csmonitor--2020-03-04--Biden, Sanders, and the struggle for the Democrats’ future

And Super Tuesday didn ’ t solve the basic division within the Democratic Party , which pits Senator Sanders , Sen. Elizabeth Warren , and other progressive revolutionaries against moderates who wish to restore Obama-era priorities .
That ’ s a split so fundamental it could cause intramural friction for years to come , no matter who wins the party ’ s 2020 nod .
But don ’ t unbuckle yet .
Sen. Bernie Sanders still has money , organization , and a devoted following on his side .
Joe Biden has run for the nation ’ s highest office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Carolina , he had never won a primary .
Now he has won 11 .
And almost overnight , the roller coaster that has been the 2020 Democratic primary process ended up back where it started : with the former vice president as the front-runner and candidate with the clearest path to winning the nomination .
By almost any measure , Super Tuesday 2020 was a stunning uplift for an American politician who has been a fixture in Washington since winning a Senate seat in 1972 .
So far , watching the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ riding a world-class roller coaster , full of wild swings , sudden climbs , and stomach-churning plummets .
And like a spin around Cedar Point amusement park ’ s “ Steel Vengeance , ” it has ended up back where it began : with former Vice President Joe Biden as the frontrunner and candidate with the clearest path to winning the nomination .
But don ’ t unbuckle yet .
Sen. Bernie Sanders still has money , organization , and a devoted following on his side .
Democratic Party rules , which award @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state , favor a close race .
There ’ s a debate scheduled for March 15 that will be essentially one-on-one .
Events held a day or so prior to a vote have seemed extraordinarily influential this primary season .
Nor did Super Tuesday solve the basic division within the Democratic Party , which pits Senator Sanders , Sen. Elizabeth Warren , and other progressive revolutionaries against moderates who wish to restore Obama-era priorities .
That ’ s a split so fundamental it could cause intramural friction for years to come , no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 nod .
While the restoration wing of the party seeks a return to political norms , civility , and respect for all after years of growing polarization , the progressive wing argues that the United States needs bolder , sweeping changes to everything from health care to climate change .
“ I suspect everybody will get together and try to make sure we get rid of Trump .
If that happens , we will postpone this conflict a little bit .
But it will come back , ” says Bill Carrick , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
From zero primaries to 11 Still , by almost any measure , Super Tuesday 2020 was a stunning uplift for an American politician who has been a fixture in Washington since winning a Senate seat in 1972 , then served eight years as vice president , yet never before gained any momentum for his own burning presidential ambitions .
Joe Biden has run for the nation ’ s highest office three times .
Before last Saturday in South Carolina , he had never won a primary .
Now he has won 11 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have dropped out and endorsed him .
He currently leads in delegates , with an estimated 433 , according to a mid-afternoon Wednesday estimate from The New York Times .
Senator Sanders trails with 388 .
Mr. Biden benefited from a sudden coalescing of center-left Democrats around his candidacy .
With Mr. Sanders surging , these voters decided it was time to settle , not moon after political crushes .
African-American voters were crucial to the Biden coalition , which included substantial numbers of working-class whites and college-educated women .
Biden voters interviewed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , won by Democratic Rep. Abigail Spanberger in 2018 after 38 years of Republican representation , spoke of a number of reasons why they supported the former vice president .
But one thing was on top of many of their lists .
“ I just want him to beat Trump , ” says Amy Davis , an African-American stay-at-home mom from Culpeper .
Ms. Davis adds that she also thought Mr. Biden did a good job as vice president .
“ He impressed me when he worked under Obama , ” she says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ switched from other candidates .
Pat Carl , a retired white man serving as a poll watcher with the Spotsylvania Democrats , says originally , he liked Sen. Amy Klobuchar , who withdrew from the race and endorsed Mr. Biden earlier this week .
But Mr. Carl says he ’ s confident that a Biden administration would have a place in it for Senator Klobuchar .
And as a former Republican , he ’ s attracted by Mr. Biden ’ s ideological position in the Democratic Party .
“ I ’ m a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
Several Virginia Biden voters volunteered that they ’ d cast a ballot for President Donald Trump in 2016 .
They ’ d believed in his “ Make America Great Again ” slogan .
But they ’ ve found his behavior as president off-putting .
“ Now he ’ s just lashing out at everyone , firing his own staff .
I ’ m so disappointed in him , ” says Alan Burnham , a white male school bus driver .
Given all the uproar over Mr. Biden ’ s sudden reemergence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ easy to forget that only about one-third of the total number of pledged state delegates to the party convention in Milwaukee have been chosen .
There is plenty of time remaining for a Biden stumble , or a Sanders rally .
Six states hold primary votes March 10 , including the crucial Rust Belt state of Michigan .
Four more states vote March 17 , including Florida and Ohio .
As a candidate , Mr. Biden has flaws .
That is part of the reason why he struggled to raise funds and attract @ @ @ @ @ @ @ initial contests .
On the stump he is prone to garbled speech and other verbal miscues – at his victory appearance Tuesday night , for instance , he mistakenly identified his wife as his sister , and vice versa .
( He quickly corrected the error . )
He ’ s been known to run on , and on .
Sometimes he gets names mixed up .
Given his length of service in Washington , he ’ s not exactly an exciting new face .
“ I don ’ t think he ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s got some weaknesses as a candidate , ” says Garry South , a longtime Democratic consultant based in Los Angeles .
But Democrats will start to look at Mr. Biden and see that “ at the end of the day , that ’ s part of what makes him authentic , ” Mr. South says .
Meanwhile , Mr. Sanders has strengths .
His campaign is flush with cash , and his ability to raise small dollar donations online remains unparalleled .
Many of his supporters are devoted in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appear to be .
His rallies draw tens of thousands of fans to hear him excoriate billionaires and corporations and promote Medicare For All and free tuition at public colleges and universities .
For all the attention given to Mr. Biden , the two men remain almost tied in the currency that matters most , delegate strength , Senator Sanders pointed out in an appearance at his Burlington , Vermont campaign office Wednesday .
“ What this campaign … is increasingly about is , which side are you on ?
Our campaign is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support , Mr. Sanders said .
In Virginia , primary voters who opted for Senator Sanders stressed his appeal to young people , and how his proposals went to the heart of their concerns .
Amber Seagrave , a young white woman with pink hair who works as a stylist , says she voted for him in part because of his proposals to eliminate student loan debt .
“ I ’ m going to be late on my student loans again this month , ” says Ms. Seagrave .
“ I had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t pay for it.
” The Democratic nightmare is that the animosity between the Sanders and Biden camps will extend past the convention , and that the loser ’ s side will sit on its hands and have a lower turnout rate for the general election .
“ Over the next month or so , we will see a lot of animosity , anger , resentment .
It will look bad and end up feeling pretty similar to 2016 , ” when bad feeling developed between the Hillary Clinton and Sanders campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University .
But Professor Barker says there are several reasons why this division won ’ t end up being as consequential as it was four years ago .
For one thing , President Trump is an incumbent both sides want very much to oust .
For another , Joe Biden is not Hillary Clinton .
Ms. Clinton generated antipathy from both Republicans and the Democratic left wing .
Mr. Biden perhaps doesn ’ t produce that level of animosity .
“ The thing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t excite the young progressive left , he also doesn ’ t inspire the same level of loathing .
There seems to be some level of warmth for the guy , ” says Professor Barker .

