csmonitor--2020-09-24--Supreme Court: Would Trump pick inevitably mean a sharp right turn?

“ It ’ s hard to know how uniformly more conservative the court would become until you know who is appointed , ” says Mary Ziegler , a professor at Florida State University College of Law .
“ But you can expect a more conservative court , and a more quick , or more radical , transformation of the court ’ s doctrinal views.
” A reinforced conservative , six-justice majority of jurists could shift influence away from Chief Justice John Roberts – who would cease to be the court ’ s ideological center – and advance conservative causes like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and reining in federal regulations .
The only questions would be how radically , and how quickly , the court moves .
The naming of a replacement for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg , who died last week , is certain to provoke a fierce and partisan confirmation battle in the U.S. Senate .
The president and other Republican Party leaders have made clear their intent to return the court to its full complement of nine justices as soon as possible .
President Donald Trump says he will , in a matter of days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high court – a choice that , if confirmed , could transform the high court in a way perhaps not seen in close to a century .
With a presidential election less than five weeks away , and a new term at the U.S. Supreme Court just over a week away , President Donald Trump says he will , in a matter of days , announce his third nominee to the high court .
The funeral for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg , whose seat he would be filling after she died last week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but President Trump and other Republican Party leaders have made clear their intent to return the court to its full complement of nine justices as soon as possible .
The announcement is certain to provoke a fierce and partisan confirmation battle in the U.S. Senate .
But if the nomination is successful , it could transform the high court in a way perhaps not seen in close to a century , securing a two-thirds majority of conservative jurists that could advance conservative causes like regulating abortion , expanding gun rights , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and scope of its choosing .
To date , President Trump ’ s two other appointments – Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh – have replaced other members of the court ’ s right wing .
But replacing Justice Ginsburg , for decades a liberal stalwart of the court , would represent a much starker rightward turn .
It would likely see influence shift between the justices – namely away from Chief Justice John Roberts , who would cease to be the court ’ s ideological center .
The conservative justices do not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a dynamic that could moderate decisions they reach in some areas of the law .
But for the most part , it could be this reinforced conservative majority that would be shaping U.S. law for the next 15 or 20 years .
The only questions would be how radically , and how quickly , the court moves .
“ It ’ s hard to know how uniformly more conservative the court would become until you know who is appointed , ” says Mary Ziegler , a professor at Florida State University College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect a more conservative court , and a more quick , or more radical , transformation of the court ’ s doctrinal views.
” Liberal justices have not held a majority on the Supreme Court since the Warren court of the 1960s .
But since then , particularly in ideologically divisive cases , moderate conservatives like Justices Sandra Day O ’ Connor and Anthony Kennedy have steered the court ’ s direction .
Chief Justice Roberts became the center of the court after Justice Kennedy retired in 2018 , and he has regularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet the chief justice , who has a strong belief in changing the law incrementally and keeping the court above the political fray , has unexpectedly joined his liberal colleagues in a few significant decisions as well .
In 2019 , for example , he wrote the plurality opinion blocking , on procedural grounds , the addition of a citizenship question to the 2020 census .
And this past summer he voted to strike down a Louisiana law restricting abortion access .
Should President Trump replace Justice Ginsburg , then his past two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would probably become the median justices on the court , experts say .
And more conservative members like Justice Clarence Thomas , who have historically been on the fringes , could see their influence grow .
The president “ will transform the 5-4 John Roberts court to the 6-3 Clarence Thomas court , ” tweeted Mike Davis , head of the Article III Project and an advocate for President Trump ’ s judicial picks .
There might be no definitive “ swing ” justice , but the reinforced conservative majority would still have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the court moves to the right would be moderated , if it ’ s moderated , by the chief justice and , perhaps , Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh .
“ For conservatives , there ’ s still a pathology to go to the middle , ” says Josh Blackman , a professor at the South Texas College of Law .
“ Liberal justices do what they need to do , but conservative justices tend to want to play ball.
” There are some recent examples to the contrary , including liberal Justices Elena @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in some religious liberty cases .
But there have also been times when President Trump ’ s two appointees have defied some expectations .
In the past term , Justice Gorsuch joined the liberals in voting to expand employment protections for LGBTQ Americans , and in another landmark case , both Trump appointees concurred with a ruling that President Trump can ’ t block access to his personal financial records .
And Justice Kavanaugh could prove to be a pivotal vote on one of the issues of most immediate concern to liberals : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was decided , there have been arguments that Roe v. Wade – the 1973 ruling that established a constitutional right to abortion – was poorly reasoned and should be overturned , particularly from conservatives .
( Some liberals , including Justice Ginsburg , said the ruling did too much too quickly . )
Whether a court with six conservative justices would directly overturn Roe is unclear , and would probably require Justice Kavanaugh ’ s vote .
But abortion rights would almost certainly be restricted further , says Professor Ziegler , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court has followed in recent decades .
“ It would be a chipping away ” of abortion rights , she adds .
“ Kavanaugh has shown more willingness to erode abortion rights more quickly.
” So if Roe does get overturned , “ you certainly couldn ’ t say that it happened overnight , ” says Ilya Somin , a professor at George Mason University ’ s Antonin Scalia Law School .
Indeed , the speed and scope with which the judiciary shapes the law are determined by multiple factors .
Judges don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Ginsburg said in a 1992 speech , but also “ participate in a dialogue with other organs of government , and with the people as well.
” Strengthening executive power and expanding the Second Amendment are other areas of the law that could change rapidly with a six-justice conservative majority on the court , experts say .
The question would be if enough justices agree that the law needs to change quickly and broadly , despite what the public or other branches of government might think .
“ If you think a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s entirely reasonable to think that it has to go , even if there are some risks involved , ” says Professor Somin .
“ When it comes to other issues I think it depends on the issues , the magnitude of the risk , and so on.
” Whether or not the public agrees with the court is another question , and how the justices weigh that institutional risk would in large part define a six-justice conservative majority ’ s decision-making .
While some conservatives criticized the court ’ s rulings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as Vice President Mike Pence , who called Chief Justice Roberts “ a disappointment to conservatives ” – the court came out with its highest public approval rating since 2009 .
Approval of the court rose sharply among Democrats in particular , likely due in part to the rulings on LGBTQ rights , the Louisiana abortion law , and the Obama-era deportation program .
Some experts believe that , with a stronger conservative majority on the court , even those small liberal wins could disappear .
“ Without that you have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ towards a Clarence Thomas approach , ” says Kimberly West-Faulcon , a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles .
“ And if you have five justices on that [ approach ] you get there faster.
” “ It ’ s difficult to overstate the doctrinal significance of President Trump appointing a new justice to the court , ” she adds .
Two historical eras have been referenced by court watchers since Justice Ginsburg ’ s death : the New Deal era of the 1930s and ’ 40s , and the 1850s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ named in an earlier era and at odds with the beliefs and priorities of the current one , and in both the disconnect helped fuel some of the most turbulent periods in U.S. history .
If President Trump and the Republican-controlled Senate confirm his third Supreme Court justice , the United States could enter a similarly jarring and divisive period , some experts warn .
“ A court chosen and confirmed by Republicans elected predominantly by White voters , a clear majority of them Christians , could write the rules for years while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a share of society , ” wrote Ronald Brownstein , a senior editor at The Atlantic , for CNN .
“ That could be a recipe for explosive conflict.
” “ There ’ s good historical evidence [ that ] when the court does completely ignore public opinion , there ’ s a big backlash , ” says Professor Ziegler .
“ And there ’ s nothing to suggest that ’ s changed.
” Regarding abortion , she believes that if Roe is overturned it would simply be “ the beginning of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roles reversed and the abortion-rights movement looking to persuade the Supreme Court to reverse its precedents .
“ You would expect the pace of change across doctrinal areas to accelerate ; it would just be a little bit hard to know doctrinal area by doctrinal area , ” she adds .
“ But any kind of setback in this context is temporary , not permanent.
” And when considering the speed and scope of doctrinal change , Justice Ginsburg ’ s thoughts on Roe v. Wade may be relevant .
“ Doctrinal limbs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice said in 1992 , “ may prove unstable .
”

