to demand respect for mostly Black colleges. He hopes that by playing for Morgan State he can help to change the minds of “people who think just because we’re an HBCU, that we don’t deserve the same privileges and things as other major schools.”
Sharone Wright Jr. is a child of basketball promise. His father played professional basketball for a decade. Yet in the face of social unrest and upheaval, Mr. Wright found that he had to make a decision for himself. His decision to transfer from Wake Forest University to Morgan State University carries great sociopolitical promise for Black people.
Audiences can’t get enough of athletes on the field and the court but they are often sidelined when it comes to public discourse. Columnist Ken Makin explores the role of conscience and activism in sports, from Muhammad Ali to Sharone Wright Jr.
Muhammad Ali’s refusal to serve in the Vietnam War cost him $10,000 in fines and three years of his boxing prime. Nevertheless that legacy of activism carries on today – both in action and interpretation. Recently, a few young men have either committed to attend historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) or transferred from predominantly white institutions.
From Jackie Robinson to Colin Kaepernick, a proud history lies at the intersection of athletics and activism. It is also precarious.
The intersection of athletics and activism contains a powerful history – one that stretches through the present summer. The names at that intersection are iconic – Jackie Robinson. Curt Flood. Colin Kaepernick. The stories of that history are proud, yet they are also precarious.
A number of Black athletes organized in Cleveland, Ohio, in the summer of 1967 for a conference known now as the Ali Summit. A picture of the event shows famous Black athletes such as Bill Russell, Jim Brown, and Kareem Abdul-Jabbar surrounding Muhammad Ali in solidarity for Ali’s conscientious objection and refusal to serve in the Vietnam War. Nearly three weeks after the summit, Ali was convicted of draft evasion, which came with a five-year prison sentence. He was also banned from boxing for three years and fined $10,000. The U.S. Supreme Court overturned his conviction in 1971, and he served no prison time; nevertheless, he was stripped of his boxing prime.
The next October, John Carlos and Tommie Smith raised their black-gloved fists on the medal stand at the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. Early that year, Mr. Carlos met Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. in a meeting to discuss a possible Olympic boycott. While the boycott didn’t happen, King impressed upon Mr. Carlos the power of a nonviolent protest. That imperative only grew when King was assassinated in April of that same year.
Why We Wrote This Audiences can’t get enough of athletes on the field and the court but they are often sidelined when it comes to public discourse. Columnist Ken Makin explores the role of conscience and activism in sports, from Muhammad Ali to Sharone Wright Jr.
“I wanted to do something so powerful that it would reach the ends of the earth, and yet still be nonviolent,” Mr. Carlos said in an oral history for the Library of Congress.
That legacy of activism carries on today – both in action and interpretation. Recently, a few young men have either committed to attend historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) or transferred from predominantly white institutions. Their decisions have been heralded as game changers in a world where the feats – and labor – of Black players are often underappreciated and undervalued. Long before those decisions can profoundly affect the world, they have the power to change the individual.
It’s a decision that must be made for one’s self.
Sharone Wright Jr. is a child of basketball promise. His father, Sharone Sr., was selected sixth overall in the 1994 NBA draft by the Philadelphia 76ers and played professional basketball in the NBA and abroad for a decade. Sharone Jr.’s prep career yielded a commitment to play basketball at Wake Forest University, which competes in the same Atlantic Coast Conference as his father’s alma mater, Clemson University.
Yet in the face of social unrest and upheaval, Sharone Jr. found that he had to make a decision for himself, as described in a Twitter post from July 3 titled “for myself”:
Before i made this decision, i wanted to thank God for blessing me with the ability to play the game of basketball. I am forever grateful that I’ve gotten to experience the many great things basketball has given me. I’ve been thinking on this for some time now and with everything that is going on in the world today, it has been a difficult time for many people but mainly US as African Americans. It’s saddening to me to know the world with always be this way towards US whether if we play a sport or not. It doesn’t matter. MY decision was for myself and what i thought was best for me. With all of that being said, after thought and much prayer with my family (handshake emoji) i’ve chosen to further my education and basketball career at Morgan State University (bear emoji) (two exclamation points emoji)
Mr. Wright’s decision to transfer, in conjunction with five-star prospect Makur Maker’s commitment to Howard University, carries great sociopolitical promise for Black people. There are people who envision a collective transfer from traditionally white schools to Black schools as a form of empowerment and a social awakening. While there are a number of factors to consider, including the matter of paying college athletes, it’s clear that young Black athletes are at least considering the prospect of attending HBCUs.
In an exclusive interview, Mr. Wright specifies what he meant when he said it’s been a difficult time for many people, but mainly Black people:
“When I said that it’s been a hard time for Black people, i meant everything as far as how we are treated in the world,” Mr. Wright writes in a text message exchange.
While he acknowledged the effect of the pandemic in this country and worldwide, he expressed that Black people have also dealt with the perpetual issue of “social injustice.” ”It’s one of the things we have been faced with our entire lives,” he says.
Ironically enough, sports played a huge role in the initial shutdown. When Utah Jazz center Rudy Gobert tested positive for the coronavirus on March 11, it sent shock waves through the sporting world and led to a host of cancellations and postponements. Months later, athletes, like the rest of us, are still in limbo.
“With everything going on, it’s been hard for athletes to maintain our shape. The gyms have been closed. This summer, I’ve been running and trying to get back in the game shape that I was in prior to the virus [outbreak],” Mr. Wright says. “It’s worrying me because people around the world aren’t listening and following [guidelines]. So, it’s frustrating for us as athletes because we may not have a season or fans to watch us play. Mentally, I’m just trying to think about the positives and never the negatives.”
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For Mr. Wright, there’s a lot at stake – not just to raise his profile, but to demand respect for mostly Black colleges.
“My relationship with my coaches and their desire to win is what brought me here to Morgan State. I know we all have the same goal in mind,” Mr. Wright says. “That goal is to make it to the national tournament and be able to showcase our talents to the world for people who think just because we’re an HBCU, that we don’t deserve the same privileges and things as other major schools.”


