csmonitor--2020-12-08--Coat as shelter: Designer Bas Timmer creates for people who have no home

“ We want to redefine what ‘ shelter ’ means to the homeless person , ” says Mr. Timmer .
“ I want to make the Sheltersuit a tool to integrate the homeless into society.
” Two factories – one in the Netherlands and a new facility in Cape Town , South Africa – employ a total of 21 men and women .
Most of them are refugees or have experienced homelessness .
After a social science research project revealed concerns about people trading or selling their suits , a new program will have some shelter facilities owning the suits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ house .
A sleeping bag attaches to the lower edge of the jacket , which ensures full-body protection against harsh temperatures .
The exterior is made of high-quality , donated , leftover tent fabric , while the insides are typically lined with clean , old sleeping bags , donated or collected at festivals .
Bas Timmer was already working on winter wear as a designer in the Netherlands .
But when the father of his close friends died , outdoors , from the cold , his mission became prevention of needless deaths among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foundation has distributed more than 12,000 warm , waterproof Sheltersuits around the world .
Dutch clothing designer Bas Timmer has seen some tears in his line of work .
But they have mostly been tears of joy .
During a visit to Cape Town , South Africa , Mr. Timmer met a woman who had lived her adult life on the streets , and was often cold and uncomfortable .
Despite her disabilities , she managed to get by .
While there was little he could do to change her circumstances , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So he gifted her one of his creations – a windproof and waterproof jacket that he had designed , called the Sheltersuit – and taught her how to use it .
When he checked on her a few days later , Mr. Timmer says she broke down , crying .
She “ was finally warm and cozy , ” he says .
With over 12,000 such suits distributed by Mr. Timmer ’ s Sheltersuit Foundation since 2014 , he has had several such interactions , though none quite as emotional as his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been handed out to people experiencing homelessness in the Netherlands ; Lesbos , Greece ; Sarajevo , Bosnia-Herzegovina ; Edinburgh , Scotland ; and London , as well as New York , Chicago , San Francisco , and a few other cities in the United States .
The foundation distributes the suits to people in need free of charge .
While the Sheltersuit does not address the root causes of homelessness , it provides much-needed comfort to those on the streets .
“ Every human being deserves warmth , protection , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Sheltersuit comes with a sleeping bag that attaches to the lower edge of the jacket , which ensures full-body protection against harsh temperatures .
The exterior is made of high-quality , leftover tent fabric donated by TenCate Outdoor Fabrics , while the insides are typically lined with old sleeping bags , donated or collected at festivals , after they have been cleaned .
“ Imagine being homeless during a Dutch winter , having to sleep outside in the bitter cold and pouring rain , ” says Mr. Timmer .
He has also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , called the Shelterbag , for use in warm weather .
Mr. Timmer was spurred to develop the Sheltersuit in 2014 , when the father of two of his dear friends died of hypothermia on the streets .
At the time , he had just started working as a designer of warm winter wear and felt compelled to create a product that would prevent such needless deaths .
“ I had my fears initially , but my mother encouraged me to follow my heart .
She motivated me to design the first Sheltersuit.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ creativity and entrepreneurial spirit from his parents , both of whom worked in the textile industry .
In the Netherlands , some 40,000 people have registered as rough sleepers of varied circumstance .
Poverty plays a key role , but so does mental illness in many cases .
This number does not include young people unwilling to register as homeless , or asylum-seekers refused legal refuge .
During the pandemic , the need for more shelter space became acute : While shelters did not want to encourage rough sleeping , there simply wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facilities began requesting the suits to protect those they could not accommodate .
“ The priority became to shelter the homeless where they were , ” says Mr. Timmer .
Since March , the Sheltersuit Foundation has distributed nearly 2,000 Sheltersuits and Shelterbags to shelters and homeless people in the Netherlands and South Africa .
Currently , Sheltersuit operates two manufacturing facilities : the original factory in Enschede in the Netherlands and a newer one in Cape Town .
The Sheltersuit Foundation is also exploring partnerships in the U.S. , United Kingdom , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 14 employees , most of whom are refugees or people who have experienced homelessness .
“ All donations to the Sheltersuit Foundation go to pay the salaries of the Sheltersuit makers .
Besides job training , we also provide them with Dutch-language lessons and help them settle into Dutch society , ” Mr. Timmer says .
The factory in South Africa has seven local seamstresses , most having experienced joblessness and homelessness .
“ When we completed the pilot production of 250 suits in South Africa , one of the seamstresses was sobbing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She shared that she finally had the money to buy shoes for her son , so he could play football .
Imagine how much we can multiply this happiness when we scale up with the right partners.
” A Shelterbag costs one-third of a Sheltersuit to make in the Netherlands , about €100 ( $ 120 ) .
In South Africa , the bag can be made for €30 .
“ We needed to be in a country with a lower cost of production , to manufacture on a large scale , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with UNICEF , the Red Cross , and other global organizations on a small scale , Mr. Timmer now hopes to be able to gradually meet greater demand .
Femke van Stratum , a communications adviser , evaluated the Sheltersuit model as part of her master ’ s thesis work in psychology and communication sciences at the University of Twente in the Netherlands .
“ In my research , I found that overall , social workers in the Netherlands were positive about the Sheltersuits being given to homeless people , ” she says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about people trading or selling their suits .
To minimize this risk , the social workers suggested that the suits should only be given to those who can not sleep at a shelter , like those with a dog , or to those who do not want to sleep at a shelter for various reasons.
” To address some concerns about distributing Sheltersuits directly , Mr. Timmer plans to pilot a new distribution model developed after discussions with a Dutch shelter organization and local homeless people .
Under this model , shelters retain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ optional trackers to be able to check in on and make deliveries to individuals on the street .
“ We want to redefine what ‘ shelter ’ means to the homeless person , ” says Mr. Timmer .
“ We aim to make [ the Sheltersuit ] a service , rather than a product.
” This may help shelter facilities build relationships with clients .
“ I want to make the Sheltersuit a tool to integrate the homeless into society.
” Mr. Timmer was recently recognized by Time magazine as one of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I want to protect every homeless person in the world , in a socially and environmentally responsible manner , ” he says .

