csmonitor--2020-11-10--‘The Good American’: One man struggled to make the world right

George Packer , in his 2019 biography “ Our Man : Richard Holbrooke and the End of the American Century , ” characterized Holbrooke as an avatar of America itself – an embodiment of the country ’ s arrogance , hubris , heroism , and fatally flawed morality in the latter half of the 20th century .
It was a challenging gambit , and journalist Robert D. Kaplan uses one similar to it in his latest book “ The Good American : The Epic Life of Bob Gersony , the U.S. Government 's Greatest Humanitarian.
” It ’ s an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who worked as a U.S. foreign policy consultant during the “ golden age ” of American diplomacy .
The book is “ the story of a man who epitomized the American Century more than anyone I know or was ever aware of , ” Kaplan writes in the prologue .
“ His story is that of the Cold War and the Post Cold War , of America ’ s vast moral responsibilities in this world and its total immersion in it , which grew out of both America ’ s geopolitical necessities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of humanity.
” Kaplan dispenses with the contrast between Gersony and people like Holbrooke immediately , drawing a sharp distinction between a vain headline-grabber like Holbrooke and the far quieter and less well known Gersony .
“ They made legends out of other people ; not out of [ Gersony ] , ” he comments .
Instead , he compares Gersony to “ an emotionally tortured character straight out of a Saul Bellow novel.
” Gersony was born in 1945 in New York ; his parents were “ modern orthodox ” Jewish refugees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ later , when he was in Vietnam , he became inspired by the writings of war correspondent Bernard Fall ( “ Fall made me really think for the first time in my life , ” he tells Kaplan ) .
Under that influence and compelled by an inner humanism , Gersony went on to become what Kaplan refers to as “ the ultimate field worker.
” Traveling to a long series of international natural disaster and conflict hotspots like Rwanda , the border areas of Mozambique , Uganda ’ s Luwero Triangle , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interviews with the ordinary people whose lives had been torn apart .
“ He was often lonely , depressed , but lived in fear of being promoted out of what he was doing .
He was truly calm only while interviewing and taking notes , ” Kaplan writes .
“ It was in such moments that he attained the quality of an ascetic , inhaling the evidence almost.
” Kaplan ’ s book follows Gersony all through the rolling ambit of his world travels , and thanks to Kaplan ’ s own considerable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vivid and compelling as any travelogue .
Throughout it all , Gersony is surrounded not only by the indifferent waste and violent cruelty of the modern world but also , thankfully , by other good-hearted people who share what we could grandiloquently refer to as his vision of a kinder and more just society .
Whether the setting is Mozambique , Chad , Somalia , Rwanda , Bosnia , El Salvador , or Nepal , Kaplan ’ s writing is unfailingly vivid .
The book ’ s moral tone is equally vivid , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the harsh squinty-cynical light of the early 21st century .
Realism never dies because it always involves hard choices , Kaplan writes , but idealism likewise never dies , because it has a fundamental appeal to the human spirit .
“ The path forward requires mingling the sensibilities of both , ” he continues .
“ That is the ultimate lesson of Bob Gersony ’ s life.
” Scattered along the path of this narrative , there are other , more tangible lessons .
Gersony ’ s interview-based reports on the ground-level realities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have real-world practical effects .
Kaplan points out that Gersony ’ s reports on the misery and deprivation of occupied Iraq “ constituted one small element ” in the eventual firing of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in 2006 , for instance .
The full extent of Gersony ’ s influence on decades of American foreign policy decision making – always working to make those decisions gentler , smarter , more humane – will likely never be known .
Kaplan does a much more thorough job at showing the extent of Gersony ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ met in his travels .
A driver he hired in Uganda sounds a faintly astonished note that crops up often in the book .
“ I never met someone from far away who said matter-of-factly that he needed to go to this very dangerous region where even government soldiers were afraid to go , ” the man tells Kaplan , adding simply : “ And I never met someone like him again.
” “ The Good American ” appears at a time when U.S. intelligence agencies are under unprecedented scrutiny , and this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far from Kaplan ’ s mind .
“ The Bob Gersonys ... of this world are gone , ” confesses an official from the United States Agency for International Development .
“ We ’ re outsourcing our assessments to consulting groups now .
We assume because of Twitter that we know what ’ s happening on the ground in distant places , even if we don ’ t. ” Even so , reading Kaplan ’ s account of smart , quiet , unsung heroism , readers will come away hopeful .
If Bob @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and really listening to other people , so can we .