csmonitor--2020-07-17--Trump ends CDC virus data collection by CDC. Who's filling in?

Hospital data related to the coronavirus pandemic in the United States will now be collected by a private technology firm , rather than the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention – a move the Trump administration says will speed up reporting but one that concerns some public health leaders .
The CDC director said Wednesday that he 's fine with the change – even though some experts fear it will further sideline the agency .
The CDC has agreed to step out of the government 's traditional data collection process `` in order to streamline reporting , '' Dr. Robert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set up by the agency 's parent , the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services .
HHS officials recently posted a document on the agency 's website that redirected hospitals ' daily reporting of a range of data meant to assess the impact of the coronavirus on them .
TeleTracking Technologies , based in Pittsburgh , will now collect that information .
However , if hospitals are already directly reporting to state health departments , they can get a written release from the state to keep doing that .
The information includes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ severity level of coronavirus patients , ventilators on hand , and supplies of masks , gowns , and other personal protective equipment .
The CDC will continue to collect other data , like information about cases and deaths , from state health departments .
Michael Caputo , an HHS spokesman , said the CDC has been seeing a lag of a week or more in data coming from hospitals and that only 85 % of hospitals have been participating .
The change is meant to result in faster and more complete reporting , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how that will happen .
HHS officials on Wednesday did not answer questions about whether there would be added government incentives or mandates to get more reporting from busy hospitals .
A CDC official , who is familiar with the agency 's system , disputed Mr. Caputo 's figures , saying only about 60 % of the nation 's hospitals have been reporting to the CDC system , but most data is collected and reported out within two days .
The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Healthcare Safety Network system was launched 15 years ago and is perhaps best known for its work gathering , and publicly reporting , data on hospital infections .
It has helped drive a successful push to reduce certain kinds of hospital infections .
The system started doing COVID-19 data collection in March .
Two other systems have been put in place since , one involving hospitals reporting directly to states and the other the TeleTracking system .
Administration officials put incentives in place to encourage hospitals to report through the other systems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the coronavirus treatment remdesivir was sometimes allocated to hospitals based on whether they used TeleTracking .
Some outside experts expressed suspicion and concern about the decision to drop CDC from the data-collection mix .
The data `` are the foundation that guide our response to the pandemic , '' Dr. Thomas File , Jr. , president of the Infectious Diseases Society of America , said in a statement .
Collecting and reporting public health data has always been a core function of the CDC , he added .
`` The administration should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should strengthen the role of CDC to collect and report COVID-19 data , '' he said .
Gregory Koblentz , a biodefense expert at George Mason University , said the change appears to be consistent with administration moves in recent months that have sidelined the CDC from the role it has played in other epidemics , as the public 's primary source of information .
`` We know the administration has been trying to silence the CDC , '' he said .
`` Now it looks like the administration might be trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The White House directed a request for comment to HHS .
Mr. Redfield , the CDC director , said the agency will retain access to all the data .
He also said the change will enable it to focus on collecting other data , like information from nursing homes .
Still , his predecessor , Dr. Tom Frieden , expressed dismay at the decision .
`` Rather than strengthening the CDC public health data system to improve hospital reporting , the administration has handed data to an unproven , commercial entity , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agency 's director during the Obama administration .
In April , the government awarded a $ 10.2 million contract to a TeleTracking Technologies , based in Pittsburgh .
At the time , the company was hired to gather data on things that were already being reported to the CDC , such as available hospital beds .
TeleTracking has won 29 contracts for federal government work stretching back to 2004 .
None of its previous contracts paid more than $ 300,000 .
The prior contracts were for computer systems and programming at Veteran Affairs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approval to tap a government loans program designed to help small business keep employees on their payroll during the pandemic .
The forgivable loan was from the Payroll Protection Program for between $ 5 million and $ 10 million .
TeleTracking indicated it planned to use the loan to help save the jobs of some of its 376 workers .
TeleTracking did not immediately respond to requests for comment .
The CEO of Teletracking , Michael Zamagias , also runs a real estate investment firm with several properties in Pittsburgh .
One of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LTD , was approved for a Payroll Protection Program loan for between $ 150,000 and $ 350,000 .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Hospital data related to the coronavirus pandemic in the United States will now be collected by a private technology firm, rather than the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention – a move the Trump administration says will speed up reporting but one that concerns some public health leaders.
The CDC director said Wednesday that he's fine with the change – even though some experts fear it will further sideline the agency. The CDC has agreed to step out of the government's traditional data collection process "in order to streamline reporting," Dr. Robert Redfield said during a call with reporters set up by the agency's parent, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
HHS officials recently posted a document on the agency's website that redirected hospitals' daily reporting of a range of data meant to assess the impact of the coronavirus on them. TeleTracking Technologies, based in Pittsburgh, will now collect that information.
However, if hospitals are already directly reporting to state health departments, they can get a written release from the state to keep doing that.
The information includes bed occupancy, staffing levels, the severity level of coronavirus patients, ventilators on hand, and supplies of masks, gowns, and other personal protective equipment. The CDC will continue to collect other data, like information about cases and deaths, from state health departments.
Michael Caputo, an HHS spokesman, said the CDC has been seeing a lag of a week or more in data coming from hospitals and that only 85% of hospitals have been participating. The change is meant to result in faster and more complete reporting, he said.
It's not clear how that will happen. HHS officials on Wednesday did not answer questions about whether there would be added government incentives or mandates to get more reporting from busy hospitals.
A CDC official, who is familiar with the agency's system, disputed Mr. Caputo's figures, saying only about 60% of the nation's hospitals have been reporting to the CDC system, but most data is collected and reported out within two days. The official spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to talk about it.
The CDC's National Healthcare Safety Network system was launched 15 years ago and is perhaps best known for its work gathering, and publicly reporting, data on hospital infections. It has helped drive a successful push to reduce certain kinds of hospital infections.
The system started doing COVID-19 data collection in March. Two other systems have been put in place since, one involving hospitals reporting directly to states and the other the TeleTracking system.