“We want to redefine what ‘shelter’ means to the homeless person,” says Mr. Timmer. “I want to make the Sheltersuit a tool to integrate the homeless into society.”
Two factories – one in the Netherlands and a new facility in Cape Town, South Africa – employ a total of 21 men and women. Most of them are refugees or have experienced homelessness. After a social science research project revealed concerns about people trading or selling their suits, a new program will have some shelter facilities owning the suits for distribution to those they cannot house.
Sometimes a vocation becomes a mission after an experience changes one's perspective. This Dutch designer wants to protect the homeless people of the world with his wearable jacket and sleeping bag.
A sleeping bag attaches to the lower edge of the jacket, which ensures full-body protection against harsh temperatures. The exterior is made of high-quality, donated, leftover tent fabric, while the insides are typically lined with clean, old sleeping bags, donated or collected at festivals.
Bas Timmer was already working on winter wear as a designer in the Netherlands. But when the father of his close friends died, outdoors, from the cold, his mission became prevention of needless deaths among homeless populations. Since 2014, his foundation has distributed more than 12,000 warm, waterproof Sheltersuits around the world.
Dutch clothing designer Bas Timmer has seen some tears in his line of work. But they have mostly been tears of joy.
During a visit to Cape Town, South Africa, Mr. Timmer met a woman who had lived her adult life on the streets, and was often cold and uncomfortable. Despite her disabilities, she managed to get by. While there was little he could do to change her circumstances, he could offer her a bit of warmth. So he gifted her one of his creations – a windproof and waterproof jacket that he had designed, called the Sheltersuit – and taught her how to use it.
When he checked on her a few days later, Mr. Timmer says she broke down, crying. She “was finally warm and cozy,” he says.
Why We Wrote This Sometimes a vocation becomes a mission after an experience changes one's perspective. This Dutch designer wants to protect the homeless people of the world with his wearable jacket and sleeping bag.
With over 12,000 such suits distributed by Mr. Timmer’s Sheltersuit Foundation since 2014, he has had several such interactions, though none quite as emotional as his encounter in Cape Town. The suits have been handed out to people experiencing homelessness in the Netherlands; Lesbos, Greece; Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina; Edinburgh, Scotland; and London, as well as New York, Chicago, San Francisco, and a few other cities in the United States.
The foundation distributes the suits to people in need free of charge. While the Sheltersuit does not address the root causes of homelessness, it provides much-needed comfort to those on the streets. “Every human being deserves warmth, protection, and dignity,” says Mr. Timmer.
The Sheltersuit comes with a sleeping bag that attaches to the lower edge of the jacket, which ensures full-body protection against harsh temperatures. The exterior is made of high-quality, leftover tent fabric donated by TenCate Outdoor Fabrics, while the insides are typically lined with old sleeping bags, donated or collected at festivals, after they have been cleaned. “Imagine being homeless during a Dutch winter, having to sleep outside in the bitter cold and pouring rain,” says Mr. Timmer. He has also designed a lighter version of the suit, called the Shelterbag, for use in warm weather.
Ben Houdijk/Courtesy of Bas Timmer View caption Hide caption Bas Timmer presents his Shelterbag at the South by Southwest conference in Austin, Texas, in April 2019. The bag is a warmer-climate version of the Sheltersuit, a waterproof garment created for people experiencing homelessness.
A personal reason
Mr. Timmer was spurred to develop the Sheltersuit in 2014, when the father of two of his dear friends died of hypothermia on the streets. At the time, he had just started working as a designer of warm winter wear and felt compelled to create a product that would prevent such needless deaths.
“I had my fears initially, but my mother encouraged me to follow my heart. She motivated me to design the first Sheltersuit.” Mr. Timmer says he inherited his creativity and entrepreneurial spirit from his parents, both of whom worked in the textile industry.
In the Netherlands, some 40,000 people have registered as rough sleepers of varied circumstance. Poverty plays a key role, but so does mental illness in many cases. This number does not include young people unwilling to register as homeless, or asylum-seekers refused legal refuge.
During the pandemic, the need for more shelter space became acute: While shelters did not want to encourage rough sleeping, there simply wasn’t enough room inside. Shelter facilities began requesting the suits to protect those they could not accommodate.
“The priority became to shelter the homeless where they were,” says Mr. Timmer. Since March, the Sheltersuit Foundation has distributed nearly 2,000 Sheltersuits and Shelterbags to shelters and homeless people in the Netherlands and South Africa.
Currently, Sheltersuit operates two manufacturing facilities: the original factory in Enschede in the Netherlands and a newer one in Cape Town. The Sheltersuit Foundation is also exploring partnerships in the U.S., United Kingdom, and Australia.
Tony Docekal/ Courtesy of Bas Timmer View caption Hide caption Ahmad Shasho, who is from Syria and lives in the Netherlands, works in the Sheltersuit factory in the city of Enschede.
The Dutch factory has 14 employees, most of whom are refugees or people who have experienced homelessness. “All donations to the Sheltersuit Foundation go to pay the salaries of the Sheltersuit makers. Besides job training, we also provide them with Dutch-language lessons and help them settle into Dutch society,” Mr. Timmer says.
The factory in South Africa has seven local seamstresses, most having experienced joblessness and homelessness. “When we completed the pilot production of 250 suits in South Africa, one of the seamstresses was sobbing,” says Mr. Timmer. “She shared that she finally had the money to buy shoes for her son, so he could play football. Imagine how much we can multiply this happiness when we scale up with the right partners.”
Gearing up production
A Shelterbag costs one-third of a Sheltersuit to make in the Netherlands, about €100 ($120). In South Africa, the bag can be made for €30. “We needed to be in a country with a lower cost of production, to manufacture on a large scale,” says Mr. Timmer. After having partnered with UNICEF, the Red Cross, and other global organizations on a small scale, Mr. Timmer now hopes to be able to gradually meet greater demand.
Femke van Stratum, a communications adviser, evaluated the Sheltersuit model as part of her master’s thesis work in psychology and communication sciences at the University of Twente in the Netherlands. “In my research, I found that overall, social workers in the Netherlands were positive about the Sheltersuits being given to homeless people,” she says. “But there were some concerns about people trading or selling their suits. To minimize this risk, the social workers suggested that the suits should only be given to those who cannot sleep at a shelter, like those with a dog, or to those who do not want to sleep at a shelter for various reasons.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Cooperative concept
To address some concerns about distributing Sheltersuits directly, Mr. Timmer plans to pilot a new distribution model developed after discussions with a Dutch shelter organization and local homeless people. Under this model, shelters retain ownership of the suits and can add optional trackers to be able to check in on and make deliveries to individuals on the street. “We want to redefine what ‘shelter’ means to the homeless person,” says Mr. Timmer. “We aim to make [the Sheltersuit] a service, rather than a product.” This may help shelter facilities build relationships with clients. “I want to make the Sheltersuit a tool to integrate the homeless into society.”
Mr. Timmer was recently recognized by Time magazine as one of their Next Generation Leaders for 2020. “I want to protect every homeless person in the world, in a socially and environmentally responsible manner,” he says.


csmonitor--2020-12-08--Steve Martin brings the cartoon fun in ‘A Wealth of Pigeons’

Which came first , the cartoon or the punch line ?
The answer is both , at least in the case of actor-writer Steve Martin and New Yorker cartoonist Harry Bliss .
In an introduction to their marvelously dry and sly book , “ A Wealth of Pigeons : A Cartoon Collection , ” Martin writes of being paired with Bliss by New Yorker editor Françoise Mouly .
“ I mentioned that I had a cartoon idea and did she know anyone who might draw it , ” Martin recalls .
Mouly connected him with Bliss .
From there began @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in heaven : “ We rarely speak to each other , and we live in different states , ” he writes , presumably with a touch of his signature sarcasm .
At first , Martin dreamed up an idea and then dispatched it to Bliss to realize at the drawing board .
At some point , “ Harry began sending me orphan drawings for captions , and we discovered we had two ways to work : forwards and backwards.
” He explains : “ Forwards was me conceiving of several cartoon images and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favorites ; backwards was Harry sending me sketched or fully drawn cartoons for dialogue or banners.
” The resulting cartoons are little gems of comic perception , with the pair taking stock of human foibles and imagining animal intelligences with bemusement but never meanness .
Perhaps owing to their collaborative method , their panels are also unusually balanced .
While many cartoonists exhibit strength either as artists or as caption writers – for example , the great New Yorker cartoonist James Thurber was arguably better at imagining thoughts for his famous dogs than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Martin have crafted cartoons in which art and text are in harmonious balance .
The pair delights in needling the pretensions of the upper classes .
One panel offers a parent and child looking for images in the clouds , but their status as sophisticated city dwellers is revealed in the child ’ s itemization of what he sees : “ I see a horse , a puppy , and that one looks like a Rauschenberg installation.
” Elsewhere , a caveman and his wife wait for the maitre d ’ to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maybe it ’ s under ‘ Apeman , ’ ” one says .
The small lies we tell ourselves are gently needled in a cartoon showing a couple rowing toward an ominous-looking cave : The husband says to his wife , “ Don ’ t think of it as a cave , think of it as a retirement community.
” Two men in business suits stand before a building labeled United States Mint and ponder how they can “ monetize ” it .
Several cartoons reference Woodstock , aiming the collection squarely at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflect a durable tradition in cartooning : the attempt to place oneself inside the minds of assorted furry creatures .
For example , Bliss and Martin imagine two squirrels stealing a food bowl from a dog watching them forlornly through a window ( “ Once we file off the name , it will be untraceable , ” one squirrel says of the name , “ Fifi , ” on the bowl ) .
In their comic universe , a pair of turkeys , hoping to dodge Thanksgiving , hide behind a log at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one mischief-making pup , having destroyed a sofa , tells another pup upon their human owners returning home , “ Quick , act casual.
” Throughout , Bliss ’ draftsmanship is a source of pleasure itself ; the artist is capable of conjuring a shotgun-wielding bird in flight ( nature takes its revenge ? )
and Attila the Hun ( renamed “ Attila the Honeybunch ” as he cradles an infant ) with equal facility .
Delightfully , Bliss and Martin do not exempt themselves from their rapier wit , weaving throughout the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the subjects .
Bliss , who draws Martin perfectly – with a wayward smile and white hair – sends up his famous colleague when , in a strip chronicling their first meeting , the cartoon Martin name-drops Lady Gaga and Keanu Reeves .
“ Amazing !
” the cartoon Bliss says in reply .
“ I once said ‘ Hi ’ to Ed Begley , Jr. ” Perhaps the famous Hollywood type and the nondescript cartoonist make for an odd couple , but the fruits of their labor are wonderfully witty and wise @

