csmonitor--2020-02-21--In wide open race, Democrats eye California for Super Tuesday

California is the largest prize in the calculations of any Democratic presidential candidate , and Bernie Sanders has been working the state for months , worrying his rivals .
Mr. Sanders has been organizing intensively among Latinos and young voters , producing campaign materials in seven languages , going , as one aide said , `` where most candidates do n't go . ''
Mike Bloomberg has tried to counter Mr. Sanders with saturation advertising , including buying time at television stations in Arizona , Nevada , and Oregon that also reach California .
Pete Buttigieg held three public events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his early state momentum .
Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren remain competitive .
The attention reflects a growing concern among Mr. Sanders ' rivals that if he performs well enough in the state , with its 415 delegates at stake on Super Tuesday , March 3 , that he could build a delegate lead that is difficult to catch .
`` California 's one of those unique places because these presidential elections do n't play out here very often , '' said Ace Smith , one of the state 's best known political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real thirst . ''
Competing in the state is n't simple ; it is home to some of the nation 's most expensive media markets , there are roughly 20 million voters , and delegates are awarded both on the statewide level and in each of the 53 congressional districts .
A candidate must hit 15 % statewide to get a share of 144 delegates .
Another 271 awarded by reaching 15 % in a congressional district , with heavily Democratic districts offering more delegates .
Mr. Sanders ' campaign has long counted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 80 staff here last year and sending Mr. Sanders regularly .
He 'll hold two rallies Friday in heavily Latino areas , on top of an event earlier this week in the San Francisco Bay Area , a Democratic stronghold rich with delegates .
He 's running television ads in every market .
Campaign staffers were out just days after ballots dropped on February 3rd , knocking on doors offering to collect them , a legal practice in California , and his events have booths set up to collect them .
He is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more potent that TV ads .
Mr. Smith , who ran Hillary Clinton 's 2016 operation in the state , said the key question for Mr. Sanders is how high his support can go .
If it hits close to 40 % , it will be harder for multiple other contenders to win delegates , allowing him to run up the score .
Recent polls show Mr. Sanders in front of other top candidates in the state , with Mr. Biden , Mr. Bloomberg , Mr. Buttigieg , and Ms. Warren all hovering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rafael Návar , Mr. Sanders ' state director , said the campaign believes he will win delegates in every congressional district .
`` We 've prioritized where most presidential campaigns do n't go , '' he said .
Mr. Bloomberg , meanwhile , is blanketing every single television market in the state with ads , in addition to those out-of-state markets that reach California viewers .
He is also buying advertisements in weekly newspapers in rural areas , hoping to hit voters who may not be getting much communication from Democrats .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 , the day of the Iowa caucuses , traveling from the state capital of Sacramento to Fresno , in the state 's farm belt , and ending the day outside Los Angeles .
Dan Kanninen , the campaign 's states director , said Mr. Bloomberg is similarly trying to win delegates in every district .
`` It 's premature to put a number on what we hope to get , '' Mr. Kanninen said , but he warned Mr. Sanders could run away with delegates if non-Sanders voters do n't consolidate behind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a candidate who 's going to get 5 % or 6 % does have the danger of creating the scenario around that threshold that could get Bernie a lead that 's almost insurmountable . ''
Mr. Bloomberg 's advertising is buoyed by roughly 300 staff members on the ground , by far the most of any campaign , led by strategists with deep California experience .
The campaign will have held 1,000 organizing events in the state by March 3 , spokesman Mike Buckley said , including niche get togethers like `` Surfers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mike . ''
California is also home to some of the country 's biggest Democratic donors .
Mr. Bloomberg is n't taking any campaign contributions , but he 's set up `` leadership committees '' of would-be donors who hold events akin to fundraisers where people can learn from Bloomberg allies about his campaign plans and policies .
Mr. Buttigieg in particular has done well with the California donor class ; he 's regularly held fundraisers in Hollywood and has raised nearly $ 10 million from California donors , more than from any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ translate that support to votes .
He visited Sacramento and the farming city of Turlock last week and spent Thursday at a televised town hall in the Los Angeles media market .
For candidates that ca n't afford to blanket the airwaves with ads , earning free media through campaign events is critical , said Mr. Smith , the California strategist .
Mr. Buttigieg 's campaign is holding volunteer organizing events in at least 47 congressional districts this weekend , spokesman Ben Halle said .
He declined to say which six districts have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's campaign has sent out a memo warning of a Super Tuesday scenario where Mr. Sanders dominates .
And he , like Mr. Bloomberg , is arguing he 's the single best candidate to go head-to-head with Mr. Sanders .
Both have urged the other to drop out .
Mr. Biden , meanwhile , has only held public events twice in the state since November and has no television advertising , though he has a digital buy .
He 's more urgently focused on reviving his struggling campaign in Nevada and South Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ similarly has spent no time in the state this year , though her campaign is hosting multiple events targeting Latino voters this week and has more than four dozen staff members .
A spokesman declined to say if she plans to run TV ads .
Amy Klobuchar has virtually no campaign infrastructure in the state , and her campaign just announced a seven state Super Tuesday ad buy that does not include California .
Tom Steyer , the race 's other billionaire and a California resident , is also up on the airwaves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Democratic mail voters have returned ballots , according to tracking by Political Data Inc. Just a fraction of the state 's 5 million independent voters have requested the ability to vote in the Democratic primary , prompting the Sanders campaign to schedule a Friday press conference to highlight and explain the process .
Roughly 5 % of Latino voters who vote by mail have returned ballots , and less than 5 % of those ages 18 to 34 have , according to Political Data Inc. 's tracking .
Both are key demographics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was reported by The Associated Press .

California is the largest prize in the calculations of any Democratic presidential candidate, and Bernie Sanders has been working the state for months, worrying his rivals.
Mr. Sanders has been organizing intensively among Latinos and young voters, producing campaign materials in seven languages, going, as one aide said, "where most candidates don't go." Mike Bloomberg has tried to counter Mr. Sanders with saturation advertising, including buying time at television stations in Arizona, Nevada, and Oregon that also reach California. Pete Buttigieg held three public events in the past week to capitalize on his early state momentum. Joe Biden and Elizabeth Warren remain competitive.
The attention reflects a growing concern among Mr. Sanders' rivals that if he performs well enough in the state, with its 415 delegates at stake on Super Tuesday, March 3, that he could build a delegate lead that is difficult to catch.
"California's one of those unique places because these presidential elections don't play out here very often," said Ace Smith, one of the state's best known political strategists. "There's just a real thirst."
Competing in the state isn't simple; it is home to some of the nation's most expensive media markets, there are roughly 20 million voters, and delegates are awarded both on the statewide level and in each of the 53 congressional districts. A candidate must hit 15% statewide to get a share of 144 delegates. Another 271 awarded by reaching 15% in a congressional district, with heavily Democratic districts offering more delegates.
Mr. Sanders' campaign has long counted California as important, deploying more than 80 staff here last year and sending Mr. Sanders regularly. He'll hold two rallies Friday in heavily Latino areas, on top of an event earlier this week in the San Francisco Bay Area, a Democratic stronghold rich with delegates.
He's running television ads in every market. Campaign staffers were out just days after ballots dropped on February 3rd, knocking on doors offering to collect them, a legal practice in California, and his events have booths set up to collect them. He is trying to show that organizing can be more potent that TV ads.
Mr. Smith, who ran Hillary Clinton's 2016 operation in the state, said the key question for Mr. Sanders is how high his support can go. If it hits close to 40%, it will be harder for multiple other contenders to win delegates, allowing him to run up the score.
Recent polls show Mr. Sanders in front of other top candidates in the state, with Mr. Biden, Mr. Bloomberg, Mr. Buttigieg, and Ms. Warren all hovering near the threshold for receiving delegates.
Rafael Návar, Mr. Sanders' state director, said the campaign believes he will win delegates in every congressional district.
"We've prioritized where most presidential campaigns don't go," he said.
Mr. Bloomberg, meanwhile, is blanketing every single television market in the state with ads, in addition to those out-of-state markets that reach California viewers. He is also buying advertisements in weekly newspapers in rural areas, hoping to hit voters who may not be getting much communication from Democrats.
He last campaigned in the state on Feb. 3, the day of the Iowa caucuses, traveling from the state capital of Sacramento to Fresno, in the state's farm belt, and ending the day outside Los Angeles. Dan Kanninen, the campaign's states director, said Mr. Bloomberg is similarly trying to win delegates in every district.
"It's premature to put a number on what we hope to get," Mr. Kanninen said, but he warned Mr. Sanders could run away with delegates if non-Sanders voters don't consolidate behind a single alternative. "Voting for a candidate who's going to get 5% or 6% does have the danger of creating the scenario around that threshold that could get Bernie a lead that's almost insurmountable."
Mr. Bloomberg's advertising is buoyed by roughly 300 staff members on the ground, by far the most of any campaign, led by strategists with deep California experience. The campaign will have held 1,000 organizing events in the state by March 3, spokesman Mike Buckley said, including niche get togethers like "Surfers for Mike" and "Scientists for Mike."
California is also home to some of the country's biggest Democratic donors. Mr. Bloomberg isn't taking any campaign contributions, but he's set up "leadership committees" of would-be donors who hold events akin to fundraisers where people can learn from Bloomberg allies about his campaign plans and policies.