“It’s hard to know how uniformly more conservative the court would become until you know who is appointed,” says Mary Ziegler, a professor at Florida State University College of Law. “But you can expect a more conservative court, and a more quick, or more radical, transformation of the court’s doctrinal views.”
A reinforced conservative, six-justice majority of jurists could shift influence away from Chief Justice John Roberts – who would cease to be the court’s ideological center – and advance conservative causes like regulating abortion, expanding gun rights, and reining in federal regulations. The only questions would be how radically, and how quickly, the court moves.
If President Trump has his way, a reinforced conservative Supreme Court majority could work quick and radical change on everything from abortion and gun rights to federal regulations on the environment and finance.
The naming of a replacement for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, who died last week, is certain to provoke a fierce and partisan confirmation battle in the U.S. Senate. The president and other Republican Party leaders have made clear their intent to return the court to its full complement of nine justices as soon as possible.
President Donald Trump says he will, in a matter of days, announce his third nominee to the high court – a choice that, if confirmed, could transform the high court in a way perhaps not seen in close to a century.
With a presidential election less than five weeks away, and a new term at the U.S. Supreme Court just over a week away, President Donald Trump says he will, in a matter of days, announce his third nominee to the high court.
The funeral for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, whose seat he would be filling after she died last week, is not scheduled until next week, but President Trump and other Republican Party leaders have made clear their intent to return the court to its full complement of nine justices as soon as possible.
The announcement is certain to provoke a fierce and partisan confirmation battle in the U.S. Senate. But if the nomination is successful, it could transform the high court in a way perhaps not seen in close to a century, securing a two-thirds majority of conservative jurists that could advance conservative causes like regulating abortion, expanding gun rights, and reining in federal regulations at a speed and scope of its choosing.
Why We Wrote This If President Trump has his way, a reinforced conservative Supreme Court majority could work quick and radical change on everything from abortion and gun rights to federal regulations on the environment and finance.
To date, President Trump’s two other appointments – Justices Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh – have replaced other members of the court’s right wing. But replacing Justice Ginsburg, for decades a liberal stalwart of the court, would represent a much starker rightward turn.
It would likely see influence shift between the justices – namely away from Chief Justice John Roberts, who would cease to be the court’s ideological center. The conservative justices do not see eye to eye on every issue, a dynamic that could moderate decisions they reach in some areas of the law. But for the most part, it could be this reinforced conservative majority that would be shaping U.S. law for the next 15 or 20 years. The only questions would be how radically, and how quickly, the court moves.
“It’s hard to know how uniformly more conservative the court would become until you know who is appointed,” says Mary Ziegler, a professor at Florida State University College of Law. “But you can expect a more conservative court, and a more quick, or more radical, transformation of the court’s doctrinal views.”
Incremental vs. high-velocity change
Liberal justices have not held a majority on the Supreme Court since the Warren court of the 1960s. But since then, particularly in ideologically divisive cases, moderate conservatives like Justices Sandra Day O’Connor and Anthony Kennedy have steered the court’s direction.
Chief Justice Roberts became the center of the court after Justice Kennedy retired in 2018, and he has regularly sided with his conservative colleagues since. Yet the chief justice, who has a strong belief in changing the law incrementally and keeping the court above the political fray, has unexpectedly joined his liberal colleagues in a few significant decisions as well. In 2019, for example, he wrote the plurality opinion blocking, on procedural grounds, the addition of a citizenship question to the 2020 census. And this past summer he voted to strike down a Louisiana law restricting abortion access.
Should President Trump replace Justice Ginsburg, then his past two appointments – Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh – would probably become the median justices on the court, experts say. And more conservative members like Justice Clarence Thomas, who have historically been on the fringes, could see their influence grow.
The president “will transform the 5-4 John Roberts court to the 6-3 Clarence Thomas court,” tweeted Mike Davis, head of the Article III Project and an advocate for President Trump’s judicial picks.
Leah Millis/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption (From left) Chief Justice of the United States John Roberts, and Associate Justices Elena Kagan, Neil Gorsuch, and Brett Kavanaugh talk before the start of the State of the Union address in February 2020. A third Trump appointment to the Supreme Court is expected to create a two-thirds conservative majority.
There might be no definitive “swing” justice, but the reinforced conservative majority would still have disagreements. How far and how fast the court moves to the right would be moderated, if it’s moderated, by the chief justice and, perhaps, Justices Gorsuch and Kavanaugh.
“For conservatives, there’s still a pathology to go to the middle,” says Josh Blackman, a professor at the South Texas College of Law. “Liberal justices do what they need to do, but conservative justices tend to want to play ball.”
There are some recent examples to the contrary, including liberal Justices Elena Kagan and Stephen Breyer joining with conservatives in some religious liberty cases. But there have also been times when President Trump’s two appointees have defied some expectations. In the past term, Justice Gorsuch joined the liberals in voting to expand employment protections for LGBTQ Americans, and in another landmark case, both Trump appointees concurred with a ruling that President Trump can’t block access to his personal financial records.
And Justice Kavanaugh could prove to be a pivotal vote on one of the issues of most immediate concern to liberals: abortion rights.
Almost from the day it was decided, there have been arguments that Roe v. Wade – the 1973 ruling that established a constitutional right to abortion – was poorly reasoned and should be overturned, particularly from conservatives. (Some liberals, including Justice Ginsburg, said the ruling did too much too quickly.)
Whether a court with six conservative justices would directly overturn Roe is unclear, and would probably require Justice Kavanaugh’s vote. But abortion rights would almost certainly be restricted further, says Professor Ziegler, and restricted at a faster pace than the court has followed in recent decades.
“It would be a chipping away” of abortion rights, she adds. “Kavanaugh has shown more willingness to erode abortion rights more quickly.”
So if Roe does get overturned, “you certainly couldn’t say that it happened overnight,” says Ilya Somin, a professor at George Mason University’s Antonin Scalia Law School.
Indeed, the speed and scope with which the judiciary shapes the law are determined by multiple factors. Judges don’t shape legal doctrine alone, Justice Ginsburg said in a 1992 speech, but also “participate in a dialogue with other organs of government, and with the people as well.”
Jim Bourg/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption President Donald Trump speaks at the October 2018 swearing-in of U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Brett Kavanaugh. If Mr. Trump has his way, a new nominee will be installed within weeks, joining Justice Kavanaugh in a six-jurist conservative majority.
Strengthening executive power and expanding the Second Amendment are other areas of the law that could change rapidly with a six-justice conservative majority on the court, experts say. The question would be if enough justices agree that the law needs to change quickly and broadly, despite what the public or other branches of government might think.
“If you think a precedent is really awful, then it’s entirely reasonable to think that it has to go, even if there are some risks involved,” says Professor Somin. “When it comes to other issues I think it depends on the issues, the magnitude of the risk, and so on.”
Heightened public approval of Roberts’ court
Whether or not the public agrees with the court is another question, and how the justices weigh that institutional risk would in large part define a six-justice conservative majority’s decision-making.
While some conservatives criticized the court’s rulings last term – including President Trump, as well as Vice President Mike Pence, who called Chief Justice Roberts “a disappointment to conservatives” – the court came out with its highest public approval rating since 2009.
Approval of the court rose sharply among Democrats in particular, likely due in part to the rulings on LGBTQ rights, the Louisiana abortion law, and the Obama-era deportation program. Some experts believe that, with a stronger conservative majority on the court, even those small liberal wins could disappear.
“Without that you have a court that’s pulling more towards a Clarence Thomas approach,” says Kimberly West-Faulcon, a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. “And if you have five justices on that [approach] you get there faster.”
“It’s difficult to overstate the doctrinal significance of President Trump appointing a new justice to the court,” she adds.
Two historical eras have been referenced by court watchers since Justice Ginsburg’s death: the New Deal era of the 1930s and ’40s, and the 1850s. Both eras featured Supreme Court justices named in an earlier era and at odds with the beliefs and priorities of the current one, and in both the disconnect helped fuel some of the most turbulent periods in U.S. history.
If President Trump and the Republican-controlled Senate confirm his third Supreme Court justice, the United States could enter a similarly jarring and divisive period, some experts warn.
“A court chosen and confirmed by Republicans elected predominantly by White voters, a clear majority of them Christians, could write the rules for years while both of those groups are continually shrinking as a share of society,” wrote Ronald Brownstein, a senior editor at The Atlantic, for CNN.
“That could be a recipe for explosive conflict.”
Other experts aren’t as concerned.
“There’s good historical evidence [that] when the court does completely ignore public opinion, there’s a big backlash,” says Professor Ziegler. “And there’s nothing to suggest that’s changed.”
Regarding abortion, she believes that if Roe is overturned it would simply be “the beginning of a new cycle,” with the roles reversed and the abortion-rights movement looking to persuade the Supreme Court to reverse its precedents.
“You would expect the pace of change across doctrinal areas to accelerate; it would just be a little bit hard to know doctrinal area by doctrinal area,” she adds. “But any kind of setback in this context is temporary, not permanent.”
And when considering the speed and scope of doctrinal change, Justice Ginsburg’s thoughts on Roe v. Wade may be relevant.
“Doctrinal limbs too swiftly shaped,” the late justice said in 1992, “may prove unstable.”


