csmonitor--2020-02-10--‘We have to have hope, right?’ Democrats grasp for momentum.

“ I think there are enough young people who are angry , ” says Mr. Hay .
“ I think there is still a fire burning.
” “ It ’ s hard to be optimistic with everything we ’ ve seen , ” concurs Ms. Hay ’ s husband , Russel .
Still , he views recent events as more of a temporary setback .
And he doesn ’ t see a widespread apathy among Democrats .
Last week , in particular , was a kind of dispiriting exercise in futility for Democrats .
President Donald Trump ’ s impeachment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate , the Iowa caucus fiasco raised serious doubts about the Democratic Party ’ s competence , and turnout among Iowa Democrats was far lower than in 2008 – despite predictions that it would smash records .
“ So many people , myself included , have gotten to the point where it ’ s like , ‘ Trump did this !
’ and I ’ m just like , ‘ Yeah , whatever , ’ ” says Emily Hay , an energy efficiency coordinator from Tilton , New Hampshire .
For the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuel from a collective sense of outrage .
But as New Hampshire prepares to register its choice for the Democratic nominee on Tuesday , there are signs that some of that anger may be fading into something more like weary resignation .
In between jokes about needing her ice skates on New Hampshire ’ s sidewalks , two-time Olympic medalist Michelle Kwan lays out why she believes former Vice President Joe Biden should be the Democratic Party ’ s nominee .
Mr. Biden , she tells the crowd gathered at the Rex Theater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who can beat “ you-know-who.
” There ’ s a pause , and then a feeble smattering of applause .
Beating “ you-know-who ” has been a defining theme of this Democratic primary contest , with candidates and voters alike describing Donald Trump ’ s presidency as a kind of national emergency .
For three years , Democrats have predicted that feelings of outrage and urgency on their side would drive massive numbers of voters to the polls next November – as happened during the 2018 midterm elections .
But as New Hampshire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic nominee on Tuesday , there are signs that some of that anger may be fading into something more like weary resignation .
Last week , in particular , was a kind of dispiriting exercise in futility for Democrats .
President Trump ’ s impeachment trial ended with his long-expected acquittal by the Senate , and his Gallup approval rating reached a new high .
The Iowa caucus fiasco raised serious doubts about the Democratic Party ’ s competence , and did little to winnow its unwieldy field of candidates .
Notably , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than in 2008 – despite predictions that it would smash records – leading many to wonder if the party may suddenly have an enthusiasm problem .
“ I think there ’ s a malaise settling in on the Democratic Party , ” says Andrew Smith , director of the University of New Hampshire Survey Center .
“ You can only stay angry for so long.
” Over plastic foam plates of lo mein in the Mall of New Hampshire ’ s food court , Emily Hay says she plans to vote for Vermont @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she ’ s feeling pessimistic about the Democrats ’ chances of beating the president in November .
“ So many people , myself included , have gotten to the point where it ’ s like , ‘ Trump did this !
’ and I ’ m just like , ‘ Yeah , whatever , ’ ” says Ms. Hay , an energy efficiency coordinator from Tilton , New Hampshire .
Her mother , Polly Hayden , agrees , saying the Senate ’ s recent acquittal of the president only discouraged her further .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ optimistic with everything we ’ ve seen , ” concurs Ms. Hay ’ s husband , Russel .
Still , he views recent events as more of a temporary setback .
And he doesn ’ t see a widespread apathy among Democrats .
“ I think there are enough young people who are angry , ” says Mr. Hay .
“ I think there is still a fire burning.
” Certainly , the fire was there in 2018 .
The midterm elections saw the highest voter turnout in four decades , helping Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Representatives with the largest margin of victory for a midterm in modern history .
But replicating that playbook again – given four years of a Trump presidency that included nonstop controversies from a special counsel investigation to an impeachment – may prove more difficult .
Not only has Mr. Trump emerged from all those events largely unscathed , but many voters are also expressing a sense of fatigue .
At the same time , the all-consuming focus on Mr. Trump has made it hard for any of the Democratic candidates to gain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidents often play out as referendums on the incumbent , the president is already working to define his opponents in negative terms .
Just a few tables away in the food court , two women eating Auntie Anne ’ s pretzels describe President Trump as “ the best of the worst.
” When asked if they would support any of the Democratic candidates , they throw their heads back and laugh .
“ No way , ” says one of the women , as her friend vigorously shakes her head .
“ Not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other irregularities delayed the final results in Iowa , about 176,000 Iowans participated in last week ’ s caucus – a slight increase from 2016 , but still 62,000 voters short of 2008 ’ s record-breaking numbers .
Republicans , on the other hand , saw more than 30,000 Iowans turn out in a largely symbolic show of support for the president – “ smashing turnout records ” for an incumbent , according to the Iowa GOP .
Many Democrats admit to feeling particularly apprehensive , as Mr. Trump ’ s prospects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Waiting in a snaking line to see Sen. Amy Klobuchar in Salem , New Hampshire , on Sunday , Denise Ouellette , a voter from Massachusetts who plans to support Pete Buttigieg , says she keeps hoping something will come out about the president to undermine his support .
“ Leaders embody our nation , ” she says , her voice beginning to quaver and her eyes filling with tears .
“ They ’ re supposed to embody our value system.
” Ms. Ouellette ’ s husband , Tom , believes the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ November would be with Senator Klobuchar or Mr. Buttigieg .
But he ’ s not overly optimistic .
“ I think it ’ s a toss-up , ” says Mr. Ouellette .
“ I think it ’ s entirely possible that even with everything Trump ’ s done ... that he ’ s still there ” in 2021 .
“ It ’ s going to take a movement ” To be sure , some argue the events of the past week may have actually helped to fan the flames for Democrats .
Although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut his initial turnout projection by 80,000 votes , he is still predicting a historic turnout of 420,000 on Tuesday .
Carlos Cardona , chairman of the Laconia Democrats , says Democratic enthusiasm in his town – which voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 before voting for a Democratic congressman in 2018 – surpasses anything he saw ahead of the 2018 midterms , or even the 2008 election .
“ I ’ m feeling the energy on the ground a lot more than ever , ” says Mr. Cardona .
He knows people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work to canvass for candidates , and says his own door has been knocked at least 17 times .
Mr. Cardona expects record turnout on Tuesday – and is anticipating a big victory for Senator Sanders , who won the state in 2016 , and is currently leading in most polls there .
In the run-up to the Iowa caucuses , Mr. Sanders predicted the “ largest caucus turnout ” in Iowa history would propel him to victory .
And although he appears to have won Iowa ’ s popular vote , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and he later admitted the turnout was a “ disappointment.
” “ I think all of us probably could have done a better job in bringing out our supporters , ” he said in Friday ’ s debate .
Iowans under the age of 30 made up 24 % of all caucusgoers – compared with 22 % in 2008 – with the majority of them backing Mr. Sanders .
But the overall number of young people who caucused was still down from 2008 .
Of course , caucuses – which require showing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committing several hours – tend to have much lower turnout than primaries .
And many Sanders supporters are predicting a much bigger show of strength in New Hampshire on Tuesday .
After hosting a debate watch party on Friday night , David Robin got on a midnight Greyhound bus in New York City to canvass for the Vermont senator .
By dinnertime on Saturday , Mr. Robin still hadn ’ t checked in to his room at the nearby Econo Lodge .
“ It ’ s going to take a movement like ours @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s ] , ” he says .
At other candidates ’ events , many rallygoers – a high percentage of whom appear to have traveled here from other states – say they ’ re similarly determined .
“ I am not one of the people who are worried that this is all chaos and disaster , ” says Chris Bastian , a transportation planner from the New York City borough of Brooklyn , waiting in line to see Mr. Biden in Manchester .
But Mary Aarons , a book publisher from Massachusetts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Before getting in line to see Mr. Biden , she was chatting with the owner of a nearby pastry shop – noting how empty Manchester seemed the Saturday before the primary .
At this time in 2008 , the pastry shop owner told Ms. Aarons , the place was buzzing .
The streets were packed .
“ I have to remain optimistic , though , because we have to have hope , right ?
” says Ms. Aarons .
“ I can ’ t even conceive of the alternative .
”

“I think there are enough young people who are angry,” says Mr. Hay. “I think there is still a fire burning.”
“It’s hard to be optimistic with everything we’ve seen,” concurs Ms. Hay’s husband, Russel. Still, he views recent events as more of a temporary setback. And he doesn’t see a widespread apathy among Democrats.
Last week, in particular, was a kind of dispiriting exercise in futility for Democrats. President Donald Trump’s impeachment trial ended with his long-expected acquittal by the Senate, the Iowa caucus fiasco raised serious doubts about the Democratic Party’s competence, and turnout among Iowa Democrats was far lower than in 2008 – despite predictions that it would smash records.
Democrats have been counting on a sense of urgency to drive voters to the November polls. But while some see a fire burning, others are sensing they may have to battle a “weary resignation.”
“So many people, myself included, have gotten to the point where it’s like, ‘Trump did this!’ and I’m just like, ‘Yeah, whatever,’” says Emily Hay, an energy efficiency coordinator from Tilton, New Hampshire.
For the past three years, Democrats have drawn fuel from a collective sense of outrage. But as New Hampshire prepares to register its choice for the Democratic nominee on Tuesday, there are signs that some of that anger may be fading into something more like weary resignation.