Mr. Buttigieg in particular has done well with the California donor class; he's regularly held fundraisers in Hollywood and has raised nearly $10 million from California donors, more than from any other state. His challenge is to translate that support to votes.
He visited Sacramento and the farming city of Turlock last week and spent Thursday at a televised town hall in the Los Angeles media market. For candidates that can't afford to blanket the airwaves with ads, earning free media through campaign events is critical, said Mr. Smith, the California strategist.
Mr. Buttigieg's campaign is holding volunteer organizing events in at least 47 congressional districts this weekend, spokesman Ben Halle said. He declined to say which six districts haven't yet been organized.
Mr. Buttigieg's campaign has sent out a memo warning of a Super Tuesday scenario where Mr. Sanders dominates. And he, like Mr. Bloomberg, is arguing he's the single best candidate to go head-to-head with Mr. Sanders. Both have urged the other to drop out.
Mr. Biden, meanwhile, has only held public events twice in the state since November and has no television advertising, though he has a digital buy. He's more urgently focused on reviving his struggling campaign in Nevada and South Carolina, which vote next.
Ms. Warren similarly has spent no time in the state this year, though her campaign is hosting multiple events targeting Latino voters this week and has more than four dozen staff members. A spokesman declined to say if she plans to run TV ads. Amy Klobuchar has virtually no campaign infrastructure in the state, and her campaign just announced a seven state Super Tuesday ad buy that does not include California. Tom Steyer, the race's other billionaire and a California resident, is also up on the airwaves.
So far, just 8% of Democratic mail voters have returned ballots, according to tracking by Political Data Inc. Just a fraction of the state's 5 million independent voters have requested the ability to vote in the Democratic primary, prompting the Sanders campaign to schedule a Friday press conference to highlight and explain the process.
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Roughly 5% of Latino voters who vote by mail have returned ballots, and less than 5% of those ages 18 to 34 have, according to Political Data Inc.'s tracking. Both are key demographics for Mr. Sanders campaign.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-24--Why the Bernie Sanders' surge looks like Trump 2016

A burn-it-down candidate is topping a splintered field of more moderate contenders and setting the party ’ s establishment wing on edge .
It ’ s how Donald Trump began his unlikely march to the Republican nomination in 2016 .
And four years later , it ’ s how Sen. Bernie Sanders has cemented himself as the front-runner for the Democratic nomination .
The Vermont senator won his second straight contest on Saturday with a convincing victory in Nevada , the first racially diverse state on the primary calendar , after winning the New Hampshire primary the week before .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the opening contest in Iowa .
Sanders ’ surge has energized his legion of liberal supporters , including young people drawn to his calls for a government-run health care system and eliminating student debt .
But it ’ s sparked an outcry from rival campaigns and other moderate Democrats that mirrors the worries of Republicans who tried , but failed , to block Trump ’ s path in 2016 .
They warn that Sanders , a self-declared democratic socialist , can ’ t win in the general election .
They warn that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facing tough competition in swing states .
And they warn that his nomination is all but inevitable unless other candidates start dropping out and stop splitting up the anti-Sanders vote .
“ Moderates need to either consolidate or see Bernie run away with it , ” said Maria Cardona , a Democratic strategist .
“ It ’ s time for some decisions or live with the outcome.
” But none of Sanders ’ rivals appears ready to make those tough decisions .
And there are no real party elders who can step in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only Democrat in the country with that kind of sway is former President Barack Obama , who has vowed to stay stridently neutral in the primary contest .
And so , the Democratic field is expected to stay crowded , despite the realization among many campaigns that time is running out to stop Sanders .
If he amasses a significant delegate lead in the Super Tuesday contests on March 3 , when big prizes like California and Texas are up for grabs , it could be impossible for other candidates to stop his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multiple Democratic campaigns privately conceded on Saturday that they expect up to five other candidates to remain in the race through Super Tuesday : former Vice President Joe Biden , Sens .
Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar , Pete Buttigieg and Mike Bloomberg .
Bloomberg , the billionaire former New York mayor , isn ’ t competing in the first four contests but is blitzing the airwaves with an unprecedented amount of primary advertising in the Super Tuesday states and beyond .
But his shock-and-awe entry into the race was tempered by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic debate .
Bloomberg is among the most aggressive candidates in warning about the risks of Sanders ' nomination .
His campaign said Saturday that the Nevada results underscore that a “ fragmented field ” is putting the Vermont senator on pace for the nomination — despite the fact that Bloomberg ’ s candidacy is only fragmenting the field further .
He ’ s far from the only candidate who sees himself as the solution to the Sanders ’ dilemma , and the rest of the field as the problem .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coming back and we ’ re going to win , ” said Biden , who was on track to finish a distant second to Sanders in Nevada after dismal showings in the opening states .
Biden , who finished a distant second in Nevada , is hoping to claim his first victory in South Carolina this coming Saturday .
It 's the first state to vote with a significant percentage of black voters , who make up the backbone of the Democratic Party .
He ’ ll likely need that victory to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters ’ anxieties about his own rocky start and to draw out wealthy donors who have been reluctant to support his candidacy .
As the Nevada results came in , Klobuchar , who was in a close race for fifth with billionaire Tom Steyer , also vowed to go forward .
So did fourth-place finisher Warren , who hasn ’ t finished higher than third in the first three contests .
“ We have a lot of states to go and right now I feel the momentum .
So let ’ s stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during a rally in Washington state , which votes on March 10 .
Warren ’ s rationale for staying in the race hinges on her strong debate performance last week , which re-energized her campaign and , crucially , her fundraising .
But her campaign advisers have not publicly identified which states they believe they can win in the next round of voting .
Then there ’ s Buttigieg , the 38-year-old former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , who was third in Nevada .
He ’ s gotten the closest to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virtually tying him in Iowa and finishing less than 2 percentage points behind in New Hampshire .
Those results , Buttigieg argued on Saturday , prove he is best to take on Sanders down the stretch .
He also hardened his criticism of Sanders , urging voters to “ take a sober look at the consequences ” of making him the party ’ s nominee .
But the outcome in Nevada raises questions about his viability in the more diverse states that are up next on the primary calendar .
He ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to public polling .
Sanders is relishing both his front-runner status and the anxiousness it ’ s creating among his more moderate rivals .
Like Trump , he ’ s been unafraid to challenge his own party ’ s traditional assumptions about what it takes to win both the primary and the general election .
As he claimed victory on Saturday , he declared : “ We have just put together a multigenerational , multiracial coalition , which is not only going to win in Nevada , it ’ s going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — AP Washington Bureau Chief Julie Pace has covered the White House and politics for the AP since 2007 .
Follow her at http : //twitter.com/jpaceDC

A burn-it-down candidate is topping a splintered field of more moderate contenders and setting the party’s establishment wing on edge.
It is how Donald Trump began his unlikely march to the Republican nomination in 2016. And four years later, it is how Sen. Bernie Sanders has cemented himself as the front-runner for the Democratic nomination.
The Vermont senator won his second straight contest on Saturday with a convincing victory in Nevada, the first racially diverse state on the primary calendar, after winning the New Hampshire primary the week before. He also effectively tied for first place in the opening contest in Iowa.
Mr. Sanders’ surge has energized his legion of liberal supporters, including young people drawn to his calls for a government-run health care system and eliminating student debt. But it has sparked an outcry from rival campaigns and other moderate Democrats that mirrors the worries of Republicans who tried, but failed, to block Mr. Trump’s path in 2016.
They warn that Mr. Sanders, a self-declared democratic socialist, can’t win in the general election. They warn that he would badly damage Democratic congressional candidates facing tough competition in swing states. And they warn that his nomination is all but inevitable unless other candidates start dropping out and stop splitting up the anti-Sanders vote.
“Moderates need to either consolidate or see Bernie run away with it,” said Maria Cardona, a Democratic strategist. “It’s time for some decisions or live with the outcome.”
But none of Sanders’ rivals appears ready to make those tough decisions. And there are no real party elders who can step in to help cull the field. The only Democrat in the country with that kind of sway is former President Barack Obama, who has vowed to stay stridently neutral in the primary contest.
And so, the Democratic field is expected to stay crowded, despite the realization among many campaigns that time is running out to stop Mr. Sanders. If he amasses a significant delegate lead in the Super Tuesday contests on March 3, when big prizes like California and Texas are up for grabs, it could be impossible for other candidates to stop his march to the nomination.
Advisers to multiple Democratic campaigns privately conceded on Saturday that they expect up to five other candidates to remain in the race through Super Tuesday: former Vice President Joe Biden, Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar, Pete Buttigieg, and Mike Bloomberg.
Mr. Bloomberg, the billionaire former New York mayor, isn’t competing in the first four contests but is blitzing the airwaves with an unprecedented amount of primary advertising in the Super Tuesday states and beyond. But his shock-and-awe entry into the race was tempered by a shaky performance in last week’s Democratic debate.
Mr. Bloomberg is among the most aggressive candidates in warning about the risks of Mr. Sanders' nomination. His campaign said Saturday that the Nevada results underscore that a “fragmented field” is putting the Vermont senator on pace for the nomination – despite the fact that Mr. Bloomberg’s candidacy is only fragmenting the field further.