csmonitor--2020-09-24--For Estonian women, military service increasingly attracts as a career

“ In my experience , Estonian women are very independent and perform their duties very well .
The women who join the military are much more motivated than their male colleagues , ” Petty Officer 3rd Class Maria Tõkke says .
“ After all , they want to be there.
” This summer 46 Estonian women volunteered for the conscription service as part of the July “ intake , ” the most ever at one time .
Also , this year over 50 % of the women conscripts decided to join the regular army .
At present there are 336 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 % of the 3,508 soldiers .
The Estonian military is built around a reserve army model where conscripts are trained for eight or 11 months , whereupon they become part of the reserve force .
Active armed forces number around 6,000 troops , roughly half of whom are conscripts .
An increasing number of young women are voluntarily enrolling in Estonia 's conscription service , which is required for men , and then choosing to enter military service professionally .
And with the world ’ s spotlight on the volatile situation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relations between the Balts and Moscow , the Estonian military appears to be embracing this shift in mindset .
When Petty Officer 3rd Class Maria Tõkke first volunteered to join the Estonian Defence Forces ( EDF ) in January 2019 , she got an earful from some of her male friends .
“ [ They ] were very surprised by my decision and said that I was crazy to do such a thing because they felt that women do not belong in the army , ” she says .
However , “ they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how well I was doing.
” “ Most of my girl friends , ” she adds , “ think it is very cool.
” Petty Officer Tõkke is one of an increasing number of young women who are voluntarily enrolling in Estonia ’ s conscription service , which is required for men , and then choosing to enter military service professionally .
With the world ’ s spotlight on the volatile situation in nearby Belarus , and the continuing fraught relations between the Balts and Moscow , the Estonian military appears to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s young women .
“ Desire to contribute to the national defense ” is the principal motive impelling the increasing number of women who are joining the Estonian defense forces , says Laura Toodu , a former conscript who now works for the Ministry of Defense , where she helps recruit female conscripts .
“ They want to be there ” The Estonian military is built around a reserve army model where conscripts are trained for eight or 11 months , whereupon they become part of the reserve force that is called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Active armed forces number around 6,000 troops , roughly half of whom are conscripts .
Conscription service is compulsory for Estonian men between the ages of 18 and 27 .
However women can also enlist if they wish .
And an increasing number of young Estonian women do .
This summer 46 Estonian women volunteered for the conscription service as part of the July “ intake , ” the most ever at one time .
Not many , perhaps , for one of Estonia ’ s large NATO peers , but quite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million .
Also , this year over 50 % of the women conscripts decided to join the regular army .
At present there are 336 women serving in the active service of the EDF – about 10 % of the 3,508 members .
The Ministry of Defense would like to see more .
So would Sgt .
1st Class Kristo Pals of EDF ’ s Cyber Command .
Sergeant Pals is also a national defense instructor at Tabasalu High School , outside Tallinn .
Military education is offered in 75 % of Estonian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bones about the fact that he likes working with – as well as teaching – women as much as , if not more than , men .
“ I often find that the women , particularly the women I teach and serve with , are more responsible and mature than the men .
What they lack in physical strength they make up in morale.
” Petty Officer Tõkke , who currently serves as a public affairs officer , agrees .
“ In my experience , Estonian women are very independent and perform their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ join the military are much more motivated than their male colleagues , ” she says .
“ After all , they want to be there.
” Estonia is playing catch-up with some of its other NATO partners where women have been serving in front-line units for some time .
Although women have been allowed to join the conscription service since 2013 , it was only in 2018 that a bill , signed by then-Defense Minister Jüri Luik , allowed women to apply for service in any branch .
At the same time the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order to draw more women to join the conscription service .
Now that effort is paying off in a wave of female conscripts , alongside a parallel one of female noncommissioned officers .
Estonian society is also catching up with the female-friendly EDF .
According to a survey of the general Estonian public taken in 2018 , 50 % of the respondents agreed that “ women are not suited to fighting a war due to their nature and that national defense should remain a field for men.
” “ There is definitely more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that females are suitable for military service and that they are capable of serving alongside men , ” concedes Helmuth Martin Reisner , a spokesman for the ministry .
“ Since the mainstreaming of women into the conscription service only began in earnest in 2018 , this idea has not yet fully translated to the general population.
” Another factor in the changing complexion and morale of the EDF has been Russia ’ s aggressive moves , particularly its invasion of Georgia in 2008 and its recent involvement in the civil war between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which have boosted Estonia ’ s defense-mindedness .
According to a report last year nearly 79 % of the general population , which includes a large Russian-speaking minority , would be in favor of “ armed resistance if Estonia is attacked by any country , ” the same percentage as the Estonians ’ martial-minded cousins , the Finns .
The Finns resisted the Soviet Union when it invaded in 1939 .
“ Georgia and the Ukraine were definitely a wake-up call for us , ” says Ms. Toodu , who works closely with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The reasons why women are interested in joining the military service are various .
Some see it as a chance for self-development .
“ Others view it as a chance to get out of their comfort zone , ” Ms. Toodu says .
But the main reason is the desire to contribute to Estonia ’ s defense .
Sergeant Pals , the instructor , has no doubts about the combat-readiness of both the female conscripts and regular army soldiers – as well as the female high school students – he teaches and works @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see a whole unit of women , ” he says .
So would Sgt .
Geitlin Täht , an infantry instructor with an all-male company .
However , she insists , “ Character is more important than gender .
”

“In my experience, Estonian women are very independent and perform their duties very well. The women who join the military are much more motivated than their male colleagues,” Petty Officer 3rd Class Maria Tõkke says. “After all, they want to be there.”
This summer 46 Estonian women volunteered for the conscription service as part of the July “intake,” the most ever at one time. Also, this year over 50% of the women conscripts decided to join the regular army. At present there are 336 women serving in active service – about 10% of the 3,508 soldiers.
Being in the shadow of Russia, Estonians take their military seriously. But Estonian women are opting for professional soldiering in increasing numbers, despite being excused from mandatory service. Why?
The Estonian military is built around a reserve army model where conscripts are trained for eight or 11 months, whereupon they become part of the reserve force. Active armed forces number around 6,000 troops, roughly half of whom are conscripts.
An increasing number of young women are voluntarily enrolling in Estonia's conscription service, which is required for men, and then choosing to enter military service professionally. And with the world’s spotlight on the volatile situation in nearby Belarus, and the continuing fraught relations between the Balts and Moscow, the Estonian military appears to be embracing this shift in mindset.
When Petty Officer 3rd Class Maria Tõkke first volunteered to join the Estonian Defence Forces (EDF) in January 2019, she got an earful from some of her male friends.
“[They] were very surprised by my decision and said that I was crazy to do such a thing because they felt that women do not belong in the army,” she says. However, “they quickly changed their opinion once they saw how well I was doing.”
“Most of my girl friends,” she adds, “think it is very cool.”
Why We Wrote This Being in the shadow of Russia, Estonians take their military seriously. But Estonian women are opting for professional soldiering in increasing numbers, despite being excused from mandatory service. Why?
Petty Officer Tõkke is one of an increasing number of young women who are voluntarily enrolling in Estonia’s conscription service, which is required for men, and then choosing to enter military service professionally.
With the world’s spotlight on the volatile situation in nearby Belarus, and the continuing fraught relations between the Balts and Moscow, the Estonian military appears to be embracing the shift in mindset among Estonia’s young women.
“Desire to contribute to the national defense” is the principal motive impelling the increasing number of women who are joining the Estonian defense forces, says Laura Toodu, a former conscript who now works for the Ministry of Defense, where she helps recruit female conscripts.
Gordon F. Sander View caption Hide caption Petty Officer 3rd Class Maria Tõkke (left) and Sgt. Geitlin Täht stand outside the Ministry of Defence in Tallinn, Estonia, on Sept. 9, 2020.
“They want to be there”
The Estonian military is built around a reserve army model where conscripts are trained for eight or 11 months, whereupon they become part of the reserve force that is called up in case of a national emergency. Active armed forces number around 6,000 troops, roughly half of whom are conscripts.
Conscription service is compulsory for Estonian men between the ages of 18 and 27. However women can also enlist if they wish. And an increasing number of young Estonian women do. This summer 46 Estonian women volunteered for the conscription service as part of the July “intake,” the most ever at one time. Not many, perhaps, for one of Estonia’s large NATO peers, but quite a few for a country of 1.3 million.
Also, this year over 50% of the women conscripts decided to join the regular army. At present there are 336 women serving in the active service of the EDF – about 10% of the 3,508 members. The Ministry of Defense would like to see more.
So would Sgt. 1st Class Kristo Pals of EDF’s Cyber Command. Sergeant Pals is also a national defense instructor at Tabasalu High School, outside Tallinn. Military education is offered in 75% of Estonian high schools.
Sergeant Pals makes no bones about the fact that he likes working with – as well as teaching – women as much as, if not more than, men. “I often find that the women, particularly the women I teach and serve with, are more responsible and mature than the men. What they lack in physical strength they make up in morale.”
Petty Officer Tõkke, who currently serves as a public affairs officer, agrees. “In my experience, Estonian women are very independent and perform their duties very well. The women who join the military are much more motivated than their male colleagues,” she says. “After all, they want to be there.”
Estonia is playing catch-up with some of its other NATO partners where women have been serving in front-line units for some time.
Although women have been allowed to join the conscription service since 2013, it was only in 2018 that a bill, signed by then-Defense Minister Jüri Luik, allowed women to apply for service in any branch.
At the same time the ministry undertook an accelerated recruitment program in order to draw more women to join the conscription service.
Now that effort is paying off in a wave of female conscripts, alongside a parallel one of female noncommissioned officers.
A changing society
Estonian society is also catching up with the female-friendly EDF. According to a survey of the general Estonian public taken in 2018, 50% of the respondents agreed that “women are not suited to fighting a war due to their nature and that national defense should remain a field for men.”
“There is definitely more work to be done educating the public that females are suitable for military service and that they are capable of serving alongside men,” concedes Helmuth Martin Reisner, a spokesman for the ministry. “Since the mainstreaming of women into the conscription service only began in earnest in 2018, this idea has not yet fully translated to the general population.”
Another factor in the changing complexion and morale of the EDF has been Russia’s aggressive moves, particularly its invasion of Georgia in 2008 and its recent involvement in the civil war between the Ukrainian government and separatist forces, which have boosted Estonia’s defense-mindedness.
According to a report last year nearly 79% of the general population, which includes a large Russian-speaking minority, would be in favor of “armed resistance if Estonia is attacked by any country,” the same percentage as the Estonians’ martial-minded cousins, the Finns. The Finns resisted the Soviet Union when it invaded in 1939.
“Georgia and the Ukraine were definitely a wake-up call for us,” says Ms. Toodu, who works closely with the new wave of female conscripts.
The reasons why women are interested in joining the military service are various. Some see it as a chance for self-development. “Others view it as a chance to get out of their comfort zone,” Ms. Toodu says. But the main reason is the desire to contribute to Estonia’s defense.
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Sergeant Pals, the instructor, has no doubts about the combat-readiness of both the female conscripts and regular army soldiers – as well as the female high school students – he teaches and works with. “I hope one day to see a whole unit of women,” he says.
So would Sgt. Geitlin Täht, an infantry instructor with an all-male company. However, she insists, “Character is more important than gender.”