In between jokes about needing her ice skates on New Hampshire’s sidewalks, two-time Olympic medalist Michelle Kwan lays out why she believes former Vice President Joe Biden should be the Democratic Party’s nominee. Mr. Biden, she tells the crowd gathered at the Rex Theater in Manchester, is the only candidate who can beat “you-know-who.”
There’s a pause, and then a feeble smattering of applause.
Beating “you-know-who” has been a defining theme of this Democratic primary contest, with candidates and voters alike describing Donald Trump’s presidency as a kind of national emergency. For three years, Democrats have predicted that feelings of outrage and urgency on their side would drive massive numbers of voters to the polls next November – as happened during the 2018 midterm elections.
Why We Wrote This Democrats have been counting on a sense of urgency to drive voters to the November polls. But while some see a fire burning, others are sensing they may have to battle a “weary resignation.”
But as New Hampshire prepares to register its choice for the Democratic nominee on Tuesday, there are signs that some of that anger may be fading into something more like weary resignation.
Last week, in particular, was a kind of dispiriting exercise in futility for Democrats. President Trump’s impeachment trial ended with his long-expected acquittal by the Senate, and his Gallup approval rating reached a new high. The Iowa caucus fiasco raised serious doubts about the Democratic Party’s competence, and did little to winnow its unwieldy field of candidates.
Mike Segar/Reuters View caption Hide caption Volunteer Colleen Jackson hands out yard signs for Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders at a breakfast campaign stop one day before the New Hampshire presidential primary election in Manchester, New Hampshire, Feb. 10, 2020.
Notably, turnout among Iowa Democrats was far lower than in 2008 – despite predictions that it would smash records – leading many to wonder if the party may suddenly have an enthusiasm problem.
“I think there’s a malaise settling in on the Democratic Party,” says Andrew Smith, director of the University of New Hampshire Survey Center. “You can only stay angry for so long.”
Over plastic foam plates of lo mein in the Mall of New Hampshire’s food court, Emily Hay says she plans to vote for Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders on Tuesday. But she’s feeling pessimistic about the Democrats’ chances of beating the president in November.
“So many people, myself included, have gotten to the point where it’s like, ‘Trump did this!’ and I’m just like, ‘Yeah, whatever,’” says Ms. Hay, an energy efficiency coordinator from Tilton, New Hampshire. Her mother, Polly Hayden, agrees, saying the Senate’s recent acquittal of the president only discouraged her further.
“It’s hard to be optimistic with everything we’ve seen,” concurs Ms. Hay’s husband, Russel.
Still, he views recent events as more of a temporary setback. And he doesn’t see a widespread apathy among Democrats.
“I think there are enough young people who are angry,” says Mr. Hay. “I think there is still a fire burning.”
Carlos Barria/Reuters View caption Hide caption Democratic 2020 presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden holds a bag of doughnuts as he visits a school-bus drivers garage while campaigning in Nashua, New Hampshire, Feb. 10, 2020.
“I think it’s a toss-up”
Certainly, the fire was there in 2018. The midterm elections saw the highest voter turnout in four decades, helping Democrats win back control of the U.S. House of Representatives with the largest margin of victory for a midterm in modern history.
But replicating that playbook again – given four years of a Trump presidency that included nonstop controversies from a special counsel investigation to an impeachment – may prove more difficult. Not only has Mr. Trump emerged from all those events largely unscathed, but many voters are also expressing a sense of fatigue.
At the same time, the all-consuming focus on Mr. Trump has made it hard for any of the Democratic candidates to gain traction. And while elections involving sitting presidents often play out as referendums on the incumbent, the president is already working to define his opponents in negative terms.
Just a few tables away in the food court, two women eating Auntie Anne’s pretzels describe President Trump as “the best of the worst.” When asked if they would support any of the Democratic candidates, they throw their heads back and laugh.
“No way,” says one of the women, as her friend vigorously shakes her head. “Not a chance.”
While an app malfunction and other irregularities delayed the final results in Iowa, about 176,000 Iowans participated in last week’s caucus – a slight increase from 2016, but still 62,000 voters short of 2008’s record-breaking numbers.
Republicans, on the other hand, saw more than 30,000 Iowans turn out in a largely symbolic show of support for the president – “smashing turnout records” for an incumbent, according to the Iowa GOP.
Brian Snyder/Reuters View caption Hide caption Sen. Elizabeth Warren, a Democratic 2020 presidential candidate, greets patrons at the Sweet Maple Cafe in Conway, New Hampshire, Feb. 10, 2020.
Many Democrats admit to feeling particularly apprehensive, as Mr. Trump’s prospects for winning reelection appear to be improving.
Waiting in a snaking line to see Sen. Amy Klobuchar in Salem, New Hampshire, on Sunday, Denise Ouellette, a voter from Massachusetts who plans to support Pete Buttigieg, says she keeps hoping something will come out about the president to undermine his support.
“Leaders embody our nation,” she says, her voice beginning to quaver and her eyes filling with tears. “They’re supposed to embody our value system.”
Ms. Ouellette’s husband, Tom, believes the Democrats’ best chances of winning in November would be with Senator Klobuchar or Mr. Buttigieg. But he’s not overly optimistic.
“I think it’s a toss-up,” says Mr. Ouellette. “I think it’s entirely possible that even with everything Trump’s done ... that he’s still there” in 2021.
“It’s going to take a movement”
To be sure, some argue the events of the past week may have actually helped to fan the flames for Democrats. Although New Hampshire’s secretary of state cut his initial turnout projection by 80,000 votes, he is still predicting a historic turnout of 420,000 on Tuesday.
Carlos Cardona, chairman of the Laconia Democrats, says Democratic enthusiasm in his town – which voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 before voting for a Democratic congressman in 2018 – surpasses anything he saw ahead of the 2018 midterms, or even the 2008 election.
“I’m feeling the energy on the ground a lot more than ever,” says Mr. Cardona. He knows people who have taken a week off from work to canvass for candidates, and says his own door has been knocked at least 17 times.
Jim Bourg/Reuters View caption Hide caption New Hampshire residents and supporters of Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg wait in a long outdoor line in the cold to see him make a campaign appearance at Elm Street Middle School in Nashua, New Hampshire, Feb. 9, 2020.
Mr. Cardona expects record turnout on Tuesday – and is anticipating a big victory for Senator Sanders, who won the state in 2016, and is currently leading in most polls there.
In the run-up to the Iowa caucuses, Mr. Sanders predicted the “largest caucus turnout” in Iowa history would propel him to victory. And although he appears to have won Iowa’s popular vote, he lags Mr. Buttigieg in state delegate equivalents, and he later admitted the turnout was a “disappointment.”
“I think all of us probably could have done a better job in bringing out our supporters,” he said in Friday’s debate.
Iowans under the age of 30 made up 24% of all caucusgoers – compared with 22% in 2008 – with the majority of them backing Mr. Sanders. But the overall number of young people who caucused was still down from 2008.
Of course, caucuses – which require showing up at a specific time, and committing several hours – tend to have much lower turnout than primaries. And many Sanders supporters are predicting a much bigger show of strength in New Hampshire on Tuesday.
After hosting a debate watch party on Friday night, David Robin got on a midnight Greyhound bus in New York City to canvass for the Vermont senator. By dinnertime on Saturday, Mr. Robin still hadn’t checked in to his room at the nearby Econo Lodge.
“It’s going to take a movement like ours to beat a movement like [Trump’s],” he says.
At other candidates’ events, many rallygoers – a high percentage of whom appear to have traveled here from other states – say they’re similarly determined.
“I am not one of the people who are worried that this is all chaos and disaster,” says Chris Bastian, a transportation planner from the New York City borough of Brooklyn, waiting in line to see Mr. Biden in Manchester.
But Mary Aarons, a book publisher from Massachusetts, admits to feeling apprehensive about November. Before getting in line to see Mr. Biden, she was chatting with the owner of a nearby pastry shop – noting how empty Manchester seemed the Saturday before the primary. At this time in 2008, the pastry shop owner told Ms. Aarons, the place was buzzing. The streets were packed.
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“I have to remain optimistic, though, because we have to have hope, right?” says Ms. Aarons. “I can’t even conceive of the alternative.”
Staff writer Christa Case Bryant contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-11--In chill of New Hampshire, signs Klobuchar is warming

But Senator Klobuchar , despite having passed four times as many bills as the average Democratic senator , and running a modest campaign on far fewer donations than any of the other front-runners , faces an uphill battle in the bigger states that will soon follow .
Her late surge may reflect a yearning for civility – and a calculation that the best way to beat President Donald Trump is to field a candidate who can woo back white working-class Midwesterners and disaffected Republicans .
“ I think she ’ s a healer , ” says former state Rep. Sally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who grabbed a front-row seat at a Klobuchar rally in New Hampshire this weekend , where up to 100 people were still waiting to get in after the event was scheduled to start .
At a time when many Democrats are sounding Eeyorish , Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar is cracking jokes and winning over voters by telling them , “ I know you , and I will fight for you.
” After months or polling in the single digits , she is wriggling out of her stiff senatorial shell and had moved into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Hampshire primary .
“ My plan , ” vows Sen. Amy Klobuchar , putting on her best Trumpian air , “ is to build a beauuuuuuuutiful blue wall … and make Donald Trump pay for it !
” That wall , she tells the cheering crowd in Salem , New Hampshire , will be made up of Democrats , independents , even moderate Republicans .
Together , they will prevent President Trump from sweeping key battleground states – a category she extends to New Hampshire .