He’s far from the only candidate who sees himself as the solution to the Mr. Sanders’ dilemma, and the rest of the field as the problem.
“We’re alive and we’re coming back and we’re going to win,” said Mr. Biden, who was on track to finish a distant second to Mr. Sanders in Nevada after dismal showings in the opening states.
Mr. Biden, who finished a distant second in Nevada, is hoping to claim his first victory in South Carolina this coming Saturday. It's the first state to vote with a significant percentage of black voters, who make up the backbone of the Democratic Party. He’ll likely need that victory to be a resounding one, both to ease voters’ anxieties about his own rocky start and to draw out wealthy donors who have been reluctant to support his candidacy.
As the Nevada results came in, Ms. Klobuchar, who was in a close race for fifth with billionaire Tom Steyer, also vowed to go forward. So did fourth-place finisher Ms. Warren, who hasn’t finished higher than third in the first three contests.
“We have a lot of states to go and right now I feel the momentum. So let’s stay in this fight,” Ms. Warren said during a rally in Washington state, which votes on March 10.
Ms. Warren’s rationale for staying in the race hinges on her strong debate performance last week, which re-energized her campaign and, crucially, her fundraising. But her campaign advisers have not publicly identified which states they believe they can win in the next round of voting.
Then there’s Mr. Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, who was third in Nevada. He’s gotten the closest to topping Mr. Sanders in the early contests, virtually tying him in Iowa and finishing less than 2 percentage points behind in New Hampshire.
Those results, Mr. Buttigieg argued on Saturday, prove he is best to take on Sanders down the stretch. He also hardened his criticism of Mr. Sanders, urging voters to “take a sober look at the consequences” of making him the party’s nominee.
But the outcome in Nevada raises questions about his viability in the more diverse states that are up next on the primary calendar. He’s struggling in particular with black voters, according to public polling.
Mr. Sanders is relishing both his front-runner status and the anxiousness it is creating among his more moderate rivals.
Like Mr. Trump, he has been unafraid to challenge his own party’s traditional assumptions about what it takes to win both the primary and the general election.
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As he claimed victory on Saturday, he declared: “We have just put together a multigenerational, multiracial coalition, which is not only going to win in Nevada, it’s going to sweep the country.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-23--Why moderate rivals attack Sanders as Super Tuesday looms

Bernie Sanders ’ commanding Nevada caucus victory made him a top target for his Democratic rivals and a growing source of anxiety for establishment Democrats worried that the nomination of an avowed democratic socialist could cost the party in November .
The win solidified Sanders ' front-runner status as the race turned to Saturday 's presidential primary in South Carolina .
The Vermont senator was trounced in the state by more than 40 percentage points in 2016 , but he is hoping that his success in diverse Nevada will prove to black voters in South Carolina that his campaign has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gains in South Carolina could be devastating to former Vice President Joe Biden , who is looking to the state for a commanding victory that can keep his candidacy alive through Super Tuesday .
The March 3 contests will unfold in 14 states and award one-third of the delegates needed for the Democratic nomination .
With time running short , moderate Democrats grew increasingly nervous Sunday that Sanders ' call for a political “ revolution ” would drive voters away from the party , both in the matchup against President Donald Trump and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think it would be a real burden for us in these states or congressional districts that we have to do well in , '' South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn , the House majority whip and the top-ranking black Democrat in Congress , said Sunday on ABC 's “ This Week . ''
Prominent Democrats expect Clyburn will endorse Biden this week .
The congressman said he 'll back a candidate on Wednesday — after the next Democratic debate — and pointed to the impact a Sanders nomination would have on House districts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House in 2018 .
“ In those districts , it 's going to be tough to hold on to these jobs if you have to make the case for accepting a self-proclaimed democratic socialist , '' he said .
Sanders ' campaign argued he will bring in new and infrequent voters — largely progressives , young people and voters of color — who have been alienated from the process and seek a drastic overhaul of Washington , not merely trying to oust Trump .
He successfully relied on that coalition Saturday to dominate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far ahead of Biden , the second-place finisher , and Pete Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , who came in third .
Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren landed in fourth , while Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar and California billionaire Tom Steyer were in a close race for fifth as the Nevada Democratic Party continued to tabulate results .
Sanders celebrated the win in Texas , a top Super Tuesday prize and a state that Democrats see trending their way thanks to a growing Hispanic population and opposition to Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidate who had already secured the nomination , Sanders told thousands of cheering supporters who filled a basketball arena on the campus of the University of Houston that he would win in the state both next month and next fall .
“ If working people and young people of this city , black and white and Latino , gay or straight , if our people stand together , come out to vote , we ’ re going to win here in Texas , ” he said .
Sanders was announcing a plan to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ age 3 and universal pre-kindergarten programs after that .
In an interview with “ 60 Minutes ” that aired Sunday night , he said he 'd pay for it using part of the proceeds from his previously announced wealth tax , which would be levied annually on fortunes worth more than $ 32 million .
Sanders ' new status was clear as most of his rivals sharpened their focus on him .
On Sunday , Buttigieg ripped Sanders ' for his massive and often combative online following , saying the nominee 's job @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tent , not to call them names online.
” Speaking to a crowd of thousands gathered in a high school football field in Arlington , Virginia , Buttigieg said Democrats should nominate someone who will focus on “ mobilizing , not polarizing the American majority.
” “ Politics will be fierce sometimes , but it is not just combat , '' he said .
But some Democrats were worried that the new focus on Sanders may be too little , too late .
For months , as several Democrats jockeyed to become the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attacked each other on debate stages and in ads while taking relatively few punches at the Vermont senator .
Indeed , even after Sanders ' strong finish in Nevada , Warren avoided launching a direct hit at Sanders even when asked directly whether a Sanders nomination would be a risk for the Democratic Party .
The Massachusetts senator is aligned with Sanders on a number of key policies and competing with the Vermont senator for many of the same progressive voters .
Speaking to reporters in Denver , Warren instead continued her attacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ riskiest candidate standing on that stage because of his history of hiding his taxes , his history of harassment of women and his history of defending racist policies.
” Party leaders have been reluctant to appear to be putting their thumb on the scale , so as not to rile Sanders voters and further divide the party .
It was not clear Sunday that there was any new strategy to try to knock Sanders off course or consolidate support behind a single moderate .
“ We got ta hope that some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said James Carville , a Democratic strategist and one of the noisiest anti-Sanders voices in the party .
`` The risk in losing the election is deep and profound .
We just got ta pray.
” Dan Pfeiffer , a former adviser to former President Barack Obama , said if no candidates drop out before Super Tuesday and the moderates continue to split the delegate , Sanders likely has a lock on the nomination .
“ It ’ s just simple math , ” Pfeiffer said , noting that he 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stop Sanders , and that he doesn ’ t ascribe to the belief among some Democrats that Sanders can ’ t win .
“ Each of these campaigns have a legitimate rationale for staying in the race , ” he said of Sanders ’ opponents .
On Sunday , those Sanders opponents pledged to stay in the race through South Carolina , and several signaled they would stay in through Super Tuesday .
Klobuchar rallied supporters near the North Dakota-Minnesota border , speaking to voters in her home state , which votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dakota on March 10 .
Warren campaigned in Colorado , also a Super Tuesday state .
Biden was in South Carolina , the state his campaign hoped would revive his candidacy after poor showings in Iowa and New Hampshire and only modest improvement in Nevada .
The former vice president resisted predicting victory in South Carolina and said he is n't banking on Clyburn 's endorsement , a blessing that could help Biden shore up support with the black voters his campaign has long argued will be the springboard to a nomination .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats disappointed in Biden ’ s debate performances .
Democrats will debate on Tuesday in Charleston , South Carolina .
Steyer said Sunday he has qualified for that debate , after missing the mark for the stage in Nevada .
Jaffe reported from Washington .
Associated Press writers Nicholas Riccardi in Denver , Will Weissert in Houston , and Bill Barrow in Charleston , S.C. , contributed to this report .

Bernie Sanders’ commanding Nevada caucus victory made him a top target for his Democratic rivals and a growing source of anxiety for establishment Democrats worried that the nomination of an avowed democratic socialist could cost the party in November.
The win solidified Mr. Sanders' front-runner status as the race turned to Saturday's presidential primary in South Carolina. The Vermont senator was trounced in the state by more than 40 percentage points in 2016, but he is hoping that his success in diverse Nevada will prove to black voters in South Carolina that his campaign has broad appeal.
Any momentum that Mr. Sanders gains in South Carolina could be devastating to former Vice President Joe Biden, who is looking to the state for a commanding victory that can keep his candidacy alive through Super Tuesday. The March 3 contests will unfold in 14 states and award one-third of the delegates needed for the Democratic nomination.
With time running short, moderate Democrats grew increasingly nervous Sunday that Mr. Sanders' call for a political “revolution” would drive voters away from the party, both in the matchup against President Donald Trump and in House and Senate races.
“I think it would be a real burden for us in these states or congressional districts that we have to do well in," South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn, the House majority whip and the top-ranking black Democrat in Congress, said Sunday on ABC's “This Week."
Prominent Democrats expect Mr. Clyburn will endorse Mr. Biden this week. The congressman said he'll back a candidate on Wednesday – after the next Democratic debate – and pointed to the impact a Sanders nomination would have on House districts Democrats flipped to take control of the House in 2018.