And Super Tuesday didn’t solve the basic division within the Democratic Party, which pits Senator Sanders, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, and other progressive revolutionaries against moderates who wish to restore Obama-era priorities. That’s a split so fundamental it could cause intramural friction for years to come, no matter who wins the party’s 2020 nod.
But don’t unbuckle yet. Sen. Bernie Sanders still has money, organization, and a devoted following on his side.
Behind the personal rivalries and rising and falling fortunes that have narrowed the field this presidential primary season, there’s a fundamental clash lining up between the Democrats’ revolutionary and moderate wings.
Joe Biden has run for the nation’s highest office three times. Before last Saturday in South Carolina, he had never won a primary. Now he has won 11. And almost overnight, the roller coaster that has been the 2020 Democratic primary process ended up back where it started: with the former vice president as the front-runner and candidate with the clearest path to winning the nomination.
By almost any measure, Super Tuesday 2020 was a stunning uplift for an American politician who has been a fixture in Washington since winning a Senate seat in 1972.
So far, watching the 2020 Democratic primary process has been like riding a world-class roller coaster, full of wild swings, sudden climbs, and stomach-churning plummets.
And like a spin around Cedar Point amusement park’s “Steel Vengeance,” it has ended up back where it began: with former Vice President Joe Biden as the frontrunner and candidate with the clearest path to winning the nomination.
But don’t unbuckle yet. Sen. Bernie Sanders still has money, organization, and a devoted following on his side. Democratic Party rules, which award delegates on a proportional basis in each state, favor a close race.
Why We Wrote This Behind the personal rivalries and rising and falling fortunes that have narrowed the field this presidential primary season, there’s a fundamental clash lining up between the Democrats’ revolutionary and moderate wings.
There’s a debate scheduled for March 15 that will be essentially one-on-one. Events held a day or so prior to a vote have seemed extraordinarily influential this primary season.
Nor did Super Tuesday solve the basic division within the Democratic Party, which pits Senator Sanders, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, and other progressive revolutionaries against moderates who wish to restore Obama-era priorities. That’s a split so fundamental it could cause intramural friction for years to come, no matter who wins the party’s 2020 nod.
While the restoration wing of the party seeks a return to political norms, civility, and respect for all after years of growing polarization, the progressive wing argues that the United States needs bolder, sweeping changes to everything from health care to climate change.
“I suspect everybody will get together and try to make sure we get rid of Trump. If that happens, we will postpone this conflict a little bit. But it will come back,” says Bill Carrick, a longtime Democratic consultant in Los Angeles.
From zero primaries to 11
Still, by almost any measure, Super Tuesday 2020 was a stunning uplift for an American politician who has been a fixture in Washington since winning a Senate seat in 1972, then served eight years as vice president, yet never before gained any momentum for his own burning presidential ambitions.
Mike Blake/Reuters View caption Hide caption With his wife, Jill, at his side, Democratic U.S. presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden addresses supporters at his Super Tuesday night rally in Los Angeles, California, March 3, 2020.
Joe Biden has run for the nation’s highest office three times. Before last Saturday in South Carolina, he had never won a primary. Now he has won 11. The other moderates in the race have dropped out and endorsed him.
He currently leads in delegates, with an estimated 433, according to a mid-afternoon Wednesday estimate from The New York Times. Senator Sanders trails with 388.
Mr. Biden benefited from a sudden coalescing of center-left Democrats around his candidacy. With Mr. Sanders surging, these voters decided it was time to settle, not moon after political crushes. African-American voters were crucial to the Biden coalition, which included substantial numbers of working-class whites and college-educated women.
Biden voters interviewed in Virginia’s 7th Congressional District, won by Democratic Rep. Abigail Spanberger in 2018 after 38 years of Republican representation, spoke of a number of reasons why they supported the former vice president. But one thing was on top of many of their lists.
“I just want him to beat Trump,” says Amy Davis, an African-American stay-at-home mom from Culpeper.
Ms. Davis adds that she also thought Mr. Biden did a good job as vice president.
“He impressed me when he worked under Obama,” she says.
Coming to Biden
Some Biden supporters said they had switched from other candidates.
Pat Carl, a retired white man serving as a poll watcher with the Spotsylvania Democrats, says originally, he liked Sen. Amy Klobuchar, who withdrew from the race and endorsed Mr. Biden earlier this week.
But Mr. Carl says he’s confident that a Biden administration would have a place in it for Senator Klobuchar. And as a former Republican, he’s attracted by Mr. Biden’s ideological position in the Democratic Party.
“I’m a moderate kind of person,” he says.
Several Virginia Biden voters volunteered that they’d cast a ballot for President Donald Trump in 2016. They’d believed in his “Make America Great Again” slogan.
But they’ve found his behavior as president off-putting.
“Now he’s just lashing out at everyone, firing his own staff. I’m so disappointed in him,” says Alan Burnham, a white male school bus driver.
Jonathan Ernst/Reuters View caption Hide caption Democratic U.S. presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders is accompanied by his relatives, including his wife, Jane, as he addresses supporters at his Super Tuesday night rally in Essex Junction, Vermont, March 3, 2020.
Given all the uproar over Mr. Biden’s sudden reemergence as the Democratic front-runner, it is easy to forget that only about one-third of the total number of pledged state delegates to the party convention in Milwaukee have been chosen. There is plenty of time remaining for a Biden stumble, or a Sanders rally.
Six states hold primary votes March 10, including the crucial Rust Belt state of Michigan. Four more states vote March 17, including Florida and Ohio.
Biden’s flaws; Sanders’ strengths
As a candidate, Mr. Biden has flaws. That is part of the reason why he struggled to raise funds and attract voters in the primary season’s initial contests.
On the stump he is prone to garbled speech and other verbal miscues – at his victory appearance Tuesday night, for instance, he mistakenly identified his wife as his sister, and vice versa. (He quickly corrected the error.) He’s been known to run on, and on. Sometimes he gets names mixed up. Given his length of service in Washington, he’s not exactly an exciting new face.
“I don’t think he’s a weak candidate. I think he’s got some weaknesses as a candidate,” says Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant based in Los Angeles.
But Democrats will start to look at Mr. Biden and see that “at the end of the day, that’s part of what makes him authentic,” Mr. South says.
Meanwhile, Mr. Sanders has strengths. His campaign is flush with cash, and his ability to raise small dollar donations online remains unparalleled. Many of his supporters are devoted in a way that Biden voters don’t appear to be. His rallies draw tens of thousands of fans to hear him excoriate billionaires and corporations and promote Medicare For All and free tuition at public colleges and universities.
For all the attention given to Mr. Biden, the two men remain almost tied in the currency that matters most, delegate strength, Senator Sanders pointed out in an appearance at his Burlington, Vermont campaign office Wednesday.
“What this campaign … is increasingly about is, which side are you on? Our campaign is unprecedented” when it comes to grassroots support, Mr. Sanders said.
In Virginia, primary voters who opted for Senator Sanders stressed his appeal to young people, and how his proposals went to the heart of their concerns.
Amber Seagrave, a young white woman with pink hair who works as a stylist, says she voted for him in part because of his proposals to eliminate student loan debt.
“I’m going to be late on my student loans again this month,” says Ms. Seagrave. “I had to drop out of college because I couldn’t pay for it.”
Limits to the division
The Democratic nightmare is that the animosity between the Sanders and Biden camps will extend past the convention, and that the loser’s side will sit on its hands and have a lower turnout rate for the general election.
“Over the next month or so, we will see a lot of animosity, anger, resentment. It will look bad and end up feeling pretty similar to 2016,” when bad feeling developed between the Hillary Clinton and Sanders campaigns, says Prof. David Barker, director of the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University.
But Professor Barker says there are several reasons why this division won’t end up being as consequential as it was four years ago.
For one thing, President Trump is an incumbent both sides want very much to oust. For another, Joe Biden is not Hillary Clinton. Ms. Clinton generated antipathy from both Republicans and the Democratic left wing. Mr. Biden perhaps doesn’t produce that level of animosity.
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“The thing about Biden now is that while he doesn’t excite the young progressive left, he also doesn’t inspire the same level of loathing. There seems to be some level of warmth for the guy,” says Professor Barker.
Francine Kiefer contributed to this story.


csmonitor--2020-03-04--Super Tuesday switch: Bloomberg drops out and endorses Biden

Billionaire Mike Bloomberg ended his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination on Wednesday and endorsed former Vice President Joe Biden .
It was a stunning collapse for the former New York City mayor , who had his 2020 hopes on the Super Tuesday states and pumped more than $ 500 million of his own fortune into the campaign .
Mr. Bloomberg announced his departure from the race after a disappointing finish on Super Tuesday in the slate of states that account for almost one-third of the total delegates available in the Democratic nominating contest .
He won only the territory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dozen delegates elsewhere .
Mr. Biden , meanwhile , won big in Southern states where Mr. Bloomberg had poured tens of millions of dollars and even cautiously hoped for a victory .
Two of his former Democratic rivals , Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg , dropped out of the race and endorsed Mr. Biden as the moderate alternative to Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders just the day before Super Tuesday .
Mr. Bloomberg ran an unprecedented campaign from the start .
His late entrance into the race in November prompted him to skip campaigning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa , New Hampshire , Nevada , and South Carolina .
He hung his success on Super Tuesday , spending at least $ 180 million on advertising in those states , but had planned to continue deep into the primary calendar , already spending millions on advertising in states like Florida , Michigan , and Pennsylvania .
Before results poured in on Tuesday , he projected confidence while campaigning in Florida , only to have his aides say the campaign would reassess the next day .
Voters ultimately rejected Mr. Bloomberg 's argument @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to take on Republican President Donald Trump .
The president , for his part , had paid close attention to the Democratic nominating contest and had been especially fixated on Mr. Bloomberg .
Mr. Trump regularly railed against his fellow New Yorker on Twitter , mocking his short stature by calling him `` Mini Mike '' and claiming Mr. Bloomberg was the candidate he wanted to run against .
On Tuesday , he called the results a `` complete destruction '' of Mr. Bloomberg 's reputation .
Mr. Bloomberg is one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimated $ 61 billion .
His fortune flows from the financial data and media company that bears his name , which he started in the 1980s .
In addition to serving 12 years as New York mayor , he endeared himself to progressive groups by pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into fighting climate change and curbing gun violence .
In the early weeks of his campaign , he used his vast fortune to introduce himself to voters outside New York on his own terms , and his rivals accused him of trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the White House .
As voting drew closer , the former Republican was forced to confront his Democratic rivals head on by appearing alongside them on a debate stage .
His first performance was shaky and uneven and caused voters to view him with a more critical eye .
He proved unable to overcome consistent criticism of New York 's use of the stop-and-frisk police practice under his tenure as mayor , which disproportionately targeted young black and Latino men for searches aimed at finding weapons .
The practice ended after a federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bloomberg apologized for using it weeks before announcing his presidential run .
He similarly faced pointed criticism – primarily from rival Elizabeth Warren – about the treatment of women at his company , Bloomberg LP .
Under pressure from Ms. Warren , he said in mid-February he would release three women who sued him for harassment or discrimination complaints from confidentiality agreements .
Women who worked for Mr. Bloomberg were featured in a commercial praising Mr. Bloomberg 's and the company 's treatment of women , and his longtime partner Diana Taylor defended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Bloomberg was dogged by accusations he was trying to buy the Democratic presidential nomination .
His vast fortune proved a perfect foil for Mr. Sanders , who has said billionaires should not exist at all .
Indeed , Mr. Bloomberg had a vast circle of influence from his spending on key causes like gun control as well as his philanthropic efforts to boost American cities and provide leadership training for mayors .
Dozens of prominent mayors rallied behind his candidacy .
That , combined with Mr. Biden 's resurgence in South Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moderate wing behind him , doomed Mr. Bloomberg 's case that he was the best candidate to take on both Mr. Sanders and Mr. Trump .
What 's next for Mr. Bloomberg is unclear .
He 'd pledged to keep campaign offices open in key general election battleground states to help the Democrats defeat Mr. Trump even if he lost the party 's nomination .
But Mr. Sanders ' campaign has said they do not want the help .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Ms. Jaffe reported from Palm @ @ @ @