And indeed , there are plenty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where Hillary Clinton won by fewer than 2,800 ballots .
“ Amy speaks to my sensibilities more than anybody , ” says David Liddy , a lifelong Republican and retired naval officer who changed his party affiliation to vote in Tuesday ’ s primary , though he retains conservative views .
“ She seems to be very dedicated , very hardworking.
” As the granddaughter of an iron ore miner who has consistently won over Minnesota ’ s rural voters – including in 2018 , when she emerged victorious in 42 counties that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier – Senator Klobuchar came down the homestretch in New Hampshire with arms wide open for the state ’ s independents and disaffected Republicans like Mr. Liddy .
Until Friday , there was little evidence that she was getting much traction .
Now , after a strong debate performance , she ’ s the buzziest candidate .
And at the 11th hour , she seems to have wriggled out of her stiff senatorial shell and is showing audiences a warm , even funny side .
As other Democrats sound increasingly Eeyorish , Senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president ’ s complaint that his cameo was cut from Home Alone II ( “ Who does that ?
” ) and alluding to his cancellation of a Denmark trip after the prime minister rebuffed his interest in buying Greenland .
It seems to be working .
Multiple polls showed her in third place in New Hampshire , edging ahead of Sen. Elizabeth Warren and former Vice President Joe Biden .
At Klobuchar rallies over the weekend , attendance far exceeded the expectations of her campaign .
In Manchester Saturday , staffers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their chairs could be removed to make room for more people .
Democrats are split over whether they want a progressive champion who will push for sweeping change , or a centrist figure who can right the ship .
They ’ re also uncertain about whether the best way to beat Mr. Trump is with a candidate who excites the base or one who could woo back white working-class Midwesterners .
The “ Klomentum ” is clearly driven by voters who subscribe to the latter theory , some of whom have been casting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finished a disappointing fourth in Iowa despite leading in national polls for much of the past year .
“ You have Trump skating through the impeachment , his big State of the Union speech – and I think Democrats are saying , ‘ How do we beat this guy ?
’ ” says Andrew Smith , director of the University of New Hampshire Survey Center in Durham .
Pete Buttigieg is seen as too young and inexperienced , he says .
Bernie Sanders , they worry , will get hammered as a socialist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ People are saying , ‘ What ’ s left ?
’ ” says Dr. Smith .
“ And she ’ s left.
” Like most pundits and pollsters , Dr. Smith didn ’ t see her placing better than third in New Hampshire , despite the fact that independents – who comprise 40 % of registered voters here – could vote in the Democratic primary .
Rather than becoming the nominee , the thinking goes , she may just seriously hurt both Ms. Warren and Mr. Biden , further splintering the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected her to get this far when she announced her candidacy a year ago in Minneapolis , standing on the banks of the Mississippi in the middle of a snowstorm , arguing she was the one with the necessary grit to beat Donald Trump and bridge “ the river of our divides.
” “ The thing that is critical to me is healing the country , ” says former Democratic state Rep. Sally Kelly of Chichester , New Hampshire .
“ I think she ’ s a healer.
” Those who have known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of experience , including loving her father throughout his battle with alcoholism .
“ I think there ’ s a lot of forgiveness and empathy in her ability to do that , ” says longtime friend Kate Herrmann Stacy , who was a bridesmaid in Ms. Klobuchar ’ s wedding .
“ When we were in law school , I would react quickly and conclude , ‘ Oh , that person is such a jerk.
’ She was kinder and more forgiving and would have a better sense of why they might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a reported $ 4 million in donations since Friday ’ s debate , Senator Klobuchar may not be well-positioned to capitalize on a strong showing in New Hampshire when the race moves on to the larger states of Nevada and South Carolina .
She has raised barely a quarter as much as Senator Sanders – $ 28.7 million compared with his $ 107.9 million – and less than half of the three other front-runners .
She doesn ’ t even make it into the top 10 in terms of Democratic campaign spending so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders and Warren already had around 75 staffers on the ground when the Klobuchar campaign hired its third staffer last spring .
Thanks to the endorsements of three state newspapers , including the traditionally conservative Union Leader , and talking with thousands of voters at Rotary clubs or local restaurants over plates of poutine , she managed to stay alive even as other , flashier candidates dropped out .
“ Think of what she has accomplished , to be where she is in this campaign with the resources she has , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 2008 and 2004 .
An early endorser of Senator Klobuchar , he says 90 % of people he talks with after her rallies walk away sold .
“ We ’ ve run a scrappy campaign , ” says Karen Cornelius , a New Hampshire retiree who has been volunteering full time for the past year to help her former law school classmate get elected .
One silver lining to her relative lack of campaign resources is that it reinforces her image as fiscally responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rallies in nondescript rental cars – not the big SUVs with tinted windows favored by some other candidates .
After one of her first TV appearances , her friend Ms. Stacy texted to compliment her on the teal jacket she was wearing .
I got it on sale !
$ 29.95 , Ms. Klobuchar wrote back .
On Monday , as her modest campaign was enjoying its biggest moment yet in the media spotlight , that was the jacket she chose to wear .
“ She ’ s low-key , she ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Richard Leland , a California Republican waiting in line for a Biden event with five fellow Republicans , all of whom say the Republican Party has turned its back on fiscal conservatism .
All say they ’ d vote for Senator Klobuchar “ in a heartbeat ” over President Trump .
Last week , the head of the Concord Coalition , a nonpartisan organization calling for fiscal responsibility , singled out Senator Klobuchar as the only presidential candidate “ with an express goal of lowering the debt-to-GDP ratio.
” At a time when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government spending , her plan calls for establishing a $ 300 billion fund , seeded with an increase in the corporate tax rate , “ to make a down payment to tackle the U.S. debt and protect our economy ” – and help reduce the annual budget deficit , currently projected to exceed $ 1 trillion .
“ If she sticks with that , she ’ ll get a lot of Trump supporters , ” says David Marti , a Trump voter whose son brought him to see Senator Klobuchar this weekend in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a Democrat .
When Senator Klobuchar arrived in New Hampshire at 4 a.m. last week with the Iowa caucus results still unclear , Ms. Cornelius heard a new line in her stump speech .
The senator , who has been reading historian Doris Kearns Goodwin ’ s book on presidential leadership , related a story from the days following President Franklin D. Roosevelt ’ s death .
As the train carrying his body caused a man watching to break into tears , a reporter asked , Sir , did you know the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But he knew me .
Senator Klobuchar has lately adapted that line , presenting an image for voters that is far different than one created by a series of negative articles last spring criticizing her exigent approach as a boss .
“ If you have trouble stretching your paycheck to pay for that rent , I know you , and I will fight for you , ” she said in her closing remarks at the debate .
“ I ’ m asking you to believe that someone who totally believes in America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are tired of the extremes in our politics and the noise and the nonsense , you have a home with me .
”

What does a surge by the senator from Minnesota tell us about the New Hampshire electorate? It suggests a desire for Midwestern values, pragmatism, and yes, a sense of humor.
But Senator Klobuchar, despite having passed four times as many bills as the average Democratic senator, and running a modest campaign on far fewer donations than any of the other front-runners, faces an uphill battle in the bigger states that will soon follow.
Her late surge may reflect a yearning for civility – and a calculation that the best way to beat President Donald Trump is to field a candidate who can woo back white working-class Midwesterners and disaffected Republicans. “I think she’s a healer,” says former state Rep. Sally Kelly of Chichester, New Hampshire, who grabbed a front-row seat at a Klobuchar rally in New Hampshire this weekend, where up to 100 people were still waiting to get in after the event was scheduled to start.
At a time when many Democrats are sounding Eeyorish, Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar is cracking jokes and winning over voters by telling them, “I know you, and I will fight for you.” After months or polling in the single digits, she is wriggling out of her stiff senatorial shell and had moved into third place ahead of Tuesday’s New Hampshire primary.
“My plan,” vows Sen. Amy Klobuchar, putting on her best Trumpian air, “is to build a beauuuuuuuutiful blue wall … and make Donald Trump pay for it!”
That wall, she tells the cheering crowd in Salem, New Hampshire, will be made up of Democrats, independents, even moderate Republicans. Together, they will prevent President Trump from sweeping key battleground states – a category she extends to New Hampshire. And indeed, there are plenty of swing voters here, a state where Hillary Clinton won by fewer than 2,800 ballots.
“Amy speaks to my sensibilities more than anybody,” says David Liddy, a lifelong Republican and retired naval officer who changed his party affiliation to vote in Tuesday’s primary, though he retains conservative views. “She seems to be very dedicated, very hardworking.”
Why We Wrote This What does a surge by the senator from Minnesota tell us about the New Hampshire electorate? It suggests a desire for Midwestern values, pragmatism, and yes, a sense of humor.
As the granddaughter of an iron ore miner who has consistently won over Minnesota’s rural voters – including in 2018, when she emerged victorious in 42 counties that had gone for Mr. Trump two years earlier – Senator Klobuchar came down the homestretch in New Hampshire with arms wide open for the state’s independents and disaffected Republicans like Mr. Liddy.
Until Friday, there was little evidence that she was getting much traction. Now, after a strong debate performance, she’s the buzziest candidate. And at the 11th hour, she seems to have wriggled out of her stiff senatorial shell and is showing audiences a warm, even funny side.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Steve and Peg Johnson (left) from Chico, California, Chris and Judy Zukin (center) from Oregon, and Richard and Gayle Leland, from Durham, California, wait outside the Rex Theatre in Manchester, New Hampshire, on Feb. 8, 2020, to hear former Vice President Joe Biden. All self-identify as Republicans, but say they would love to support Democratic Sen. Amy Klobuchar in November.