Administration officials put incentives in place to encourage hospitals to report through the other systems, the official said. For instance, the coronavirus treatment remdesivir was sometimes allocated to hospitals based on whether they used TeleTracking.
Some outside experts expressed suspicion and concern about the decision to drop CDC from the data-collection mix.
The data "are the foundation that guide our response to the pandemic," Dr. Thomas File, Jr., president of the Infectious Diseases Society of America, said in a statement.
Collecting and reporting public health data has always been a core function of the CDC, he added. "The administration should provide funding to support data collection and should strengthen the role of CDC to collect and report COVID-19 data," he said.
Gregory Koblentz, a biodefense expert at George Mason University, said the change appears to be consistent with administration moves in recent months that have sidelined the CDC from the role it has played in other epidemics, as the public's primary source of information.
"We know the administration has been trying to silence the CDC," he said. "Now it looks like the administration might be trying to blind the CDC as well."
The White House directed a request for comment to HHS.
Mr. Redfield, the CDC director, said the agency will retain access to all the data. He also said the change will enable it to focus on collecting other data, like information from nursing homes.
Still, his predecessor, Dr. Tom Frieden, expressed dismay at the decision.
"Rather than strengthening the CDC public health data system to improve hospital reporting, the administration has handed data to an unproven, commercial entity," said Mr. Frieden, who was the agency's director during the Obama administration.
In April, the government awarded a $10.2 million contract to a TeleTracking Technologies, based in Pittsburgh. At the time, the company was hired to gather data on things that were already being reported to the CDC, such as available hospital beds.
TeleTracking has won 29 contracts for federal government work stretching back to 2004. None of its previous contracts paid more than $300,000. The prior contracts were for computer systems and programming at Veteran Affairs hospitals.
The company has also gotten approval to tap a government loans program designed to help small business keep employees on their payroll during the pandemic. The forgivable loan was from the Payroll Protection Program for between $5 million and $10 million.
TeleTracking indicated it planned to use the loan to help save the jobs of some of its 376 workers.
TeleTracking did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
The CEO of Teletracking, Michael Zamagias, also runs a real estate investment firm with several properties in Pittsburgh. One of his companies, Michael G. Zamagias Interests LTD, was approved for a Payroll Protection Program loan for between $150,000 and $350,000.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-17--Black NASCAR fans have always existed. Now they have hope.

Kevin Johnson became enamored with NASCAR as a kid through clips on “ Wide World of Sports , ” decades before billion-dollar broadcast deals when auto racing shared precious air time with barrel jumping and demolition derby .
Raised in the South Bronx , Mr. Johnson considered himself “ a closet NASCAR fan , ” without a friend or family member who truly shared his interest in catching the latest race .
“ As you can imagine , ” Mr. Johnson said , “ there just simply weren ’ t a lot of people receptive to the sport given its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his Temple University dorm during the massive blizzard that wreaked havoc on the East Coast in 1979 to watch the Daytona 500 , broadcast live in its entirety for the first time .
His roommate was stuck elsewhere because of the weather , leaving Mr. Johnson alone with the TV .
“ Nobody knew , ” Mr. Johnson said , laughing .
“ As a Black person in an urban area , it wasn ’ t acceptable .
I wasn ’ t really out there .
But that love continued to this day.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Miami , shares his passion for the sport with a Black NASCAR Fans group on Facebook .
The group ’ s bio says : “ Yes we exist.
” The fans share favorite race memories , photos of their collectibles , and , yes , stories of the historically uneasy relationship NASCAR has had with the Black community .
Mr. Johnson has been called racist slurs at the track , felt queasy at the sight of the Confederate flag , and often wondered if the good-ol ’ -boy Southern attitudes seeped in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ catalyst for change has come for the U.S. with the death of George Floyd in the custody of Minneapolis police .
Not long after that , driver Bubba Wallace shoved NASCAR toward the overdue step of banning the Confederate flag , for decades a waving , nylon symbol to Blacks that they were not welcome in NASCAR Nation .
The thought of facing the flag and the potential anger from its staunchest defenders has kept many Black fans away and made the ones who did come watch their step .
Mr. Johnson said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more inviting.
” “ We need to get more people , encourage more people of color to come and enjoy what goes on around race weekend , ” added Brad Daugherty , the lone Black team owner in NASCAR .
According to NASCAR , the latest demographics show an overwhelmingly white fan base – 75 % – but the multicultural slice of 25 % has climbed from 20 % in 2011 .
Black fans make up 9 % of the total .
The sight of Black fans lined against the Talladega fence to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a noose was found in his stall was a heartening moment for NASCAR .
But earning the trust of a new generation of fans extends beyond “ if you ban it , they will come.
” NASCAR and its tracks need bolder attempts at ticket and community outreach programs , much in the way baseball , the NHL and the NBA celebrate pride or ethnic-themed nights .
Minorities may not necessarily become the dominant demographic for the stock car series , but they can certainly grab a larger share of the marketplace .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is this : they spent a lot of time and money over the years building up a specific brand that centered on Confederate flag-waving Southern white folks as their target market , and aligned themselves with business partners and politicians who also found symmetry with this demographic group , ” said Joshua Newman , a Florida State professor and author of “ Sport , Spectacle , and NASCAR Nation : Consumption and the Cultural Politics of Neoliberalism.
” “ This worked well to create a very specific NASCAR culture , a spectacle of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ symbolism , an all-white driver line-up – for many years , but not always – and grandstands filled with predominantly white consumer fans , ” Mr. Newman said .
“ It was unique in the North American sports landscape for its racial homogeneity and pronounced affiliations with one political party.
” But cultural politics can change and NASCAR ’ s boom has faded .
To Mr. Newman , that means NASCAR limited its growth potential and now must find a solution .
Could Mr. Wallace , who finished second in the 2018 Daytona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ won a checkered flag or two driving for an underfunded team ?
Would a diversity program that places more drivers in the Cup Series – where Mr. Wallace is the only Black driver – broaden exposure and create fans of all genders , ethnicities and backgrounds ?