Billionaire Mike Bloomberg ended his bid for the Democratic presidential nomination on Wednesday and endorsed former Vice President Joe Biden. It was a stunning collapse for the former New York City mayor, who had his 2020 hopes on the Super Tuesday states and pumped more than $500 million of his own fortune into the campaign.
Mr. Bloomberg announced his departure from the race after a disappointing finish on Super Tuesday in the slate of states that account for almost one-third of the total delegates available in the Democratic nominating contest. He won only the territory of American Samoa and picked up several dozen delegates elsewhere. Mr. Biden, meanwhile, won big in Southern states where Mr. Bloomberg had poured tens of millions of dollars and even cautiously hoped for a victory.
Two of his former Democratic rivals, Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg, dropped out of the race and endorsed Mr. Biden as the moderate alternative to Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders just the day before Super Tuesday.
Mr. Bloomberg ran an unprecedented campaign from the start. His late entrance into the race in November prompted him to skip campaigning in the first four voting states of Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada, and South Carolina. He hung his success on Super Tuesday, spending at least $180 million on advertising in those states, but had planned to continue deep into the primary calendar, already spending millions on advertising in states like Florida, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. Before results poured in on Tuesday, he projected confidence while campaigning in Florida, only to have his aides say the campaign would reassess the next day.
Voters ultimately rejected Mr. Bloomberg's argument that he was the candidate best poised to take on Republican President Donald Trump. The president, for his part, had paid close attention to the Democratic nominating contest and had been especially fixated on Mr. Bloomberg. Mr. Trump regularly railed against his fellow New Yorker on Twitter, mocking his short stature by calling him "Mini Mike" and claiming Mr. Bloomberg was the candidate he wanted to run against. On Tuesday, he called the results a "complete destruction" of Mr. Bloomberg's reputation.
Mr. Bloomberg is one of the world's richest men, worth an estimated $61 billion. His fortune flows from the financial data and media company that bears his name, which he started in the 1980s. In addition to serving 12 years as New York mayor, he endeared himself to progressive groups by pouring hundreds of millions of dollars into fighting climate change and curbing gun violence.
In the early weeks of his campaign, he used his vast fortune to introduce himself to voters outside New York on his own terms, and his rivals accused him of trying to buy the party's nomination and the White House. As voting drew closer, the former Republican was forced to confront his Democratic rivals head on by appearing alongside them on a debate stage. His first performance was shaky and uneven and caused voters to view him with a more critical eye.
He proved unable to overcome consistent criticism of New York's use of the stop-and-frisk police practice under his tenure as mayor, which disproportionately targeted young black and Latino men for searches aimed at finding weapons. The practice ended after a federal judge declared it unconstitutional, and Mr. Bloomberg apologized for using it weeks before announcing his presidential run.
He similarly faced pointed criticism – primarily from rival Elizabeth Warren – about the treatment of women at his company, Bloomberg LP. Under pressure from Ms. Warren, he said in mid-February he would release three women who sued him for harassment or discrimination complaints from confidentiality agreements. Women who worked for Mr. Bloomberg were featured in a commercial praising Mr. Bloomberg's and the company's treatment of women, and his longtime partner Diana Taylor defended him as a champion of women.
Mr. Bloomberg was dogged by accusations he was trying to buy the Democratic presidential nomination. His vast fortune proved a perfect foil for Mr. Sanders, who has said billionaires should not exist at all. Indeed, Mr. Bloomberg had a vast circle of influence from his spending on key causes like gun control as well as his philanthropic efforts to boost American cities and provide leadership training for mayors. Dozens of prominent mayors rallied behind his candidacy.
That, combined with Mr. Biden's resurgence in South Carolina and the rallying of the party's moderate wing behind him, doomed Mr. Bloomberg's case that he was the best candidate to take on both Mr. Sanders and Mr. Trump.
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What's next for Mr. Bloomberg is unclear. He'd pledged to keep campaign offices open in key general election battleground states to help the Democrats defeat Mr. Trump even if he lost the party's nomination. But Mr. Sanders' campaign has said they do not want the help.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Ms. Jaffe reported from Palm Beach, Florida.


csmonitor--2020-03-04--From our archives: What did Bernie Sanders do when he was mayor?

HE calls himself anti-establishment .
And yet he is the establishment .
He is a self-proclaimed radical socialist , and he is also mayor of the largest city in Vermont .
But in this city of 38,000 on the shores of Lake Champlain , Mayor Bernard Sanders is facing the same basic decisions about taxes , streets , and municipal development that his capitalist colleagues are facing in cities and towns across the United States .
And , like elsewhere , many of the solutions to problems in Burlington come down to one simple word : money .
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mayor to raise funds to run and improve his or her city , but when the mayor is a socialist , the whole exercise takes on a peculiar irony .
Mayor Sanders himself recognizes that there are limits to how much radical socialism can be injected into the daily running of Burlington .
There is no talk of nationalizing local banks , nor of mass redistribution of Burlington 's wealth to the poor and disadvantaged .
''There are obvious , real limits to what we can do , '' Sanders says . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ war with the business community .
A lot of them hate our guts , and none of them vote for us , that 's for sure . ''
But he adds that his administration can not afford to isolate itself from the business community , which has access to funds needed to upgrade Burlington .
At the time of his election in 1981 and his reelection in 1983 , there were predictions that Sanders 's policies would lead to a mass exodus of businessmen from the city .
They have n't .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proved to be a lot less radical than many observers anticipated .
''The mayor does talk a very good game , '' says Judith Stephany , who lost to Sanders in the 1983 mayoral race .
''He would like to redistribute the fruits of the wealthy to the less wealthy .
But when push comes to shove here in Burlington , those words have not been translated into action . ''
Nonetheless , Sanders takes his socialism and radicalism seriously . ''
I think I was always a rebel as a child , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basically somebody sympathetic to the underdog , '' Sanders says of his youth in Brooklyn , N.Y .
It is an outlook that three years in the mayor 's office have not changed .
One observer called him `` a gadfly in power . ''
A local banker described him as `` a man with a chip on his shoulder . ''
''Bernie is a real fighter for the people , the forgotten , the low-income , the elderly , and the people who have been left out , '' says Ken Dean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign in Vermont .
Mr. Dean adds , `` Some of Bernie 's speeches sound like Hubert Humphrey .
He actually is , in the best sense of the word , a very good Democrat .
But he would get upset if you called him that . ''
Sanders 's rise to power came in 1981 , when he beat five-term incumbent Mayor Gordon Paquette by 10 votes .
After a rocky first term in which Sanders and the Board of Aldermen were engaged in almost constant verbal combat , Sanders took his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighborhoods in 1983 and won reelection , capturing 52 percent of the vote .
Sanders 's political education came in large part during a decade of struggle as a leader of the Liberty Union Party , a progressive third party in Vermont .
He ran twice for governor and lost , and twice for the US Senate and lost .
In the 1976 gubernatorial election , Sanders gained 6 percent of the vote .
It was his best statewide showing .
Earlier this year , Sanders toyed with the idea of entering Vermont @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political observers say that while Sanders has demonstrable support in Burlington , his support can not be translated into votes statewide , particularly in traditionally conservative rural areas , which make up most of the state .
There is still considerable mistrust between Burlington 's business leaders and the mayor 's office .
But Sanders is n't shying away from his radical label .
He stresses that his policies and accomplishments - in the context of running Burlington - have been radical . ''
I like the word radical , '' the mayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first time , its radical , '' Sanders says .
He adds , `` Radical is not only specific ideas and hopes for the future , but it is also trying to respond to the pressures that you are in . ''
Bernie - as the mayor is called by friends and foes alike - is on his way to becoming something of a legend here .
He is portrayed by those who know him as a political Robin Hood of sorts , who has vowed to do battle against the rich @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And he is not alone .
Since his first election in 1981 , six members of Sanders 's Progressive Coalition have won seats on the local 13-member Board of Aldermen .
They have organized grass-roots campaigns against both the Democrats and Republicans - and won .
The Progressive Coalition is a loose collection of socialists , progressives , independents , renegade Democrats , and neighborhood activists - many of whom , like the mayor himself , migrated to Vermont 's peaceful woods in the late '60s in an effort to escape the controversy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of urban life .
Later this month , the coalition may , for the first time , gain a majority position on the Board of Aldermen with seven seats .
If the coalition 's candidate defeats his Democratic challenger in Ward 5 in a special May 15 election , Mayor Sanders 's power to bring change to Burlington may greatly increase .
What will that mean for Burlington ?
No one is sure .
According to political observers , the Ward 5 race is too close to call .
''What will happen , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'll be able to move in to more quickly implement some of what we want , '' Sanders says .
High on the mayor 's agenda is finding progressive alternatives to property taxes .
The mayor 's first effort in this regard has come in the form of a new city ordinance requiring utility companies doing excavation work in city streets to pay an excavation `` fee '' of $ 10.30 per square foot of road dug up .
The telephone company , gas company , and local cable television company have taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the measure is unconstitutional .
The mayor is standing behind the ordinance .
City officials anticipate the excavation fee will raise $ 500,000 a year for badly needed street repair .
The funds are expected to help keep property taxes down , and thus help ease the tax burden on elderly and low-income homeowners in Burlington .
The proposed $ 100 million development of the city 's waterfront is another example of how Sanders 's brand of socialism is affecting Burlington .
It is also an example of how Sanders is willing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Private capitalists in this case refer to the Alden Waterfront Corporation , which is developing a planned waterfront complex , including parks , boating , restaurants , shops , museums , and apartments , on 25 acres at the edge of Lake Champlain .
The city is applying for a $ 20 million federal urban development grant to help fund the project .
The rest will be funded by private capital .
The mayor has not compromised his socialist principals to get the project .
On the contrary , the project has a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was originally proposed by the previous Democratic administration in City Hall .
That plan envisioned luxury high-rise condos .
Sanders opposed it because it offered few benefits to working-class city residents .
In addition , the project would have obliterated the lake view of an entire Burlington working-class neighborhood .
The revised development plan , designed with input from nearby residents , limits the height of the proposed buildings to preserve the lake view .
It also ensures public access to the waterfront , with affordable activities for all the city 's residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ include various price ranges to accommodate elderly and moderate income renters .
There will also be expensive town houses .
Other Sanders initiatives include greater employee input in city departments to help smooth employee relations , the proposed `` municipalization '' of the local cable-television franchise , the establishment of co-ops and worker-owned shops , and an upgrading of youth programs .
One of the mayor 's least controversial initiatives has been his work to bring minor-league baseball back to Burlington .
Sanders sees it as a means to provide low-cost recreation and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community spirit .
Burlington 's new baseball team is a farm club of the Cincinnati Reds organization .
On opening day last month , Mayor Sanders - a baseball fan himself - was on hand to throw out the first pitch .
To some it was only appropriate that the city 's first socialist mayor should kick off the team 's first home game .
The team 's official name ?
The Burlington Reds .
Editor 's note : This story was originally published May 3 , 1984 , under the headline `` @ @ @ @