George Packer, in his 2019 biography “Our Man: Richard Holbrooke and the End of the American Century,” characterized Holbrooke as an avatar of America itself – an embodiment of the country’s arrogance, hubris, heroism, and fatally flawed morality in the latter half of the 20th century.
It was a challenging gambit, and journalist Robert D. Kaplan uses one similar to it in his latest book “The Good American: The Epic Life of Bob Gersony, the U.S. Government's Greatest Humanitarian.” It’s an unexpected and entirely winning biography of Gersony, who worked as a U.S. foreign policy consultant during the “golden age” of American diplomacy. The book is “the story of a man who epitomized the American Century more than anyone I know or was ever aware of,” Kaplan writes in the prologue. “His story is that of the Cold War and the Post Cold War, of America’s vast moral responsibilities in this world and its total immersion in it, which grew out of both America’s geopolitical necessities and its aspiration to be an exemplar of humanity.”
Kaplan dispenses with the contrast between Gersony and people like Holbrooke immediately, drawing a sharp distinction between a vain headline-grabber like Holbrooke and the far quieter and less well known Gersony. “They made legends out of other people; not out of [Gersony],” he comments. Instead, he compares Gersony to “an emotionally tortured character straight out of a Saul Bellow novel.”
Gersony was born in 1945 in New York; his parents were “modern orthodox” Jewish refugees from Central and Eastern Europe. Decades later, when he was in Vietnam, he became inspired by the writings of war correspondent Bernard Fall (“Fall made me really think for the first time in my life,” he tells Kaplan). Under that influence and compelled by an inner humanism, Gersony went on to become what Kaplan refers to as “the ultimate field worker.” Traveling to a long series of international natural disaster and conflict hotspots like Rwanda, the border areas of Mozambique, Uganda’s Luwero Triangle, and occupied Iraq, he conducted extensive interviews with the ordinary people whose lives had been torn apart. “He was often lonely, depressed, but lived in fear of being promoted out of what he was doing. He was truly calm only while interviewing and taking notes,” Kaplan writes. “It was in such moments that he attained the quality of an ascetic, inhaling the evidence almost.”
Kaplan’s book follows Gersony all through the rolling ambit of his world travels, and thanks to Kaplan’s own considerable narrative gifts, those journeys are as vivid and compelling as any travelogue. Throughout it all, Gersony is surrounded not only by the indifferent waste and violent cruelty of the modern world but also, thankfully, by other good-hearted people who share what we could grandiloquently refer to as his vision of a kinder and more just society. Whether the setting is Mozambique, Chad, Somalia, Rwanda, Bosnia, El Salvador, or Nepal, Kaplan’s writing is unfailingly vivid.
The book’s moral tone is equally vivid, although far more iconoclastic when read in the harsh squinty-cynical light of the early 21st century. Realism never dies because it always involves hard choices, Kaplan writes, but idealism likewise never dies, because it has a fundamental appeal to the human spirit. “The path forward requires mingling the sensibilities of both,” he continues. “That is the ultimate lesson of Bob Gersony’s life.”
Scattered along the path of this narrative, there are other, more tangible lessons. Gersony’s interview-based reports on the ground-level realities of the places he visited could often have real-world practical effects. Kaplan points out that Gersony’s reports on the misery and deprivation of occupied Iraq “constituted one small element” in the eventual firing of Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld in 2006, for instance. The full extent of Gersony’s influence on decades of American foreign policy decision making – always working to make those decisions gentler, smarter, more humane – will likely never be known.
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Kaplan does a much more thorough job at showing the extent of Gersony’s personal impact on the countless people he met in his travels. A driver he hired in Uganda sounds a faintly astonished note that crops up often in the book. “I never met someone from far away who said matter-of-factly that he needed to go to this very dangerous region where even government soldiers were afraid to go,” the man tells Kaplan, adding simply: “And I never met someone like him again.”
“The Good American” appears at a time when U.S. intelligence agencies are under unprecedented scrutiny, and this broader import of his subject is never far from Kaplan’s mind. “The Bob Gersonys ... of this world are gone,” confesses an official from the United States Agency for International Development. “We’re outsourcing our assessments to consulting groups now. We assume because of Twitter that we know what’s happening on the ground in distant places, even if we don’t.” Even so, reading Kaplan’s account of smart, quiet, unsung heroism, readers will come away hopeful. If Bob Gersony can spend a life going out and really listening to other people, so can we.