“In those districts, it's going to be tough to hold on to these jobs if you have to make the case for accepting a self-proclaimed democratic socialist," he said.
Mr. Sanders' campaign argued he will bring in new and infrequent voters – largely progressives, young people, and voters of color – who have been alienated from the process and seek a drastic overhaul of Washington, not merely trying to oust Mr. Trump.
He successfully relied on that coalition Saturday to dominate his Democratic rivals in Nevada, pulling far ahead of Mr. Biden, the second-place finisher, and Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, who came in third. Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren landed in fourth, while Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar and California billionaire Tom Steyer were in a close race for fifth as the Nevada Democratic Party continued to tabulate results.
Mr. Sanders celebrated the win in Texas, a top Super Tuesday prize and a state that Democrats see trending their way thanks to a growing Hispanic population and opposition to Mr. Trump in the suburbs.
Sounding like a candidate who had already secured the nomination, Mr. Sanders told thousands of cheering supporters who filled a basketball arena on the campus of the University of Houston that he would win in the state both next month and next fall.
“If working people and young people of this city, black and white and Latino, gay or straight, if our people stand together, come out to vote, we’re going to win here in Texas,” he said.
Mr. Sanders was announcing a plan to provide universal, government-funded child care until age 3 and universal pre-kindergarten programs after that. In an interview with “60 Minutes” that aired Sunday night, he said he'd pay for it using part of the proceeds from his previously announced wealth tax, which would be levied annually on fortunes worth more than $32 million.
Mr. Sanders' new status was clear as most of his rivals sharpened their focus on him.
On Sunday, Mr. Buttigieg ripped Mr. Sanders for his massive and often combative online following, saying the nominee's job “is to call people into our tent, not to call them names online.”
Speaking to a crowd of thousands gathered in a high school football field in Arlington, Virginia, Mr. Buttigieg said Democrats should nominate someone who will focus on “mobilizing, not polarizing the American majority.”
“Politics will be fierce sometimes, but it is not just combat," he said.
But some Democrats were worried that the new focus on Mr. Sanders may be too little, too late. For months, as several Democrats jockeyed to become the chief alternative to Mr. Sanders, they largely attacked each other on debate stages and in ads while taking relatively few punches at the Vermont senator.
Indeed, even after Mr. Sanders' strong finish in Nevada, Ms. Warren avoided launching a direct hit at Mr. Sanders even when asked directly whether a Sanders nomination would be a risk for the Democratic Party. The Massachusetts senator is aligned with Mr. Sanders on a number of key policies and competing with the Vermont senator for many of the same progressive voters.
Speaking to reporters in Denver, Ms. Warren instead continued her attacks on rival Mike Bloomberg, calling him the “riskiest candidate standing on that stage because of his history of hiding his taxes, his history of harassment of women, and his history of defending racist policies.”
Party leaders have been reluctant to appear to be putting their thumb on the scale, so as not to rile Mr. Sanders voters and further divide the party. It was not clear Sunday that there was any new strategy to try to knock Mr. Sanders off course or consolidate support behind a single moderate.
“We gotta hope that some of these candidates develop political skills quickly,” said James Carville, a Democratic strategist and one of the noisiest anti-Sanders voices in the party. "The risk in losing the election is deep and profound. We just gotta pray.”
Dan Pfeiffer, a former adviser to former President Barack Obama, said if no candidates drop out before Super Tuesday and the moderates continue to split the delegate, Mr. Sanders likely has a lock on the nomination.
“It’s just simple math,” Mr. Pfeiffer said, noting that he's not advocating that any candidates drop out to stop Mr. Sanders, and that he doesn’t ascribe to the belief among some Democrats that Mr. Sanders can’t win.
“Each of these campaigns have a legitimate rationale for staying in the race,” he said of Mr. Sanders’ opponents.
On Sunday, those Sanders opponents pledged to stay in the race through South Carolina, and several signaled they would stay in through Super Tuesday.
Ms. Klobuchar rallied supporters near the North Dakota-Minnesota border, speaking to voters in her home state, which votes on March 3, followed by North Dakota on March 10. Ms. Warren campaigned in Colorado, also a Super Tuesday state.
Mr. Biden was in South Carolina, the state his campaign hoped would revive his candidacy after poor showings in Iowa and New Hampshire and only modest improvement in Nevada. The former vice president resisted predicting victory in South Carolina and said he isn't banking on Mr. Clyburn's endorsement, a blessing that could help Mr. Biden shore up support with the black voters his campaign has long argued will be the springboard to a nomination. Mr. Clyburn said Sunday he had heard from Democrats disappointed in Mr. Biden’s debate performances.
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Democrats will debate on Tuesday in Charleston, South Carolina. Mr. Steyer said Sunday he has qualified for that debate, after missing the mark for the stage in Nevada.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Ms. Jaffe reported from Washington. AP writers Nicholas Riccardi in Denver, Will Weissert in Houston, and Bill Barrow in Charleston, S.C., contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-24--Beyond Weinstein conviction, how #MeToo changed America

For Claire Wofford , professor of political science at College of Charleston in South Carolina , the societal movement seen already calls for cautious optimism .
“ We should consider this not a time of celebration , but certainly a time for hope.
” Still , many scholars caution that even with concrete changes happening in workplaces and legislatures across American society , it remains to be seen how deep and how lasting they may be .
The two-year saga of Mr. Weinstein ’ s downfall has ushered in a new era of public accountability .
One of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gallo-Cruz , professor in the women ’ s studies program at College of the Holy Cross in Worcester , Massachusetts , calls a “ public restaging ” of women ’ s sexual harassment .
“ What has long been commonplace in the private , backstage experiences of women ’ s lives is now being negotiated on a public , front stage , ” she says .
The conviction of Harvey Weinstein on two counts of felony sex crimes on Monday marks a shift in the way U.S. society has responded to women ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
State Rep. Allison Nutting-Wong says she has witnessed a lot of progress in American society since the # MeToo movement sent a jolt through the decadeslong battle against sexual harassment .
A new mother , the New Hampshire Democrat recently succeeded in getting the House to pass a bill addressing online harassment – part of a wave of legislation passed in other states as well .
“ Only a few years ago , a similar idea had a lot of opposition , ” Representative Nutting-Wong says .
” This year when no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that says a lot about what has changed in the past few years.
” Yet even as she and many others witnessed two guilty verdicts in the trial of Harvey Weinstein on Monday , Representative Nutting-Wong was reminded just last week how subtle and pervasive a culture of workplace harassment can be .
On the very day the New Hampshire House voted to reprimand seven lawmakers for not completing mandatory anti-harassment training , she had an uncomfortable encounter with a group of older male colleagues at the State House .
“ I got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and there are already a handful of guys in there , ” she says .
“ And they ’ re just like , ‘ Oh , come in – we don ’ t bite.
’ ” But then another in the elevator guffawed , ‘ No , we just nibble , ’ “ Representative Nutting-Wong says , noting that she tweeted about the incident later that day .
She didn ’ t feel her colleagues were intentionally trying to make her feel uncomfortable , she says , nor did the crude comments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that would demand a formal complaint .
Still , she got off the elevator before she reached her floor , and the encounter reaffirmed to her , almost ironically , how important the mandatory training is , she says .
Just as with the conviction of Mr. Weinstein , who was found guilty of two felony sex crimes but acquitted of the most serious charges , many women and men across the country see a similar mix of progress in public accountability – as well as the same-olds of the status quo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Weinstein ’ s downfall has played out like a civic morality tale since his case became the first to rally women to the cause of # MeToo .
As a major Democratic donor and a producer whose films are still considered among the greatest of their eras , the Hollywood kingmaker came to embody the looming and intimidating presence often perceived as a defining marker of male power and the privileges it commands , experts say .
Mr. Weinstein ’ s conviction symbolizes a public recompense after the collective courage of women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Since the Harvey Weinstein case came on the scene , we have definitely seen changes in how our institutions and organizations respond to , and prepare for , issues of sexual harassment , ” says Terri Boyer , founding director of the Anne Welsh McNulty Institute for Women ’ s Leadership at Villanova University in Pennsylvania .
“ And while we have long had laws and policies on the books which prohibit harassment , you are finally seeing companies and institutions ’ willingness to follow through with them , and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instances.
” More women across the country , too , have felt empowered to raise formal complaints of sexual harassment in the workplace , according to the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission – which has seen overall complaints from other areas in the workplace decline , in fact .
“ This is happening not just in Hollywood , but in other media conglomerates , government and politics , education , and corporations , ” Ms. Boyer says about the growing number of women continuing to speak out .
“ As a social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are actually seeing the beginnings of cultural change.
” One of the most significant of these changes is what Selina Gallo-Cruz , professor in the women ’ s studies program at College of the Holy Cross in Worcester , Massachusetts , calls a “ public restaging ” of women ’ s sexual harassment .
“ What has long been commonplace in the private , backstage experiences of women ’ s lives is now being negotiated on a public , front stage , ” she says .
“ I try to impress upon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a young woman when it was common to witness and experience sexual harassment , ” Professor Gallo-Cruz says .
“ But just as it was ‘ normal , ’ it also existed in a private sphere.