As other Democrats sound increasingly Eeyorish, Senator Klobuchar is buoyant, cracking jokes about the president’s complaint that his cameo was cut from Home Alone II (“Who does that?”) and alluding to his cancellation of a Denmark trip after the prime minister rebuffed his interest in buying Greenland.
It seems to be working. Multiple polls showed her in third place in New Hampshire, edging ahead of Sen. Elizabeth Warren and former Vice President Joe Biden. At Klobuchar rallies over the weekend, attendance far exceeded the expectations of her campaign. In Manchester Saturday, staffers had to ask attendees to stand so their chairs could be removed to make room for more people.
Democrats are split over whether they want a progressive champion who will push for sweeping change, or a centrist figure who can right the ship. They’re also uncertain about whether the best way to beat Mr. Trump is with a candidate who excites the base or one who could woo back white working-class Midwesterners.
The “Klomentum” is clearly driven by voters who subscribe to the latter theory, some of whom have been casting around for another option after Mr. Biden finished a disappointing fourth in Iowa despite leading in national polls for much of the past year.
“You have Trump skating through the impeachment, his big State of the Union speech – and I think Democrats are saying, ‘How do we beat this guy?’” says Andrew Smith, director of the University of New Hampshire Survey Center in Durham. Pete Buttigieg is seen as too young and inexperienced, he says. Bernie Sanders, they worry, will get hammered as a socialist. And Joe Biden is flaming out. “People are saying, ‘What’s left?’” says Dr. Smith. “And she’s left.”
A scrappy campaign
Like most pundits and pollsters, Dr. Smith didn’t see her placing better than third in New Hampshire, despite the fact that independents – who comprise 40% of registered voters here – could vote in the Democratic primary. Rather than becoming the nominee, the thinking goes, she may just seriously hurt both Ms. Warren and Mr. Biden, further splintering the Democratic field. Then again, few expected her to get this far when she announced her candidacy a year ago in Minneapolis, standing on the banks of the Mississippi in the middle of a snowstorm, arguing she was the one with the necessary grit to beat Donald Trump and bridge “the river of our divides.”
“The thing that is critical to me is healing the country,” says former Democratic state Rep. Sally Kelly of Chichester, New Hampshire. “I think she’s a healer.”
Those who have known her for decades say that is born out of experience, including loving her father throughout his battle with alcoholism.
“I think there’s a lot of forgiveness and empathy in her ability to do that,” says longtime friend Kate Herrmann Stacy, who was a bridesmaid in Ms. Klobuchar’s wedding. “When we were in law school, I would react quickly and conclude, ‘Oh, that person is such a jerk.’ She was kinder and more forgiving and would have a better sense of why they might be acting that way.”
Christa Case Bryant/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Carol Waghorne of Wakefield, New Hampshire, fashioned a makeshift sign the morning after Sen. Amy Klobuchar's stand-out Feb. 7, 2020, debate performance, which she ended by telling New Hampshire voters, "I know you, and I will fight for you." As Ms. Waghorne awaits the senator's appearance at a rally in Durham, New Hampshire, she says, "I trust her that she's going to fight for me."
Despite gaining a reported $4 million in donations since Friday’s debate, Senator Klobuchar may not be well-positioned to capitalize on a strong showing in New Hampshire when the race moves on to the larger states of Nevada and South Carolina. She has raised barely a quarter as much as Senator Sanders – $28.7 million compared with his $107.9 million – and less than half of the three other front-runners. She doesn’t even make it into the top 10 in terms of Democratic campaign spending so far.
In New Hampshire, Senators Sanders and Warren already had around 75 staffers on the ground when the Klobuchar campaign hired its third staffer last spring. Thanks to the endorsements of three state newspapers, including the traditionally conservative Union Leader, and talking with thousands of voters at Rotary clubs or local restaurants over plates of poutine, she managed to stay alive even as other, flashier candidates dropped out.
“Think of what she has accomplished, to be where she is in this campaign with the resources she has,” says Michael Atkins, a Peterborough lawyer who was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 2008 and 2004. An early endorser of Senator Klobuchar, he says 90% of people he talks with after her rallies walk away sold.
“We’ve run a scrappy campaign,” says Karen Cornelius, a New Hampshire retiree who has been volunteering full time for the past year to help her former law school classmate get elected.
‘I know you’
One silver lining to her relative lack of campaign resources is that it reinforces her image as fiscally responsible.
She routinely pulls up to election rallies in nondescript rental cars – not the big SUVs with tinted windows favored by some other candidates. After one of her first TV appearances, her friend Ms. Stacy texted to compliment her on the teal jacket she was wearing. I got it on sale! $29.95, Ms. Klobuchar wrote back.
On Monday, as her modest campaign was enjoying its biggest moment yet in the media spotlight, that was the jacket she chose to wear.
“She’s low-key, she’s not flashy at all,” says Richard Leland, a California Republican waiting in line for a Biden event with five fellow Republicans, all of whom say the Republican Party has turned its back on fiscal conservatism. All say they’d vote for Senator Klobuchar “in a heartbeat” over President Trump.
Last week, the head of the Concord Coalition, a nonpartisan organization calling for fiscal responsibility, singled out Senator Klobuchar as the only presidential candidate “with an express goal of lowering the debt-to-GDP ratio.” At a time when other Democrats are proposing massive increases in government spending, her plan calls for establishing a $300 billion fund, seeded with an increase in the corporate tax rate, “to make a down payment to tackle the U.S. debt and protect our economy” – and help reduce the annual budget deficit, currently projected to exceed $1 trillion.
“If she sticks with that, she’ll get a lot of Trump supporters,” says David Marti, a Trump voter whose son brought him to see Senator Klobuchar this weekend in hopes of persuading his dad to vote for a Democrat.
When Senator Klobuchar arrived in New Hampshire at 4 a.m. last week with the Iowa caucus results still unclear, Ms. Cornelius heard a new line in her stump speech.
The senator, who has been reading historian Doris Kearns Goodwin’s book on presidential leadership, related a story from the days following President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s death. As the train carrying his body caused a man watching to break into tears, a reporter asked, Sir, did you know the president?
No, the man replied. But he knew me.
Senator Klobuchar has lately adapted that line, presenting an image for voters that is far different than one created by a series of negative articles last spring criticizing her exigent approach as a boss.
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“If you have trouble stretching your paycheck to pay for that rent, I know you, and I will fight for you,” she said in her closing remarks at the debate. “I’m asking you to believe that someone who totally believes in America can win this, because if you are tired of the extremes in our politics and the noise and the nonsense, you have a home with me.”
Staff writer Story Hinckley contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-11--How a young electorate could affect New Hampshire primaries

New Hampshire has been holding the first-in-the-nation presidential primary for 100 years , but a significant number of Tuesday 's ballots could be cast by newcomers to that storied tradition .
New Hampshire has one of the nation 's lowest percentages of native-born residents , with only a third of those age 25 and older having been born in the state .
And one-fifth of the state 's potential voters either resided somewhere else four years ago or were not old enough to vote , according to a recent analysis of demographic trends by the University of New Hampshire .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ about New Hampshire voters and could affect Tuesday 's results , given that surveys suggest the newcomers and young voters are less conservative than the established residents .
`` Many people think of New Hampshire as a place where people have lived for 10 generations and their ancestors signed the Constitution or Declaration of Independence , and , in fact , I know someone like that , '' said Ken Johnson , senior demographer at the University of New Hampshire Carsey School of Public Policy .
`` But New Hampshire is one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
From 2016 to 2020 , nearly 70,000 residents turned 18 and became eligible to vote , while 46,000 older residents died .
During the same period , about 160,000 voting-age adults moved into the state , and about 150,000 moved out .
It 's unknown how that churn will shake out on Election Day , but according to UNH Survey Center polls , both young residents and recent migrants are less likely to identify themselves as conservative than established residents are .
Of the three groups , young residents are the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but they 're also the least likely to have registered to vote .
Just 61 % have done so , compared to 54 % of migrants and 88 % of established residents .
About 40 % of the new residents in recent years came from Massachusetts , and an additional 30 % came from other Northeastern states .
About a quarter came from Southern or Western states , with the smallest share coming from the Midwest .
That small group included Martha Carlson , 48 , who moved to Hollis from Chicago in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrat on Tuesday .
Her husband is from Minnesota and likes his home state Sen. Amy Klobuchar , but Ms. Carlson said she is about 90 % sure she 'll vote for former South Bend , Indiana , Mayor Pete Buttigieg .
`` He 's moderate , and we 're moderate people , '' she said .
Alyssa McKeon and her family moved to Hopkinton in 2018 from Salem , Massachusetts .
She said that while she is excited about a number of the Democratic candidates , it was a `` no-brainer '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Warren .
`` I 'm a planner myself , and I deeply appreciate her comprehensive plans and her approach to how to actually get it done , '' said Ms. McKeon , a 34-year-old registered Democrat who works for an education nonprofit .
`` I understand it 's going to take drastic changes to how we do business and how we finance things , and I think it 's time for an overhaul . ''
No estimates are available regarding the racial makeup of the state 's new voters , and the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the nation .