HE calls himself anti-establishment. And yet he is the establishment. He is a self-proclaimed radical socialist, and he is also mayor of the largest city in Vermont.
He is perpetually controversial.
But in this city of 38,000 on the shores of Lake Champlain, Mayor Bernard Sanders is facing the same basic decisions about taxes, streets, and municipal development that his capitalist colleagues are facing in cities and towns across the United States.
Why We Wrote This As mayor of Vermont's largest city (1981-89), Bernie Sanders talked like a socialist, but acted like a pragmatist. We've resurfaced this Monitor story for insights into his record. It was originally published May 3, 1984, under the headline "Socialism Vermont-style."
And, like elsewhere, many of the solutions to problems in Burlington come down to one simple word: money.
It is tough enough these days for an American mayor to raise funds to run and improve his or her city, but when the mayor is a socialist, the whole exercise takes on a peculiar irony.
Mayor Sanders himself recognizes that there are limits to how much radical socialism can be injected into the daily running of Burlington. There is no talk of nationalizing local banks, nor of mass redistribution of Burlington's wealth to the poor and disadvantaged.
''There are obvious, real limits to what we can do,'' Sanders says. ''I suppose we should be at civil war with the business community. A lot of them hate our guts, and none of them vote for us, that's for sure.''
But he adds that his administration cannot afford to isolate itself from the business community, which has access to funds needed to upgrade Burlington.
At the time of his election in 1981 and his reelection in 1983, there were predictions that Sanders's policies would lead to a mass exodus of businessmen from the city. They haven't.
The day-to-day reality of the Sanders administration has proved to be a lot less radical than many observers anticipated.
''The mayor does talk a very good game,'' says Judith Stephany, who lost to Sanders in the 1983 mayoral race. ''He would like to redistribute the fruits of the wealthy to the less wealthy. But when push comes to shove here in Burlington , those words have not been translated into action.''
Nonetheless, Sanders takes his socialism and radicalism seriously.
''I think I was always a rebel as a child, not tolerant of conventional wisdom, and basically somebody sympathetic to the underdog,'' Sanders says of his youth in Brooklyn, N.Y.
It is an outlook that three years in the mayor's office have not changed.
One observer called him ''a gadfly in power.''
A local banker described him as ''a man with a chip on his shoulder.''
''Bernie is a real fighter for the people, the forgotten, the low-income, the elderly, and the people who have been left out,'' says Ken Dean, who coordinated Gary Hart's primary campaign in Vermont. Mr. Dean adds, ''Some of Bernie's speeches sound like Hubert Humphrey. He actually is, in the best sense of the word, a very good Democrat. But he would get upset if you called him that.''
Sanders's rise to power came in 1981, when he beat five-term incumbent Mayor Gordon Paquette by 10 votes. After a rocky first term in which Sanders and the Board of Aldermen were engaged in almost constant verbal combat, Sanders took his campaign back into the city's working-class neighborhoods in 1983 and won reelection, capturing 52 percent of the vote.
Sanders's political education came in large part during a decade of struggle as a leader of the Liberty Union Party, a progressive third party in Vermont. He ran twice for governor and lost, and twice for the US Senate and lost. In the 1976 gubernatorial election, Sanders gained 6 percent of the vote. It was his best statewide showing.
Earlier this year, Sanders toyed with the idea of entering Vermont's current governor's race. Some political observers say that while Sanders has demonstrable support in Burlington, his support cannot be translated into votes statewide, particularly in traditionally conservative rural areas, which make up most of the state.
There is still considerable mistrust between Burlington's business leaders and the mayor's office. But Sanders isn't shying away from his radical label. He stresses that his policies and accomplishments - in the context of running Burlington - have been radical.
''I like the word radical,'' the mayor says.
Why?
''Because I am a radical.''
How so?
''Anytime you do something for the first time, its radical,'' Sanders says.
He adds, ''Radical is not only specific ideas and hopes for the future, but it is also trying to respond to the pressures that you are in.''
Bernie - as the mayor is called by friends and foes alike - is on his way to becoming something of a legend here. He is portrayed by those who know him as a political Robin Hood of sorts, who has vowed to do battle against the rich and to give to the poor.
And he is not alone. Since his first election in 1981, six members of Sanders's Progressive Coalition have won seats on the local 13-member Board of Aldermen. They have organized grass-roots campaigns against both the Democrats and Republicans - and won. The Progressive Coalition is a loose collection of socialists, progressives, independents, renegade Democrats, and neighborhood activists - many of whom, like the mayor himself, migrated to Vermont's peaceful woods in the late '60s in an effort to escape the controversy of the Vietnam war and the problems of urban life.
Later this month, the coalition may, for the first time, gain a majority position on the Board of Aldermen with seven seats. If the coalition's candidate defeats his Democratic challenger in Ward 5 in a special May 15 election, Mayor Sanders's power to bring change to Burlington may greatly increase.
What will that mean for Burlington?
No one is sure. According to political observers, the Ward 5 race is too close to call.
''What will happen, obviously, (is that) we'll be able to move in to more quickly implement some of what we want,'' Sanders says.
High on the mayor's agenda is finding progressive alternatives to property taxes.
The mayor's first effort in this regard has come in the form of a new city ordinance requiring utility companies doing excavation work in city streets to pay an excavation ''fee'' of $10.30 per square foot of road dug up. The telephone company, gas company, and local cable television company have taken the city to court, charging that the measure is unconstitutional.
The mayor is standing behind the ordinance. City officials anticipate the excavation fee will raise $500,000 a year for badly needed street repair. The funds are expected to help keep property taxes down, and thus help ease the tax burden on elderly and low-income homeowners in Burlington.
The proposed $100 million development of the city's waterfront is another example of how Sanders's brand of socialism is affecting Burlington.
It is also an example of how Sanders is willing to work with ''private capitalists.''
Private capitalists in this case refer to the Alden Waterfront Corporation, which is developing a planned waterfront complex, including parks, boating, restaurants, shops, museums, and apartments, on 25 acres at the edge of Lake Champlain. The city is applying for a $20 million federal urban development grant to help fund the project. The rest will be funded by private capital.
The mayor has not compromised his socialist principals to get the project. On the contrary, the project has a distinctive Sanders stamp.
The waterfront project was originally proposed by the previous Democratic administration in City Hall. That plan envisioned luxury high-rise condos. Sanders opposed it because it offered few benefits to working-class city residents. In addition, the project would have obliterated the lake view of an entire Burlington working-class neighborhood.
The revised development plan, designed with input from nearby residents, limits the height of the proposed buildings to preserve the lake view. It also ensures public access to the waterfront, with affordable activities for all the city's residents. The apartments to be built will include various price ranges to accommodate elderly and moderate income renters. There will also be expensive town houses.
Other Sanders initiatives include greater employee input in city departments to help smooth employee relations, the proposed ''municipalization'' of the local cable-television franchise, the establishment of co-ops and worker-owned shops, and an upgrading of youth programs.
One of the mayor's least controversial initiatives has been his work to bring minor-league baseball back to Burlington. Sanders sees it as a means to provide low-cost recreation and entertainment to city residents and to enhance community spirit.
Burlington's new baseball team is a farm club of the Cincinnati Reds organization.
On opening day last month, Mayor Sanders - a baseball fan himself - was on hand to throw out the first pitch. To some it was only appropriate that the city's first socialist mayor should kick off the team's first home game.
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The team's official name? The Burlington Reds.
Editor's note: This story was originally published May 3, 1984, under the headline "Socialism Vermont-style."


csmonitor--2020-03-04--Super Tuesday results: Joe Biden surge makes it a two-man race