” “ What was taboo was not the harassment itself but speaking out about it in public , ” she continues .
“ Now the times are changing this dynamic – we are in the midst of a paradigm shift.
” Indeed , this shift has been reflected in some of the laws state legislatures have passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ willing to make their experiences public , observers say .
“ If you look at the case law and the attitudes before # MeToo , everyone thought that secrecy was fine , ” says Elizabeth Tippett , professor at the University of Oregon School of Law in Eugene .
“ If there was a complaint about harassment , for instance , and an employer asked you to keep it secret once it was settled , it was considered reasonable , viewed as part of the transaction.
” “ There was not much thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might be or how that might affect other people who are in the same position , ” she says , noting how some states have moved to limit certain kinds of nondisclosure agreements .
Still , many scholars caution that even with such concrete changes happening across American society , it remains to be seen how deep and how lasting they may be .
After all , from business and industry to culture , media , and politics , the country ’ s halls of power remain overwhelmingly male .
“ The primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t been the lack of laws prohibiting that type of behavior .
It ’ s been about how those laws have been interpreted , applied , and , all too often , ignored , ” says Claire Wofford , professor of political science at College of Charleston in South Carolina .
“ Laws never operate in a cultural vacuum , and their potency is directly shaped by the underlying values of the society.
” Representative Nutting-Wong in New Hampshire notes how the responses to her tweet last week have ranged .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unable to handle the rough-and-tumble competitive world of politics , while others have castigated her decision not to lodge a formal complaint against her colleagues .
Those disparate reactions underscore a classic Catch-22 that many women often feel in uncomfortable workplace situations .
“ To me , the real benefit of the # MeToo movement and the public reckoning over men like Harvey Weinstein and Matt Lauer is that the larger culture is starting to recognize just how embedded sexism and sexual violence are in our society , and how the power structure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women – and some men , ” says Professor Wofford .
“ It is when you get that larger kind of cultural shift in values that laws that prohibit certain types of behavior can actually begin to operate , ” she continues .
“ We should consider this not a time of celebration , but certainly a time for hope .
”

For Claire Wofford, professor of political science at College of Charleston in South Carolina, the societal movement seen already calls for cautious optimism. “We should consider this not a time of celebration, but certainly a time for hope.”
Still, many scholars caution that even with concrete changes happening in workplaces and legislatures across American society, it remains to be seen how deep and how lasting they may be.
A very public reckoning today for Harvey Weinstein will likely ripple through private lives as well, as it prompts new discourse about how existing laws on sexual harassment and assault – often ignored – are interpreted and applied.
The two-year saga of Mr. Weinstein’s downfall has ushered in a new era of public accountability. One of the most significant of these changes is what Selina Gallo-Cruz, professor in the women’s studies program at College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Massachusetts, calls a “public restaging” of women’s sexual harassment. “What has long been commonplace in the private, backstage experiences of women’s lives is now being negotiated on a public, front stage,” she says.
The conviction of Harvey Weinstein on two counts of felony sex crimes on Monday marks a shift in the way U.S. society has responded to women’s stories of harassment and sexual assault.
State Rep. Allison Nutting-Wong says she has witnessed a lot of progress in American society since the #MeToo movement sent a jolt through the decadeslong battle against sexual harassment.
A new mother, the New Hampshire Democrat recently succeeded in getting the House to pass a bill addressing online harassment – part of a wave of legislation passed in other states as well. “Only a few years ago, a similar idea had a lot of opposition,” Representative Nutting-Wong says. “This year when no one noticed, it went through – that says a lot about what has changed in the past few years.”
Yet even as she and many others witnessed two guilty verdicts in the trial of Harvey Weinstein on Monday, Representative Nutting-Wong was reminded just last week how subtle and pervasive a culture of workplace harassment can be.
Why We Wrote This A very public reckoning today for Harvey Weinstein will likely ripple through private lives as well, as it prompts new discourse about how existing laws on sexual harassment and assault – often ignored – are interpreted and applied.
On the very day the New Hampshire House voted to reprimand seven lawmakers for not completing mandatory anti-harassment training, she had an uncomfortable encounter with a group of older male colleagues at the State House.
“I got on the elevator at the first floor, and there are already a handful of guys in there,” she says. “And they’re just like, ‘Oh, come in – we don’t bite.’” But then another in the elevator guffawed, ‘No, we just nibble,’“ Representative Nutting-Wong says, noting that she tweeted about the incident later that day.
She didn’t feel her colleagues were intentionally trying to make her feel uncomfortable, she says, nor did the crude comments reach a level, in her view, that would demand a formal complaint. Still, she got off the elevator before she reached her floor, and the encounter reaffirmed to her, almost ironically, how important the mandatory training is, she says.
Just as with the conviction of Mr. Weinstein, who was found guilty of two felony sex crimes but acquitted of the most serious charges, many women and men across the country see a similar mix of progress in public accountability – as well as the same-olds of the status quo.
Indeed, the two-year saga of Mr. Weinstein’s downfall has played out like a civic morality tale since his case became the first to rally women to the cause of #MeToo. As a major Democratic donor and a producer whose films are still considered among the greatest of their eras, the Hollywood kingmaker came to embody the looming and intimidating presence often perceived as a defining marker of male power and the privileges it commands, experts say.
Mr. Weinstein’s conviction symbolizes a public recompense after the collective courage of women broke through the silence of the commonplace.
“Since the Harvey Weinstein case came on the scene, we have definitely seen changes in how our institutions and organizations respond to, and prepare for, issues of sexual harassment,” says Terri Boyer, founding director of the Anne Welsh McNulty Institute for Women’s Leadership at Villanova University in Pennsylvania. “And while we have long had laws and policies on the books which prohibit harassment, you are finally seeing companies and institutions’ willingness to follow through with them, and even take on their own leadership in some instances.”
A taboo broken
More women across the country, too, have felt empowered to raise formal complaints of sexual harassment in the workplace, according to the United States Equal Employment Opportunity Commission – which has seen overall complaints from other areas in the workplace decline, in fact.
“This is happening not just in Hollywood, but in other media conglomerates, government and politics, education, and corporations,” Ms. Boyer says about the growing number of women continuing to speak out. “As a social scientist, this indicates to me that we are actually seeing the beginnings of cultural change.”
One of the most significant of these changes is what Selina Gallo-Cruz, professor in the women’s studies program at College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Massachusetts, calls a “public restaging” of women’s sexual harassment. “What has long been commonplace in the private, backstage experiences of women’s lives is now being negotiated on a public, front stage,” she says.
“I try to impress upon my students what life was like as a young woman when it was common to witness and experience sexual harassment,” Professor Gallo-Cruz says. “But just as it was ‘normal,’ it also existed in a private sphere.”
“What was taboo was not the harassment itself but speaking out about it in public,” she continues. “Now the times are changing this dynamic – we are in the midst of a paradigm shift.”
Indeed, this shift has been reflected in some of the laws state legislatures have passed in response to the number of women willing to make their experiences public, observers say.
“If you look at the case law and the attitudes before #MeToo, everyone thought that secrecy was fine,” says Elizabeth Tippett, professor at the University of Oregon School of Law in Eugene. “If there was a complaint about harassment, for instance, and an employer asked you to keep it secret once it was settled, it was considered reasonable, viewed as part of the transaction.”
“There was not much thought about what the public cost of secrecy might be or how that might affect other people who are in the same position,” she says, noting how some states have moved to limit certain kinds of nondisclosure agreements.
“A time for hope”
Still, many scholars caution that even with such concrete changes happening across American society, it remains to be seen how deep and how lasting they may be. After all, from business and industry to culture, media, and politics, the country’s halls of power remain overwhelmingly male.
“The primary problem with sexual assault and harassment hasn’t been the lack of laws prohibiting that type of behavior. It’s been about how those laws have been interpreted, applied, and, all too often, ignored,” says Claire Wofford, professor of political science at College of Charleston in South Carolina. “Laws never operate in a cultural vacuum, and their potency is directly shaped by the underlying values of the society.”
Representative Nutting-Wong in New Hampshire notes how the responses to her tweet last week have ranged. Some criticized her as a “snowflake” unable to handle the rough-and-tumble competitive world of politics, while others have castigated her decision not to lodge a formal complaint against her colleagues. Those disparate reactions underscore a classic Catch-22 that many women often feel in uncomfortable workplace situations.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“To me, the real benefit of the #MeToo movement and the public reckoning over men like Harvey Weinstein and Matt Lauer is that the larger culture is starting to recognize just how embedded sexism and sexual violence are in our society, and how the power structure has operated to protect men and damage women – and some men,” says Professor Wofford.
“It is when you get that larger kind of cultural shift in values that laws that prohibit certain types of behavior can actually begin to operate,” she continues. “We should consider this not a time of celebration, but certainly a time for hope.”


csmonitor--2020-02-24--Behind Bernie Sanders, a passionate grassroots army – with a sting

A fraction of Sanders supporters have drawn criticism for how they wage this battle – wielding profanity and menacing threats across the increasingly coarse Twitterverse , where Senator Sanders has more followers than his four top rivals combined .
“ There ’ s a lot of slander of Bernie supporters by people who seem outraged by our passion , ” tweeted one supporter advocating “ Medicare for All ” after losing her mother and watching her dad fall into financial ruin .