Overall , minorities made up 8.7 % of the adult population in 2018 , a statistic to which critics of the primary point in arguing New Hampshire does n't deserve its starring role in the presidential nominating process .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders ' campaign is banking on trying to bring new voters to the polls and has shown a particular strength with young people .
Other campaigns have made a concerted push in the state 's college towns .
Ella Diers , who turned 18 in September , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attention to the campaigns .
`` I 'm kinda leaning toward Pete Buttigieg .
I like that he 's not extreme , '' said Ms. Diers , of Concord .
`` I think he seems like just a very normal guy and not very polarizing to either side , which I think is important .
He seems to have good values . ''
She 's not a fan of President Donald Trump , and is eager to cast a vote toward ending his time in office .
`` I 'm pretty excited .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I get to vote , '' she said .
`` It 's definitely time for a change . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

New Hampshire has been holding the first-in-the-nation presidential primary for 100 years, but a significant number of Tuesday's ballots could be cast by newcomers to that storied tradition.
New Hampshire has one of the nation's lowest percentages of native-born residents, with only a third of those age 25 and older having been born in the state. And one-fifth of the state's potential voters either resided somewhere else four years ago or were not old enough to vote, according to a recent analysis of demographic trends by the University of New Hampshire.
Those shifts challenge some of the presumptions about New Hampshire voters and could affect Tuesday's results, given that surveys suggest the newcomers and young voters are less conservative than the established residents.
"Many people think of New Hampshire as a place where people have lived for 10 generations and their ancestors signed the Constitution or Declaration of Independence, and, in fact, I know someone like that," said Ken Johnson, senior demographer at the University of New Hampshire Carsey School of Public Policy. "But New Hampshire is one of the most mobile states in the country."
From 2016 to 2020, nearly 70,000 residents turned 18 and became eligible to vote, while 46,000 older residents died. During the same period, about 160,000 voting-age adults moved into the state, and about 150,000 moved out.
It's unknown how that churn will shake out on Election Day, but according to UNH Survey Center polls, both young residents and recent migrants are less likely to identify themselves as conservative than established residents are. Of the three groups, young residents are the most likely to identify as liberals, but they're also the least likely to have registered to vote. Just 61% have done so, compared to 54% of migrants and 88% of established residents.
About 40% of the new residents in recent years came from Massachusetts, and an additional 30% came from other Northeastern states. About a quarter came from Southern or Western states, with the smallest share coming from the Midwest.
That small group included Martha Carlson, 48, who moved to Hollis from Chicago in 2018 and plans to register as a Democrat on Tuesday. Her husband is from Minnesota and likes his home state Sen. Amy Klobuchar, but Ms. Carlson said she is about 90% sure she'll vote for former South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg.
"He's moderate, and we're moderate people," she said.
Alyssa McKeon and her family moved to Hopkinton in 2018 from Salem, Massachusetts. She said that while she is excited about a number of the Democratic candidates, it was a "no-brainer" to decide to back Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren.
"I'm a planner myself, and I deeply appreciate her comprehensive plans and her approach to how to actually get it done," said Ms. McKeon, a 34-year-old registered Democrat who works for an education nonprofit. "I understand it's going to take drastic changes to how we do business and how we finance things, and I think it's time for an overhaul."
No estimates are available regarding the racial makeup of the state's new voters, and the state remains far less diverse than the rest of the nation. Overall, minorities made up 8.7% of the adult population in 2018, a statistic to which critics of the primary point in arguing New Hampshire doesn't deserve its starring role in the presidential nominating process.
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders' campaign is banking on trying to bring new voters to the polls and has shown a particular strength with young people. Other campaigns have made a concerted push in the state's college towns.
Ella Diers, who turned 18 in September, said she has been paying fairly close attention to the campaigns.
"I'm kinda leaning toward Pete Buttigieg. I like that he's not extreme," said Ms. Diers, of Concord. "I think he seems like just a very normal guy and not very polarizing to either side, which I think is important. He seems to have good values."
She's not a fan of President Donald Trump, and is eager to cast a vote toward ending his time in office.
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"I'm pretty excited. I think it's pretty cool that I get to vote," she said. "It's definitely time for a change."
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-12--After New Hampshire, minority voters could reshape Democratic race

“ I don ’ t think African American voters in South Carolina or Super Tuesday [ states ] give two flying kites what the early contests ’ outcomes are , ” says Antjuan Seawright , a Democratic strategist in South Carolina .
As the struggling campaign of former Vice President Joe Biden is urgently emphasizing , 99.9 % of African American Democratic primary voters and 99.8 % of Latino Democratic primary voters have not yet weighed in .
As the contest moves to Nevada and South Carolina , the very different electorates there could change the shape of the race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Michael Bloomberg , who is also polling well with African Americans , will be a player in primary contests starting in early March .
As expected , Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont won New Hampshire , but many voters view him as too far left to win a general election .
In fact , the combined vote tallies of Pete Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , and Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota would have beaten Senator Sanders by double digits in New Hampshire .
It may have gone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s New Hampshire primary did little to resolve the Democratic presidential nomination contest .
It may have gone more smoothly than Iowa .
But Tuesday ’ s New Hampshire primary did little to resolve the Democratic presidential nomination contest – and indeed , may have increased the likelihood of a long , protracted battle that could go all the way to the convention .
Winner Bernie Sanders and runner-up Pete Buttigieg – who narrowly leads the overall delegate count coming out of Iowa and New Hampshire – can both plausibly claim some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though neither looks particularly formidable .
Amy Klobuchar , who until recently was languishing in the single digits , is hoping to capitalize on an unexpectedly strong third-place finish .
With Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden placing a distant fourth and fifth , and amassing no delegates in New Hampshire , a feeling of doom surrounds their campaigns .
But as the Biden campaign is urgently emphasizing , 99.9 % of African American Democratic primary voters and 99.8 % of Latino Democratic primary voters have not yet weighed in .
As the contest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the very different electorates there could change the shape of the race substantially yet again – potentially giving new life to candidates like former Vice President Biden and Senator Warren , who have built diverse coalitions of support .
“ I don ’ t think African American voters in South Carolina or Super Tuesday [ states ] give two flying kites what the early contests ’ outcomes are , ” says Antjuan Seawright , a Democratic strategist in South Carolina .
“ Candidates that are coming into South Carolina and Super Tuesday who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gained the trust of the political concrete of this party – black voters – they ’ re going to be drinking hot soda out of a cup .
It ’ s not going to taste good.
” Indeed , Nevada and South Carolina could muddle the Democratic field even further , at a time when party elites are increasingly worried about the prospects of beating President Donald Trump in November .
Some see a strong possibility of a contested Democratic convention in July , which could force the party to choose between a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wing that retains deep-seated skepticism about the prospect of a ticket headed by Senator Sanders , a democratic socialist .
“ If Sanders goes to the convention with a plurality of delegates but not a majority , would they deny him the nomination ?
” asks Dante Scala , a political scientist at the University of New Hampshire in Durham .
“ It would be a high-risk maneuver that would take some steel on the spines of party elites and superdelegates – we ’ ll see if they ’ re so super.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg , a billionaire whose unorthodox strategy of skipping the early states appears increasingly viable , and who is polling well among black voters nationally .
In Portsmouth , New Hampshire , a cold misty rain was falling as voters headed to the polls on Tuesday .
Outside the New Franklin School in Ward 1 , a young volunteer holding a big “ Pete ” sign and an older woman displaying “ Amy Klobuchar for All of America ” stood on opposite sides of the sidewalk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in small talk .
As a woman emerged from the polling site , she looked at both of them and pushed her hands together – as if to mime , “ You should be on the same ticket.
” Indeed , the combined vote tallies of Mr. Buttigieg , the wünderkind former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , and Senator Klobuchar of Minnesota , ranked the most effective Democratic senator in Congress , would have beaten Senator Sanders by double digits in New Hampshire .
Yet the first two primary states haven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic electorate wants , says Theodore R. Johnson , a senior fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice in New York , and an expert on the role of race in electoral politics .
“ We ’ ve only learned about what more progressive white primary voters in two states want , ” he says .
Still , a YouGov poll from late January found that black voters were nearly twice as likely as white voters to base their vote on candidates ’ performance in the Iowa caucuses .
“ If you ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argue is the dominant tendency among black voters , then you are looking to see who wins primaries because they bring with them the air of electability , ” says Dr. Johnson , who adds that black voters are getting “ a little skittish ” in their support for Mr. Biden .
But Mr. Seawright , who says that African American voters understand their political net worth and have always been independent-minded , says that South Carolina is still Mr. Biden ’ s to lose .
He adds , “ the second- and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drive a specific narrative that could help them gain momentum as they prepare to face Michael Bloomberg and his resources on Super Tuesday.
” Mr. Buttigieg – a prolific fundraiser who has taken flak from other candidates for embracing wealthy donors – has gained momentum from his strong performances in the first two states .
But the true reach of his candidacy will be much clearer after Nevada and South Carolina .
According to a Quinnipiac poll taken after the Iowa caucus , Mr. Buttigieg is polling at 4 % with African Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % .
Mr. Biden , by comparison , retained 27 % support despite a disappointing showing in Iowa .
Mr. Bloomberg registered at 22 % and Sanders at 19 % among black Americans .
And Tom Steyer , though not registering with black voters nationally , has gained double-digit support among African Americans in South Carolina , where he has been investing heavily .