NASCAR has worked on building awareness among multicultural audiences for years , including Latino-focused efforts at Auto Club Speedway in California .
Last year , NASCAR and the Urban Chamber of Commerce in Las Vegas teamed with a local youth group to bring a group of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vegas Motor Speedway .
The Drive for Diversity program dates to 2004 and a separate effort to work with key minority business and community leaders started three years later .
“ If people look at the sport and see the stars of the sport are representative of different groups , I think it ’ s just another step toward making the sport feel more open to a larger audience of folks , ” Drive for Diversity director Jusan Hamilton said .
“ If people look at the sport and feel that it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help make more folks be interested in coming to the sport.
” The few Black drivers who came before Mr. Wallace have heard that hopefulness before only to often end up discouraged at the frayed bond between NASCAR and minorities .
“ It ’ s time to realize it ’ s a new day , ” said Bill Lester , who made 145 career NASCAR starts from 1999-2006 .
“ Not all the race car drivers happen to be white .
There are people of color .
There are women out there who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he believes NASCAR President Steve Phelps , who tearfully told Mr. Wallace about the noose in the garage , and veteran executive Brandon Thompson can provoke tangible culture change within the sport .
“ There ’ s a willingness to listen and engage that NASCAR has that I don ’ t believe they were sincere about earlier , ” Mr. Lester said .
Still , Mr. Wallace is one of just a handful of non-white drivers .
Daniel Suarez is Mexican and Aric Almirola is of Cuban descent .
Kyle Larson , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ April for using a racial slur .
NASCAR met this month with the Rev .
Greg Drumwright , who organized members of his ministry to make the trip to Talladega to support Mr. Wallace .
Mr. Drumwright said he and his group planned to attend other races , too , and he posted a series of encouraging interactions on his Twitter feed from the All-Star race at Bristol on Wednesday .
“ We don ’ t want window dressing , ” Mr. Drumwright said .
“ This is a national dialogue.
” Toni @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Newark , Delaware , have never attended a NASCAR race .
They drive by Dover International Speedway on race weekends and catch a glimpse of the carnival-type atmosphere at the track and wondered if they ’ d feel welcomed .
“ It sounds like something we ’ d be interested in , ” Ms. Addison said .
“ But guess I couldn ’ t wear my Black Live Matter shirt or my Barack Obama shirt to that .
I ’ m a [ Dallas ] Cowboys fan .
It ’ s kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t go into the Eagles stadium , at least not with all the Cowboys gear on.
” She ’ s become one of Mr. Wallace ’ s newest fans ( “ I didn ’ t even know there was a Black NASCAR driver ” ) and watched him slap hands with fans at Talladega , but acknowledged “ fear may keep me away from that.
” “ My impression of it is they ’ re mostly Trump supporters , Confederate flag supporters , ” Ms. Addison said .
“ I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in.
” She could talk to fans like Mr. Johnson who , while hurt by the slurs , generally have a great time on race day and want all fans to draw the same enjoyment from the sport he has for more than 40 years .
One memory rises about the rest : Mr. Johnson and his wife , Julie , attended a meet-and-greet at Atlanta Motor Speedway with Hall of Fame driver Tony Stewart in the mid-2000s .
The couple were fervent supporters of Smoke , who asked a group of fans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions for him .
Julie stepped up from the back and told Mr. Stewart , “ As probably your only Black female fan , I really don ’ t have a question , I just want a hug.
” Mr. Stewart smiled and her invited her up for a big hug and later sent over several autographed photos .
It ’ s the kind of moment that can make a fan forever – from any walk of life .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Kevin Johnson became enamored with NASCAR as a kid through clips on “Wide World of Sports,” decades before billion-dollar broadcast deals when auto racing shared precious air time with barrel jumping and demolition derby.
Raised in the South Bronx, Mr. Johnson considered himself “a closet NASCAR fan,” without a friend or family member who truly shared his interest in catching the latest race.
“As you can imagine,” Mr. Johnson said, “there just simply weren’t a lot of people receptive to the sport given its history.”
Mr. Johnson recalled staying in his Temple University dorm during the massive blizzard that wreaked havoc on the East Coast in 1979 to watch the Daytona 500, broadcast live in its entirety for the first time. His roommate was stuck elsewhere because of the weather, leaving Mr. Johnson alone with the TV.
“Nobody knew,” Mr. Johnson said, laughing. “As a Black person in an urban area, it wasn’t acceptable. I wasn’t really out there. But that love continued to this day.”
Mr. Johnson, who has retired to Miami, shares his passion for the sport with a Black NASCAR Fans group on Facebook. The group’s bio says: “Yes we exist.”
The fans share favorite race memories, photos of their collectibles, and, yes, stories of the historically uneasy relationship NASCAR has had with the Black community.
Mr. Johnson has been called racist slurs at the track, felt queasy at the sight of the Confederate flag, and often wondered if the good-ol’-boy Southern attitudes seeped in the sport would ever fade.
The catalyst for change has come for the U.S. with the death of George Floyd in the custody of Minneapolis police. Not long after that, driver Bubba Wallace shoved NASCAR toward the overdue step of banning the Confederate flag, for decades a waving, nylon symbol to Blacks that they were not welcome in NASCAR Nation.
The thought of facing the flag and the potential anger from its staunchest defenders has kept many Black fans away and made the ones who did come watch their step. Mr. Johnson said banning the flag will make NASCAR “more inviting.”
“We need to get more people, encourage more people of color to come and enjoy what goes on around race weekend,” added Brad Daugherty, the lone Black team owner in NASCAR.
According to NASCAR, the latest demographics show an overwhelmingly white fan base – 75% – but the multicultural slice of 25% has climbed from 20% in 2011. Black fans make up 9% of the total.
The sight of Black fans lined against the Talladega fence to cheer for Mr. Wallace a day after a noose was found in his stall was a heartening moment for NASCAR. But earning the trust of a new generation of fans extends beyond “if you ban it, they will come.” NASCAR and its tracks need bolder attempts at ticket and community outreach programs, much in the way baseball, the NHL and the NBA celebrate pride or ethnic-themed nights.