A resurgent Joe Biden scored victories from Texas to Massachusetts on Super Tuesday , revitalizing a presidential bid that was teetering on the edge of disaster just days earlier .
But his rival Bernie Sanders seized the biggest prize with a win in California that ensured he – and his embrace of democratic socialism – would drive the Democrats ' nomination fight for the foreseeable future .
And suddenly , the Democratic Party ’ s presidential field , which featured more than a half-dozen candidates a week ago , transformed into a two-man contest .
Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for America ’ s future , were battling for delegates as 14 states and one U.S. territory held a series of high-stakes elections that marked the most significant day of voting in the party ’ s 2020 presidential nomination fight .
It could take weeks – or months – for the party to pick one of them to take on President Donald Trump in the November general election .
But the new contours of the fight between Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders crystallized as the former vice president and the three-term Vermont senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speeches delivered from opposite ends of the country Tuesday night .
“ People are talking about a revolution .
We started a movement , '' Mr. Biden said in Los Angeles , knocking one of Mr. Sanders ' signature lines .
Without citing his surging rival by name , Mr. Sanders swiped at Mr. Biden from Burlington , Vermont .
“ You can not beat Trump with the same-old , same-old kind of politics , ” Mr. Sanders declared , ticking down a list of past policy differences with Mr. Biden on Social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This will become a contrast in ideas.
” Mr. Biden 's victories were powered by Democratic voters who broke his way just days before casting their ballots – a wave of late momentum that scrambled the race in a matter of hours .
In some states , the late-deciders made up roughly half of all voters , according to AP VoteCast , surveys of voters in several state primaries .
He drew support from a broad coalition of moderates and conservatives , African Americans , and voters older than 45 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ deliver in perhaps the greatest test of his decades-long political career .
His success was built on a base of energized liberals , young people , and Latinos .
But he was unable to sufficiently widen his appeal to older voters and college graduates who make up a sizable share of Democratic voters , according to AP VoteCast .
The other two high-profile candidates still in the shrinking Democratic field , New York billionaire Mike Bloomberg and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren , were teetering on the edge of viability .
Ms. Warren finished @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home state , and Mr. Bloomberg planned to reassess his candidacy on Wednesday after spending more than a half-billion dollars to score one victory – in American Samoa .
The balance of Super Tuesday 's battlefield – with Mr. Biden winning at least eight states and Mr. Sanders four – raised questions about whether the Democratic primary contest would stretch all the way to the July convention or be decided much sooner .
Mr. Biden 's strong finish punctuated a dramatic turnaround in the span of just three days when he leveraged a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sweeping victories on Tuesday that transcended geography , class , and race .
And lest there be any doubt , he cemented his status as the standard-bearer for the Democrats ’ establishment wing .
The former vice president showed strength in the Northeast with a victory in Massachusetts .
He won delegate-rich Texas in the Southwest , Minnesota in the upper Midwest , and finished on top across the South in Virginia , Alabama , North Carolina , Tennessee , and Arkansas – in addition to Oklahoma .
Mr. Sanders opened the night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a position to claim an insurmountable delegate lead .
And while he scored the night 's biggest delegate-prize in California , he scored just three other decisive victories , winning his home state of Vermont , along with Utah and Colorado .
Mr. Biden racked up his victories despite being dramatically outspent and out-staffed .
Moderate rival Mr. Bloomberg , for example , poured more than $ 12 million into television advertising in Virginia , while Mr. Biden spent less than $ 200,000 .
The Democratic race has shifted dramatically as Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victory to persuade anxious establishment allies to rally behind his campaign .
Former rivals Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg abruptly ended their campaigns in the days leading up to Super Tuesday and endorsed Mr. Biden .
In Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders , Democrats have a stark choice in what kind of candidate they want to run against Mr. Trump .
Mr. Sanders is a 78-year-old democratic socialist who relies on an energized coalition of his party ’ s far-left flank that embraces his longtime fight to transform the nation ’ s political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 77-year-old lifelong leader of his party ’ s Washington establishment who emphasizes a more pragmatic approach to core policy issues like health care and climate change .
Across the Super Tuesday states , there were early questions about Mr. Sanders ’ claims that he is growing his support from his failed 2016 presidential bid .
Mr. Biden bested him in Oklahoma , though Mr. Sanders won the state against Hillary Clinton four years ago .
In Virginia , where Democratic turnout this year surpassed 2016 's numbers by more than 500,000 votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significantly .
And in Tennessee , Democratic turnout was up more than 30 % from 2016 , but Mr. Sanders ' raw vote total was only a few hundred votes greater than four years ago .
Meanwhile , Mr. Bloomberg was trying to look beyond the primary to the November election against Mr. Trump , who racked up easy victories in lightly contested Republican primaries across the country .
`` We have the resources to beat Trump in swing states that Democrats lost in 2016 , ” Mr. Bloomberg said Tuesday night while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York mayor , who threw more than a half a billion dollars into the Super Tuesday states , will reassess his campaign on Wednesday , according to a person close to his operation who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal deliberations .
Ms. Warren was also fighting to be optimistic .
Facing a roaring crowd in Michigan before news of her disappointing home-state finish was announced , she called on her supporters to ignore the political pundits and predictions as her advisers insist she ’ s willing to go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in July even if she doesn ’ t claim an outright victory anywhere .
“ Here ’ s my advice : Cast a vote that will make you proud .
Cast a vote from your heart , ” Ms. Warren declared .
She added : “ You don ’ t get what you don ’ t fight for .
I am in this fight.
” With votes still being counted across the country , The Associated Press has allocated 453 delegates to Mr. Biden , 382 to Mr. Sanders , 50 to Ms. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one for Rep. Tulsi Gabbard .
The numbers are expected to shift as new states report their numbers and as some candidates hover around the 15 % vote threshold they must hit to earn delegates .
The ultimate nominee must claim 1,991 delegates , which is a majority of the 3,979 pledged delegates available this primary season .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Zeke Miller and Brian Slodysko in Washington and Kathleen Ronayne in Los Angeles contributed to this report .

A resurgent Joe Biden scored victories from Texas to Massachusetts on Super Tuesday, revitalizing a presidential bid that was teetering on the edge of disaster just days earlier. But his rival Bernie Sanders seized the biggest prize with a win in California that ensured he – and his embrace of democratic socialism – would drive the Democrats' nomination fight for the foreseeable future.
And suddenly, the Democratic Party’s presidential field, which featured more than a half-dozen candidates a week ago, transformed into a two-man contest.
Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders, lifelong politicians with starkly different visions for America’s future, were battling for delegates as 14 states and one U.S. territory held a series of high-stakes elections that marked the most significant day of voting in the party’s 2020 presidential nomination fight.
It could take weeks – or months – for the party to pick one of them to take on President Donald Trump in the November general election. But the new contours of the fight between Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders crystallized as the former vice president and the three-term Vermont senator spoke to each other from dueling victory speeches delivered from opposite ends of the country Tuesday night.
“People are talking about a revolution. We started a movement," Mr. Biden said in Los Angeles, knocking one of Mr. Sanders' signature lines.
Without citing his surging rival by name, Mr. Sanders swiped at Mr. Biden from Burlington, Vermont.
“You cannot beat Trump with the same-old, same-old kind of politics,” Mr. Sanders declared, ticking down a list of past policy differences with Mr. Biden on Social Security, trade, and military force. “This will become a contrast in ideas.”
Mr. Biden's victories were powered by Democratic voters who broke his way just days before casting their ballots – a wave of late momentum that scrambled the race in a matter of hours. In some states, the late-deciders made up roughly half of all voters, according to AP VoteCast, surveys of voters in several state primaries. He drew support from a broad coalition of moderates and conservatives, African Americans, and voters older than 45.
AP Photo/Matt Rourke View caption Hide caption Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., accompanied by his wife Jane O'Meara Sanders and other family members, speaks during a primary night election rally in Essex Junction, Vt., Tuesday, March 3, 2020.
Mr. Sanders' success proved he could deliver in perhaps the greatest test of his decades-long political career. His success was built on a base of energized liberals, young people, and Latinos. But he was unable to sufficiently widen his appeal to older voters and college graduates who make up a sizable share of Democratic voters, according to AP VoteCast.
The other two high-profile candidates still in the shrinking Democratic field, New York billionaire Mike Bloomberg and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, were teetering on the edge of viability. Ms. Warren finished in an embarrassing third place in her home state, and Mr. Bloomberg planned to reassess his candidacy on Wednesday after spending more than a half-billion dollars to score one victory – in American Samoa.
The balance of Super Tuesday's battlefield – with Mr. Biden winning at least eight states and Mr. Sanders four – raised questions about whether the Democratic primary contest would stretch all the way to the July convention or be decided much sooner.
Mr. Biden's strong finish punctuated a dramatic turnaround in the span of just three days when he leveraged a blowout victory in South Carolina to score sweeping victories on Tuesday that transcended geography, class, and race. And lest there be any doubt, he cemented his status as the standard-bearer for the Democrats’ establishment wing.
The former vice president showed strength in the Northeast with a victory in Massachusetts. He won delegate-rich Texas in the Southwest, Minnesota in the upper Midwest, and finished on top across the South in Virginia, Alabama, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas – in addition to Oklahoma.
Mr. Sanders opened the night as the undisputed Democratic front-runner and was in a position to claim an insurmountable delegate lead. And while he scored the night's biggest delegate-prize in California, he scored just three other decisive victories, winning his home state of Vermont, along with Utah and Colorado.
Mr. Biden racked up his victories despite being dramatically outspent and out-staffed. Moderate rival Mr. Bloomberg, for example, poured more than $12 million into television advertising in Virginia, while Mr. Biden spent less than $200,000.
The Democratic race has shifted dramatically as Mr. Biden capitalized on his commanding South Carolina victory to persuade anxious establishment allies to rally behind his campaign. Former rivals Amy Klobuchar and Pete Buttigieg abruptly ended their campaigns in the days leading up to Super Tuesday and endorsed Mr. Biden.
In Mr. Biden and Mr. Sanders, Democrats have a stark choice in what kind of candidate they want to run against Mr. Trump.
Mr. Sanders is a 78-year-old democratic socialist who relies on an energized coalition of his party’s far-left flank that embraces his longtime fight to transform the nation’s political and economic systems. Mr. Biden is a 77-year-old lifelong leader of his party’s Washington establishment who emphasizes a more pragmatic approach to core policy issues like health care and climate change.
Across the Super Tuesday states, there were early questions about Mr. Sanders’ claims that he is growing his support from his failed 2016 presidential bid.
Mr. Biden bested him in Oklahoma, though Mr. Sanders won the state against Hillary Clinton four years ago. In Virginia, where Democratic turnout this year surpassed 2016's numbers by more than 500,000 votes, Mr. Sanders’ vote share dropped significantly. And in Tennessee, Democratic turnout was up more than 30% from 2016, but Mr. Sanders' raw vote total was only a few hundred votes greater than four years ago.
Meanwhile, Mr. Bloomberg was trying to look beyond the primary to the November election against Mr. Trump, who racked up easy victories in lightly contested Republican primaries across the country.
"We have the resources to beat Trump in swing states that Democrats lost in 2016,” Mr. Bloomberg said Tuesday night while campaigning in Florida.
The billionaire former New York mayor, who threw more than a half a billion dollars into the Super Tuesday states, will reassess his campaign on Wednesday, according to a person close to his operation who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe internal deliberations.
Ms. Warren was also fighting to be optimistic.
Facing a roaring crowd in Michigan before news of her disappointing home-state finish was announced, she called on her supporters to ignore the political pundits and predictions as her advisers insist she’s willing to go all the way to a contested convention in July even if she doesn’t claim an outright victory anywhere.
“Here’s my advice: Cast a vote that will make you proud. Cast a vote from your heart,” Ms. Warren declared. She added: “You don’t get what you don’t fight for. I am in this fight.”
With votes still being counted across the country, The Associated Press has allocated 453 delegates to Mr. Biden, 382 to Mr. Sanders, 50 to Ms. Warren, 44 to Mr. Bloomberg, and one for Rep. Tulsi Gabbard. The numbers are expected to shift as new states report their numbers and as some candidates hover around the 15% vote threshold they must hit to earn delegates.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The ultimate nominee must claim 1,991 delegates, which is a majority of the 3,979 pledged delegates available this primary season.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Zeke Miller and Brian Slodysko in Washington and Kathleen Ronayne in Los Angeles contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-03-05--2016 saw rise of populist outsiders. 2020 is showing limits of their appeal.