Which came first, the cartoon or the punch line?
The answer is both, at least in the case of actor-writer Steve Martin and New Yorker cartoonist Harry Bliss. In an introduction to their marvelously dry and sly book, “A Wealth of Pigeons: A Cartoon Collection,” Martin writes of being paired with Bliss by New Yorker editor Françoise Mouly. “I mentioned that I had a cartoon idea and did she know anyone who might draw it,” Martin recalls. Mouly connected him with Bliss. From there began what Martin describes as a collaboration made in heaven: “We rarely speak to each other, and we live in different states,” he writes, presumably with a touch of his signature sarcasm.
At first, Martin dreamed up an idea and then dispatched it to Bliss to realize at the drawing board. At some point, “Harry began sending me orphan drawings for captions, and we discovered we had two ways to work: forwards and backwards.” He explains: “Forwards was me conceiving of several cartoon images and captions, and Harry would select his favorites; backwards was Harry sending me sketched or fully drawn cartoons for dialogue or banners.”
The resulting cartoons are little gems of comic perception, with the pair taking stock of human foibles and imagining animal intelligences with bemusement but never meanness. Perhaps owing to their collaborative method, their panels are also unusually balanced. While many cartoonists exhibit strength either as artists or as caption writers – for example, the great New Yorker cartoonist James Thurber was arguably better at imagining thoughts for his famous dogs than in drawing the dogs themselves – Bliss and Martin have crafted cartoons in which art and text are in harmonious balance.
Macmillan Publishers View caption Hide caption “A Wealth of Pigeons: A Cartoon Collection” by Harry Bliss and Steve Martin, Celadon Books, 272 pp.
The pair delights in needling the pretensions of the upper classes. One panel offers a parent and child looking for images in the clouds, but their status as sophisticated city dwellers is revealed in the child’s itemization of what he sees: “I see a horse, a puppy, and that one looks like a Rauschenberg installation.” Elsewhere, a caveman and his wife wait for the maitre d’ to check for their dinner reservation: “Maybe it’s under ‘Apeman,’” one says.
The small lies we tell ourselves are gently needled in a cartoon showing a couple rowing toward an ominous-looking cave: The husband says to his wife, “Don’t think of it as a cave, think of it as a retirement community.” Two men in business suits stand before a building labeled United States Mint and ponder how they can “monetize” it. Several cartoons reference Woodstock, aiming the collection squarely at baby boomers.
The most memorable panels reflect a durable tradition in cartooning: the attempt to place oneself inside the minds of assorted furry creatures. For example, Bliss and Martin imagine two squirrels stealing a food bowl from a dog watching them forlornly through a window (“Once we file off the name, it will be untraceable,” one squirrel says of the name, “Fifi,” on the bowl). In their comic universe, a pair of turkeys, hoping to dodge Thanksgiving, hide behind a log at the first whiff of cranberries, and one mischief-making pup, having destroyed a sofa, tells another pup upon their human owners returning home, “Quick, act casual.”
Throughout, Bliss’ draftsmanship is a source of pleasure itself; the artist is capable of conjuring a shotgun-wielding bird in flight (nature takes its revenge?) and Attila the Hun (renamed “Attila the Honeybunch” as he cradles an infant) with equal facility.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Delightfully, Bliss and Martin do not exempt themselves from their rapier wit, weaving throughout the book occasional cartoons in which they are the subjects. Bliss, who draws Martin perfectly – with a wayward smile and white hair – sends up his famous colleague when, in a strip chronicling their first meeting, the cartoon Martin name-drops Lady Gaga and Keanu Reeves. “Amazing!” the cartoon Bliss says in reply. “I once said ‘Hi’ to Ed Begley, Jr.”
Perhaps the famous Hollywood type and the nondescript cartoonist make for an odd couple, but the fruits of their labor are wonderfully witty and wise.


csmonitor--2020-12-08--Another first: A Black general could lead the Pentagon

President-elect Joe Biden will nominate retired four-star Army general Lloyd J. Austin to be secretary of defense , according to four people familiar with the decision .
If confirmed by the Senate , Mr. Austin would be the first Black leader of the Pentagon .
Mr. Biden selected Mr. Austin over the longtime front-runner candidate , Michele Flournoy , a former senior Pentagon official and Biden supporter who would have been the first woman to serve as defense secretary .
Mr. Biden also had considered Jeh Johnson , a former Pentagon general counsel and former secretary of homeland defense .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmed by four people with knowledge of the pick who spoke to The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity because the selection hadn ’ t been formally announced .
Mr. Biden offered and Mr. Austin accepted on Sunday , according to a person familiar with the process .
As a career military officer , Mr. Austin is likely to face opposition from some in Congress and in the defense establishment who believe in drawing a clear line between civilian and military leadership of the Pentagon .
Although many previous defense secretaries have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two – George C. Marshall and James Mattis – have been career officers .
Mr. Marshall also served as secretary of state .
Like Mr. Mattis , Mr. Austin would need to obtain a congressional waiver to serve as defense secretary .
Congress intended civilian control of the military when it created the position of secretary of defense in 1947 and prohibited a recently retired military officer from holding the position .
One of the people who confirmed the pick said Mr. Austin ’ s selection was about choosing the best possible person @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name a candidate of color and that Mr. Austin ’ s stock had risen in recent days .
Mr. Austin is a 1975 graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and served 41 years in uniform .
Mr. Biden has known Mr. Austin at least since the general ’ s years leading United States and coalition troops in Iraq while Mr. Biden was vice president .
Mr. Austin was commander in Baghdad of the Multinational Corps-Iraq in 2008 when Barack Obama was elected president , and he returned to lead U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Austin ’ s wide range of military assignments , in 2009-2010 he ran the joint staff during a portion of Navy Adm. Mike Mullen ’ s term as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff .
Mr. Mullen had high praise for Austin .
“ Should President-elect Biden tap him for the job , Lloyd will make a superb secretary of defense , ” Mr. Mullen said in a statement late Monday night .
“ He knows firsthand the complex missions our men and women in uniform conduct around the world .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ partnerships .
He respects the need for robust and healthy civil-military relations .
And he leads inclusively , calmly and confidently.
” Mr. Austin also served in 2012 as the first Black vice chief of staff of the Army , the service ’ s No .
2-ranking position .
A year later he assumed command of U.S. Central Command , where he fashioned and began implementing a U.S. military strategy for rolling back the Islamic State militants in Iraq and Syria .
Mr. Austin retired from the Army in 2016 , and he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal requirement that a former member of the military be out of uniform at least seven years before serving as secretary of defense .
That waiver has been granted only twice – most recently in the case of Mr. Mattis , the retired Marine general who served as President Donald Trump ’ s first Pentagon chief .
The Mattis period at the Pentagon is now viewed by some as evidence of why a recently retired military officer should serve as defense secretary only in rare exceptions .
Although Mr. Mattis remains widely respected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critics say he tended to surround himself with military officers at the expense of a broader civilian perspective .
He resigned in December 2018 in protest of Mr. Trump ’ s policies .
Loren DeJonge Schulman , who spent 10 years in senior staff positions at the Pentagon and the National Security Council , said she understands why Mr. Biden would seek out candidates with a deep understanding of the military .
However , she worries that appointing a general to a political role could prolong some of the damage caused by Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ But retired generals are not one-for-one substitutes of civilian leaders , ” she said .
“ General officers bring different skills and different perspectives , and great generals do not universally make good appointees.
” Mr. Austin has a reputation for strong leadership , integrity , and a sharp intellect .
He would not be a prototypical defense secretary , not just because of his 41-year military career but also because he has shied from the public eye .
It would be an understatement to say he was a quiet general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he gave few interviews and preferred not to speak publicly about military operations .
When he did speak , Mr. Austin did not mince words .
In 2015 , in describing how the Islamic State army managed a year earlier to sweep across the Syrian border to grab control of large swaths of northern and western Iraq , Mr. Austin said the majority of Iraqi Sunnis simply refused to fight for their government .
“ They allowed – and in some cases facilitated – ISIS ’ s push through the country , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ admiration of the Obama administration for his work in Iraq and at Central Command , although he disagreed with Mr. Obama ’ s decision to pull out of Iraq entirely in December 2011 .
Mr. Austin was involved in the Iraq War from start to finish .
He served as an assistant commander of the 3rd Infantry Division during the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 and oversaw the withdrawal in 2011 .
When Mr. Austin retired in 2016 , Mr. Obama praised his “ character and competence , ” as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ familiar with the matter said Mr. Biden was drawn to Mr. Austin ’ s oversight of the Iraq pull-out , especially given the military ’ s upcoming role in supporting the distribution of the coronavirus vaccines .
Like many retired generals , Mr. Austin has served on corporate boards .
He is a member of the board of directors of Raytheon Technologies .
Word of Mr. Austin ’ s selection broke a day before a meeting between Mr. Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris and civil rights groups , many of whom had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cabinet members .
The Rev .
Al Sharpton , the civil rights activist , said Monday : “ It ’ s a good choice that I think many in the civil rights community would support .
It ’ s the first time we have seen a person of color in that position .
That means something , in a global view , especially after such an antagonistic relationship we had with the previous administration.
” Mr. Sharpton , who is set to be in the meeting with Mr. Biden on Tuesday , called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right direction but not the end of the walk.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Julie Pace contributed to this report .