In Nevada , which holds its caucuses a week from Saturday and where about 20 % of eligible voters are Latino , FiveThirtyEight ’ s average of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at 24.2 % , followed by Mr. Biden in second with almost 19 % , then Senator Warren and Mr. Buttigieg with 12 % and 9 % respectively .
But just as South Carolina polls shifted after Iowa , the first two contests are likely to affect the polling in Nevada , as well .
To succeed in Nevada , the Buttigieg campaign says they are working to persuade the state ’ s Latino voters by translating campaign material into Spanish , opening a field office in the heavily Latino neighborhood of East @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Mr. Buttigieg himself speaking in Spanish .
All of the presidential candidates are now white , after Andrew Yang and Deval Patrick dropped out of the race last night , despite an initial field that was far more racially diverse .
Boosting black turnout , which dipped in 2016 , is seen as crucial to a Democratic victory in November .
The Center for American Progress found that a return to 2012 levels , in addition to natural demographic trends , would enable the party to win the three states vital to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin .
But of course , race is only one factor in Democrats ’ decision about which candidate will garner strong support .
Ideally , they also want someone popular among progressives , urbanites , and working-class voters , as well as black Democrats – groups that sometimes overlap , and sometimes don ’ t .
Finding one individual who can speak to those sometimes disparate interests may prove more difficult than Barack Obama made it appear .
The growing concern , therefore , is that by the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Democratic National Convention in July , no one candidate will have gained majority support .
That could open the way for a brokered convention .
If no candidate got a majority of votes on the first round , a second round of voting with input from superdelegates could well produce a different candidate – angering many , says Don Fowler , a former DNC chair from South Carolina who has been involved in Democratic politics for more than 50 years .
“ And that , ” he says , “ would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the party .
”

“I don’t think African American voters in South Carolina or Super Tuesday [states] give two flying kites what the early contests’ outcomes are,” says Antjuan Seawright, a Democratic strategist in South Carolina.
As the struggling campaign of former Vice President Joe Biden is urgently emphasizing, 99.9% of African American Democratic primary voters and 99.8% of Latino Democratic primary voters have not yet weighed in. As the contest moves to Nevada and South Carolina, the very different electorates there could change the shape of the race. And former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who is also polling well with African Americans, will be a player in primary contests starting in early March.
After Iowa and New Hampshire, candidates are still battling to break out. That may not be easy, as they head to states where they have to appeal to a more racially diverse group of voters.
As expected, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont won New Hampshire, but many voters view him as too far left to win a general election. In fact, the combined vote tallies of Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, and Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota would have beaten Senator Sanders by double digits in New Hampshire.
It may have gone more smoothly than Iowa. But Tuesday’s New Hampshire primary did little to resolve the Democratic presidential nomination contest.
It may have gone more smoothly than Iowa. But Tuesday’s New Hampshire primary did little to resolve the Democratic presidential nomination contest – and indeed, may have increased the likelihood of a long, protracted battle that could go all the way to the convention.
Winner Bernie Sanders and runner-up Pete Buttigieg – who narrowly leads the overall delegate count coming out of Iowa and New Hampshire – can both plausibly claim some form of “front-runner” status, though neither looks particularly formidable. Amy Klobuchar, who until recently was languishing in the single digits, is hoping to capitalize on an unexpectedly strong third-place finish. With Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden placing a distant fourth and fifth, and amassing no delegates in New Hampshire, a feeling of doom surrounds their campaigns.
But as the Biden campaign is urgently emphasizing, 99.9% of African American Democratic primary voters and 99.8% of Latino Democratic primary voters have not yet weighed in. As the contest moves to Nevada and South Carolina, the very different electorates there could change the shape of the race substantially yet again – potentially giving new life to candidates like former Vice President Biden and Senator Warren, who have built diverse coalitions of support.
Why We Wrote This After Iowa and New Hampshire, candidates are still battling to break out. That may not be easy, as they head to states where they have to appeal to a more racially diverse group of voters.
“I don’t think African American voters in South Carolina or Super Tuesday [states] give two flying kites what the early contests’ outcomes are,” says Antjuan Seawright, a Democratic strategist in South Carolina. “Candidates that are coming into South Carolina and Super Tuesday who do not have relationships or have not gained the trust of the political concrete of this party – black voters – they’re going to be drinking hot soda out of a cup. It’s not going to taste good.”
Indeed, Nevada and South Carolina could muddle the Democratic field even further, at a time when party elites are increasingly worried about the prospects of beating President Donald Trump in November. Some see a strong possibility of a contested Democratic convention in July, which could force the party to choose between a fired-up progressive wing and a larger pragmatic wing that retains deep-seated skepticism about the prospect of a ticket headed by Senator Sanders, a democratic socialist.
“If Sanders goes to the convention with a plurality of delegates but not a majority, would they deny him the nomination?” asks Dante Scala, a political scientist at the University of New Hampshire in Durham. “It would be a high-risk maneuver that would take some steel on the spines of party elites and superdelegates – we’ll see if they’re so super.”
The beneficiary of all this may well be former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, a billionaire whose unorthodox strategy of skipping the early states appears increasingly viable, and who is polling well among black voters nationally.
Sanders wins the primary, but ...
In Portsmouth, New Hampshire, a cold misty rain was falling as voters headed to the polls on Tuesday. Outside the New Franklin School in Ward 1, a young volunteer holding a big “Pete” sign and an older woman displaying “Amy Klobuchar for All of America” stood on opposite sides of the sidewalk, joking with each other and engaging in small talk. As a woman emerged from the polling site, she looked at both of them and pushed her hands together – as if to mime, “You should be on the same ticket.”
Doug Strickland/Reuters View caption Hide caption Democratic presidential candidate Michael Bloomberg, left, stands with Chattanooga NAACP Chapter president Elenora Woods during a campaign event at the Bessie Smith Cultural Center in Chattanooga, Tennessee, on Feb. 12, 2020. One recent poll shows Mr. Bloomberg drawing 22% support among African American voters nationally.
Indeed, the combined vote tallies of Mr. Buttigieg, the wünderkind former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, and Senator Klobuchar of Minnesota, ranked the most effective Democratic senator in Congress, would have beaten Senator Sanders by double digits in New Hampshire. Yet the first two primary states haven’t revealed much about what the Democratic electorate wants, says Theodore R. Johnson, a senior fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice in New York, and an expert on the role of race in electoral politics.
“We’ve only learned about what more progressive white primary voters in two states want,” he says. Still, a YouGov poll from late January found that black voters were nearly twice as likely as white voters to base their vote on candidates’ performance in the Iowa caucuses.
“If you’re a pragmatic voter, which I argue is the dominant tendency among black voters, then you are looking to see who wins primaries because they bring with them the air of electability,” says Dr. Johnson, who adds that black voters are getting “a little skittish” in their support for Mr. Biden.
But Mr. Seawright, who says that African American voters understand their political net worth and have always been independent-minded, says that South Carolina is still Mr. Biden’s to lose. He adds, “the second- and third-place contestants will have an opportunity to drive a specific narrative that could help them gain momentum as they prepare to face Michael Bloomberg and his resources on Super Tuesday.”
Mr. Buttigieg – a prolific fundraiser who has taken flak from other candidates for embracing wealthy donors – has gained momentum from his strong performances in the first two states.
But the true reach of his candidacy will be much clearer after Nevada and South Carolina. According to a Quinnipiac poll taken after the Iowa caucus, Mr. Buttigieg is polling at 4% with African Americans nationally. Senator Klobuchar is at 0%. Mr. Biden, by comparison, retained 27% support despite a disappointing showing in Iowa. Mr. Bloomberg registered at 22% and Sanders at 19% among black Americans.
And Tom Steyer, though not registering with black voters nationally, has gained double-digit support among African Americans in South Carolina, where he has been investing heavily.
In Nevada, which holds its caucuses a week from Saturday and where about 20% of eligible voters are Latino, FiveThirtyEight’s average of the most highly rated polls had Senator Sanders leading at 24.2%, followed by Mr. Biden in second with almost 19%, then Senator Warren and Mr. Buttigieg with 12% and 9% respectively. But just as South Carolina polls shifted after Iowa, the first two contests are likely to affect the polling in Nevada, as well.
To succeed in Nevada, the Buttigieg campaign says they are working to persuade the state’s Latino voters by translating campaign material into Spanish, opening a field office in the heavily Latino neighborhood of East Las Vegas, and launching radio ads with Mr. Buttigieg himself speaking in Spanish.
All of the presidential candidates are now white, after Andrew Yang and Deval Patrick dropped out of the race last night, despite an initial field that was far more racially diverse.
Possibility of a contested convention
Boosting black turnout, which dipped in 2016, is seen as crucial to a Democratic victory in November. The Center for American Progress found that a return to 2012 levels, in addition to natural demographic trends, would enable the party to win the three states vital to Mr. Trump’s victory: Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
But of course, race is only one factor in Democrats’ decision about which candidate will garner strong support. Ideally, they also want someone popular among progressives, urbanites, and working-class voters, as well as black Democrats – groups that sometimes overlap, and sometimes don’t. Finding one individual who can speak to those sometimes disparate interests may prove more difficult than Barack Obama made it appear.
The growing concern, therefore, is that by the time delegates descend on Milwaukee, Wisconsin, for the Democratic National Convention in July, no one candidate will have gained majority support. That could open the way for a brokered convention.
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If no candidate got a majority of votes on the first round, a second round of voting with input from superdelegates could well produce a different candidate – angering many, says Don Fowler, a former DNC chair from South Carolina who has been involved in Democratic politics for more than 50 years.