csmonitor--2020-09-24--Finding justice for Breonna Taylor

Finding justice for Breonna Taylor

Six months after Breonna Taylor was killed in a hail of police gunfire , a grand jury in Louisville , Kentucky , has issued indictments against one of the officers at the scene .
The jury ’ s decision and the protests that followed in Louisville underscore an important point .
While incidents of race-based injustice occur nationally , local solutions need to be found where each tragic incident occurs .
The inherent desire in communities to find trust , empathy , and respect for each other can drive demands for individual justice or structural reforms .
Building deeper connections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward to lessen distrust and violence .
National calls for social justice are needed .
Yet these days , with cellphones enabling bystanders to capture violent police encounters , those incidents can provoke raw emotions nationwide .
Such outsider perspectives often overlook the unique details of an incident .
Protest slogans haven ’ t always squared with what happened .
Local communities are left to decide how to restore social harmony and pursue further justice .
In addition , what ’ s often overlooked is how people in cities like Louisville ; Minneapolis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working closely together after a violent incident to close the gap between facts and perceptions , however difficult .
They are trying to turn division into unity .
For many in Louisville , the indictments did not satisfy a desire to find justice for Ms. Taylor ’ s death .
She was asleep when three officers broke through the door of her apartment shortly after midnight on March 13 to serve a “ no knock ” warrant on suspicion of drug dealing .
Her boyfriend , Kenneth Walker , fired a single shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own , wounding one of the officers in the leg .
The police responded with more than 25 shots .
Ten of those came from the gun of Detective Brett Hankison from a blind location in violation of department policy .
The grand jury indicted Mr. Hankison on three counts of wanton endangerment – not for firing into Ms. Taylor ’ s home , but because some of his bullets passed through walls into an adjacent apartment where a woman and her child were sleeping .
Although Ms. Taylor was shot five times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showed the officers acted within the law .
In working with the grand jury , Kentucky ’ s attorney general , Daniel Cameron , said he tried to satisfy a demand for justice as best he could within the law because the boyfriend fired first .
“ The decision before my office as the special prosecutor in this case was not to decide if the loss of Ms. Taylor ’ s life was a tragedy .
The answer to that question is unequivocally yes , ” Mr. Cameron said .
“ My job @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was to put emotions aside and investigate the facts to determine if criminal violations of state law [ resulted ] in the loss of Ms. Taylor ’ s life.
” As a result , Louisville is seeking other aspects of justice .
The city 's $ 12 million wrongful death settlement with Ms. Taylor ’ s family points to other potential avenues for longer-term change .
That agreement was tied to police reforms meant to improve officers ’ relationships with the communities they patrol .
These include an early action warning system to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a ban on “ no knock ” warrants like the one issued for the raid on Ms. Taylor ’ s residence , mandatory review of all warrants by a commanding officer , and use of body cameras .
In other cities dealing with recent police violence , similar reforms are either being sought or in place .
In Minneapolis after the killing of George Floyd in May , five City Council members have proposed replacing the Police Department with a “ Department of Community Safety & Violence Prevention.
” In Aurora , Colorado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from lobbying governments .
In Vermont , the Burlington Police Department adopted a community proposal to require officers to intervene to stop unprofessional conduct by a fellow officer .
This year ’ s nationwide pursuit of social justice has set many cities on a steep learning curve .
In the sequence of events that killed Ms. Taylor , both the police and Mr. Walker used guns in a way that follows the conditioned responses of an increasingly armed society .
Such impulses need new restraints , best nurtured within a local community where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Six months after Breonna Taylor was killed in a hail of police gunfire, a grand jury in Louisville, Kentucky, has issued indictments against one of the officers at the scene. The jury’s decision and the protests that followed in Louisville underscore an important point. While incidents of race-based injustice occur nationally, local solutions need to be found where each tragic incident occurs.
The inherent desire in communities to find trust, empathy, and respect for each other can drive demands for individual justice or structural reforms. Building deeper connections within the community is an essential step forward to lessen distrust and violence.
National calls for social justice are needed. Yet these days, with cellphones enabling bystanders to capture violent police encounters, those incidents can provoke raw emotions nationwide. Such outsider perspectives often overlook the unique details of an incident. Protest slogans haven’t always squared with what happened. Local communities are left to decide how to restore social harmony and pursue further justice.
In addition, what’s often overlooked is how people in cities like Louisville; Minneapolis; and Sacramento, California, are working closely together after a violent incident to close the gap between facts and perceptions, however difficult. They are trying to turn division into unity.
For many in Louisville, the indictments did not satisfy a desire to find justice for Ms. Taylor’s death. She was asleep when three officers broke through the door of her apartment shortly after midnight on March 13 to serve a “no knock” warrant on suspicion of drug dealing. Her boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, fired a single shot from a gun he was licensed to own, wounding one of the officers in the leg. The police responded with more than 25 shots. Ten of those came from the gun of Detective Brett Hankison from a blind location in violation of department policy.
The grand jury indicted Mr. Hankison on three counts of wanton endangerment – not for firing into Ms. Taylor’s home, but because some of his bullets passed through walls into an adjacent apartment where a woman and her child were sleeping. Although Ms. Taylor was shot five times, the findings of three separate investigations showed the officers acted within the law.
In working with the grand jury, Kentucky’s attorney general, Daniel Cameron, said he tried to satisfy a demand for justice as best he could within the law because the boyfriend fired first. “The decision before my office as the special prosecutor in this case was not to decide if the loss of Ms. Taylor’s life was a tragedy. The answer to that question is unequivocally yes,” Mr. Cameron said. “My job as the special prosecutor in this case was to put emotions aside and investigate the facts to determine if criminal violations of state law [resulted] in the loss of Ms. Taylor’s life.”
As a result, Louisville is seeking other aspects of justice. The city's $12 million wrongful death settlement with Ms. Taylor’s family points to other potential avenues for longer-term change. That agreement was tied to police reforms meant to improve officers’ relationships with the communities they patrol. These include an early action warning system to identify officers who violate department regulations, a ban on “no knock” warrants like the one issued for the raid on Ms. Taylor’s residence, mandatory review of all warrants by a commanding officer, and use of body cameras.
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In other cities dealing with recent police violence, similar reforms are either being sought or in place. In Minneapolis after the killing of George Floyd in May, five City Council members have proposed replacing the Police Department with a “Department of Community Safety & Violence Prevention.” In Aurora, Colorado, local leaders plan to ban police from lobbying governments. In Vermont, the Burlington Police Department adopted a community proposal to require officers to intervene to stop unprofessional conduct by a fellow officer. This year’s nationwide pursuit of social justice has set many cities on a steep learning curve.
In the sequence of events that killed Ms. Taylor, both the police and Mr. Walker used guns in a way that follows the conditioned responses of an increasingly armed society. Such impulses need new restraints, best nurtured within a local community where finding common ground is a strong instinct.