President-elect Joe Biden will nominate retired four-star Army general Lloyd J. Austin to be secretary of defense, according to four
people familiar with the decision. If confirmed by the Senate, Mr. Austin would be the first Black leader of the Pentagon.
Mr. Biden selected Mr. Austin over the longtime front-runner candidate, Michele Flournoy, a former senior Pentagon official and Biden supporter who would have been the first woman to serve as defense secretary. Mr. Biden also had considered Jeh Johnson, a former Pentagon general counsel and former secretary of homeland defense.
The impending nomination of Mr. Austin was confirmed by four people with knowledge of the pick who spoke to The Associated Press on the condition of anonymity because the selection hadn’t been formally announced. Mr. Biden offered and Mr. Austin accepted on Sunday, according to a person familiar with the process.
As a career military officer, Mr. Austin is likely to face opposition from some in Congress and in the defense establishment who believe in drawing a clear line between civilian and military leadership of the Pentagon. Although many previous defense secretaries have served briefly in the military, only two – George C. Marshall and James Mattis – have been career officers. Mr. Marshall also served as secretary of state.
Like Mr. Mattis, Mr. Austin would need to obtain a congressional waiver to serve as defense secretary. Congress intended civilian control of the military when it created the position of secretary of defense in 1947 and prohibited a recently retired military officer from holding the position.
One of the people who confirmed the pick said Mr. Austin’s selection was about choosing the best possible person but acknowledged that pressure had built to name a candidate of color and that Mr. Austin’s stock had risen in recent days.
Mr. Austin is a 1975 graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and served 41 years in uniform.
Mr. Biden has known Mr. Austin at least since the general’s years leading United States and coalition troops in Iraq while Mr. Biden was vice president. Mr. Austin was commander in Baghdad of the Multinational Corps-Iraq in 2008 when Barack Obama was elected president, and he returned to lead U.S. troops from 2010 through 2011.
Among Mr. Austin’s wide range of military assignments, in 2009-2010 he ran the joint staff during a portion of Navy Adm. Mike Mullen’s term as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Mr. Mullen had high praise for Austin.
“Should President-elect Biden tap him for the job, Lloyd will make a superb secretary of defense,” Mr. Mullen said in a statement late Monday night. “He knows firsthand the complex missions our men and women in uniform conduct around the world. He puts a premium on alliances and partnerships. He respects the need for robust and healthy civil-military relations. And he leads inclusively, calmly and confidently.”
Mr. Austin also served in 2012 as the first Black vice chief of staff of the Army, the service’s No. 2-ranking position. A year later he assumed command of U.S. Central Command, where he fashioned and began implementing a U.S. military strategy for rolling back the Islamic State militants in Iraq and Syria.
Mr. Austin retired from the Army in 2016, and he would need a congressional waiver of the legal requirement that a former member of the military be out of uniform at least seven years before serving as secretary of defense. That waiver has been granted only twice – most recently in the case of Mr. Mattis, the retired Marine general who served as President Donald Trump’s first Pentagon chief.
The Mattis period at the Pentagon is now viewed by some as evidence of why a recently retired military officer should serve as defense secretary only in rare exceptions. Although Mr. Mattis remains widely respected for his military prowess and intellect, critics say he tended to surround himself with military officers at the expense of a broader civilian perspective. He resigned in December 2018 in protest of Mr. Trump’s policies.
Loren DeJonge Schulman, who spent 10 years in senior staff positions at the Pentagon and the National Security Council, said she understands why Mr. Biden would seek out candidates with a deep understanding of the military. However, she worries that appointing a general to a political role could prolong some of the damage caused by Mr. Trump’s politicization of the military.
“But retired generals are not one-for-one substitutes of civilian leaders,” she said. “General officers bring different skills and different perspectives, and great generals do not universally make good appointees.”
Mr. Austin has a reputation for strong leadership, integrity, and a sharp intellect. He would not be a prototypical defense secretary, not just because of his 41-year military career but also because he has shied from the public eye. It would be an understatement to say he was a quiet general; although he testified before Congress, he gave few interviews and preferred not to speak publicly about military operations.
When he did speak, Mr. Austin did not mince words. In 2015, in describing how the Islamic State army managed a year earlier to sweep across the Syrian border to grab control of large swaths of northern and western Iraq, Mr. Austin said the majority of Iraqi Sunnis simply refused to fight for their government.
“They allowed – and in some cases facilitated – ISIS’s push through the country,” Mr. Austin said.
He earned the admiration of the Obama administration for his work in Iraq and at Central Command, although he disagreed with Mr. Obama’s decision to pull out of Iraq entirely in December 2011.
Mr. Austin was involved in the Iraq War from start to finish. He served as an assistant commander of the 3rd Infantry Division during the invasion of Iraq in March 2003 and oversaw the withdrawal in 2011. When Mr. Austin retired in 2016, Mr. Obama praised his “character and competence,” as well as his judgment and leadership.
One person familiar with the matter said Mr. Biden was drawn to Mr. Austin’s oversight of the Iraq pull-out, especially given the military’s upcoming role in supporting the distribution of the coronavirus vaccines.
Like many retired generals, Mr. Austin has served on corporate boards. He is a member of the board of directors of Raytheon Technologies.
Word of Mr. Austin’s selection broke a day before a meeting between Mr. Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris and civil rights groups, many of whom had pushed the president-elect to pick more Black Cabinet members.
The Rev. Al Sharpton, the civil rights activist, said Monday: “It’s a good choice that I think many in the civil rights community would support. It’s the first time we have seen a person of color in that position. That means something, in a global view, especially after such an antagonistic relationship we had with the previous administration.”
Mr. Sharpton, who is set to be in the meeting with Mr. Biden on Tuesday, called the choice “a step in the right direction but not the end of the walk.”
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Politico first reported Mr. Biden’s selection of Mr. Austin.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Julie Pace contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-12-08--Ex-Boko Haram fighters deradicalized, but still unreconciled