Minorities may not necessarily become the dominant demographic for the stock car series, but they can certainly grab a larger share of the marketplace.
“I think the challenge for NASCAR is this: they spent a lot of time and money over the years building up a specific brand that centered on Confederate flag-waving Southern white folks as their target market, and aligned themselves with business partners and politicians who also found symmetry with this demographic group,” said Joshua Newman, a Florida State professor and author of “Sport, Spectacle, and NASCAR Nation: Consumption and the Cultural Politics of Neoliberalism.”
“This worked well to create a very specific NASCAR culture, a spectacle of celebrity politicians, military flyovers, conservative symbolism, an all-white driver line-up – for many years, but not always – and grandstands filled with predominantly white consumer fans,” Mr. Newman said. “It was unique in the North American sports landscape for its racial homogeneity and pronounced affiliations with one political party.”
But cultural politics can change and NASCAR’s boom has faded. To Mr. Newman, that means NASCAR limited its growth potential and now must find a solution.
Could Mr. Wallace, who finished second in the 2018 Daytona 500, engage new fans if he won a checkered flag or two driving for an underfunded team? Would a diversity program that places more drivers in the Cup Series – where Mr. Wallace is the only Black driver – broaden exposure and create fans of all genders, ethnicities and backgrounds?
NASCAR has worked on building awareness among multicultural audiences for years, including Latino-focused efforts at Auto Club Speedway in California. Last year, NASCAR and the Urban Chamber of Commerce in Las Vegas teamed with a local youth group to bring a group of Black children to the race at Las Vegas Motor Speedway. The Drive for Diversity program dates to 2004 and a separate effort to work with key minority business and community leaders started three years later.
“If people look at the sport and see the stars of the sport are representative of different groups, I think it’s just another step toward making the sport feel more open to a larger audience of folks,” Drive for Diversity director Jusan Hamilton said. “If people look at the sport and feel that it’s open, that in turn will help make more folks be interested in coming to the sport.”
The few Black drivers who came before Mr. Wallace have heard that hopefulness before only to often end up discouraged at the frayed bond between NASCAR and minorities.
“It’s time to realize it’s a new day,” said Bill Lester, who made 145 career NASCAR starts from 1999-2006. “Not all the race car drivers happen to be white. There are people of color. There are women out there who want to race.”
Mr. Lester said he believes NASCAR President Steve Phelps, who tearfully told Mr. Wallace about the noose in the garage, and veteran executive Brandon Thompson can provoke tangible culture change within the sport.
“There’s a willingness to listen and engage that NASCAR has that I don’t believe they were sincere about earlier,” Mr. Lester said.
Still, Mr. Wallace is one of just a handful of non-white drivers. Daniel Suarez is Mexican and Aric Almirola is of Cuban descent. Kyle Larson, who is half Asian, was fired in April for using a racial slur.
NASCAR met this month with the Rev. Greg Drumwright, who organized members of his ministry to make the trip to Talladega to support Mr. Wallace. Mr. Drumwright said he and his group planned to attend other races, too, and he posted a series of encouraging interactions on his Twitter feed from the All-Star race at Bristol on Wednesday.
“We don’t want window dressing,” Mr. Drumwright said. “This is a national dialogue.”
Toni Addison, her husband and three children of Newark, Delaware, have never attended a NASCAR race. They drive by Dover International Speedway on race weekends and catch a glimpse of the carnival-type atmosphere at the track and wondered if they’d feel welcomed.
“It sounds like something we’d be interested in,” Ms. Addison said. “But guess I couldn’t wear my Black Live Matter shirt or my Barack Obama shirt to that. I’m a [Dallas] Cowboys fan. It’s kind of like a Cowboys fan doesn’t go into the Eagles stadium, at least not with all the Cowboys gear on.”
She’s become one of Mr. Wallace’s newest fans (“I didn’t even know there was a Black NASCAR driver”) and watched him slap hands with fans at Talladega, but acknowledged “fear may keep me away from that.”
“My impression of it is they’re mostly Trump supporters, Confederate flag supporters,” Ms. Addison said. “I don’t know how comfortable I would feel fitting in.”
She could talk to fans like Mr. Johnson who, while hurt by the slurs, generally have a great time on race day and want all fans to draw the same enjoyment from the sport he has for more than 40 years.
One memory rises about the rest: Mr. Johnson and his wife, Julie, attended a meet-and-greet at Atlanta Motor Speedway with Hall of Fame driver Tony Stewart in the mid-2000s. The couple were fervent supporters of Smoke, who asked a group of fans in a suite if they had any questions for him.
Julie stepped up from the back and told Mr. Stewart, “As probably your only Black female fan, I really don’t have a question, I just want a hug.”
Mr. Stewart smiled and her invited her up for a big hug and later sent over several autographed photos.
It’s the kind of moment that can make a fan forever – from any walk of life.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-17--Whose authority? Georgia gov. sues Atlanta mayor over masks.

Georgia Gov .
Brian Kemp is suing Atlanta ’ s mayor and city council to block the city from enforcing its mandate to wear a mask in public and other rules related to the COVID-19 pandemic .
Mr. Kemp and Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr , in a suit filed in state court late Thursday in Atlanta , argue that Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms has overstepped her authority and must obey Mr. Kemp ’ s executive orders under state law .
“ Governor Kemp must be allowed , as the chief executive of this state , to manage the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ void and unenforceable orders which only serve to confuse the public , ” the lawsuit states .
Mr. Kemp on Wednesday clarified his executive orders to expressly block Atlanta and at least 14 other local governments across the state from requiring people to wear face coverings .
Mr. Kemp ’ s order was met with defiance Thursday by Ms .
Bottoms and some other mayors , who said they would continue enforcing the order .
The lawsuit forces that showdown , resolving an ambiguous situation with Mr. Kemp denying local governments could order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was within their power .
Ms .
Bottoms said Thursday during a video news conference that the city ’ s order is still in effect .
“ As of today , 3,104 Georgians have died and I and my family are amongst the 106,000 who have tested positive for COVID-19 , ” Ms .