“ Do they ever stop to ask ‘ Why are these people so energized ?
’ ” Yes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ college , free health care , and forgiving student debt .
But it ’ s not just about what he can do for them ; he ’ s encouraged them to get involved in democracy themselves – as a powerful antidote for those feeling demoralized .
“ I feel like he ’ s showing us how to fight for ourselves , ” says Marie Duggan , an economics professor at Keene State College in New Hampshire .
What makes Bernie Sanders ’ supporters so passionate ?
They form a grassroots army unmatched by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ propelled the iconoclastic Vermont senator ’ s improbable rise to the front of the 2020 Democratic field , with a double-digit win in Nevada .
The supporters who have propelled Bernie Sanders to the front of the Democratic field range from septuagenarian social justice warriors to millennials saddled with student debt .
But they share this : The iconoclastic senator from Vermont has awakened in them a sense of empowerment , at a time when liberals have been feeling particularly demoralized .
Many put it in Kennedyesque terms , saying it isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for them – it ’ s about what they can do for their democracy .
“ He ’ s asking us to create a popular movement that will be strong enough to change the system and make it works for us , ” says Marie Duggan , an economics professor at Keene State College in New Hampshire .
“ I feel like he ’ s showing us how to fight for ourselves.
” In his most resounding show of force yet , Mr. Sanders won the Nevada caucuses over the weekend by more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his closest rival , former Vice President Joe Biden .
That win was powered by a grassroots army of passionate fans who host “ Bern Baby Bern ” disco parties and bake cookies featuring the senator ’ s unruly white hair in frosting .
Despite many having very limited budgets , they respond , over and over , to the Sanders campaign ’ s relentless requests to donate , collectively giving him nearly $ 75 million in small donations – by far the most of any Democratic campaign .
And they enthusiastically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where Mr. Sanders commands a Twitter following of 10.6 million – more than that of his four top rivals combined .
The disproportionately young and digitally savvy cadre of supporters has been instrumental to the improbable rise of a democratic socialist , whose digital game dwarfs that of his Democratic rivals and has inspired many to get involved in politics for the first time .
At the same time , there ’ s a darker side to some of this enthusiasm .
Some Sanders devotees have sparked concern within the Democratic tent for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opponents , raising questions about the extent to which Mr. Sanders should be held accountable for all his supporters ’ behavior .
While the senator has repeatedly condemned any harassment or violence in his name , his campaign – like the Trump campaign in 2016 – faces a particular challenge as it ’ s bringing in people who feel disenfranchised and tend to distrust the system , says Brian Levin , director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State University , San Bernardino .
“ His campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who would not otherwise be involved in politics , ” says Professor Levin .
And although that ’ s clearly a positive thing , some of his supporters also tend to operate from an anti-institutional framework – and may be willing to go to extreme lengths to achieve their goals .
“ We have to beware of the ‘ any means necessary ’ people , ” he says .
“ I ’ m one of the Bros ” Shelby Parham , a young Latina administrative assistant in Chicago , writes in her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ m one of the Bros. ” That ’ s a reference to a pejorative term coined during the 2016 campaign for Mr. Sanders ’ passionate and at times combative online army .
Ms. Parham sees the term in a different light .
“ The media tries to paint Bernie supporters as the left-wing Trump supporters – as being aggressive , mean Twitter hacks who just can ’ t leave people alone or respect other people ’ s decisions , ” says Ms. Parham .
“ But ... to me , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be the ones to go knocking on doors .
We ’ re the ones who have been with him and will stay with him.
” Before work , after work , and whenever she has a break at work , she pulls out her phone to tweet or retweet pro-Bernie material .
Sometimes when she really “ indulges , ” she says , laughing , she will retweet as often as 30 times an hour .
Other Sanders supporters wield four-letter words far more frequently against his critics , sometimes with threatening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Brooklyn with nearly 60,000 Twitter followers , created a firestorm when he tweeted on Feb. 13 : “ Libs who are flirting with Bloomberg now should be aware that they are going on lists .
Next time they pretend to care about racism or sexual harassment or really anything other than money and power , we will remember what they were doing right now and we will remind everyone.
” After the Culinary Workers Union of Nevada warned its 60,000 members in a flyer that they could lose their hard-won health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ All ” policy , self-proclaimed Bernie supporters unleashed a barrage of attacks against two union leaders , both minority women .
“ This is your chance to fix your mistake before the millions and millions of Bernie Sanders supporters will find you and end your ability to earn a living , ” said one email obtained by the Nevada Independent , calling the women “ corrupt [ expletive ] s ” and “ fascist imbeciles.
” When questioned by Pete Buttigieg at last week ’ s Las Vegas debate over the issue , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10.6 million Twitter followers , “ 99.9 % of them are decent human beings , are working people , are people who believe in justice , compassion , and love .
And if there are a few people who make ugly remarks , who attack trade union leaders , I disown those people .
They are not part of our movement.
” In the hours after the debate , a Monitor analysis of responses to pinned tweets from Mr. Buttigieg and Michael Bloomberg found that the vast majority of negative responses came from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that perhaps Russian trolls were to blame .
Two days later , The Washington Post reported that U.S. officials told Mr. Sanders that Russia was seeking to boost his campaign .
But even if Russian actors are seeking to exploit divides within the Democratic electorate , in keeping with their aim of sowing discord in American democracy , at least some of the most prominent antagonists are high-profile Sanders surrogates and verified Twitter users who are very much American .
And , to a certain extent , that ’ s not surprising given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most progressive flank of the party – or even outside the party ’ s traditional bounds .
“ What you end up getting when you ’ re sampling from the fringes is you end up with the people who are more interested in radical change , ” says University of Maryland sociologist Dana R. Fisher , whose recent book “ American Resistance ” looks at how left-leaning activism has grown since Donald Trump took office .
But , she adds , “ I don ’ t think [ Mr. Sanders ] is cultivating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they , too , have been subjected to vicious attacks , and deny the premise that their camp disproportionately displays offensive online behavior .
Many describe the “ Bernie Bro ” narrative as deliberately seeded by their detractors – first by the Clinton campaign in the 2016 cycle , and now others within the Democratic Party .
“ We recognize that our opponents in the establishment would like to perpetuate a false myth to discount the breadth and diversity of our supporters – and we categorically reject it , ” says Sarah Ford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign .
“ As the senator has said loudly and clearly , there is no room in the political revolution for abuse and harassment online , and we must live our values of love and compassion.
” Sanders rallies are the political version of a rock concert , only the star has shaggy white hair and glasses .
The senator did make an album once , in 1987 , but when singing “ Where Have All the Flowers Gone , ” he sounded pretty much the same way he does when shouting his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mic with his left hand and waving his right .
Somehow , in an era when older white males are not cool , he always brings down the house .
Before mothers holding babies in slings across their chests , and students waving his face on sticks , before upscale women in fancy coats and scruffy men in ripped jeans , he barks out his call for free health care , free college , and equal pay for women .
People whoop and pound the floor with their feet in rapid succession @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out into the silent streets of small towns across America .
Sanders supporters aren ’ t “ angry just for being angry , ” says David Robin , co-founder of New York City for Bernie Sanders 2020 , and a digital strategist who does social media work for a number of progressive politicians and causes .
“ They ’ ve been screwed over by the system.
” Mr. Robin , who grew up in a lower-middle-class family and was assured by his high school counselor that there was no need to worry about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d pay them back once he started working , graduated in 2009 at the height of the financial crisis with $ 40,000 in debt .
The job market was tight , so he went back to school in hopes that getting an extra degree and giving the economy a couple years to bounce back would make it easier to find work .
He came away with a master ’ s degree in sociology and $ 137,000 in debt – driving him to join the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011 , his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says he ’ s paid income-adjusted installments on his loans consistently , but isn ’ t even keeping up with interest .
He now owes $ 175,000 .
“ I ’ m just throwing money at this and it ’ s just getting worse and worse , ” he says , citing a Brookings Institution report that estimated student loan default rates could reach 40 % by 2023 .
“ It definitely radicalized me.
” He shared his experience via # MyBernieStory , a collection of short videos and tweets in which supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – someone who they say actually understands and cares about their struggles .
“ There ’ s a lot of slander of Bernie supporters by people who seem outraged by our passion , ” writes Lizzy Vivino in another # MyBernieStory thread .
“ Do they ever stop to ask ‘ Why are these people so energized ?
’ ”

Senator Sanders’ grassroots army has made him the Democratic front-runner. But the party faces a conundrum over his most ardent foot soldiers, whom the senator so far has failed to rein in.
A fraction of Sanders supporters have drawn criticism for how they wage this battle – wielding profanity and menacing threats across the increasingly coarse Twitterverse, where Senator Sanders has more followers than his four top rivals combined. “There’s a lot of slander of Bernie supporters by people who seem outraged by our passion,” tweeted one supporter advocating “Medicare for All” after losing her mother and watching her dad fall into financial ruin. “Do they ever stop to ask ‘Why are these people so energized?’”
Yes, they like the idea of free college, free health care, and forgiving student debt. But it’s not just about what he can do for them; he’s encouraged them to get involved in democracy themselves – as a powerful antidote for those feeling demoralized. “I feel like he’s showing us how to fight for ourselves,” says Marie Duggan, an economics professor at Keene State College in New Hampshire.