“ Without justice , there can ’ t be any forgiveness , ” says security analyst Audu Bulama Bukarti .
And justice , in the eyes of many survivors , has yet to arrive .
Yet it ’ s vehemently opposed by many citizens , and unclear how many “ graduates ” have really returned to their communities .
Many residents insist they can not put Boko Haram ’ s atrocities behind them and heal while living with their attackers , especially as some areas continue to experience attacks .
Since 2016 , Nigeria has run Operation Safe Corridor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ non-threats .
Participants ( referred to as “ clients ” ) go through therapy , religious re-education , and literacy and vocational skills training .
Hundreds have completed the course , touted as a way to reintegrate repentant fighters .
For a decade , Nigeria ’ s military has struggled to stamp out the threat of Boko Haram , the Islamist insurgency that has killed more than 30,000 people .
Yet its powers have been significantly clipped , and hundreds of fighters have escaped its forest enclaves .
When Ibrahim Dubji began the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was bubbling over with conflicting emotions .
There was the joy that his daughter was getting married – and the dread of seeing neighbors who had lost loved ones to Boko Haram .
Mr. Dubji had fought for the terror sect for years after being conscripted , he says .
But in the past few months , he had completed a state-sponsored deradicalization course .
He was returning a new man .
The people of Gwoza thought otherwise .
At the entrance of the fragile town , devastated from years of raids @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the gates arrested and questioned him : Why had he come back ?
Was he still a fighter ?
After a night in detention , Mr. Dubji was thrown out of Gwoza , away from his daughter ’ s wedding , the house he built , and his family .
“ They told me I won ’ t enter even though I provided evidence that I have been cleared , ” says a still-stunned Mr. Dubji .
He sits on a mat in the camp for people who have been displaced that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tents tucked into a corner of Maiduguri , the city at the heart of the insurgency .
Mr. Dubji ’ s face is gaunt , eyes sunken into sockets .
“ Since I had been cleared I don ’ t see any reason why they denied me entry to the town.
” Hundreds of former fighters like Mr. Dubji have undergone the government ’ s course , touted as a way to reintegrate repentant fighters .
Yet it ’ s vehemently opposed by many citizens , and unclear how many “ graduates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – and how many are floating around northeast Nigeria , unable to go home .
Since 2016 , the Nigerian military has run the 16-week course , Operation Safe Corridor ( OPSC ) , in the sleepy northwest city of Gombe , away from the bloodshed farther northeast where Boko Haram factions lay claim .
With OPSC , the government hopes to help low-risk defectors live again in the communities they left behind , by teaching them to let go of extremist ideals .
The program is also a soft strike at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recruiting activities and encourage more foot soldiers to surrender .
But to deliver on that promise , critics say , OPSC must reform .
Successful reintegration depends on two things : defectors themselves , and the towns being asked to reaccept them , even as they struggle to heal – which will require deep dialogue and cooperation .
“ Without justice , there can ’ t be any forgiveness , ” says London-based security analyst Audu Bulama Bukarti , of the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change .
And justice , in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to arrive .
Over the past decade , Boko Haram ’ s Islamist insurgency has killed more than 30,000 people and displaced 2.5 million .
The Nigerian military has struggled to stamp out the threat , as Boko Haram factions continue to recruit volunteers and capture forced conscripts .
But the group ’ s powers have been significantly clipped over the years , and hundreds of fighters have escaped its forest enclaves .
More than 600 ex-fighters graduated from OPSC by August 2020 , with some 2,000 men currently enrolled or being prepped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soldiers have been transferred to a separate , shorter deradicalization , rehabilitation , and reintegration program set aside for women and children , run by international organizations including UNICEF .
Once detained , or after turning themselves in , repentant fighters undergo a profiling process and appear before a judicial panel to provide testimonies .
The process helps the military determine their level of radicalization .
“ Those captured in combat are processed for prosecution , but the ones that have not been ideologically indoctrinated because they were conscripted , they were abducted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” army spokesperson Brig .
Gen. Onyema Nwachukwu explained to local media in February .
“ They call them low-risk combatants .
Those do not buy into Boko Haram agenda ; they were forced into it .
These repentant members have been assisting the military by providing intelligence on Boko Haram activities.
” After being certified non-threats , participants ( referred to as “ clients ” ) go through therapy , religious re-education , and literacy and vocational skills training .
Mr. Dubji , who learned to make perfumes and soaps , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Poverty and a lack of opportunities in the arid region have motivated many men to join groups like Boko Haram .
Mr. Dubji ’ s case is different since he ’ s a forced conscript , but he says those skills helped him start a small trading business he survives on – though the startup loan that the Borno state government had promised never came .
OPSC ’ S funding information is not public ; an email requesting funding details from the program director , Maj. Gen. Bamidele Shafa , as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response .
In February 2020 , the legislature announced a bill to establish a national agency devoted to rehabilitation , though there has been no further deliberation .
But OPSC has received major backlash , on everything from its existence to its administration .
Many Nigerians say the program diverts much-needed funds to people who do not deserve them amid a recession .
Politicians from the states worst-hit by Boko Haram have voiced their displeasure , and there is heavy pressure from civil organizations to abandon the bill and divert funds to survivors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ site of most fighting , faces a looming food crisis , and is home to many of the country ’ s poorest and least literate communities .
Many residents insist they can not put Boko Haram ’ s atrocities behind them and heal while living with their attackers , especially as some areas continue to experience attacks .
“ Bringing them [ ex-fighters ] here is very wrong , ” says Mohammed Buba Dada , a Gwoza businessman .
“ They are the set of people that burned our homes , they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and they are the people still being used to kill our relatives , our mothers , our children , our wives , our sons .
It ’ s a good thing the government empowers them , but one thing that ’ s not fair is bringing them to stay at our side again.
” Gwoza , near the border with Cameroon , is particularly devastated .
In 2014 , when the sect claimed the area as the headquarters of its caliphate , fighters slaughtered hundreds of people in the public abattoir .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his cousin is still missing .
The military claims Gwoza is now safe , but many stay back in Maiduguri camps , still fearing attacks – the same camps housing some ex-fighters like Mr. Dubji .
The government has not been transparent enough about the program , muddling an already tense situation , some analysts say .
“ There are issues around financial transparency and accountability and there ’ s the lack of an explicit curriculum on what ’ s to be done at each stage or how to measure impact , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one of few outsiders to step foot in the Gombe camp .
“ You don ’ t have a scientific way to determine if they are ripe for integration.
” There are also questions about some of the men painted as ex-fighters , points out Murtala Abdullahi , another security analyst from the region , and Mr. Bukarti .
Local observers speculate that participants could include some of the thousands of men whom rights groups accuse the Nigerian army of randomly arresting and torturing in the first years of the insurgency .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ could drive defectors back to Boko Haram .
As for Mr. Dubji , he has no plans to return .
What he wants is forgiveness and acceptance .
But it may be too late .
“ The way they killed and slaughtered people in our community , it ’ s like they ’ ll never become like normal humans again , ” says Abdullahi Abdullahi , a trader in Maiduguri ( not related to the security analyst ) .
“ What I will tell the government to do is extend the time of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for them is the best idea .
They killed our loved ones .
I don ’ t think we will accept them again in our community.
” Yet some observers insist OPSC is crucial and has achieved some level of success .
Mr. Bukarti doubts any graduates have fully reintegrated , but affirms that the program can combat extremist ideologies , noting that men he spoke to on his visit in 2018 were eager to read and speak to him in English – the kind of secular Western education that Boko Haram kills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or outright extrajudicial killings , for which human rights organizations have hounded the Nigerian military – there are few other options for “ solving ” the problem of thousands of ex-fighters , analysts say .
“ A lot of the pushback we are seeing is very emotional , but what is the security implication of neglecting such people [ ex-fighters ] who are probably dealing with psychological issues ?
” asks Tanwa Ashiru , founder of Bulwark Intelligence , which provides defense and security services .
What is most lacking , critics point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially community engagement .
Many victims continue to face attacks and languish in camps , without a clear process or funds to help restart their lives .
OPSC may re-tune minds , but it fails at reintegration because there ’ s no agency tasked with preparing communities , Mr. Bukarti points out .
“ You need to rehabilitate members of communities , restore livelihoods , and then start discussing with communities if they want some traditional form of justice , forgiveness , and reconciliation mechanism facilitated by government , ” he says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ The government feels Boko Haram are better than us .
We have lost everything we have and Boko Haram is given preferential treatment .
They are better than us economically .
They have been psychologically treated while no one has treated us.
’ ” Appeasing communities , all three analysts say , will take the military eliminating Boko Haram , firstly .
It will take clear communication on the program ’ s risks , costs , and effectiveness .
And it will take counseling , dialogue , and community-focused sentencing to ensure they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care little about evidence in courts , or the fact that ex-fighters probably played minor roles in Boko Haram .
Gacaca courts , used after the Rwandan genocide , may offer lessons , although they faced their own criticisms .
Based on traditional models of restorative justice , the courts – whose judges did not need legal training – would oversee confession , assign sanctions , and often prescribe community-based reparations .
Ex-Boko Haram fighters could also be sentenced to community service , Mr. Bukarti suggests , such as rebuilding destroyed schools and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t want ex-fighters , they should be resettled elsewhere , Ms. Ashiru says .
“ There ’ s a lot of psychological hurt so you can ’ t do things haphazardly , ” she says .
“ Before bringing these guys back there must be psychological help and you need to seek the community ’ s blessings .
It ’ s one issue our governments have ; they ’ re not too keen on listening .
”