csmonitor--2020-09-24--For Tibetan refugees, the India-China border rift is personal

“ It has been a long time here so India feels like my country , but my heart is in Tibet , ” he says .
One local hoping for change is Sonam Tsering , a former soldier whose parents fled to India .
Today , he waits for customers behind a pile of jackets at the market – a headband that says “ Free Tibet ” to his side , below photographs of the Dalai Lama .
The death of Mr. Nyima , a soldier whose covert unit is mostly Tibetan refugees , has drawn particular attention .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Indian officials , the first time a Tibetan had been recognized for military service .
Tibetans hope the spotlight on the border could prompt more support for their cause .
Late last month , the village lost resident Tenzin Nyima , who was killed in a mine blast near the Line of Actual Control .
The line is the de facto , disputed border between India and China – which have been in a standoff since May .
Choglamsar , India , is a cluster of one-story mud brick houses on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Himalayas .
It ’ s one of many Tibetan settlements scattered across India , and a Tibetan flag waves from atop the community center , where residents queue to get tested for COVID-19 .
In a tiny room of her brother ’ s house , surrounded by female relatives , Tsering Tsomo is pouring oil in dozens of brass lamps , keeping them alight in his memory .
For 49 days after his death , the family will host monks and relatives here at his home in Choglamsar , India , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trousers and a T-shirt , prayer beads hanging from her neck , Ms. Tsomo whispers Buddhist prayers for peace for her brother ’ s soul , sometimes shuffling her beads .
Tenzin Nyima was killed late last month in a mine blast more than 100 miles away , near the Line of Actual Control , the de facto border between India and China .
The two nuclear-powered countries have been in a standoff since May over their disputed border in the western Himalayas .
At least 20 Indian soldiers have been killed in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the other of incursions , with warning shots fired in early September .
But Mr. Nyima ’ s death , in particular , has brought attention .
Like several Tibetans in Choglamsar , he had joined India ’ s Special Frontier Force ( SFF ) , a covert unit composed mostly of Tibetan refugees .
Some 90,000 Tibetans live in India today , after their families fled following a failed uprising against China ’ s rule .
And after decades here , many say they deserve greater support from New Delhi .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border tension nervously , they hope the attention could prompt change for their homeland – though many analysts find that unlikely .
India has benefited immensely from Tibetans ’ presence , says Dibyesh Anand , professor of international relations and an expert on Tibet at the University of Westminster in London : from rejuvenating monasteries , to improving India ’ s soft power as the adopted home of the Dalai Lama , and offering legitimacy to New Delhi ’ s border claims .
But “ most Indians are not even aware of Tibetan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ India ’ s balancing act : how to support Tibetan refugees , without Beijing accusing New Delhi of meddling in internal affairs .
The community ’ s low profile is “ reflective of a conscious government policy to not highlight Tibetan presence , and avoid accusation of using the ‘ Tibet card ’ vis-à-vis China.
” Yet as Indian and Chinese forces prepare for the coming harsh winter , Tibetan residents of Choglamsar watch the Indian fighter jets flying above , still hoping for a “ free Tibet.
” Choglamsar is a cluster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a monastery atop its foothill .
From the monastery , one can see the whole town on the banks of the Indus River – 11,000 feet up , surrounded by mountains .
On one end of the hill , painted stones spell out “ Save Tibet ” near a community center , where residents queue to get tested for COVID-19 .
A Tibetan flag is waving on the top of the center .
A month before leaving for the border , Mr. Nyima had visited his older brother Tenzin Namdakh here , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 years .
Sitting in the courtyard of his brother ’ s house , Mr. Namdakh recalls him saying , “ I don ’ t know whether I will be back or not ; you stay well .
I ’ m being posted at the border , so take care of my family , because there is no guarantee.
” Mr. Nyima was given a grand public funeral in nearby Leh , attended by Indian officials .
It was the first time a Tibetan in India had been recognized for military service , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement .
Many Tibetan residents say that silence makes them feel used – particularly young Tibetans , like Thinley Choedon .
She studies journalism , and believes that it is time for India to strengthen its stance on Tibet .
“ The Indian government has been playing with us , ” she says .
“ Many generations have already passed and we have fought the Kargil War and Bangladesh War for India .
The Indian government must realize how much they have used us.
” By some measures , India has shown long-standing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border , and their descendants .
The Dalai Lama and Tibet ’ s government in exile are based in Dharamsala , 400 miles south , and there are dozens of Tibetan settlements across the country .
But refugees lack full citizenship rights , and even those eligible to apply often prefer not to .
Without citizenship , most can not join government services except the army , and many rely on livestock or menial jobs .
Just 10 years ago , there were 150,000 Tibetans living in India , but many have migrated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ families also depends on their children ’ s jobs ; many have joined the Indian army .
That helps the Tibetan community , ” says Tseten Wangchuk , the Tibetan government in exile ’ s representative for some 7,000 Tibetans in the area .
In India , “ we have our identity and we need to preserve our own culture .
We have enough space here to protect our culture and religion.
” In 2003 , India recognized the Tibet Autonomous Region as part of China , and said it would not allow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that India should press on the Tibet issue , but the government has held back , concerned about Chinese reprisals .
In 2018 , the government stopped officials from attending a public event held by the Tibetan government in exile , saying such participation “ is not desirable and should be discouraged.
” Three miles from Choglamsar , in Leh , is a Tibetan Refugee Welfare Association market : a small area with makeshift shops lining each side of the aisles , with jackets , trousers , and Buddhist prayer flags hanging .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Sonam Tsering waits for customers behind a pile of jackets .
A headband with “ Free Tibet ” written over it is hanging on his right side , just below the framed photographs of Tibet ’ s spiritual leader , the Dalai Lama .
Mr. Tsering , a former SFF soldier , still recalls his own time serving at the border , when “ there was no war.
” After migrating from Tibet , his parents settled in Karnataka , a southern Indian state .
But for the past 20 years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run his shop from March to December .
“ It has been a long time here so India feels like my country , but my heart is in Tibet .
Some Tibetans have taken Indian citizenship , but I didn ’ t because I won ’ t be part of the Tibet community then anymore .
No one in my family has taken citizenship , ” he says .
During the peak tourist season in Leh , Mr. Tsering typically earns at least $ 800 a month .
The pandemic and the clashes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year he hasn ’ t even made half that .
Yet if tensions continue , he hopes “ it can help get Tibet freedom.
” Currently , India ’ s diplomacy does not stress either human rights in Tibet or Tibetans ’ demands for self-determination , Professor Anand says .
But given their existential crisis as a community , as the years in India go by , “ they have to engage with whatever opportunity they have for their identity to be recognized.
” Ms. Choedon , the journalism student , expresses a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Delhi is to “ accept that [ the border tension ] is not an India and China problem but an Indo-Tibet border issue .
This is a chance ; people of Tibet have got their own image now .
”