What makes Bernie Sanders’ supporters so passionate? They form a grassroots army unmatched by any other Democratic campaign, and have propelled the iconoclastic Vermont senator’s improbable rise to the front of the 2020 Democratic field, with a double-digit win in Nevada.
The supporters who have propelled Bernie Sanders to the front of the Democratic field range from septuagenarian social justice warriors to millennials saddled with student debt. But they share this: The iconoclastic senator from Vermont has awakened in them a sense of empowerment, at a time when liberals have been feeling particularly demoralized. Many put it in Kennedyesque terms, saying it isn’t just about what he can do for them – it’s about what they can do for their democracy.
“He’s asking us to create a popular movement that will be strong enough to change the system and make it works for us,” says Marie Duggan, an economics professor at Keene State College in New Hampshire. “I feel like he’s showing us how to fight for ourselves.”
In his most resounding show of force yet, Mr. Sanders won the Nevada caucuses over the weekend by more than 25 points, finishing far ahead of his closest rival, former Vice President Joe Biden.
Why We Wrote This Senator Sanders’ grassroots army has made him the Democratic front-runner. But the party faces a conundrum over his most ardent foot soldiers, whom the senator so far has failed to rein in.
That win was powered by a grassroots army of passionate fans who host “Bern Baby Bern” disco parties and bake cookies featuring the senator’s unruly white hair in frosting. Despite many having very limited budgets, they respond, over and over, to the Sanders campaign’s relentless requests to donate, collectively giving him nearly $75 million in small donations – by far the most of any Democratic campaign.
And they enthusiastically advance his cause on social media, where Mr. Sanders commands a Twitter following of 10.6 million – more than that of his four top rivals combined. The disproportionately young and digitally savvy cadre of supporters has been instrumental to the improbable rise of a democratic socialist, whose digital game dwarfs that of his Democratic rivals and has inspired many to get involved in politics for the first time.
At the same time, there’s a darker side to some of this enthusiasm. Some Sanders devotees have sparked concern within the Democratic tent for vitriolic and even menacing rhetoric toward political opponents, raising questions about the extent to which Mr. Sanders should be held accountable for all his supporters’ behavior.
While the senator has repeatedly condemned any harassment or violence in his name, his campaign – like the Trump campaign in 2016 – faces a particular challenge as it’s bringing in people who feel disenfranchised and tend to distrust the system, says Brian Levin, director of the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at California State University, San Bernardino.
“His campaign is in a unique position to inspire people who would not otherwise be involved in politics,” says Professor Levin. And although that’s clearly a positive thing, some of his supporters also tend to operate from an anti-institutional framework – and may be willing to go to extreme lengths to achieve their goals. “We have to beware of the ‘any means necessary’ people,” he says.
Mike Segar/Reuters View caption Hide caption Supporters cheer Sen. Bernie Sanders in El Paso, Texas, on Feb. 22, 2020.
“I’m one of the Bros”
Shelby Parham, a young Latina administrative assistant in Chicago, writes in her Twitter bio: “I like Bernie… I’m one of the Bros.”
That’s a reference to a pejorative term coined during the 2016 campaign for Mr. Sanders’ passionate and at times combative online army. Ms. Parham sees the term in a different light.
“The media tries to paint Bernie supporters as the left-wing Trump supporters – as being aggressive, mean Twitter hacks who just can’t leave people alone or respect other people’s decisions,” says Ms. Parham. “But ... to me, a Bernie Bro is a die-hard supporter that will be the ones to go knocking on doors. We’re the ones who have been with him and will stay with him.”
Before work, after work, and whenever she has a break at work, she pulls out her phone to tweet or retweet pro-Bernie material. Sometimes when she really “indulges,” she says, laughing, she will retweet as often as 30 times an hour.
Other Sanders supporters wield four-letter words far more frequently against his critics, sometimes with threatening undertones.
David Klion, a journalist in Brooklyn with nearly 60,000 Twitter followers, created a firestorm when he tweeted on Feb. 13: “Libs who are flirting with Bloomberg now should be aware that they are going on lists. Next time they pretend to care about racism or sexual harassment or really anything other than money and power, we will remember what they were doing right now and we will remind everyone.”
After the Culinary Workers Union of Nevada warned its 60,000 members in a flyer that they could lose their hard-won health care insurance under Sanders’ “Medicare for All” policy, self-proclaimed Bernie supporters unleashed a barrage of attacks against two union leaders, both minority women.
“This is your chance to fix your mistake before the millions and millions of Bernie Sanders supporters will find you and end your ability to earn a living,” said one email obtained by the Nevada Independent, calling the women “corrupt [expletive]s” and “fascist imbeciles.”
When questioned by Pete Buttigieg at last week’s Las Vegas debate over the issue, Mr. Sanders said that out of his 10.6 million Twitter followers, “99.9% of them are decent human beings, are working people, are people who believe in justice, compassion, and love. And if there are a few people who make ugly remarks, who attack trade union leaders, I disown those people. They are not part of our movement.”
In the hours after the debate, a Monitor analysis of responses to pinned tweets from Mr. Buttigieg and Michael Bloomberg found that the vast majority of negative responses came from pro-Sanders accounts.
Mr. Sanders also intimated that perhaps Russian trolls were to blame. Two days later, The Washington Post reported that U.S. officials told Mr. Sanders that Russia was seeking to boost his campaign. But even if Russian actors are seeking to exploit divides within the Democratic electorate, in keeping with their aim of sowing discord in American democracy, at least some of the most prominent antagonists are high-profile Sanders surrogates and verified Twitter users who are very much American.
And, to a certain extent, that’s not surprising given that Mr. Sanders is drawing from the most progressive flank of the party – or even outside the party’s traditional bounds.
“What you end up getting when you’re sampling from the fringes is you end up with the people who are more interested in radical change,” says University of Maryland sociologist Dana R. Fisher, whose recent book “American Resistance” looks at how left-leaning activism has grown since Donald Trump took office. But, she adds, “I don’t think [Mr. Sanders] is cultivating it at all.”
Sanders supporters say they, too, have been subjected to vicious attacks, and deny the premise that their camp disproportionately displays offensive online behavior. Many describe the “Bernie Bro” narrative as deliberately seeded by their detractors – first by the Clinton campaign in the 2016 cycle, and now others within the Democratic Party.
“We recognize that our opponents in the establishment would like to perpetuate a false myth to discount the breadth and diversity of our supporters – and we categorically reject it,” says Sarah Ford, deputy communications director for the Sanders campaign. “As the senator has said loudly and clearly, there is no room in the political revolution for abuse and harassment online, and we must live our values of love and compassion.”
“It definitely radicalized me”
Sanders rallies are the political version of a rock concert, only the star has shaggy white hair and glasses. The senator did make an album once, in 1987, but when singing “Where Have All the Flowers Gone,” he sounded pretty much the same way he does when shouting his political demands – hunched over, gripping the mic with his left hand and waving his right.
Somehow, in an era when older white males are not cool, he always brings down the house. Before mothers holding babies in slings across their chests, and students waving his face on sticks, before upscale women in fancy coats and scruffy men in ripped jeans, he barks out his call for free health care, free college, and equal pay for women. People whoop and pound the floor with their feet in rapid succession, until the din of democracy spills out into the silent streets of small towns across America.
Sanders supporters aren’t “angry just for being angry,” says David Robin, co-founder of New York City for Bernie Sanders 2020, and a digital strategist who does social media work for a number of progressive politicians and causes. “They’ve been screwed over by the system.”
Mr. Robin, who grew up in a lower-middle-class family and was assured by his high school counselor that there was no need to worry about taking out loans for college because he’d pay them back once he started working, graduated in 2009 at the height of the financial crisis with $40,000 in debt. The job market was tight, so he went back to school in hopes that getting an extra degree and giving the economy a couple years to bounce back would make it easier to find work.
He came away with a master’s degree in sociology and $137,000 in debt – driving him to join the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011, his first foray into political activism. He says he’s paid income-adjusted installments on his loans consistently, but isn’t even keeping up with interest. He now owes $175,000.
“I’m just throwing money at this and it’s just getting worse and worse,” he says, citing a Brookings Institution report that estimated student loan default rates could reach 40% by 2023. “It definitely radicalized me.”
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He shared his experience via #MyBernieStory, a collection of short videos and tweets in which supporters explain what drew them to Mr. Sanders – someone who they say actually understands and cares about their struggles.
“There’s a lot of slander of Bernie supporters by people who seem outraged by our passion,” writes Lizzy Vivino in another #MyBernieStory thread. “Do they ever stop to ask ‘Why are these people so energized?’”


csmonitor--2020-02-24--Majority of Americans want Equal Rights Amendment to become law

LaVonne Hirashima had two children by the time she was 20 and no time to get a college degree .
Instead , the single parent doubled down at work and built a stable career in information technology , and now works for a government contractor .
Still , Ms. Hirashima said she lost out on promotions and pay raises because she 's not part of the boys club in the male-dominated IT world .
Those experiences shape her deep support for the Equal Rights Amendment , the change to the U.S. Constitution proposed five decades ago to ban discrimination on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can express an idea or make suggestions , but it 's still not taken [ seriously ] , '' said Ms. Hirashima , of Albuquerque , New Mexico , who is now married with three sons .