“Without justice, there can’t be any forgiveness,” says security analyst Audu Bulama Bukarti. And justice, in the eyes of many survivors, has yet to arrive.
Yet it’s vehemently opposed by many citizens, and unclear how many “graduates” have really returned to their communities. Many residents insist they cannot put Boko Haram’s atrocities behind them and heal while living with their attackers, especially as some areas continue to experience attacks.
Since 2016, Nigeria has run Operation Safe Corridor, a deradicalization program designed for ex-fighters deemed non-threats. Participants (referred to as “clients”) go through therapy, religious re-education, and literacy and vocational skills training. Hundreds have completed the course, touted as a way to reintegrate repentant fighters.
Can radical militants be rehabilitated? Deradicalization is only part of the equation. The rest depends on wounded communities deciding whether to accept them back – and deep, difficult dialogue.
For a decade, Nigeria’s military has struggled to stamp out the threat of Boko Haram, the Islamist insurgency that has killed more than 30,000 people. Yet its powers have been significantly clipped, and hundreds of fighters have escaped its forest enclaves.
When Ibrahim Dubji began the journey home to Gwoza in 2017, he was bubbling over with conflicting emotions.
There was the joy that his daughter was getting married – and the dread of seeing neighbors who had lost loved ones to Boko Haram. Mr. Dubji had fought for the terror sect for years after being conscripted, he says. But in the past few months, he had completed a state-sponsored deradicalization course. He was returning a new man.
The people of Gwoza thought otherwise. At the entrance of the fragile town, devastated from years of raids and brutal attacks, soldiers positioned at the gates arrested and questioned him: Why had he come back? Was he still a fighter? After a night in detention, Mr. Dubji was thrown out of Gwoza, away from his daughter’s wedding, the house he built, and his family.
Why We Wrote This Can radical militants be rehabilitated? Deradicalization is only part of the equation. The rest depends on wounded communities deciding whether to accept them back – and deep, difficult dialogue.
“They told me I won’t enter even though I provided evidence that I have been cleared,” says a still-stunned Mr. Dubji. He sits on a mat in the camp for people who have been displaced that’s now his home, a city of tents tucked into a corner of Maiduguri, the city at the heart of the insurgency. Mr. Dubji’s face is gaunt, eyes sunken into sockets. “Since I had been cleared I don’t see any reason why they denied me entry to the town.”
Hundreds of former fighters like Mr. Dubji have undergone the government’s course, touted as a way to reintegrate repentant fighters. Yet it’s vehemently opposed by many citizens, and unclear how many “graduates” have really returned to their communities – and how many are floating around northeast Nigeria, unable to go home.
Since 2016, the Nigerian military has run the 16-week course, Operation Safe Corridor (OPSC), in the sleepy northwest city of Gombe, away from the bloodshed farther northeast where Boko Haram factions lay claim. With OPSC, the government hopes to help low-risk defectors live again in the communities they left behind, by teaching them to let go of extremist ideals. The program is also a soft strike at the terror group, an attempt to frustrate recruiting activities and encourage more foot soldiers to surrender.
But to deliver on that promise, critics say, OPSC must reform. Successful reintegration depends on two things: defectors themselves, and the towns being asked to reaccept them, even as they struggle to heal – which will require deep dialogue and cooperation.
“Without justice, there can’t be any forgiveness,” says London-based security analyst Audu Bulama Bukarti, of the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change. And justice, in the eyes of many survivors, has yet to arrive.
From combatants to clients
Over the past decade, Boko Haram’s Islamist insurgency has killed more than 30,000 people and displaced 2.5 million. The Nigerian military has struggled to stamp out the threat, as Boko Haram factions continue to recruit volunteers and capture forced conscripts. But the group’s powers have been significantly clipped over the years, and hundreds of fighters have escaped its forest enclaves.
More than 600 ex-fighters graduated from OPSC by August 2020, with some 2,000 men currently enrolled or being prepped for the course. About 90 child soldiers have been transferred to a separate, shorter deradicalization, rehabilitation, and reintegration program set aside for women and children, run by international organizations including UNICEF.
Once detained, or after turning themselves in, repentant fighters undergo a profiling process and appear before a judicial panel to provide testimonies. The process helps the military determine their level of radicalization.
“Those captured in combat are processed for prosecution, but the ones that have not been ideologically indoctrinated because they were conscripted, they were abducted, are the ones being rehabilitated,” army spokesperson Brig. Gen. Onyema Nwachukwu explained to local media in February. “They call them low-risk combatants. Those do not buy into Boko Haram agenda; they were forced into it. These repentant members have been assisting the military by providing intelligence on Boko Haram activities.”
After being certified non-threats, participants (referred to as “clients”) go through therapy, religious re-education, and literacy and vocational skills training. Mr. Dubji, who learned to make perfumes and soaps, says the last was most important for him. Poverty and a lack of opportunities in the arid region have motivated many men to join groups like Boko Haram. Mr. Dubji’s case is different since he’s a forced conscript, but he says those skills helped him start a small trading business he survives on – though the startup loan that the Borno state government had promised never came.
OPSC’S funding information is not public; an email requesting funding details from the program director, Maj. Gen. Bamidele Shafa, as well as other information about OPSC received no response. In February 2020, the legislature announced a bill to establish a national agency devoted to rehabilitation, though there has been no further deliberation.
Funds for survivors
But OPSC has received major backlash, on everything from its existence to its administration. Many Nigerians say the program diverts much-needed funds to people who do not deserve them amid a recession. Politicians from the states worst-hit by Boko Haram have voiced their displeasure, and there is heavy pressure from civil organizations to abandon the bill and divert funds to survivors.
Sani Adam View caption Hide caption Mohammed Buba Dada, a businessman from Gwoza, a village that saw several attacks from Boko Haram terrorists, says the government should resettle former fighters far from his community. Mr. Dada lost his older brother in an attack and is still looking for his cousin.
Nigeria’s northeast, the site of most fighting, faces a looming food crisis, and is home to many of the country’s poorest and least literate communities. Many residents insist they cannot put Boko Haram’s atrocities behind them and heal while living with their attackers, especially as some areas continue to experience attacks.
“Bringing them [ex-fighters] here is very wrong,” says Mohammed Buba Dada, a Gwoza businessman. “They are the set of people that burned our homes, they are the reasons we left our community, and they are the people still being used to kill our relatives, our mothers, our children, our wives, our sons. It’s a good thing the government empowers them, but one thing that’s not fair is bringing them to stay at our side again.”
Gwoza, near the border with Cameroon, is particularly devastated. In 2014, when the sect claimed the area as the headquarters of its caliphate, fighters slaughtered hundreds of people in the public abattoir. Mr. Dada’s brother was killed and his cousin is still missing. The military claims Gwoza is now safe, but many stay back in Maiduguri camps, still fearing attacks – the same camps housing some ex-fighters like Mr. Dubji.
The government has not been transparent enough about the program, muddling an already tense situation, some analysts say. “There are issues around financial transparency and accountability and there’s the lack of an explicit curriculum on what’s to be done at each stage or how to measure impact,” says Mr. Bukarti, a northeasterner himself and one of few outsiders to step foot in the Gombe camp. “You don’t have a scientific way to determine if they are ripe for integration.”
There are also questions about some of the men painted as ex-fighters, points out Murtala Abdullahi, another security analyst from the region, and Mr. Bukarti. Local observers speculate that participants could include some of the thousands of men whom rights groups accuse the Nigerian army of randomly arresting and torturing in the first years of the insurgency.
Others point out that stigma and poverty could drive defectors back to Boko Haram. As for Mr. Dubji, he has no plans to return. What he wants is forgiveness and acceptance. But it may be too late.
“The way they killed and slaughtered people in our community, it’s like they’ll never become like normal humans again,” says Abdullahi Abdullahi, a trader in Maiduguri (not related to the security analyst). “What I will tell the government to do is extend the time of [deradicalization]. Creating another place for them is the best idea. They killed our loved ones. I don’t think we will accept them again in our community.”
Justice, then forgiveness
Yet some observers insist OPSC is crucial and has achieved some level of success. Mr. Bukarti doubts any graduates have fully reintegrated, but affirms that the program can combat extremist ideologies, noting that men he spoke to on his visit in 2018 were eager to read and speak to him in English – the kind of secular Western education that Boko Haram kills for.
Save for continued detentions – or outright extrajudicial killings, for which human rights organizations have hounded the Nigerian military – there are few other options for “solving” the problem of thousands of ex-fighters, analysts say.
“A lot of the pushback we are seeing is very emotional, but what is the security implication of neglecting such people [ex-fighters] who are probably dealing with psychological issues?” asks Tanwa Ashiru, founder of Bulwark Intelligence, which provides defense and security services.
What is most lacking, critics point out, is support for rehabilitation – especially community engagement. Many victims continue to face attacks and languish in camps, without a clear process or funds to help restart their lives. OPSC may re-tune minds, but it fails at reintegration because there’s no agency tasked with preparing communities, Mr. Bukarti points out.
“You need to rehabilitate members of communities, restore livelihoods, and then start discussing with communities if they want some traditional form of justice, forgiveness, and reconciliation mechanism facilitated by government,” he says. “Displaced victims tell me, ‘The government feels Boko Haram are better than us. We have lost everything we have and Boko Haram is given preferential treatment. They are better than us economically. They have been psychologically treated while no one has treated us.’”
Appeasing communities, all three analysts say, will take the military eliminating Boko Haram, firstly. It will take clear communication on the program’s risks, costs, and effectiveness. And it will take counseling, dialogue, and community-focused sentencing to ensure they feel justice is meted out. Survivors care little about evidence in courts, or the fact that ex-fighters probably played minor roles in Boko Haram.
Gacaca courts, used after the Rwandan genocide, may offer lessons, although they faced their own criticisms. Based on traditional models of restorative justice, the courts – whose judges did not need legal training – would oversee confession, assign sanctions, and often prescribe community-based reparations. Ex-Boko Haram fighters could also be sentenced to community service, Mr. Bukarti suggests, such as rebuilding destroyed schools and houses.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Ultimately, if communities don’t want ex-fighters, they should be resettled elsewhere, Ms. Ashiru says.
“There’s a lot of psychological hurt so you can’t do things haphazardly,” she says. “Before bringing these guys back there must be psychological help and you need to seek the community’s blessings. It’s one issue our governments have; they’re not too keen on listening.”


csmonitor--2020-12-08--In Pakistan, a 'Happy' solution to curb crop burning takes off