“ Something ’ s going on with Americans and Democrats above the age of 40 , ” says Teddy Smyth , a 20-something former aide to Sen. Cory Booker ’ s presidential campaign .
“ It ’ s like a yearning for a return to normalcy , as opposed to a gamble on a new vision.
” Many Americans are exhausted .
Democrats and disaffected Republicans seem almost desperate to vote out Mr. Trump .
And for a significant portion of the party ’ s electorate , a Sanders nomination promises failure – most likely , many believe , losing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were somehow to win the presidency , the whipsaw effect of a radical shift in agenda , even if nearly impossible to implement , could lead to more upheaval .
But 2020 is not 2016 , and on Super Tuesday , Senator Sanders ’ momentum hit a brick wall .
Paradoxically , it may be President Trump ’ s success – at least in upending many of the norms of governance and public life – that hurt the democratic socialist senator ’ s cause , even as the same norm-busting mentality has energized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Donald Trump and his fiery , populist message of us versus them took over the Republican Party and then the White House .
Today , Bernie Sanders is seeking to do the same , from the left .
History , it appeared , was poised to repeat itself .
A political outsider with a simple , compelling message and the ability to draw huge , sign-waving crowds had taken the nation by storm .
A populist cry of “ us against them , ” the little guy versus the elites , fueled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Four years ago , it was Donald Trump who fomented a political revolution , took over the Republican Party , and captured the White House .
Today , Bernie Sanders is seeking to do the same , from the left , to the Democrats .
But 2020 is not 2016 , and on Super Tuesday , Senator Sanders ’ momentum hit a brick wall .
Paradoxically , it may be President Trump ’ s success – at least in upending many of the norms of governance and public life – that hurt the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even as the same norm-busting mentality has energized the Sanders-loving left .
Many Americans , in short , are exhausted .
Democrats and disaffected Republicans seem almost desperate to vote out Mr. Trump .
And for a significant portion of the party ’ s electorate , a Sanders nomination promises nothing so much as failure – most likely , many believe , losing in November .
Even if Mr. Sanders were somehow to win the presidency , such a radical shift in agenda would be nearly impossible to implement , and could just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats disappointed by the sudden revival of former Vice President Joe Biden – an avatar of the party establishment and now a frontrunner for the nomination – there ’ s a simple explanation : a desire for stability twinned with skepticism toward “ revolution , ” a term that still infuses Mr. Sanders ’ rhetoric .
“ Something ’ s going on with Americans and Democrats above the age of 40 , 45 that I don ’ t totally get , ” says Teddy Smyth , a 20-something former staffer on the presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jersey .
“ I hate it , but it ’ s like a yearning for a return to normalcy as opposed to a gamble on a new vision , a new way of being American , ” he says .
Sen. Elizabeth Warren ’ s announcement Thursday that she is suspending her campaign now leaves Mr. Sanders and Mr. Biden as the only major Democratic candidates .
Where Senator Warren ’ s supporters go is an open question ; she ’ s a progressive , like Mr. Sanders , but has a more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ms. Warren had not issued an endorsement .
Michael Bloomberg ’ s departure from the race Wednesday could help Mr. Biden , not only because the uber-wealthy former New York mayor endorsed the former VP but also because he ’ s keeping his campaign operation going to support Democrats in November up and down the ballot .
Mr. Sanders has said he would reject such help , but Mr. Biden has not .
Still , “ Sandersism ” – embracing Medicare For All , free college , higher taxes , and an aggressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t going away .
Versions of the Sanders agenda have now become standard Democratic fare , a far cry even from the days of President Barack Obama , now seen by many as a moderate .
Mr. Sanders “ has brought back debates that seemingly were settled , like single-payer health care , exclusively government run , ” says Bill Carrick , a veteran Democratic consultant in Los Angeles .
It ’ s possible , political analysts say , that Mr. Sanders may become the “ Barry Goldwater of the left.
” Senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1964 , lost in a landslide to President Lyndon Johnson .
But his conservative and libertarian political philosophy lived on , forming the foundation of Ronald Reagan ’ s views and eventual rise to the presidency .
The Arizona senator knew he was going to lose to Johnson , following the assassination of President John Kennedy , and decided , “ I ’ m just going to run on principle , ” says historian Michael Kazin of Georgetown University .
Mr. Sanders exhibits the same sort of authenticity .
“ That ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Professor Kazin , an expert on populism .
“ People think he ’ s saying what he really thinks.
” Indeed , Mr. Sanders has been making the same arguments about inequality for decades , including eight years as mayor of Burlington , Vermont , in the 1980s .
But back then , pragmatism prevailed over larger philosophical matters of social justice .
“ There are obvious , real limits to what we can do , ” Mayor Sanders told a Monitor reporter in 1984 .
As a senator , Mr. Sanders doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and can strike a more ideological stance .
And over the years , on most legislation , he could be counted on as a reliable vote for the Democratic position , even as an independent .
If Mr. Sanders were to win the Democratic nomination , now seen as less likely after underperforming on Super Tuesday , his views would spark a full-on national debate on socialism versus capitalism .
Garry South , a longtime Democratic consultant based in Los Angeles , sees Mr. Biden as the likely nominee , and hopes that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters behind him , doing everything he can to defeat Mr. Trump .
“ That ’ s what he claims he wants , ” Mr. South says .
“ But it remains to be seen.
” There ’ s no doubt that the Democratic electorate has moved to the left , Mr. South adds .
No Democratic candidate today would think of voicing misgivings about same-sex marriage , for instance .
But “ it ’ s a real question in my mind whether Bernie Sanders has led that leftward drift or has simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he says .
He does not have many legislative achievements to his name .
He gives passionate speeches , says Mr. South , but it ’ s kind of like the old saying , “ There go my people and I must follow them because I am their leader.
” Indeed , Mr. Sanders was not a nationally known figure until he jumped into the 2016 Democratic nomination race – a decision , he said , that was driven by his view that Hillary Clinton should be challenged from the left , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To the surprise of many , Mr. Sanders ’ campaign took off , nearly overtaking Ms. Clinton , the establishment favorite .
Now , many of those same Sanders supporters are urging him on again .
But in 2020 , with a more crowded Democratic field , he has failed to garner as big a percentage of the primary vote as he did four years ago .
That has led to conspiracy theories , rampant on the web , that the Democratic “ establishment , ” including the Democratic National Committee , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There is no evidence that that is true .
In fact , the DNC changed its rules around superdelegates to accommodate Mr. Sanders ’ concerns that they might try to take the nomination away from him at the Milwaukee convention in July .
Mr. Sanders ’ complaints about the party establishment and about the “ corporate media ” being biased against him echo Mr. Trump ’ s rhetoric at times – as does the rowdy behavior of both men ’ s most avid supporters .
It ’ s no accident that some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the left.
” Like the president , Mr. Sanders has tapped into concerns that more mainstream candidates failed to capture – particularly with younger voters .
Shahrukh Shaikh , a young man from Fredericksburg , Virginia , who works at a Lowe ’ s home improvement store , said Tuesday he voted for Mr. Sanders because as president , he would cancel all student loan debt .
“ I ’ m drowning in student debt , ” Mr. Shaikh said .
“ I can ’ t move out , nothing.
” In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some waiting in line to vote on Super Tuesday were firmly for Mr. Sanders and others were still deciding how to go .
But all said they ’ d vote for the Democratic nominee , including Mr. Biden .
Margo Rust , porting her 10-month-old daughter in a snuggly , said she wasn ’ t enthusiastic about the former vice president .
He would simply mean “ more of the same , ” while Mr. Sanders represents real change for a wide swath of everyday Americans – teachers , union members , farmers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that people can put specifics aside for a greater goal ” of defeating President Trump , says Ms. Rust , who works as a freelancer in TV and film .
Saul Prado , who runs his own handyman business , says Mr. Sanders has “ started something appealing ” – and in an ideal world , it would be great to get all the things he promises .
But it ’ s not an ideal world , Mr. Prado adds .
Leaning toward Ms. Warren ( before her departure ) , he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Biden if it came to that .
But he worries that some Sanders voters might not .
“ Sometimes they ’ re hard to pick apart from Trump voters , ” he says .
“ They ’ re very dedicated .
Almost cultish.
” If the party does fracture over its nominee , be it Mr. Biden or Mr. Sanders , that would pose a serious threat to the Democrats ’ chances in November .
“ Divided parties never win , ” Mr. Kazin says .
“ Ever.
” Staff writer Story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