Bottoms said in a statement after the lawsuit was filed .
“ A better use of taxpayer money would be to expand testing and contact tracing .
If being sued by the state is what it takes to save @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see them in court.
” The state asks a judge to overturn Ms.
Bottoms ’ orders that are more restrictive than Mr. Kemp ’ s , block her from issuing any more such orders , instruct the City Council not to ratify Ms.
Bottoms ’ actions or adopt any ordinances inconsistent with Mr. Kemp , to force Ms .
Bottoms not to make any public statements claiming she has authority that exceeds Mr. Kemp ’ s , and to require city officials to enforce “ all provisions ” of Mr. Kemp ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Kemp combined a previous dispute with Ms .
Bottoms over policing in the city with coronavirus control .
He said he was suing to protect business owners and employees in the same way he called out the National Guard last week to protect state office buildings and the governor ’ s mansion after an 8-year-old girl was fatally shot July 4 by armed men at a site where a white Atlanta police officer shot and killed a Black man who had grabbed a stun gun and ran .
The shooting of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burning of the fast food restaurant at the site , and complaints that armed people were blocking traffic with no police intervention .
The city struggled at times to provide officers after many called in sick when a prosecutor , over Ms.
Bottoms ’ objection , criminally charged the officers involved .
Mr. Kemp also alleged in his lawsuit that Ms .
Bottoms has forbidden police from enforcing Mr. Kemp ’ s earlier orders against gatherings of more than 50 people .
Officials in at least 15 Georgia cities and counties had ordered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many were angry at Mr. Kemp for swatting down their efforts .
“ How can we take care of our local needs when our state ties our hands behind our back and then says ‘ Ignore the advice of experts ?
’ ” Savannah Mayor Van Johnson asked in a news conference .
Ms .
Bottoms last week made statements that people had to return to sheltering at home and forcing restaurants to return to only offering takeout and delivery .
Mr. Kemp quickly swatted those claims down , and Ms .
Bottoms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But Mr. Kemp ’ s lawsuit says the court should set Ms .
Bottoms straight on those statements as well , and forbid her from making more claims about her power to reporters .
Mr. Kemp says he strongly supports mask-wearing to combat the spread of COVID-19 infections .
He traveled the state this month to encourage face coverings .
But he has maintained for weeks that cities and counties can ’ t require masks in public places , saying local actions can ’ t be more or less restrictive than his statewide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ routine renewal of rules governing business operations and ordering medically vulnerably people to stay home , Mr. Kemp made that prohibition explicit .
He also said local governments could not order masks on their own property , which would include Atlanta ’ s massive airport .
Although national health officials have called on people to use masks , President Donald Trump ’ s administration has not issued any nationwide guidance .
Twenty-six states and the District of Columbia now require masks .
Mr. Kemp ’ s stance – not only shying away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local governments from instituting their own – leaves him standing virtually alone .
In the South , Republican governors in Tennessee , South Carolina , and Florida have resisted statewide mandates but allow local jurisdictions to implement them .
Republican governors in Alabama , Arkansas , and Texas and Democrats in Kentucky , Louisiana , and North Carolina have issued statewide mask requirements .
Thursday ’ s numbers showed more than 2,800 people hospitalized statewide with the COVID-19 respiratory illness , the highest on record .
The state reported that 84 % of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgia overall had more than 131,000 confirmed infections and more than 3,100 deaths overall as of Thursday .
Some business groups are supporting Mr. Kemp .
Georgia Restaurant Association Executive Director Kelly Bremer said Thursday that a statewide mandate isn ’ t appropriate considering Georgia ’ s size and diversity .
But she also said local rules would be confusing and businesses should make their own decisions about requiring customers to wear masks .
“ For businesses to grapple with 535 different municipal ordinances and 159 different county ordinances is madness , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set of guidelines is very important.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Mr. Nadler reported from Marietta , Georgia .
AP writer Haleluya Hadero contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp is suing Atlanta’s mayor and city council to block the city from enforcing its mandate to wear a mask in public and other rules related to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Mr. Kemp and Georgia Attorney General Chris Carr, in a suit filed in state court late Thursday in Atlanta, argue that Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms has overstepped her authority and must obey Mr. Kemp’s executive orders under state law.
“Governor Kemp must be allowed, as the chief executive of this state, to manage the public health emergency without Mayor Bottoms issuing void and unenforceable orders which only serve to confuse the public,” the lawsuit states.
Mr. Kemp on Wednesday clarified his executive orders to expressly block Atlanta and at least 14 other local governments across the state from requiring people to wear face coverings.
Mr. Kemp’s order was met with defiance Thursday by Ms. Bottoms and some other mayors, who said they would continue enforcing the order. The lawsuit forces that showdown, resolving an ambiguous situation with Mr. Kemp denying local governments could order masks, but local governments arguing it was within their power.
Ms. Bottoms said Thursday during a video news conference that the city’s order is still in effect.
“As of today, 3,104 Georgians have died and I and my family are amongst the 106,000 who have tested positive for COVID-19,” Ms. Bottoms said in a statement after the lawsuit was filed. “A better use of taxpayer money would be to expand testing and contact tracing. If being sued by the state is what it takes to save lives in Atlanta, then we will see them in court.”
The state asks a judge to overturn Ms. Bottoms’ orders that are more restrictive than Mr. Kemp’s, block her from issuing any more such orders, instruct the City Council not to ratify Ms. Bottoms’ actions or adopt any ordinances inconsistent with Mr. Kemp, to force Ms. Bottoms not to make any public statements claiming she has authority that exceeds Mr. Kemp’s, and to require city officials to enforce “all provisions” of Mr. Kemp’s existing orders.
In filing the lawsuit, Mr. Kemp combined a previous dispute with Ms. Bottoms over policing in the city with coronavirus control. He said he was suing to protect business owners and employees in the same way he called out the National Guard last week to protect state office buildings and the governor’s mansion after an 8-year-old girl was fatally shot July 4 by armed men at a site where a white Atlanta police officer shot and killed a Black man who had grabbed a stun gun and ran.