Air pollution is a long-standing problem in Pakistan , but every October and November contaminates in the air in Punjab province shoot up as farmers burn rice stalks left behind after harvesting to clear their fields to plant wheat .
During these cooler months , the provincial capital Lahore , which is surrounded by rice-growing districts , is covered with thick smog .
“ It is a health emergency – the air quality monitors in Lahore routinely show hazardous levels in November , ” said Farah Rashid , a climate and energy program coordinator for green group WWF-Pakistan .
Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ problem by providing 500 rice farmers around Lahore with a set of machines that together eliminate the need to burn crop stubble .
The machines include a shredder that breaks down rice stubble and mulches it into the ground and a seed drill – called the Happy Seeder – that follows to sow wheat through the mulch .
“ It ’ s a useful technology , ” said farmer Aaamer Hayat Bhandara , who has used both machines at a friend ’ s large farm , and has pushed the government to subsidize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could really make life much easier for us farmers , ” said Mr. Bhandara , from Pakpattan in Punjab province .
Malik Amin Aslam , climate change advisor to Prime Minister Imran Khan , called air pollution a “ silent killer ” and said Lahore ’ s smog had increased in intensity and frequency over the last five years .
He explained that rice farmers traditionally use combine harvesters to cut their rice in October , leaving behind about four inches of stubble .
With less than two weeks before they have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burning is the fastest way to clear the land , he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation .
In Pakistan , rice is grown on an area of about 2 million hectares , mainly in the Punjab and Sindh provinces .
Many of the fields are cleared by burning every year .
In October and November , Lahore ’ s Air Quality Index level can jump to over 300 , a number that the United States Environmental Protection Agency says corresponds to a “ health warning of emergency conditions.
” Farmers say the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but note that crop burning produces only a small share of the province ’ s pollution .
“ The stubble is burned only for a few weeks in the winter .
It is a fact that the problem becomes worse during this short period , ” Mr. Bhandara said .
“ But farmers are not the only reason for this pollution , ” he added .
A 2018 report by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization ( FAO ) on the underlying causes of smog in Punjab noted that agriculture – mainly rice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of total air pollutant emissions .
That puts it behind industry , which produces a quarter of the air pollution in the province , and transport , which contributes more than 40 % .
Tackling air pollution – and leaving stubble on the soil as mulch , rather than burning it – also has the benefit of reducing carbon emissions that contribute to climate change .
In India , where farmers have been using the rice stubble shredder and Happy Seeder for the past few years , a group of scientists published a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut greenhouse gas emissions by as much as 78 % .
Ejaz Ahmad , an environmental expert with the Institute of Urbanism in Islamabad , said any efforts to curb air pollution will benefit Pakistanis .
“ The Happy Seeder seems like a useful machine , ” he said .
In Mandi Bahauddin district , where famed Basmati rice is grown , Muhammad Afzal , an agriculture officer at Punjab ’ s Government Agriculture Seed Farm , has been experimenting with the Happy Seeder for the past two years .
“ Stubble management @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Mr. Afzal , who helps farmers adopt new farming techniques .
Pakistan has penalties for rice stubble burning , including fines of up to 20,000 Pakistani rupees ( $ 125 ) per acre – but most farmers have little other choice and simply continue the practice and pay the penalty when they are charged .
But a growing number are looking for alternative solutions , Mr. Afzal said .
The total cost for the stubble shredder and Happy Seeder is about 637,500 rupees ( $ 4,000 ) , and the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the price for 500 farmers , he noted .
“ For those who can ’ t afford it , bigger farmers are willing to rent out the machines .
In the future , more service providers will come up to rent them out , ” Mr. Afzal said .
One drawback to the machines , he noted , is the need to mount them on the back of a tractor – and not just any tractor will do .
“ It requires a large , 85-horsepower tractor , ” he noted , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not have .
Mr. Bhandara , the farmer in Pakpattan , said the subsidized machines also are only available in certain districts around Lahore , in the so-called smog “ red zone.
” “ The subsidized machines should be made available to rice farmers in South Punjab and Sindh as well , otherwise they are too expensive for most farmers , ” he said .
Despite the limitations , the Happy Seeder has proven so popular that the government has had 10 applicants for each of its 500 machines , according to Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He said authorities are using a lottery system to decide who gets the subsidized equipment .
The government has plans to expand the Happy Seeder program next year and cover the whole of the Punjab rice belt by 2023 , Mr. Aslam noted .
In the meantime , he added , it is already working on a technology upgrade .
“ The agriculture extension department has developed a prototype to combine the two shredder [ and ] seeder machines into one ‘ Pak Seeder , ’ which will be even more effective and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he said .
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation .

Air pollution is a long-standing problem in Pakistan, but every October and November contaminates in the air in Punjab province shoot up as farmers burn rice stalks left behind after harvesting to clear their fields to plant wheat.
During these cooler months, the provincial capital Lahore, which is surrounded by rice-growing districts, is covered with thick smog.
“It is a health emergency – the air quality monitors in Lahore routinely show hazardous levels in November,” said Farah Rashid, a climate and energy program coordinator for green group WWF-Pakistan.
Now the Punjab government hopes to tackle the problem by providing 500 rice farmers around Lahore with a set of machines that together eliminate the need to burn crop stubble.
The machines include a shredder that breaks down rice stubble and mulches it into the ground and a seed drill – called the Happy Seeder – that follows to sow wheat through the mulch.
“It’s a useful technology,” said farmer Aaamer Hayat Bhandara, who has used both machines at a friend’s large farm, and has pushed the government to subsidize them.
“These machines used together could really make life much easier for us farmers,” said Mr. Bhandara, from Pakpattan in Punjab province.
Malik Amin Aslam, climate change advisor to Prime Minister Imran Khan, called air pollution a “silent killer” and said Lahore’s smog had increased in intensity and frequency over the last five years.
He explained that rice farmers traditionally use combine harvesters to cut their rice in October, leaving behind about four inches of stubble.
With less than two weeks before they have to ready their fields to sow wheat, burning is the fastest way to clear the land, he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
In Pakistan, rice is grown on an area of about 2 million hectares, mainly in the Punjab and Sindh provinces. Many of the fields are cleared by burning every year.
In October and November, Lahore’s Air Quality Index level can jump to over 300, a number that the United States Environmental Protection Agency says corresponds to a “health warning of emergency conditions.”
Cutting emissions
Farmers say the new farm equipment can help combat smog, but note that crop burning produces only a small share of the province’s pollution.
“The stubble is burned only for a few weeks in the winter. It is a fact that the problem becomes worse during this short period,” Mr. Bhandara said.
“But farmers are not the only reason for this pollution,” he added.
A 2018 report by the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) on the underlying causes of smog in Punjab noted that agriculture – mainly rice residue burning – accounts for 20% of total air pollutant emissions.
That puts it behind industry, which produces a quarter of the air pollution in the province, and transport, which contributes more than 40%.
Tackling air pollution – and leaving stubble on the soil as mulch, rather than burning it – also has the benefit of reducing carbon emissions that contribute to climate change.
In India, where farmers have been using the rice stubble shredder and Happy Seeder for the past few years, a group of scientists published a report last year stating the technology could cut greenhouse gas emissions by as much as 78%.
Ejaz Ahmad, an environmental expert with the Institute of Urbanism in Islamabad, said any efforts to curb air pollution will benefit Pakistanis.
“The Happy Seeder seems like a useful machine,” he said.
Chosen by lottery
In Mandi Bahauddin district, where famed Basmati rice is grown, Muhammad Afzal, an agriculture officer at Punjab’s Government Agriculture Seed Farm, has been experimenting with the Happy Seeder for the past two years.
“Stubble management is a serious issue for farmers,” said Mr. Afzal, who helps farmers adopt new farming techniques.
Pakistan has penalties for rice stubble burning, including fines of up to 20,000 Pakistani rupees ($125) per acre – but most farmers have little other choice and simply continue the practice and pay the penalty when they are charged.
But a growing number are looking for alternative solutions, Mr. Afzal said.
The total cost for the stubble shredder and Happy Seeder is about 637,500 rupees ($4,000), and the government this year is paying about 80% of the price for 500 farmers, he noted.
“For those who can’t afford it, bigger farmers are willing to rent out the machines. In the future, more service providers will come up to rent them out,” Mr. Afzal said.
One drawback to the machines, he noted, is the need to mount them on the back of a tractor – and not just any tractor will do.
“It requires a large, 85-horsepower tractor,” he noted, something most rice farmers in Pakistan do not have.
Mr. Bhandara, the farmer in Pakpattan, said the subsidized machines also are only available in certain districts around Lahore, in the so-called smog “red zone.”
“The subsidized machines should be made available to rice farmers in South Punjab and Sindh as well, otherwise they are too expensive for most farmers,” he said.
Despite the limitations, the Happy Seeder has proven so popular that the government has had 10 applicants for each of its 500 machines, according to Mr. Aslam, the climate change advisor.
He said authorities are using a lottery system to decide who gets the subsidized equipment.
The government has plans to expand the Happy Seeder program next year and cover the whole of the Punjab rice belt by 2023, Mr. Aslam noted.
In the meantime, he added, it is already working on a technology upgrade.
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“The agriculture extension department has developed a prototype to combine the two shredder [and] seeder machines into one ‘Pak Seeder,’ which will be even more effective and efficient” – plus 30% cheaper, he said.
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation.


csmonitor--2020-12-08--Trump administration restores DACA, but legal challenges loom

The Trump administration said Monday that it fully restored the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals ( DACA ) program that shields hundreds of thousands of young people from deportation , complying with a federal judge ’ s order .
The Department of Homeland Security posted on its website that it is accepting new applications , petitions for two-year renewals , and requests for permission to temporarily leave the United States .
But the department said it “ may seek relief from the order , ” signaling that its concession to the court order may be short-lived if its legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a major victory for young people who have been unable to apply since President Donald Trump ended DACA in September 2017 .
His administration has long argued that DACA is unconstitutional .
After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in June that Mr. Trump violated federal law in how he ended the program , Chad Wolf , the acting Homeland Security secretary , said the administration would study its options and , until then , wouldn ’ t accept new applications and would grant renewals for one year instead two .
DACA shields about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eligible for work permits .
Monday ’ s announcement came hours before a deadline set by District Judge Nicholas Garaufis in the Eastern District of New York for the administration to post public notice that it would accept applications under the terms in place before Trump ended DACA in 2017 .
The judge ruled Friday that Mr. Wolf was unlawfully serving in his position .
DACA was started in 2012 during the Obama administration .
It allows certain immigrants who were brought to the country illegally as children to work and be exempt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confer legal status on recipients .
President-elect Joe Biden has pledged to reinstate DACA when he takes office in January but permanent legal status and a path to citizenship would require congressional approval .
DACA recipients and their supporters greeted the news with a mix of elation and awareness that their futures are precarious , even with Mr. Biden ’ s support .
Maria Garcia , an aerospace engineering student at Arizona State University , said she will apply for the program as soon as she can .
She and her parents and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Mexico .
Her older brother is already a DACA recipient and has a job .
Her younger brother is in high school and plans to eventually seek DACA protection as well .
Ms. Garcia said the court ’ s decision last week “ was wonderful news.
” “ There are a lot of other students who are undocumented who don ’ t qualify for DACA .
They have to find a permanent solution , ” she said .
Michelle Celleri , an attorney at advocacy group Alliance San Diego , was preparing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ putting the final touches on her petition when Mr. Trump canceled DACA in 2017 .
“ Her feeling is , ‘ I ’ ll do anything .
I ’ m sick of being in the dark and I want to move forward , ’ ” Ms. Celleri said .
Ms. Celleiri said she is advising clients to submit applications before Dec. 22 , when there is a key hearing in Texas in a lawsuit by several states challenging DACA ’ s legality .
“ There ’ s just way too much happening right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I don ’ t want people caught in the crossfire.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Anita Snow in Phoenix contributed to this report .