`` As more women come into management I think it will change , but it 's hard .
It 's hard to change that culture . ''
A new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research shows that roughly 3 in 4 Americans support the gender equality amendment , which is now back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the measure in January .
But nearly the same amount , 72 % , incorrectly believe the Constitution now guarantees men and women equal rights under the law .
`` Wow , that 's amazing , '' said Demetria Fraley , a 33-year-old mother of six in Raleigh , North Carolina , when told there is no such explicit constitutional guarantee .
`` I never knew that .
...
I 'm thinking , things are changing , but apparently they 're not . ''
The ERA , which would stipulate that equal rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the basis of gender , is back in the headlines because Virginia became the 38th state to ratify it – satisfying the requirement that three-quarters of states approve it following Congress ' passage of the measure in 1972 .
However , legal hurdles could yet keep the ERA from becoming the 28th amendment .
Congress initially required the states ratify it by 1977 , a deadline they later extended to 1982 .
Some women 's groups argue that deadline should not be seen as binding , and while the Democrat-controlled House will likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate may balk .
Another legal obstacle : a move by five states in the 1970s to rescind their initial ratification of the amendment .
The ERA also faces bitter opposition from conservative activists who see it as endangering their stances on abortion and transgender rights .
However , while the poll did find a significant partisan gap in views of the ERA 's adoption , majorities across party lines are in support .
Nearly 9 in 10 Democrats , compared with about 6 in 10 Republicans , say they are in favor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very involved with the ERA campaign when it first started out .
`` I still have my bracelet , one of those metal bracelets that says 'ERA , ' '' said Ms. Wiener , of Brooklyn , New York , who pursued a science career after graduating from college 50 years ago , working in hospital laboratories , and chose not to have a family .
She believes women face less discrimination now than they did then , a view shared by about 7 in 10 Americans , according to the poll .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who think things are the same and roughly 1 in 10 who feel women face more discrimination today .
Still , Ms. Wiener hopes the ERA is finally adopted .
`` Sometimes , when things are really written in stone , it makes people think a little bit harder about doing certain things .
It gives it more teeth , '' she said .
The poll shows nearly half of Americans , 46 % , share Ms. Hirashima 's view that women have a tougher time getting high-paying jobs .
Among those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Missouri , who called the ERA `` an outdated amendment . ''
The 56-year-old retired postal service employee believes the women in his family – including his wife , a daughter in banking , and his sister , and niece – have earned the same as men in their fields .
`` I think society has moved on from when it was introduced in the 1970s , '' said Mr. Havens , a Republican .
About half of Americans think ratifying the ERA would have a positive impact on the country , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would n't make much of a difference and about 1 in 10 say it would be harmful .
Nearly two-thirds think its impact on women would be positive ; about 2 in 10 feel it would negatively affect men .
Even if added to the Constitution , the ERA would not on its own bar workplace discrimination .
Still , the poll found that women are more likely than men to think the impact on the country – and on them personally – will be positive .
`` We 'd feel more equal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrat , who said she has experienced employment discrimination in the construction field .
`` Some men just think that women ca n't do what [ we know ] they can do .
So if a woman goes and does their job , it 's like you 're messing with their ego . ''
In terms of careers in politics , nearly 4 in 10 said they think women have fewer opportunities than men , while about as many say it 's a level playing field .
About a quarter think women today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think if a lot of women and minority women got out there and voted , we could have a woman president .
Who would have thought Barack Obama would be elected president ? ''
said Kathleen Wolfe , of York , Pennsylvania , whose work for the Mattel Co. included interviewing consumers about the company 's iconic Barbie dolls , the subject of frequent feminist attacks – and some praise – over the years .
Ms. Hirashima , a moderate Democrat , thought that for sure Hillary Clinton would win the 2016 presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ TV say he would never vote for a woman – and sensed the race was over .
`` Other countries have a female leader and are successful , '' she said .
`` I do n't see why we ca n't be that forward thinking , but I do n't think our country as a whole is ready for that . ''
The AP-NORC poll of 1,353 adults was conducted Jan. 16-21 using a sample drawn from NORC 's probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel , which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all respondents is plus or minus 3.6 percentage points .
Respondents were first selected randomly using address-based sampling methods and later were interviewed online or by phone .
You can access the poll online at http : //www.apnorc.org/ This story was reported by The Associated Press .

LaVonne Hirashima had two children by the time she was 20 and no time to get a college degree. Instead, the single parent doubled down at work and built a stable career in information technology, and now works for a government contractor.
Still, Ms. Hirashima said she lost out on promotions and pay raises because she's not part of the boys club in the male-dominated IT world. Those experiences shape her deep support for the Equal Rights Amendment, the change to the U.S. Constitution proposed five decades ago to ban discrimination on the basis of sex.
"I can express an idea or make suggestions, but it's still not taken [seriously]," said Ms. Hirashima, of Albuquerque, New Mexico, who is now married with three sons. "As more women come into management I think it will change, but it's hard. It's hard to change that culture."
A new poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research shows that roughly 3 in 4 Americans support the gender equality amendment, which is now back before Congress following Virginia's ratification of the measure in January. But nearly the same amount, 72%, incorrectly believe the Constitution now guarantees men and women equal rights under the law.
"Wow, that's amazing," said Demetria Fraley, a 33-year-old mother of six in Raleigh, North Carolina, when told there is no such explicit constitutional guarantee. "I never knew that. ... I'm thinking, things are changing, but apparently they're not."
The ERA, which would stipulate that equal rights cannot be denied or curtailed on the basis of gender, is back in the headlines because Virginia became the 38th state to ratify it – satisfying the requirement that three-quarters of states approve it following Congress' passage of the measure in 1972.
However, legal hurdles could yet keep the ERA from becoming the 28th amendment. Congress initially required the states ratify it by 1977, a deadline they later extended to 1982. Some women's groups argue that deadline should not be seen as binding, and while the Democrat-controlled House will likely extend the deadline again, the Republican-controlled Senate may balk. Another legal obstacle: a move by five states in the 1970s to rescind their initial ratification of the amendment.
The ERA also faces bitter opposition from conservative activists who see it as endangering their stances on abortion and transgender rights. However, while the poll did find a significant partisan gap in views of the ERA's adoption, majorities across party lines are in support. Nearly 9 in 10 Democrats, compared with about 6 in 10 Republicans, say they are in favor.
Frances Wiener, said she was very involved with the ERA campaign when it first started out. "I still have my bracelet, one of those metal bracelets that says 'ERA,'" said Ms. Wiener, of Brooklyn, New York, who pursued a science career after graduating from college 50 years ago, working in hospital laboratories, and chose not to have a family.
She believes women face less discrimination now than they did then, a view shared by about 7 in 10 Americans, according to the poll. That compares with about 2 in 10 who think things are the same and roughly 1 in 10 who feel women face more discrimination today.
Still, Ms. Wiener hopes the ERA is finally adopted.
"Sometimes, when things are really written in stone, it makes people think a little bit harder about doing certain things. It gives it more teeth," she said.
The poll shows nearly half of Americans, 46%, share Ms. Hirashima's view that women have a tougher time getting high-paying jobs. Among those who disagree is Gerald Havens, of Springfield, Missouri, who called the ERA "an outdated amendment." The 56-year-old retired postal service employee believes the women in his family – including his wife, a daughter in banking, and his sister, and niece – have earned the same as men in their fields.
"I think society has moved on from when it was introduced in the 1970s," said Mr. Havens, a Republican.
About half of Americans think ratifying the ERA would have a positive impact on the country, though about 4 in 10 feel it wouldn't make much of a difference and about 1 in 10 say it would be harmful. Nearly two-thirds think its impact on women would be positive; about 2 in 10 feel it would negatively affect men.
Even if added to the Constitution, the ERA would not on its own bar workplace discrimination. Still, the poll found that women are more likely than men to think the impact on the country – and on them personally – will be positive.
"We'd feel more equal," said Ms. Fraley, a Democrat, who said she has experienced employment discrimination in the construction field. "Some men just think that women can't do what [we know] they can do. So if a woman goes and does their job, it's like you're messing with their ego."
In terms of careers in politics, nearly 4 in 10 said they think women have fewer opportunities than men, while about as many say it's a level playing field. About a quarter think women today have more political opportunities.
"I think if a lot of women and minority women got out there and voted, we could have a woman president. Who would have thought Barack Obama would be elected president?" said Kathleen Wolfe, of York, Pennsylvania, whose work for the Mattel Co. included interviewing consumers about the company's iconic Barbie dolls, the subject of frequent feminist attacks – and some praise – over the years.
Ms. Hirashima, a moderate Democrat, thought that for sure Hillary Clinton would win the 2016 presidential election. Then she heard someone on TV say he would never vote for a woman – and sensed the race was over.
"Other countries have a female leader and are successful," she said. "I don't see why we can't be that forward thinking, but I don't think our country as a whole is ready for that."
The AP-NORC poll of 1,353 adults was conducted Jan. 16-21 using a sample drawn from NORC's probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 3.6 percentage points. Respondents were first selected randomly using address-based sampling methods and later were interviewed online or by phone.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
You can access the poll online at http://www.apnorc.org/
This story was reported by The Associated Press.