“Something’s going on with Americans and Democrats above the age of 40,” says Teddy Smyth, a 20-something former aide to Sen. Cory Booker’s presidential campaign. “It’s like a yearning for a return to normalcy, as opposed to a gamble on a new vision.”
Many Americans are exhausted. Democrats and disaffected Republicans seem almost desperate to vote out Mr. Trump. And for a significant portion of the party’s electorate, a Sanders nomination promises failure – most likely, many believe, losing in November. Or if Mr. Sanders were somehow to win the presidency, the whipsaw effect of a radical shift in agenda, even if nearly impossible to implement, could lead to more upheaval.
Talk of a political revolution may inspire Sen. Bernie Sanders’ fans, but after four years of a Trump presidency, many rank-and-file Democrats seem to be yearning for a return to normalcy.
But 2020 is not 2016, and on Super Tuesday, Senator Sanders’ momentum hit a brick wall. Paradoxically, it may be President Trump’s success – at least in upending many of the norms of governance and public life – that hurt the democratic socialist senator’s cause, even as the same norm-busting mentality has energized the Sanders-loving left.
Four years ago, Donald Trump and his fiery, populist message of us versus them took over the Republican Party and then the White House. Today, Bernie Sanders is seeking to do the same, from the left.
History, it appeared, was poised to repeat itself.
A political outsider with a simple, compelling message and the ability to draw huge, sign-waving crowds had taken the nation by storm. A populist cry of “us against them,” the little guy versus the elites, fueled the palpable concern of party regulars.
Four years ago, it was Donald Trump who fomented a political revolution, took over the Republican Party, and captured the White House. Today, Bernie Sanders is seeking to do the same, from the left, to the Democrats.
Why We Wrote This Talk of a political revolution may inspire Sen. Bernie Sanders’ fans, but after four years of a Trump presidency, many rank-and-file Democrats seem to be yearning for a return to normalcy.
But 2020 is not 2016, and on Super Tuesday, Senator Sanders’ momentum hit a brick wall. Paradoxically, it may be President Trump’s success – at least in upending many of the norms of governance and public life – that hurt the democratic socialist senator’s cause, even as the same norm-busting mentality has energized the Sanders-loving left.
Many Americans, in short, are exhausted. Democrats and disaffected Republicans seem almost desperate to vote out Mr. Trump. And for a significant portion of the party’s electorate, a Sanders nomination promises nothing so much as failure – most likely, many believe, losing in November. Even if Mr. Sanders were somehow to win the presidency, such a radical shift in agenda would be nearly impossible to implement, and could just lead to more upheaval.
For liberal Democrats disappointed by the sudden revival of former Vice President Joe Biden – an avatar of the party establishment and now a frontrunner for the nomination – there’s a simple explanation: a desire for stability twinned with skepticism toward “revolution,” a term that still infuses Mr. Sanders’ rhetoric.
“Something’s going on with Americans and Democrats above the age of 40, 45 that I don’t totally get,” says Teddy Smyth, a 20-something former staffer on the presidential campaign of Sen. Cory Booker of New Jersey. “I hate it, but it’s like a yearning for a return to normalcy as opposed to a gamble on a new vision, a new way of being American,” he says.
Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s announcement Thursday that she is suspending her campaign now leaves Mr. Sanders and Mr. Biden as the only major Democratic candidates. Where Senator Warren’s supporters go is an open question; she’s a progressive, like Mr. Sanders, but has a more pragmatic streak. At press time, Ms. Warren had not issued an endorsement.
Michael Bloomberg’s departure from the race Wednesday could help Mr. Biden, not only because the uber-wealthy former New York mayor endorsed the former VP but also because he’s keeping his campaign operation going to support Democrats in November up and down the ballot. Mr. Sanders has said he would reject such help, but Mr. Biden has not.
Still, “Sandersism” – embracing Medicare For All, free college, higher taxes, and an aggressive approach to climate change – isn’t going away. Versions of the Sanders agenda have now become standard Democratic fare, a far cry even from the days of President Barack Obama, now seen by many as a moderate.
Mr. Sanders “has brought back debates that seemingly were settled, like single-payer health care, exclusively government run,” says Bill Carrick, a veteran Democratic consultant in Los Angeles.
It’s possible, political analysts say, that Mr. Sanders may become the “Barry Goldwater of the left.” Senator Goldwater, the Republican presidential nominee in 1964, lost in a landslide to President Lyndon Johnson. But his conservative and libertarian political philosophy lived on, forming the foundation of Ronald Reagan’s views and eventual rise to the presidency.
The Arizona senator knew he was going to lose to Johnson, following the assassination of President John Kennedy, and decided, “I’m just going to run on principle,” says historian Michael Kazin of Georgetown University.
Mr. Sanders exhibits the same sort of authenticity. “That’s why people like him,” says Professor Kazin, an expert on populism. “People think he’s saying what he really thinks.”
Indeed, Mr. Sanders has been making the same arguments about inequality for decades, including eight years as mayor of Burlington, Vermont, in the 1980s. But back then, pragmatism prevailed over larger philosophical matters of social justice.
“There are obvious, real limits to what we can do,” Mayor Sanders told a Monitor reporter in 1984.
As a senator, Mr. Sanders doesn’t have to govern anything, and can strike a more ideological stance. And over the years, on most legislation, he could be counted on as a reliable vote for the Democratic position, even as an independent.
If Mr. Sanders were to win the Democratic nomination, now seen as less likely after underperforming on Super Tuesday, his views would spark a full-on national debate on socialism versus capitalism.
Garry South, a longtime Democratic consultant based in Los Angeles, sees Mr. Biden as the likely nominee, and hopes that Mr. Sanders will work to unify his supporters behind him, doing everything he can to defeat Mr. Trump.
“That’s what he claims he wants,” Mr. South says. “But it remains to be seen.”
There’s no doubt that the Democratic electorate has moved to the left, Mr. South adds. No Democratic candidate today would think of voicing misgivings about same-sex marriage, for instance.
But “it’s a real question in my mind whether Bernie Sanders has led that leftward drift or has simply tried to capitalize on it,” he says.
He does not have many legislative achievements to his name. He gives passionate speeches, says Mr. South, but it’s kind of like the old saying, “There go my people and I must follow them because I am their leader.”
Indeed, Mr. Sanders was not a nationally known figure until he jumped into the 2016 Democratic nomination race – a decision, he said, that was driven by his view that Hillary Clinton should be challenged from the left, and after Ms. Warren declined to run.
To the surprise of many, Mr. Sanders’ campaign took off, nearly overtaking Ms. Clinton, the establishment favorite.
Now, many of those same Sanders supporters are urging him on again. But in 2020, with a more crowded Democratic field, he has failed to garner as big a percentage of the primary vote as he did four years ago.
That has led to conspiracy theories, rampant on the web, that the Democratic “establishment,” including the Democratic National Committee, has been working to undermine the Sanders campaign. There is no evidence that that is true. In fact, the DNC changed its rules around superdelegates to accommodate Mr. Sanders’ concerns that they might try to take the nomination away from him at the Milwaukee convention in July.
Mr. Sanders’ complaints about the party establishment and about the “corporate media” being biased against him echo Mr. Trump’s rhetoric at times – as does the rowdy behavior of both men’s most avid supporters.
It’s no accident that some call Mr. Sanders the “Trump of the left.” Like the president, Mr. Sanders has tapped into concerns that more mainstream candidates failed to capture – particularly with younger voters.
Shahrukh Shaikh, a young man from Fredericksburg, Virginia, who works at a Lowe’s home improvement store, said Tuesday he voted for Mr. Sanders because as president, he would cancel all student loan debt.
“I’m drowning in student debt,” Mr. Shaikh said. “I can’t move out, nothing.”
In the Highland Park neighborhood of Los Angeles, some waiting in line to vote on Super Tuesday were firmly for Mr. Sanders and others were still deciding how to go. But all said they’d vote for the Democratic nominee, including Mr. Biden.
Margo Rust, porting her 10-month-old daughter in a snuggly, said she wasn’t enthusiastic about the former vice president. He would simply mean “more of the same,” while Mr. Sanders represents real change for a wide swath of everyday Americans – teachers, union members, farmers.
Still, “I would hope that people can put specifics aside for a greater goal” of defeating President Trump, says Ms. Rust, who works as a freelancer in TV and film.
Saul Prado, who runs his own handyman business, says Mr. Sanders has “started something appealing” – and in an ideal world, it would be great to get all the things he promises. But it’s not an ideal world, Mr. Prado adds. Leaning toward Ms. Warren (before her departure), he said he, too, would vote for Mr. Biden if it came to that. But he worries that some Sanders voters might not.
“Sometimes they’re hard to pick apart from Trump voters,” he says. “They’re very dedicated. Almost cultish.”
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If the party does fracture over its nominee, be it Mr. Biden or Mr. Sanders, that would pose a serious threat to the Democrats’ chances in November.
“Divided parties never win,” Mr. Kazin says. “Ever.”
Staff writer Story Hinckley contributed to this report from Virginia.


csmonitor--2020-03-05--Texas: Why minority neighborhoods had to wait hours to vote