The shooting of Rayshard Brooks prompted unrest, including the burning of the fast food restaurant at the site, and complaints that armed people were blocking traffic with no police intervention. The city struggled at times to provide officers after many called in sick when a prosecutor, over Ms. Bottoms’ objection, criminally charged the officers involved.
Mr. Kemp also alleged in his lawsuit that Ms. Bottoms has forbidden police from enforcing Mr. Kemp’s earlier orders against gatherings of more than 50 people.
Officials in at least 15 Georgia cities and counties had ordered masks during the coronavirus pandemic, and many were angry at Mr. Kemp for swatting down their efforts.
“How can we take care of our local needs when our state ties our hands behind our back and then says ‘Ignore the advice of experts?’” Savannah Mayor Van Johnson asked in a news conference.
Ms. Bottoms last week made statements that people had to return to sheltering at home and forcing restaurants to return to only offering takeout and delivery. Mr. Kemp quickly swatted those claims down, and Ms. Bottoms on Thursday described them as guidelines. But Mr. Kemp’s lawsuit says the court should set Ms. Bottoms straight on those statements as well, and forbid her from making more claims about her power to reporters.
Mr. Kemp says he strongly supports mask-wearing to combat the spread of COVID-19 infections. He traveled the state this month to encourage face coverings. But he has maintained for weeks that cities and counties can’t require masks in public places, saying local actions can’t be more or less restrictive than his statewide orders.
Wednesday, in an otherwise routine renewal of rules governing business operations and ordering medically vulnerably people to stay home, Mr. Kemp made that prohibition explicit. He also said local governments could not order masks on their own property, which would include Atlanta’s massive airport.
Although national health officials have called on people to use masks, President Donald Trump’s administration has not issued any nationwide guidance. Twenty-six states and the District of Columbia now require masks.
Mr. Kemp’s stance – not only shying away from a statewide order but trying to bar local governments from instituting their own – leaves him standing virtually alone. In the South, Republican governors in Tennessee, South Carolina, and Florida have resisted statewide mandates but allow local jurisdictions to implement them. Republican governors in Alabama, Arkansas, and Texas and Democrats in Kentucky, Louisiana, and North Carolina have issued statewide mask requirements.
Thursday’s numbers showed more than 2,800 people hospitalized statewide with the COVID-19 respiratory illness, the highest on record. The state reported that 84% of hospitals’ critical beds were filled.
Georgia overall had more than 131,000 confirmed infections and more than 3,100 deaths overall as of Thursday.
Some business groups are supporting Mr. Kemp. Georgia Restaurant Association Executive Director Kelly Bremer said Thursday that a statewide mandate isn’t appropriate considering Georgia’s size and diversity. But she also said local rules would be confusing and businesses should make their own decisions about requiring customers to wear masks.
“For businesses to grapple with 535 different municipal ordinances and 159 different county ordinances is madness,” Ms. Bremer said. “Having one set of guidelines is very important.”
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mr. Nadler reported from Marietta, Georgia. AP writer Haleluya Hadero contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-17--Washington NFL employees detail sexual harassment, verbal abuse

Fifteen women who were once employees for Washington 's NFL team told The Washington Post in a story published Thursday that they were sexually harassed during their tenures with the club .
The Post 's report details dozens of instances of alleged sexual harassment and verbal abuse , citing interviews with more than 40 current and former employees , including the 15 women , as well as text messages and internal company documents .
The allegations , which span from 2006 through 2019 , primarily include inappropriate sexual comments , unwelcome overtures , and pressure to wear revealing clothing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Post anonymously out of fear of litigation , after many signed nondisclosure agreements upon leaving the team .
The Post said it asked the team to release the employees from such agreements so they could speak openly , but the team declined .
Emily Applegate , who worked in Washington 's marketing department from 2014-15 , spoke openly about her experiences .
Among those accused of sexual harassment or verbal abuse , per The Post , are former longtime radio announcer Larry Michael , former director of pro personnel Alex Santos , assistant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former president of business operations Dennis Greene , and former chief operating officer Mitch Gershman .
Mr. Michael abruptly announced his retirement on Wednesday , and Mr. Santos and Mr. Mann were fired earlier this week after tenures of more than 10 years with the team .
Team owner Daniel Snyder was not accused of misconduct with women , per The Post , although several former employees said the team 's small human resources department and overall culture fostered an environment in which misconduct was not punished .
Mr. Snyder was accused of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Greene for his time as a male cheerleader in college .
Mr. Snyder , who bought the team in 1999 , declined multiple interview requests from The Post , and all other accused employees also declined comment .
The team has hired attorney Beth Wilkinson to review the club 's internal culture amid allegations of workplace misconduct .
`` We can confirm that our firm was retained by the team to do an independent review of the team 's culture , policies , and allegations of workplace misconduct , '' Ms. Wilkinson said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ron Rivera , who is in his first season with the team , declined to comment when reached by The Post by phone .
`` We 're trying to create a new culture here , '' Mr. Rivera told The Post .
`` We 're hoping to get people to understand that they need to judge us on where we are and where we 're going , as opposed to where we 've been . ''
ESPN relayed a statement from Mr. Rivera on Thursday evening , after The Post 's story was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] biggest thing is we have to move forward from this and make sure everybody understands we have policies that we will follow and that we have an open door policy with no retribution .
Plus my daughter works for the team and I sure as hell am not going to allow any of this ! ''
Among the allegations detailed by The Post : • Ms. Applegate said she was the subject of expletive-laced tirades from Mr. Gershman and requests to wear a tight dress for a meeting with clients `` so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to look at . ''
• In 2018 , Mr. Michael was heard on a recording saying how attractive he found a college intern , according to several employees who heard the audio , with one former female employee telling The Post it was `` disgusting . ''
Per The Post , seven former employees said Mr. Michael routinely used sexual and disparaging overtones to describe female employees .
• Six former employees and two reporters accused Mr. Santos of harassment via inappropriate overtures and comments about their bodies .