“It has been a long time here so India feels like my country, but my heart is in Tibet,” he says.
One local hoping for change is Sonam Tsering, a former soldier whose parents fled to India. Today, he waits for customers behind a pile of jackets at the market – a headband that says “Free Tibet” to his side, below photographs of the Dalai Lama.
The death of Mr. Nyima, a soldier whose covert unit is mostly Tibetan refugees, has drawn particular attention. He was given a grand public funeral attended by Indian officials, the first time a Tibetan had been recognized for military service. Tibetans hope the spotlight on the border could prompt more support for their cause.
This summer’s clashes have thrust the India-China border into the global spotlight. But for this community of refugees, the two countries’ tricky relationship has always shaped their lives.
Late last month, the village lost resident Tenzin Nyima, who was killed in a mine blast near the Line of Actual Control. The line is the de facto, disputed border between India and China – which have been in a standoff since May.
Choglamsar, India, is a cluster of one-story mud brick houses on the banks of the Indus River, surrounded by the Himalayas. It’s one of many Tibetan settlements scattered across India, and a Tibetan flag waves from atop the community center, where residents queue to get tested for COVID-19.
In a tiny room of her brother’s house, surrounded by female relatives, Tsering Tsomo is pouring oil in dozens of brass lamps, keeping them alight in his memory. For 49 days after his death, the family will host monks and relatives here at his home in Choglamsar, India, lighting incense and offering prayers. Wearing trousers and a T-shirt, prayer beads hanging from her neck, Ms. Tsomo whispers Buddhist prayers for peace for her brother’s soul, sometimes shuffling her beads.
Tenzin Nyima was killed late last month in a mine blast more than 100 miles away, near the Line of Actual Control, the de facto border between India and China. The two nuclear-powered countries have been in a standoff since May over their disputed border in the western Himalayas. At least 20 Indian soldiers have been killed in clashes, and both armies have accused the other of incursions, with warning shots fired in early September.
But Mr. Nyima’s death, in particular, has brought attention. Like several Tibetans in Choglamsar, he had joined India’s Special Frontier Force (SFF), a covert unit composed mostly of Tibetan refugees. Some 90,000 Tibetans live in India today, after their families fled following a failed uprising against China’s rule. And after decades here, many say they deserve greater support from New Delhi. As the rest of the world eyes the border tension nervously, they hope the attention could prompt change for their homeland – though many analysts find that unlikely.
Why We Wrote This This summer’s clashes have thrust the India-China border into the global spotlight. But for this community of refugees, the two countries’ tricky relationship has always shaped their lives.
India has benefited immensely from Tibetans’ presence, says Dibyesh Anand, professor of international relations and an expert on Tibet at the University of Westminster in London: from rejuvenating monasteries, to improving India’s soft power as the adopted home of the Dalai Lama, and offering legitimacy to New Delhi’s border claims.
Bhat Burhan/Special to the Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption An overview of Choglamsar, India, on Sept. 13, 2020. The village is home to many Tibetan residents.
But “most Indians are not even aware of Tibetan contributions,” he says, reflecting India’s balancing act: how to support Tibetan refugees, without Beijing accusing New Delhi of meddling in internal affairs. The community’s low profile is “reflective of a conscious government policy to not highlight Tibetan presence, and avoid accusation of using the ‘Tibet card’ vis-à-vis China.”
Yet as Indian and Chinese forces prepare for the coming harsh winter, Tibetan residents of Choglamsar watch the Indian fighter jets flying above, still hoping for a “free Tibet.”
Caught in limbo
Choglamsar is a cluster of one-story mud brick houses, with a monastery atop its foothill. From the monastery, one can see the whole town on the banks of the Indus River – 11,000 feet up, surrounded by mountains. On one end of the hill, painted stones spell out “Save Tibet” near a community center, where residents queue to get tested for COVID-19. A Tibetan flag is waving on the top of the center.
A month before leaving for the border, Mr. Nyima had visited his older brother Tenzin Namdakh here, the town where they’d lived for 20 years. Sitting in the courtyard of his brother’s house, Mr. Namdakh recalls him saying, “I don’t know whether I will be back or not; you stay well. I’m being posted at the border, so take care of my family, because there is no guarantee.”
Bhat Burhan/Special to the Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Tenzin Namdakh, brother of Tenzin Nyima, enters his house in Choglamsar, India, home to many Tibetan refugees, on Sept. 13, 2020.
Mr. Nyima was given a grand public funeral in nearby Leh, attended by Indian officials. It was the first time a Tibetan in India had been recognized for military service, though the government did not issue a statement.
Many Tibetan residents say that silence makes them feel used – particularly young Tibetans, like Thinley Choedon. She studies journalism, and believes that it is time for India to strengthen its stance on Tibet.
“The Indian government has been playing with us,” she says. “Many generations have already passed and we have fought the Kargil War and Bangladesh War for India. The Indian government must realize how much they have used us.”
By some measures, India has shown long-standing support for Tibetans who fled across the border, and their descendants. The Dalai Lama and Tibet’s government in exile are based in Dharamsala, 400 miles south, and there are dozens of Tibetan settlements across the country.
But refugees lack full citizenship rights, and even those eligible to apply often prefer not to. Without citizenship, most cannot join government services except the army, and many rely on livestock or menial jobs. Just 10 years ago, there were 150,000 Tibetans living in India, but many have migrated further.
Bhat Burhan/Special to the Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Tibetan refugees work at the Sonamling Tibetan Settlement Office in Choglamsar, India, on Sept. 13, 2020. Some 90,000 Tibetans live in India today, down from 150,000 a decade ago.
“The income of many families also depends on their children’s jobs; many have joined the Indian army. That helps the Tibetan community,” says Tseten Wangchuk, the Tibetan government in exile’s representative for some 7,000 Tibetans in the area. In India, “we have our identity and we need to preserve our own culture. We have enough space here to protect our culture and religion.”
In 2003, India recognized the Tibet Autonomous Region as part of China, and said it would not allow “anti-China political activities.” Some argue that India should press on the Tibet issue, but the government has held back, concerned about Chinese reprisals. In 2018, the government stopped officials from attending a public event held by the Tibetan government in exile, saying such participation “is not desirable and should be discouraged.”
“My heart is in Tibet”
Three miles from Choglamsar, in Leh, is a Tibetan Refugee Welfare Association market: a small area with makeshift shops lining each side of the aisles, with jackets, trousers, and Buddhist prayer flags hanging. At one end, in a corner, Sonam Tsering waits for customers behind a pile of jackets. A headband with “Free Tibet” written over it is hanging on his right side, just below the framed photographs of Tibet’s spiritual leader, the Dalai Lama.
Bhat Burhan/Special to the Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Children play soccer on the outskirts of Choglamsar, India, on Sept. 13, 2020.
Mr. Tsering, a former SFF soldier, still recalls his own time serving at the border, when “there was no war.” After migrating from Tibet, his parents settled in Karnataka, a southern Indian state. But for the past 20 years, he has been traveling to Leh to run his shop from March to December.
“It has been a long time here so India feels like my country, but my heart is in Tibet. Some Tibetans have taken Indian citizenship, but I didn’t because I won’t be part of the Tibet community then anymore. No one in my family has taken citizenship,” he says.
During the peak tourist season in Leh, Mr. Tsering typically earns at least $800 a month. The pandemic and the clashes have kept tourists away, and this year he hasn’t even made half that. Yet if tensions continue, he hopes “it can help get Tibet freedom.”
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Bhat Burhan/Special to the Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Sonam Tsering stands in his shop, which is a part of a Tibetan refugee market in Leh, India, on Sept. 18, 2020.
Currently, India’s diplomacy does not stress either human rights in Tibet or Tibetans’ demands for self-determination, Professor Anand says. But given their existential crisis as a community, as the years in India go by, “they have to engage with whatever opportunity they have for their identity to be recognized.”
Ms. Choedon, the journalism student, expresses a similar view. The first thing for New Delhi is to “accept that [the border tension] is not an India and China problem but an Indo-Tibet border issue. This is a chance; people of Tibet have got their own image now.”


csmonitor--2020-09-24--EU proposes migration policy reforms for more equal distribution