The Trump administration said Monday that it fully restored the Obama-era Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program that shields hundreds of thousands of young people from deportation, complying with a federal judge’s order.
The Department of Homeland Security posted on its website that it is accepting new applications, petitions for two-year renewals, and requests for permission to temporarily leave the United States.
But the department said it “may seek relief from the order,” signaling that its concession to the court order may be short-lived if its legal efforts succeed.
The announcement is still a major victory for young people who have been unable to apply since President Donald Trump ended DACA in September 2017. His administration has long argued that DACA is unconstitutional.
After the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in June that Mr. Trump violated federal law in how he ended the program, Chad Wolf, the acting Homeland Security secretary, said the administration would study its options and, until then, wouldn’t accept new applications and would grant renewals for one year instead two. DACA shields about 650,000 people from deportation and makes them eligible for work permits.
Monday’s announcement came hours before a deadline set by District Judge Nicholas Garaufis in the Eastern District of New York for the administration to post public notice that it would accept applications under the terms in place before Trump ended DACA in 2017. The judge ruled Friday that Mr. Wolf was unlawfully serving in his position.
DACA was started in 2012 during the Obama administration. It allows certain immigrants who were brought to the country illegally as children to work and be exempt from deportation, though it does not confer legal status on recipients.
President-elect Joe Biden has pledged to reinstate DACA when he takes office in January but permanent legal status and a path to citizenship would require congressional approval.
DACA recipients and their supporters greeted the news with a mix of elation and awareness that their futures are precarious, even with Mr. Biden’s support.
Maria Garcia, an aerospace engineering student at Arizona State University, said she will apply for the program as soon as she can. She and her parents and two brothers arrived in Phoenix in 2006 from Mexico. Her older brother is already a DACA recipient and has a job. Her younger brother is in high school and plans to eventually seek DACA protection as well.
Ms. Garcia said the court’s decision last week “was wonderful news.”
“There are a lot of other students who are undocumented who don’t qualify for DACA. They have to find a permanent solution,” she said.
Michelle Celleri, an attorney at advocacy group Alliance San Diego, was preparing an application for a client who was putting the final touches on her petition when Mr. Trump canceled DACA in 2017.
“Her feeling is, ‘I’ll do anything. I’m sick of being in the dark and I want to move forward,’” Ms. Celleri said.
Ms. Celleiri said she is advising clients to submit applications before Dec. 22, when there is a key hearing in Texas in a lawsuit by several states challenging DACA’s legality.
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“There’s just way too much happening right now,” she said. “I don’t want people caught in the crossfire.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Anita Snow in Phoenix contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-12-09--He doesn’t know it, but he’s in my book club

When a neighbor asks if I ’ m in a book club , I ’ m not sure how to answer .
“ Yes , ” I say .
“ And no.
” Our book club of two formed organically years ago when I saw a bookish , 40-something man sitting across from me in jury duty in Concord , Massachusetts , reading “ My ’ Dam Life , ” an obscure memoir by Australian humorist Sean Condon about his experience living in Amsterdam .
When I moved to chat with this fellow bookworm , we were ordered to watch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foiled again when we filed into the courtroom to hear a case .
Jury duty , often an opportunity for a solid reading session , can also call you away at inopportune times .
We parted that day without speaking .
A month later , I was standing on a Boston subway platform and saw Jury Duty Guy across from me reading one of my favorite books , “ Mountains Beyond Mountains.
” Again , I was impressed : more quality nonfiction and a commitment to social justice , or at least to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With that , our unspoken book club was born .
I saw Jury Duty Guy at that same spot for years , always around 5:15 p.m. and always with a book .
As we waited for the train to Alewife , I ’ d steal glimpses of the cover to see if it was another quality book with a curious title or meaningful story – to make sure he was still in the club .
I took his book of the week as a tacit recommendation , and it wouldn ’ t be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reading the same book .
When I saw him with “ A Little Life ” by Hanya Yanagihara , I knew it was a gem .
No commuter would carry that tome unless it was unputdownable .
A double endorsement : He ’ d take it out of his beat-up satchel to read despite the flashing LCD sign indicating that the train would arrive in three minutes , time enough to enjoy only a few paragraphs .
At times , he ’ d have that summer ’ s bestseller – one year it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tattoo ” by Stieg Larsson – and I ’ d wonder why he was reading such a pedestrian book .
We ’ d connected in spirit , at least in my mind , because of our niche reading tastes .
This was a betrayal !
Put down that mainstream drivel , I wanted to yell , and pick up that new novel about a button collector or the antelope that reads people ’ s minds .
It wasn ’ t his fault .
He didn ’ t know we were in a book @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day I spotted him reading “ Nice Big American Baby ” by Judy Budnitz , a quirky short story collection I ’ d read a few months earlier .
We were back together !
But had he gotten that title from me ?
Did he know about our book club ?
I may never know .
I moved , my commute changed , our book club dissolved .
I still worked in the city , though , and he did , too .
I saw him one day at a taco spot downtown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to catch up as if we were old friends , and I really wanted to know what he was reading .
The line was long ; there was time .
But when he finally sat down at the counter , he ’ d already cracked a hardcover , and I didn ’ t want to interrupt him .
Book club was in session .

When a neighbor asks if I’m in a book club, I’m not sure how to answer. “Yes,” I say. “And no.”
Our book club of two formed organically years ago when I saw a bookish, 40-something man sitting across from me in jury duty in Concord, Massachusetts, reading “My ’Dam Life,” an obscure memoir by Australian humorist Sean Condon about his experience living in Amsterdam.
When I moved to chat with this fellow bookworm, we were ordered to watch a video on the justice system and foiled again when we filed into the courtroom to hear a case. Jury duty, often an opportunity for a solid reading session, can also call you away at inopportune times. We parted that day without speaking.
A month later, I was standing on a Boston subway platform and saw Jury Duty Guy across from me reading one of my favorite books, “Mountains Beyond Mountains.” Again, I was impressed: more quality nonfiction and a commitment to social justice, or at least to the strong writing of Tracy Kidder. With that, our unspoken book club was born.
I saw Jury Duty Guy at that same spot for years, always around 5:15 p.m. and always with a book. As we waited for the train to Alewife, I’d steal glimpses of the cover to see if it was another quality book with a curious title or meaningful story – to make sure he was still in the club.
I took his book of the week as a tacit recommendation, and it wouldn’t be long until I stood across from him reading the same book. When I saw him with “A Little Life” by Hanya Yanagihara, I knew it was a gem. No commuter would carry that tome unless it was unputdownable. A double endorsement: He’d take it out of his beat-up satchel to read despite the flashing LCD sign indicating that the train would arrive in three minutes, time enough to enjoy only a few paragraphs.
At times, he’d have that summer’s bestseller – one year it was “The Girl With the Dragon Tattoo” by Stieg Larsson – and I’d wonder why he was reading such a pedestrian book. We’d connected in spirit, at least in my mind, because of our niche reading tastes. This was a betrayal! Put down that mainstream drivel, I wanted to yell, and pick up that new novel about a button collector or the antelope that reads people’s minds.
It wasn’t his fault. He didn’t know we were in a book club.
Or did he?
One day I spotted him reading “Nice Big American Baby” by Judy Budnitz, a quirky short story collection I’d read a few months earlier. We were back together! But had he gotten that title from me? Did he know about our book club?
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
I may never know. I moved, my commute changed, our book club dissolved.
I still worked in the city, though, and he did, too. I saw him one day at a taco spot downtown. I was flustered. I wanted to catch up as if we were old friends, and I really wanted to know what he was reading. The line was long; there was time. But when he finally sat down at the counter, he’d already cracked a hardcover, and I didn’t want to interrupt him. Book club was in session.