The frustrations began early for Ahmed King as he wandered Houston trying to cast his ballot in Texas ' Democratic primary .
The radiology technician found four of the usual polling places in his predominantly African American neighborhood closed or clogged with people waiting in line Tuesday .
He eventually drove 15 miles to vote in a white and Hispanic neighborhood under a new system that allows Harris County voters to cast their ballot at any polling location in the county .
`` I first tried to vote at 1 p.m. CST and finally got done at 6:05 p.m. , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never had an experience like this . ''
Mr. King had plenty of company .
Long lines snaked out of Houston polling places , with many waiting more than an hour and some for several hours in mostly minority , Democratic neighborhoods .
Lines in mostly white , Republican neighborhoods were shorter .
Democratic county elections officials and local Republican leaders cast recriminations Wednesday over who was to blame for the fact that some people in Texas ' largest and the nation 's fourth-largest city only voted after the state 's biggest Super @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were lines in other parts of the state , including long ones in heavily Democratic Travis County , home of the state capital of Austin .
But those in Houston stood out to James Henson , director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin .
`` What I make of them is another chapter in a long history of uneven election administration in Texas , '' Mr. Henson said .
`` Pretty clearly something went wrong , but partisan predispositions are kicking in immediately in explaining what went @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stations across Texas has been steadily dropping , with hundreds closing since 2012 , disproportionately impacting minority neighborhoods , The Guardian reports : In 2012 , there was one polling place for every 4,000 residents .
By 2018 that figure had dropped to one polling place per 7,700 residents .
A 2019 paper by University of Houston political scientists found that after the county 's transition to vote centers , more voting locations were closed in Latinx neighborhoods than in non-Latinx neighborhoods , and that Latinx people had to travel farther to vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ based on that report confirms what many activists have suspected : the places where the black and Latinx population is growing by the largest numbers have experienced the vast majority of the state 's poll site closures .
Harris County elections officials blamed the long lines on the local Republican Party 's refusal to hold a joint primary with the Democrats .
But the GOP said election administrators ' allocation of an even number of voting machines to each primary disregarded warnings that an even split would cause problems in places where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ draw more voters .
The county 's elections director , Michael Winn , told The Associated Press Tuesday night that Republicans `` would have cried all the way to Washington , D.C. , to complain about disenfranchisement '' had the county given Democrats more machines .
Officials eventually sent `` reserve machines '' to some polling places with long lines Tuesday .
In August 2019 , Harris County Republican Party Chair Paul Simpson declined to hold a joint primary , telling County Clerk Diane Trautman , a Democrat , in a letter that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , confusion , conflict , and cost .
He said Wednesday that the GOP had supported putting a different number of machines for each party at different polling places and blasted election officials for trying to `` shift the blame from their own incompetence and failure . ''
Hervis Rogers spent more than six hours in line to finally cast the last ballot at 1:30 a.m. Wednesday at Texas Southern University , a historically black school in Houston .
Mr. Rogers said he was late for his overnight job and he thought about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ myself , 'Do n't do that . '
'' `` The way it was set up , it was like it was set up for me to walk away , '' Mr. Rogers told reporters after leaving the polling station .
When asked why he did n't leave , Mr. Rogers replied : `` Every vote counts . ''
Part of the issue is that Texas leaves much of the administration of elections to local governments , creating different systems across the state 's 254 counties .
The state sets laws and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many election decisions are left to county officials and the parties .
`` Texas is one of the more dispersed election systems , '' said Wendy Underhill , who analyzes election policy at the National Conference of State Legislatures .
By contrast , in some states such as neighboring Oklahoma , state officials make most of the decisions and local officials carry them out .
Ms. Underhill said that nationwide , parties generally do not have a ton of say in how primaries work .
But they run primaries and caucuses in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alaska , Hawaii , Iowa , Kansas , Nevada , North Dakota , and Wyoming .
Mark Jones , a professor of political science at Rice University , said the long lines in Houston were caused by Tuesday 's races having the highest turnout Harris County has seen since its adoption last year of a system that allows people to vote at any county polling place .
`` I think most of it is hiccups of a new system , '' Mr. Jones said .
This year 's primary saw 321,000 Democrats cast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % jump from the 2016 presidential primary .
Mr. Jones said it 's difficult for election officials to predict who will vote where and that the lines in African American communities could be explained by black voters tending to favor the party that saw higher turnout .
Democratic state Rep. Celia Israel , a member of the Texas House Elections Committee , is banking on record turnout in the fall election to flip the Texas House .
She said the long lines are both encouraging and alarming .
County election administrators are `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resources that they have , '' she said .
`` We all need to sound the alarm so we do n't have a disaster this November . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Mr. Bleiberg reported from Dallas and Mr. Spencer from Fort Lauderdale , Florida .
AP writers Paul J. Weber in Austin , Texas , and Geoff Mulvihill in Cherry Hill , New Jersey , contributed to this report .
Material from the Guardian was used in this report .

Jake Bleiberg, Terry Spencer, and John Mone

The frustrations began early for Ahmed King as he wandered Houston trying to cast his ballot in Texas' Democratic primary.
The radiology technician found four of the usual polling places in his predominantly African American neighborhood closed or clogged with people waiting in line Tuesday. He eventually drove 15 miles to vote in a white and Hispanic neighborhood under a new system that allows Harris County voters to cast their ballot at any polling location in the county.
"I first tried to vote at 1 p.m. CST and finally got done at 6:05 p.m.," he said. "I have never had an experience like this."
Mr. King had plenty of company. Long lines snaked out of Houston polling places, with many waiting more than an hour and some for several hours in mostly minority, Democratic neighborhoods. Lines in mostly white, Republican neighborhoods were shorter.
Democratic county elections officials and local Republican leaders cast recriminations Wednesday over who was to blame for the fact that some people in Texas' largest and the nation's fourth-largest city only voted after the state's biggest Super Tuesday races had been called.
There were lines in other parts of the state, including long ones in heavily Democratic Travis County, home of the state capital of Austin. But those in Houston stood out to James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin.
"What I make of them is another chapter in a long history of uneven election administration in Texas," Mr. Henson said. "Pretty clearly something went wrong, but partisan predispositions are kicking in immediately in explaining what went wrong."
The numbers of polling stations across Texas has been steadily dropping, with hundreds closing since 2012, disproportionately impacting minority neighborhoods, The Guardian reports:
In 2012, there was one polling place for every 4,000 residents. By 2018 that figure had dropped to one polling place per 7,700 residents. A 2019 paper by University of Houston political scientists found that after the county's transition to vote centers, more voting locations were closed in Latinx neighborhoods than in non-Latinx neighborhoods, and that Latinx people had to travel farther to vote than non-Hispanic whites. A Guardian analysis based on that report confirms what many activists have suspected: the places where the black and Latinx population is growing by the largest numbers have experienced the vast majority of the state's poll site closures.
Harris County elections officials blamed the long lines on the local Republican Party's refusal to hold a joint primary with the Democrats. But the GOP said election administrators' allocation of an even number of voting machines to each primary disregarded warnings that an even split would cause problems in places where the hotly contested Democratic race was likely to draw more voters.
The county's elections director, Michael Winn, told The Associated Press Tuesday night that Republicans "would have cried all the way to Washington, D.C., to complain about disenfranchisement" had the county given Democrats more machines. Officials eventually sent "reserve machines" to some polling places with long lines Tuesday.
In August 2019, Harris County Republican Party Chair Paul Simpson declined to hold a joint primary, telling County Clerk Diane Trautman, a Democrat, in a letter that both parties voting together would increase delays, confusion, conflict, and cost.
He said Wednesday that the GOP had supported putting a different number of machines for each party at different polling places and blasted election officials for trying to "shift the blame from their own incompetence and failure."
Hervis Rogers spent more than six hours in line to finally cast the last ballot at 1:30 a.m. Wednesday at Texas Southern University, a historically black school in Houston. Mr. Rogers said he was late for his overnight job and he thought about leaving, "but I was telling myself, 'Don't do that.'"
"The way it was set up, it was like it was set up for me to walk away," Mr. Rogers told reporters after leaving the polling station. When asked why he didn't leave, Mr. Rogers replied: "Every vote counts."
Part of the issue is that Texas leaves much of the administration of elections to local governments, creating different systems across the state's 254 counties. The state sets laws and the secretary of state provides guidance, but many election decisions are left to county officials and the parties.
"Texas is one of the more dispersed election systems," said Wendy Underhill, who analyzes election policy at the National Conference of State Legislatures.
By contrast, in some states such as neighboring Oklahoma, state officials make most of the decisions and local officials carry them out. Ms. Underhill said that nationwide, parties generally do not have a ton of say in how primaries work. But they run primaries and caucuses in a handful of states with smaller populations: Alaska, Hawaii, Iowa, Kansas, Nevada, North Dakota, and Wyoming.
Mark Jones, a professor of political science at Rice University, said the long lines in Houston were caused by Tuesday's races having the highest turnout Harris County has seen since its adoption last year of a system that allows people to vote at any county polling place.
"I think most of it is hiccups of a new system," Mr. Jones said.
This year's primary saw 321,000 Democrats cast ballots in the county, a 44% jump from the 2016 presidential primary. Mr. Jones said it's difficult for election officials to predict who will vote where and that the lines in African American communities could be explained by black voters tending to favor the party that saw higher turnout.
Democratic state Rep. Celia Israel, a member of the Texas House Elections Committee, is banking on record turnout in the fall election to flip the Texas House. She said the long lines are both encouraging and alarming.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
County election administrators are "doing the best they can with the resources that they have," she said. "We all need to sound the alarm so we don't have a disaster this November."
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mr. Bleiberg reported from Dallas and Mr. Spencer from Fort Lauderdale, Florida. AP writers Paul J. Weber in Austin, Texas, and Geoff Mulvihill in Cherry Hill, New Jersey, contributed to this report. Material from the Guardian was used in this report.