The European Union ’ s executive proposed on Wednesday overhauling the bloc ’ s broken migration and asylum rules , seeking to end years of feuds and bitterness over how to handle the many people fleeing conflict and poverty in the Middle East and Africa .
The most contentious element would impose a legal obligation on each state to host an assigned number of refugees – something eastern nations including Poland and Hungary are dead against – as well as other forms of “ mandatory solidarity.
” Each state would receive $ 11,750 per adult taken in , funded from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rows over where to locate refugees and migrants have caused bad blood between the Mediterranean countries where they mainly come , the reluctant easterners , and the richer northern states where many of the new arrivals aspire to live .
The bloc was caught off guard in 2015 when more than a million people made it to EU shores , overwhelming security and welfare networks and fomenting far-right sentiment .
But the bloc ’ s top migration official said the crisis was over , with the EU now receiving some 1.5 million net @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work per year , compared to only 140,000 asylum seekers arriving irregularly .
“ We need these people , ” said Swedish EU Home Affairs Commissioner , Ylva Johansson .
“ Managing migration is not about finding a perfect solution but a solution acceptable to all.
” The executive European Commission ’ s plans to overhaul its defunct system include scratching a rule that the first EU country of arrival be responsible for asylum requests , which put too much burden on Mediterranean nations .
Under the new proposal , those arriving would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family links , history of education or work , or having a visa issued by a member state .
In the 400-page proposal spanning five different pan-EU laws , Ms. Johansson put emphasis on sending back those who fail to win asylum .
“ It ’ s necessary to have the acceptance of EU citizens to relocate [ host ] those who have the right to stay to be able to send back those who are not eligible , ” she said .
The plan , sure to stir up heated disputes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal routes for refugees and migrants , and work more closely with countries hosting and managing people before they reach Europe .
It would also put EU countries with external borders under closer monitoring to ensure they do not violate the law after multiple reports of pushbacks in Hungary , Croatia , Greece , and Malta .
Under the plan , people rescued at sea would have to be relocated in the bloc – rather than sent back – and the Commission recommended that member states do not criminalize charities involved in such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , all EU states would be obliged to help under the new idea of “ mandatory solidarity ” by relocating or returning people , or offering material assistance on the ground in arrival countries .
If , however , a country were falling under major pressure , it could seek to activate a crisis mechanism under which its EU peers would be obliged to take people in or send them back .
The complex system would eventually lead to each EU country having to take in some refugees .
Despite having German Chancellor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it , the plan faces an uphill battle .
The Commission said all elements should be in place from 2023 .
“ My guess is that I will have zero member states saying it ’ s a perfect proposal , ” said Ms. Johansson .
“ But I do hope that I ’ ll also have 27 member states saying it ’ s a balanced approach and let ’ s work on this .
...
It ’ s about realizing we have a common problem and we have to manage it together.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Syrian refugees back in 2015 , Ms. Merkel suffered electoral setbacks as the far right surged on anti-immigration sentiment .
But in a sign of the changing mood , German mayors offered this month to take in refugees after an overcrowded camp on the Greek island of Lesbos burnt to the ground .
Protesters took to the streets in many German cities chanting , “ We have space !
” This story was reported by Reuters .

The European Union’s executive proposed on Wednesday overhauling the bloc’s broken migration and asylum rules, seeking to end years of feuds and bitterness over how to handle the many people fleeing conflict and poverty in the Middle East and Africa.
The most contentious element would impose a legal obligation on each state to host an assigned number of refugees – something eastern nations including Poland and Hungary are dead against – as well as other forms of “mandatory solidarity.”
Each state would receive $11,750 per adult taken in, funded from the bloc’s budget.
Endless rows over where to locate refugees and migrants have caused bad blood between the Mediterranean countries where they mainly come, the reluctant easterners, and the richer northern states where many of the new arrivals aspire to live.
The bloc was caught off guard in 2015 when more than a million people made it to EU shores, overwhelming security and welfare networks and fomenting far-right sentiment.
But the bloc’s top migration official said the crisis was over, with the EU now receiving some 1.5 million net new foreigners coming legally to live and work per year, compared to only 140,000 asylum seekers arriving irregularly.
“We need these people,” said Swedish EU Home Affairs Commissioner, Ylva Johansson. “Managing migration is not about finding a perfect solution but a solution acceptable to all.”
The executive European Commission’s plans to overhaul its defunct system include scratching a rule that the first EU country of arrival be responsible for asylum requests, which put too much burden on Mediterranean nations.
Under the new proposal, those arriving would be assigned to specific countries based on family links, history of education or work, or having a visa issued by a member state.
‘Mandatory solidarity’
In the 400-page proposal spanning five different pan-EU laws, Ms. Johansson put emphasis on sending back those who fail to win asylum.
“It’s necessary to have the acceptance of EU citizens to relocate [host] those who have the right to stay to be able to send back those who are not eligible,” she said.
The plan, sure to stir up heated disputes, would also aim to open up more legal routes for refugees and migrants, and work more closely with countries hosting and managing people before they reach Europe.
It would also put EU countries with external borders under closer monitoring to ensure they do not violate the law after multiple reports of pushbacks in Hungary, Croatia, Greece, and Malta.
Under the plan, people rescued at sea would have to be relocated in the bloc – rather than sent back – and the Commission recommended that member states do not criminalize charities involved in such rescues.
At times of regular immigration, all EU states would be obliged to help under the new idea of “mandatory solidarity” by relocating or returning people, or offering material assistance on the ground in arrival countries.
If, however, a country were falling under major pressure, it could seek to activate a crisis mechanism under which its EU peers would be obliged to take people in or send them back.
The complex system would eventually lead to each EU country having to take in some refugees.
Despite having German Chancellor Angela Merkel as the driving force behind it, the plan faces an uphill battle. The Commission said all elements should be in place from 2023.
“My guess is that I will have zero member states saying it’s a perfect proposal,” said Ms. Johansson. “But I do hope that I’ll also have 27 member states saying it’s a balanced approach and let’s work on this. ... It’s about realizing we have a common problem and we have to manage it together.”
After opening Germany’s doors to Syrian refugees back in 2015, Ms. Merkel suffered electoral setbacks as the far right surged on anti-immigration sentiment.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
But in a sign of the changing mood, German mayors offered this month to take in refugees after an overcrowded camp on the Greek island of Lesbos burnt to the ground. Protesters took to the streets in many German cities chanting, “We have space!”
This story was reported by Reuters.


csmonitor--2020-09-24--As COVID-19 cases resurge, will the UK learn from its mistakes?