Per The Post @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an internal investigation after a reporter informed club management Mr. Santos had pinched her , directed salacious comments at her , and repeatedly asked her to date him .
• In separate text messages to two former female employees , per The Post , Mr. Mann discussed whether one 's breasts had been surgically enhanced , and told another to expect `` an inappropriate hug .
... And do n't worry that will be a stapler in my pocket , nothing else . ''
• Multiple former female employees told The Post they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoid a staircase near the entrance to team headquarters made of transparent plexiglass .
One former female employee told The Post she watched a male trainer walk step for step underneath her while openly staring up her skirt from two floors below .
• Five former employees told The Post that Mr. Greene urged women to wear revealing clothing and flirt with wealthy suite holders .
In 2018 , the New York Times published a story in which several unnamed team cheerleaders said they were required to be topless during a calendar photoshoot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they were also required to personally escort male sponsors and suite holders at a nightclub .
The report eventually led to Mr. Greene 's firing .
The Post 's story Thursday comes on the heels of the NFL club retiring its `` Redskins '' nickname and logo this week , following corporate pressure to do so .
A new name has yet to be announced .
Multiple reports have said that minority owners – FedEx CEO Fred Smith , NVR Inc. chairman Dwight Schar , and Black Diamond Capital CEO Robert Rothman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the team due to dissatisfaction with Mr. Snyder 's leadership .
The minority shareholders have hired the investment bank Moag & Company to vet buyers , ESPN reported .
The Athletic reported minority owners have been trying to sell for `` many months if not a year or more . ''
This story was reported by Reuters .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Fifteen women who were once employees for Washington's NFL team told The Washington Post in a story published Thursday that they were sexually harassed during their tenures with the club.
The Post's report details dozens of instances of alleged sexual harassment and verbal abuse, citing interviews with more than 40 current and former employees, including the 15 women, as well as text messages and internal company documents. The allegations, which span from 2006 through 2019, primarily include inappropriate sexual comments, unwelcome overtures, and pressure to wear revealing clothing.
Fourteen of the women spoke with The Post anonymously out of fear of litigation, after many signed nondisclosure agreements upon leaving the team. The Post said it asked the team to release the employees from such agreements so they could speak openly, but the team declined. Emily Applegate, who worked in Washington's marketing department from 2014-15, spoke openly about her experiences.
Among those accused of sexual harassment or verbal abuse, per The Post, are former longtime radio announcer Larry Michael, former director of pro personnel Alex Santos, assistant director of pro personnel Richard Mann, former president of business operations Dennis Greene, and former chief operating officer Mitch Gershman. Mr. Michael abruptly announced his retirement on Wednesday, and Mr. Santos and Mr. Mann were fired earlier this week after tenures of more than 10 years with the team.
Team owner Daniel Snyder was not accused of misconduct with women, per The Post, although several former employees said the team's small human resources department and overall culture fostered an environment in which misconduct was not punished. Mr. Snyder was accused of belittling top executives, including mocking Mr. Greene for his time as a male cheerleader in college.
Mr. Snyder, who bought the team in 1999, declined multiple interview requests from The Post, and all other accused employees also declined comment. The team has hired attorney Beth Wilkinson to review the club's internal culture amid allegations of workplace misconduct.
"We can confirm that our firm was retained by the team to do an independent review of the team's culture, policies, and allegations of workplace misconduct," Ms. Wilkinson said in a statement Thursday.
Head coach Ron Rivera, who is in his first season with the team, declined to comment when reached by The Post by phone.
"We're trying to create a new culture here," Mr. Rivera told The Post. "We're hoping to get people to understand that they need to judge us on where we are and where we're going, as opposed to where we've been."
ESPN relayed a statement from Mr. Rivera on Thursday evening, after The Post's story was published, saying, "[The] biggest thing is we have to move forward from this and make sure everybody understands we have policies that we will follow and that we have an open door policy with no retribution. Plus my daughter works for the team and I sure as hell am not going to allow any of this!"
Among the allegations detailed by The Post:
Ms. Applegate said she was the subject of expletive-laced tirades from Mr. Gershman and requests to wear a tight dress for a meeting with clients "so the men in the room have something to look at."
In 2018, Mr. Michael was heard on a recording saying how attractive he found a college intern, according to several employees who heard the audio, with one former female employee telling The Post it was "disgusting." Per The Post, seven former employees said Mr. Michael routinely used sexual and disparaging overtones to describe female employees.
Six former employees and two reporters accused Mr. Santos of harassment via inappropriate overtures and comments about their bodies. Per The Post, one incident in 2019 led to an internal investigation after a reporter informed club management Mr. Santos had pinched her, directed salacious comments at her, and repeatedly asked her to date him.
In separate text messages to two former female employees, per The Post, Mr. Mann discussed whether one's breasts had been surgically enhanced, and told another to expect "an inappropriate hug. ... And don't worry that will be a stapler in my pocket, nothing else."
Multiple former female employees told The Post they were warned by other female employees to avoid a staircase near the entrance to team headquarters made of transparent plexiglass. One former female employee told The Post she watched a male trainer walk step for step underneath her while openly staring up her skirt from two floors below.
Five former employees told The Post that Mr. Greene urged women to wear revealing clothing and flirt with wealthy suite holders.
In 2018, the New York Times published a story in which several unnamed team cheerleaders said they were required to be topless during a calendar photoshoot in Costa Rica in 2013, and that they were also required to personally escort male sponsors and suite holders at a nightclub. The report eventually led to Mr. Greene's firing.
The Post's story Thursday comes on the heels of the NFL club retiring its "Redskins" nickname and logo this week, following corporate pressure to do so. A new name has yet to be announced.
Multiple reports have said that minority owners – FedEx CEO Fred Smith, NVR Inc. chairman Dwight Schar, and Black Diamond Capital CEO Robert Rothman – are bidding to sell their shares in the team due to dissatisfaction with Mr. Snyder's leadership.
The minority shareholders have hired the investment bank Moag & Company to vet buyers, ESPN reported. The Athletic reported minority owners have been trying to sell for "many months if not a year or more."
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by Reuters.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.