“And that,” he says, “would create a great, great crisis to the party.”


csmonitor--2020-02-12--Hate speech spreads: FBI adds white supremacy as 'national threat'

Incidents of white supremacist propaganda distributed across the nation jumped by more than 120 % between 2018 and last year , according to the Anti-Defamation League , making 2019 the second straight year that the circulation of propaganda material has more than doubled .
The Anti-Defamation League 's Center on Extremism reported 2,713 cases of circulated propaganda by white supremacist groups , including fliers , posters and banners , compared with 1,214 cases in 2018 .
The printed propaganda distributed by white supremacist organizations includes material that directly spreads messages of discrimination against Jews , LGBTQ people and other minority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prejudice obscured by a focus on gauzier pro-America imagery .
The sharp rise in cases of white supremacist propaganda distribution last year follows a jump of more than 180 % between 2017 , the first year that the Anti-Defamation League tracked material distribution , and 2018 .
While 2019 saw cases of propaganda circulated on college campuses nearly double , encompassing 433 separate campuses in all but seven states , researchers who compiled the data found that 90 % of campuses only saw one or two rounds of distribution .
FBI Director Christopher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now viewing racially motivated violent-extremism as a `` national threat priority , '' according to an exclusive Feb. 5 interview with `` CBS This Morning . ''
Mr. Wray said that for 2020 , the FBI will place the risk of violence from such groups `` on the same footing '' as groups from foreign countries such as the Islamic State .
Mr. Wray said in domestic terrorism investigations that most of the violent groups in the U.S. are `` fueled by some type of white supremacy . ''
Oren Segal , director @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , pointed to the prominence of more subtly biased rhetoric in some of the white supremacist material , emphasizing `` patriotism , '' as a sign that the groups are attempting `` to make their hate more palatable for a 2020 audience . ''
By emphasizing language `` about empowerment , without some of the blatant racism and hatred , '' Mr. Segal said , white supremacists are employing `` a tactic to try to get eyes onto their ideas in a way that 's cheap , and that brings it to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how to even make sense out of these messages . ''
' The propaganda incidents tracked for the Anti-Defamation League 's report , set for release on Wednesday , encompass 49 states and occurred most often in 10 states : California , Texas , New York , Massachusetts , New Jersey , Ohio , Virginia , Kentucky , Washington , and Florida .
Last year 's soaring cases of distributed propaganda also came as the Anti-Defamation League found white supremacist groups holding 20 % fewer events than in 2018 , `` preferring not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' according to its report .
That marks a shift from the notably visible public presence that white supremacist organizations mounted in 2017 , culminating in that summer 's Charlottesville , Virginia , rally where a self-described white supremacist drove into a crowd of counterprotesters .
About two-thirds of the total propaganda incidents in the new report were traced back to a single white supremacist group , Patriot Front , which the Anti-Defamation League describes as `` formed by disaffected members '' of the white supremacist organization Vanguard America after the Charlottesville @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1913 to combat anti-Semitism as well as other biases , has tracked Patriot Front propaganda using messages such as `` One nation against invasion '' and `` America First . ''
The report to be released Wednesday found that Patriot Front played a major role last year in boosting circulation of white supremacist propaganda on campuses through a push that targeted colleges in the fall .
Mr. Segal said that his group 's research can equip community leaders with education that helps them push back against white supremacist groups ' messaging efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University administrators , Mr. Segal said , should speak out against white supremacist messaging drives , taking the opportunity `` to demonstrate their values and to reject messages of hate that may be appearing on their campus . ''
Several educational institutions where reports of white supremacist propaganda were reported in recent months did just that .
After white supremacist material was reported on campus at Brigham Young University in November , the school tweeted that it `` stands firmly against racism in any form and is committed to promoting a culture of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . ''
The school went on to tweet a specific rejection of white supremacist sentiment as `` sinful '' by its owner , the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints , without naming the identity of the group behind the propaganda .
While some of the propaganda cataloged in the Anti-Defamation League 's report uses indirect messaging in service of a bigoted agenda , other groups ' activity is more openly threatening toward Jews and minority groups .
The New Jersey European Heritage Association , a smaller white supremacist group founded in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and refers to Jews as 'destroyers ' '' in its most recent distributed flier , according to the report .
The Anti-Defamation League 's online monitoring of propaganda distribution is distinct from its tracking of white supremacist events and attacks , and that tracking does not include undistributed material such as graffiti , Mr. Segal explained .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Material from CBS News was used in this report .

Incidents of white supremacist propaganda distributed across the nation jumped by more than 120% between 2018 and last year, according to the Anti-Defamation League, making 2019 the second straight year that the circulation of propaganda material has more than doubled.
The Anti-Defamation League's Center on Extremism reported 2,713 cases of circulated propaganda by white supremacist groups, including fliers, posters and banners, compared with 1,214 cases in 2018. The printed propaganda distributed by white supremacist organizations includes material that directly spreads messages of discrimination against Jews, LGBTQ people and other minority communities – but also items with their prejudice obscured by a focus on gauzier pro-America imagery.
Anti-Defamation League's Center on Extremism/AP View caption Hide caption This chart provided by the Anti-Defamation League's Center on Extremism shows a rise in distributable white-supremacist propaganda over the past two years.
The sharp rise in cases of white supremacist propaganda distribution last year follows a jump of more than 180% between 2017, the first year that the Anti-Defamation League tracked material distribution, and 2018. While 2019 saw cases of propaganda circulated on college campuses nearly double, encompassing 433 separate campuses in all but seven states, researchers who compiled the data found that 90% of campuses only saw one or two rounds of distribution.
FBI Director Christopher Wray recently indicated that the FBI is now viewing racially motivated violent-extremism as a "national threat priority," according to an exclusive Feb. 5 interview with "CBS This Morning." Mr. Wray said that for 2020, the FBI will place the risk of violence from such groups "on the same footing" as groups from foreign countries such as the Islamic State. Mr. Wray said in domestic terrorism investigations that most of the violent groups in the U.S. are "fueled by some type of white supremacy."
Oren Segal, director of the League's Center on Extremism, pointed to the prominence of more subtly biased rhetoric in some of the white supremacist material, emphasizing "patriotism," as a sign that the groups are attempting "to make their hate more palatable for a 2020 audience."
By emphasizing language "about empowerment, without some of the blatant racism and hatred," Mr. Segal said, white supremacists are employing "a tactic to try to get eyes onto their ideas in a way that's cheap, and that brings it to a new generation of people who are learning how to even make sense out of these messages."'
The propaganda incidents tracked for the Anti-Defamation League's report, set for release on Wednesday, encompass 49 states and occurred most often in 10 states: California, Texas, New York, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Ohio, Virginia, Kentucky, Washington, and Florida.
Last year's soaring cases of distributed propaganda also came as the Anti-Defamation League found white supremacist groups holding 20% fewer events than in 2018, "preferring not to risk the exposure of pre-publicized events," according to its report. That marks a shift from the notably visible public presence that white supremacist organizations mounted in 2017, culminating in that summer's Charlottesville, Virginia, rally where a self-described white supremacist drove into a crowd of counterprotesters.
About two-thirds of the total propaganda incidents in the new report were traced back to a single white supremacist group, Patriot Front, which the Anti-Defamation League describes as "formed by disaffected members" of the white supremacist organization Vanguard America after the Charlottesville rally.
The Anti-Defamation League, founded in 1913 to combat anti-Semitism as well as other biases, has tracked Patriot Front propaganda using messages such as "One nation against invasion" and "America First." The report to be released Wednesday found that Patriot Front played a major role last year in boosting circulation of white supremacist propaganda on campuses through a push that targeted colleges in the fall.
Mr. Segal said that his group's research can equip community leaders with education that helps them push back against white supremacist groups' messaging efforts, including distribution aimed at students.
University administrators, Mr. Segal said, should speak out against white supremacist messaging drives, taking the opportunity "to demonstrate their values and to reject messages of hate that may be appearing on their campus."
Several educational institutions where reports of white supremacist propaganda were reported in recent months did just that. After white supremacist material was reported on campus at Brigham Young University in November, the school tweeted that it "stands firmly against racism in any form and is committed to promoting a culture of safety, kindness, respect and love."
The school went on to tweet a specific rejection of white supremacist sentiment as "sinful" by its owner, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, without naming the identity of the group behind the propaganda.
While some of the propaganda cataloged in the Anti-Defamation League's report uses indirect messaging in service of a bigoted agenda, other groups' activity is more openly threatening toward Jews and minority groups. The New Jersey European Heritage Association, a smaller white supremacist group founded in 2018, "contains numerous anti-Semitic tropes and refers to Jews as 'destroyers'" in its most recent distributed flier, according to the report.
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The Anti-Defamation League's online monitoring of propaganda distribution is distinct from its tracking of white supremacist events and attacks, and that tracking does not include undistributed material such as graffiti, Mr. Segal explained.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Material from CBS News was used in this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-12--N.H. vote: Sanders edges Buttigieg as Klobuchar finishes third

Bernie Sanders won New Hampshire ’ s presidential primary , edging moderate rival Pete Buttigieg and scoring the first clear victory in the Democratic Party ’ s chaotic 2020 nomination fight .
In his Tuesday night win , the 78-year-old Sanders , a self-described democratic socialist , beat back a strong challenge from the 38-year-old former mayor of South Bend , Indiana .