Britain bungled its response to the coronavirus the first time around .
Now many scientists fear it ’ s about to do it again .
The virus is on the rise once more in the United Kingdom , which has recorded almost 42,000 COVID-19 deaths , with confirmed infections at their highest level since May .
The surge has brought new restrictions on daily life , the prospect of a grim winter of mounting deaths – and a feeling of déjà vu .
“ We didn ’ t react quick enough in March , ” epidemiologist John Edmunds , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advisory committee , told the BBC .
“ I think we haven ’ t learnt from our mistake back then and we ’ re , unfortunately , about to repeat it.
” The U.K. is not alone in seeing a second wave of COVID-19 infections .
European countries including France , Spain , and the Netherlands are struggling to suppress rising outbreaks while limiting the economic damage .
But Britain ’ s pandemic response has revealed a roster of weaknesses , including unwieldy government structures , a fraying public health system , poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s government , and a reluctance to learn from other countries .
“ We have to ask why a country with such reputed health and intelligence institutions has been so incapable of combating the COVID pandemic , ” Gus O ’ Donnell , the former head of Britain ’ s civil service , said Thursday .
He said British politicians had “ over-promised and under-delivered.
” Like many other countries , apart from Asian nations hit by past outbreaks of the SARS and MERS coronavirus illnesses , Britain was unprepared for the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COVID-19 , but lacked the lab capacity to process those tests .
That meant attempts to locate , test , and isolate the contacts of every infected person soon foundered .
By the time the government ordered a nationwide lockdown on March 23 , the virus was out of control .
Supplies of protective equipment to hospitals and nursing homes soon ran dangerously short .
Luca Richeldi , an adviser to the Italian government on COVID-19 , told a committee of British lawmakers this week that he was “ shocked ” at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ living a collective tragedy.
” “ I had the impression that in general what was happening in Italy was not really perceived as something that could happen in the U.K. , ” he said .
Critics say the government ’ s insistence on going its own way – epitomized and exacerbated by the U.K. ’ s departure from the European Union in January – has hobbled its response .
The U.K. spent months trying to develop a contact-tracing smartphone app from scratch before abandoning it and adopting an Apple- and Google-developed system already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ app was launched in England on Thursday – four months late .
There were some successes .
Britain ’ s state-funded health-care system coped ; its hospitals weren ’ t overwhelmed .
But that was achieved at the high cost of postponing routine surgeries , appointments , and screening for cancer and other diseases .
Like some other countries , the U.K. released elderly patients from hospitals back to nursing homes without testing them for the virus .
Thousands died as a result .
Summer brought a respite as the tide of cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to revive the battered economy .
Mr. Johnson ’ s Conservative government urged workers to return to offices to prevent city centers becoming ghost towns and tempted people back to restaurants with discounts .
It worked economically , but it may also have helped the virus to return .
Given Mr. Johnson ’ s back-to-normal boosterism , there was inevitable confusion when he reversed course this week and announced that people should continue to work from home after all .
That came alongside new restrictions including a 10 p.m. curfew in bars and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say the government was slow to advise the wide use of face masks , just as it was slow to require quarantines for people arriving from abroad .
But the key failing , many believe , is in the coronavirus testing system .
Britain has rapidly expanded testing capacity , to some 250,000 a day , and set up a test-and-trace system with thousands of staff .
But when millions of U.K. children went back to school this month – and some came home with coughs and fevers – demand for tests surged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Many people found they could not book a test , or were sent hundreds of miles away .
“ I don ’ t think anybody was expecting to see the real sizable increase in demand that we ’ ve seen over the last few weeks , ” Dido Harding , who heads the program , told lawmakers this week – although many scientists and officials had predicted exactly that .
Headed by Ms. Harding , a former telecoms executive married to a Conservative lawmaker , the test-and-trace program is largely run by private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a call-center model to reach contacts , and tell them to self-isolate .
The system has failed to reach about a quarter of identified contacts , and it ’ s unclear what percentage of those asked to self-isolate actually comply .
“ The whole thing is hopelessly inefficient , ” said Martin McKee , professor of European public health at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine , who said good contact tracing is like detective work .
“ It ’ s as if we decided to put [ fictional detectives ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hotel room with a single telephone line and told them to solve the murder , ” he told The Associated Press .
Some of Britain ’ s troubles aren ’ t unique .
Dutch local health authorities are struggling to keep up with demand for contact tracing , and in some hard-hit regions infected people are being asked to inform their own contacts .
In Madrid , site of one of Europe ’ s fastest-growing outbreaks , it can take more than a week to get test results .
In France , confirmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the virus is resurgent in nursing homes .
An apparent exception is Italy , the first Western country hammered by the virus , where a strict 10-week lockdown largely tamed the outbreak .
Even now , Italians ’ compliance with mask-wearing and social distancing is strong , and cases average around 1,500 a day .
In Britain , where more than 6,000 cases were recorded Wednesday , criticism of Mr. Johnson ’ s leadership is growing .
Mr. Johnson is all too aware of the danger of the coronavirus – it put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But he is an instinctively laissez-faire politician who likes broad brushstrokes , simple slogans , and optimistic messages .
In March , Mr. Johnson said Britain could “ send the virus packing ” in 12 weeks .
Earlier this month , he said he hoped things would be back to normal by Christmas .
This week he acknowledged that new restrictions will be in place for six months .
He said he was “ deeply , spiritually reluctant to make any of these impositions ” – but many scientists believe stronger measures will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ test-and-trace system doesn ’ t improve .
Meanwhile , polls suggest support for the government ’ s handling of the crisis is falling , and authorities worry compliance is fraying .
Unease is growing among formerly loyal allies of the prime minister .
The Spectator , a conservative newsmagazine that Mr. Johnson used to edit , summarized the past six months as “ disorder , debacle , rebellion , U-turn , and confusion.
” “ Where ’ s Boris ?
” the magazine asked on its cover .
This story was reported by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Madrid ; Michael Corder in Amsterdam , ; Thomas Adamson in Paris ; and Nicole Winfield in Rome contributed to this story .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Britain bungled its response to the coronavirus the first time around. Now many scientists fear it’s about to do it again.
The virus is on the rise once more in the United Kingdom, which has recorded almost 42,000 COVID-19 deaths, with confirmed infections at their highest level since May. The surge has brought new restrictions on daily life, the prospect of a grim winter of mounting deaths – and a feeling of déjà vu.
“We didn’t react quick enough in March,” epidemiologist John Edmunds, a member of the government’s scientific advisory committee, told the BBC. “I think we haven’t learnt from our mistake back then and we’re, unfortunately, about to repeat it.”
The U.K. is not alone in seeing a second wave of COVID-19 infections. European countries including France, Spain, and the Netherlands are struggling to suppress rising outbreaks while limiting the economic damage.
But Britain’s pandemic response has revealed a roster of weaknesses, including unwieldy government structures, a fraying public health system, poor communication by Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s government, and a reluctance to learn from other countries.
“We have to ask why a country with such reputed health and intelligence institutions has been so incapable of combating the COVID pandemic,” Gus O’Donnell, the former head of Britain’s civil service, said Thursday.
He said British politicians had “over-promised and under-delivered.”
Like many other countries, apart from Asian nations hit by past outbreaks of the SARS and MERS coronavirus illnesses, Britain was unprepared for the pandemic.
Britain quickly approved a test for COVID-19, but lacked the lab capacity to process those tests. That meant attempts to locate, test, and isolate the contacts of every infected person soon foundered.
By the time the government ordered a nationwide lockdown on March 23, the virus was out of control. Supplies of protective equipment to hospitals and nursing homes soon ran dangerously short.
Luca Richeldi, an adviser to the Italian government on COVID-19, told a committee of British lawmakers this week that he was “shocked” at the slow U.K. response while Italy was “living a collective tragedy.”
“I had the impression that in general what was happening in Italy was not really perceived as something that could happen in the U.K.,” he said.
Critics say the government’s insistence on going its own way – epitomized and exacerbated by the U.K.’s departure from the European Union in January – has hobbled its response.
The U.K. spent months trying to develop a contact-tracing smartphone app from scratch before abandoning it and adopting an Apple- and Google-developed system already used in many other countries. The app was launched in England on Thursday – four months late.
There were some successes. Britain’s state-funded health-care system coped; its hospitals weren’t overwhelmed. But that was achieved at the high cost of postponing routine surgeries, appointments, and screening for cancer and other diseases.
Like some other countries, the U.K. released elderly patients from hospitals back to nursing homes without testing them for the virus. Thousands died as a result.
Summer brought a respite as the tide of cases receded. It also brought a push to revive the battered economy. Mr. Johnson’s Conservative government urged workers to return to offices to prevent city centers becoming ghost towns and tempted people back to restaurants with discounts. It worked economically, but it may also have helped the virus to return.
Given Mr. Johnson’s back-to-normal boosterism, there was inevitable confusion when he reversed course this week and announced that people should continue to work from home after all. That came alongside new restrictions including a 10 p.m. curfew in bars and restaurants and expanded face-mask requirements.
Critics say the government was slow to advise the wide use of face masks, just as it was slow to require quarantines for people arriving from abroad.
But the key failing, many believe, is in the coronavirus testing system.
Britain has rapidly expanded testing capacity, to some 250,000 a day, and set up a test-and-trace system with thousands of staff.
But when millions of U.K. children went back to school this month – and some came home with coughs and fevers – demand for tests surged to around 1 million a day. Many people found they could not book a test, or were sent hundreds of miles away.
“I don’t think anybody was expecting to see the real sizable increase in demand that we’ve seen over the last few weeks,” Dido Harding, who heads the program, told lawmakers this week – although many scientists and officials had predicted exactly that.
Headed by Ms. Harding, a former telecoms executive married to a Conservative lawmaker, the test-and-trace program is largely run by private companies including outsourcing firm Serco, using a call-center model to reach contacts, and tell them to self-isolate. The system has failed to reach about a quarter of identified contacts, and it’s unclear what percentage of those asked to self-isolate actually comply.
“The whole thing is hopelessly inefficient,” said Martin McKee, professor of European public health at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, who said good contact tracing is like detective work.
“It’s as if we decided to put [fictional detectives] Miss Marple or Father Brown in a hotel room with a single telephone line and told them to solve the murder,” he told The Associated Press.
Some of Britain’s troubles aren’t unique. Dutch local health authorities are struggling to keep up with demand for contact tracing, and in some hard-hit regions infected people are being asked to inform their own contacts. In Madrid, site of one of Europe’s fastest-growing outbreaks, it can take more than a week to get test results. In France, confirmed new cases have topped 13,000 a day and the virus is resurgent in nursing homes.
An apparent exception is Italy, the first Western country hammered by the virus, where a strict 10-week lockdown largely tamed the outbreak. Even now, Italians’ compliance with mask-wearing and social distancing is strong, and cases average around 1,500 a day.
In Britain, where more than 6,000 cases were recorded Wednesday, criticism of Mr. Johnson’s leadership is growing.
Mr. Johnson is all too aware of the danger of the coronavirus – it put him in intensive care in April. But he is an instinctively laissez-faire politician who likes broad brushstrokes, simple slogans, and optimistic messages.
In March, Mr. Johnson said Britain could “send the virus packing” in 12 weeks. Earlier this month, he said he hoped things would be back to normal by Christmas. This week he acknowledged that new restrictions will be in place for six months.
He said he was “deeply, spiritually reluctant to make any of these impositions” – but many scientists believe stronger measures will inevitably be needed, especially if the test-and-trace system doesn’t improve.
Meanwhile, polls suggest support for the government’s handling of the crisis is falling, and authorities worry compliance is fraying.
Unease is growing among formerly loyal allies of the prime minister.
The Spectator, a conservative newsmagazine that Mr. Johnson used to edit, summarized the past six months as “disorder, debacle, rebellion, U-turn, and confusion.”
“Where’s Boris?” the magazine asked on its cover.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Aritz Parra in Madrid; Michael Corder in Amsterdam,; Thomas Adamson in Paris; and Nicole Winfield in Rome contributed to this story.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.