The dueling Democrats represent different generations , see divergent paths to the nomination and embrace conflicting visions of America 's future .
As Mr. Sanders and Mr. Buttigieg celebrated , Amy Klobuchar scored an strong third-place finish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday , that gives her a road out of New Hampshire as the primary season moves on to the string of state-by-state contests that lie ahead .
Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden posted disappointing fourth and fifth place finishes respectively and were on track to finish with zero delegates from the state .
Mr. Sanders and Mr. Buttigieg were on track to win the same number of New Hampshire delegates with most of the vote tallied , with Ms. Klobuchar a few behind .
Mr. Warren , Mr. Biden and the rest of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reach the 15 % threshold needed for delegates .
The AP allocated nine delegates each to Mr. Sanders and Mr. Buttigieg and six to Ms. Klobuchar .
Combined with Iowa delegates , Mr. Buttigieg now has a total of 22 , Mr. Sanders has 21 and Ms. Klobuchar has 7 .
History suggests that the first-in-the-nation primary will have enormous influence shaping the 2020 race .
In the modern era , no Democrat has ever become the party ’ s general election nominee without finishing first or second in New Hampshire .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a Democratic contest shaping up to be a battle between two men separated by four decades in age and clashing political ideologies .
Mr. Sanders is a leading progressive voice , having spent decades demanding substantial government intervention in health care and other sectors of the economy .
Mr. Buttigieg has pressed for more incremental change , preferring to give Americans the option of retaining their private health insurance while appealing to Republicans and independents who may be dissatisfied with Trump .
Their disparate temperaments were on display Tuesday as they spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gon na win because we have the agenda that speaks to the needs of working people across this country , ” Mr. Sanders declared .
“ This victory here is the beginning of the end for Donald Trump.
” Mr. Buttigieg struck an optimistic tone : “ Thanks to you , a campaign that some said should n't be here at all has shown that we are here to stay . ''
Both men have strength heading into the next phase of the campaign , yet they face very different political challenges .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ remain in the race , Mr. Sanders , well-financed and with an ardent army of supporters , has cemented his status as the clear leader of the progressive wing of the party .
Exit polls showed that 40 % of Hispanics voted for Mr. Sanders , reported to ABC News .
That suggests Mr. Sanders has strong support among minority voters .
Meanwhile , Mr. Buttigieg must prove he can attract support from voters of color who are critical to winning the nomination .
And unlike Mr. Sanders , he still has multiple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the party to contend with .
They include Ms. Klobuchar , whose standout debate performance led to a late surge in New Hampshire and a growing national following .
While deeply wounded , Mr. Biden promises strength in upcoming South Carolina .
And though former New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg was not on Tuesday 's ballot , he looms next month when the contest reaches states offering hundreds of delegates .
After a chaotic beginning to primary voting last week in Iowa , Democrats hoped New Hampshire would help give shape to their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Mr. Trump in November .
At least two candidates dropped out in the wake of weak finishes Tuesday night : moderate Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet and political newcomer Andrew Yang , who attracted a small but loyal following over the past year and was one of just three candidates of color left in the race .
The struggling candidates still in the race sought to minimize the latest results .
Ms. Warren , who spent months as a Democratic front-runner , offered an optimistic outlook as she faced cheering supporters : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ haul , and we are just getting started . ''
Having already predicted he would “ take a hit ” in New Hampshire after a distant fourth-place finish in Iowa , Mr. Biden essentially ceded the state .
He traveled to South Carolina Tuesday as he bet his candidacy on a strong showing there later this month boosted by support from black voters .
The action was on the Democratic side , but Mr. Trump easily won New Hampshire 's Republican primary .
He was facing token opposition from former Massachusetts Gov .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote in , Mr. Trump already had amassed more votes in the New Hampshire primary than any incumbent president in history .
His vote share was approaching the modern historical high for an incumbent president , 86.43 % set by Ronald Reagan in 1984 .
Mr. Weld received about 9 % of the vote of New Hampshire Republicans .
The political spotlight quickly shifts to Nevada , where Democrats will hold caucuses on Feb. 22 .
But several candidates , including Ms. Warren and Mr. Sanders , plan to visit other states in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday , signaling they are in the race for the long haul .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Steve Peoples reported from Washington .
AP writers Seth Borenstein and Zeke Miller contributed from Washington ; Will Weissert , Holly Ramer and Thomas Beaumont contributed from New Hampshire .

Steve Peoples, Kathleen Ronayne, and Hunter Woodall

Bernie Sanders won New Hampshire’s presidential primary, edging moderate rival Pete Buttigieg and scoring the first clear victory in the Democratic Party’s chaotic 2020 nomination fight.
In his Tuesday night win, the 78-year-old Sanders, a self-described democratic socialist, beat back a strong challenge from the 38-year-old former mayor of South Bend, Indiana. The dueling Democrats represent different generations, see divergent paths to the nomination and embrace conflicting visions of America's future.
As Mr. Sanders and Mr. Buttigieg celebrated, Amy Klobuchar scored an strong third-place finish, as The Christian Science Monitor noted Tuesday, that gives her a road out of New Hampshire as the primary season moves on to the string of state-by-state contests that lie ahead.
Elizabeth Warren and Joe Biden posted disappointing fourth and fifth place finishes respectively and were on track to finish with zero delegates from the state.
Mr. Sanders and Mr. Buttigieg were on track to win the same number of New Hampshire delegates with most of the vote tallied, with Ms. Klobuchar a few behind. Mr. Warren, Mr. Biden and the rest of the field were shut out, failing to reach the 15% threshold needed for delegates.
The AP allocated nine delegates each to Mr. Sanders and Mr. Buttigieg and six to Ms. Klobuchar. Combined with Iowa delegates, Mr. Buttigieg now has a total of 22, Mr. Sanders has 21 and Ms. Klobuchar has 7.
History suggests that the first-in-the-nation primary will have enormous influence shaping the 2020 race. In the modern era, no Democrat has ever become the party’s general election nominee without finishing first or second in New Hampshire.
The New Hampshire vote gives new clarity to a Democratic contest shaping up to be a battle between two men separated by four decades in age and clashing political ideologies. Mr. Sanders is a leading progressive voice, having spent decades demanding substantial government intervention in health care and other sectors of the economy. Mr. Buttigieg has pressed for more incremental change, preferring to give Americans the option of retaining their private health insurance while appealing to Republicans and independents who may be dissatisfied with Trump.
Their disparate temperaments were on display Tuesday as they spoke before cheering supporters.
“We are gonna win because we have the agenda that speaks to the needs of working people across this country,” Mr. Sanders declared. “This victory here is the beginning of the end for Donald Trump.”
Mr. Buttigieg struck an optimistic tone: “Thanks to you, a campaign that some said shouldn't be here at all has shown that we are here to stay."
Both men have strength heading into the next phase of the campaign, yet they face very different political challenges.
While Ms. Warren made clear she will remain in the race, Mr. Sanders, well-financed and with an ardent army of supporters, has cemented his status as the clear leader of the progressive wing of the party. Exit polls showed that 40% of Hispanics voted for Mr. Sanders, reported to ABC News. That suggests Mr. Sanders has strong support among minority voters.
Meanwhile, Mr. Buttigieg must prove he can attract support from voters of color who are critical to winning the nomination. And unlike Mr. Sanders, he still has multiple rivals in his own ideological wing of the party to contend with. They include Ms. Klobuchar, whose standout debate performance led to a late surge in New Hampshire and a growing national following. While deeply wounded, Mr. Biden promises strength in upcoming South Carolina. And though former New York Mayor Mike Bloomberg was not on Tuesday's ballot, he looms next month when the contest reaches states offering hundreds of delegates.
After a chaotic beginning to primary voting last week in Iowa, Democrats hoped New Hampshire would help give shape to their urgent quest to pick someone to take on Mr. Trump in November. At least two candidates dropped out in the wake of weak finishes Tuesday night: moderate Colorado Sen. Michael Bennet and political newcomer Andrew Yang, who attracted a small but loyal following over the past year and was one of just three candidates of color left in the race.
The struggling candidates still in the race sought to minimize the latest results.
Ms. Warren, who spent months as a Democratic front-runner, offered an optimistic outlook as she faced cheering supporters: “Our campaign is built for the long haul, and we are just getting started."
Having already predicted he would “take a hit” in New Hampshire after a distant fourth-place finish in Iowa, Mr. Biden essentially ceded the state. He traveled to South Carolina Tuesday as he bet his candidacy on a strong showing there later this month boosted by support from black voters.
The action was on the Democratic side, but Mr. Trump easily won New Hampshire's Republican primary. He was facing token opposition from former Massachusetts Gov. Bill Weld.
With most of the vote in, Mr. Trump already had amassed more votes in the New Hampshire primary than any incumbent president in history. His vote share was approaching the modern historical high for an incumbent president, 86.43% set by Ronald Reagan in 1984. Mr. Weld received about 9% of the vote of New Hampshire Republicans.
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The political spotlight quickly shifts to Nevada, where Democrats will hold caucuses on Feb. 22. But several candidates, including Ms. Warren and Mr. Sanders, plan to visit other states in the coming days that vote on Super Tuesday, signaling they are in the race for the long haul.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Steve Peoples reported from Washington. AP writers Seth Borenstein and Zeke Miller contributed from Washington; Will Weissert, Holly Ramer and Thomas Beaumont contributed from New Hampshire.