csmonitor--2020-11-10--Q&A with with James Gardner, author of ‘The Louvre’

Art critic James Gardner ’ s “ The Louvre : The Many Lives of the World ’ s Most Famous Museum ” is an indispensable guide to understanding how an obscure fortress became the Western world ’ s most striking tribute to the power of art .
Mr. Gardner spoke about the Louvre ’ s past , present , and future with Monitor correspondent Randy Dotinga .
Q : What ’ s behind the museum ’ s name ?
That part of Paris was called the Louvre as early as the late ninth century .
No one knows where the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people think it has something do with wolves who occupied that part of Paris since louvre sounds like louve , a she-wolf , but there ’ s no basis for that .
It ’ s nice that the Louvre has not revealed its most fundamental secret to us .
Q : Which came first , the museum concept or the Louvre ?
It wasn ’ t first out of the gate since museums had existed before the Louvre .
But it ’ s a specific kind of museum that no one had thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the second half of the 1700s toward creating these great collections that would bring art to the people .
There ’ s something very noble about the way , back in 1793 , the French revolutionary government opened the museum in the enlightenment spirit of bringing culture to the public .
There was a mission to instruct the French people by exposing them – and the world – to the greatest visual culture available .
Over time , it evolved to become an encyclopedic museum .
Q : Could you describe the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the interesting things about the French , perhaps more than any other culture , is how non-French cultures somehow become essentially French .
Think about artworks like the “ Mona Lisa , ” the “ Winged Victory of Samothrace , ” and the “ Venus de Milo.
” None of those things are actually French , right ?
But somehow they feel essentially French .
Even Leonardo da Vinci is essentially French , even though he isn ’ t .
Q : Would these works of art have the same meaning elsewhere @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standing unlike any other museum .
One of the reasons that the “ Mona Lisa ” has this iconic status is because it exists in the Louvre .
If it had been in the Prado in Madrid , it would still be a great painting , but it wouldn ’ t have this transcendent eminence .
Only the Louvre could give it that .
Q : What challenges does the Louvre face after the pandemic ?
It ’ s a victim of its own success due to overcrowding that prevents a full appreciation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Ironically , the museum helped produce the almost idolatrous regard in which we hold visual culture .
Another challenge is the price of art .
It ’ s become so expensive that the Louvre , like most museums , can no longer regularly buy the great art it was able to in the past .
Q : What advice do you have about visiting the Louvre when it reopens ?
Apply filter-feeding !
Whales just float through the ocean with their mouths open .
Whatever flows in nourishes them .
When you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ float through it with your eyes open and don ’ t look too intently at anything .
Let everything enter you .
Then go back and look at what you like .
Q : Could the Louvre ever lose its place as the world ’ s top museum ?
We already have the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg and the National Gallery museums in London and Washington .
It ’ s hard to imagine that another museum like these would come into existence .
It ’ s not like somebody ’ s going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Louvre .
And even if someone tried , where would they get the artwork that ’ s already accounted for ?
It seems that the Louvre will probably retain its preeminence far into the future .

Art critic James Gardner’s “The Louvre: The Many Lives of the World’s Most Famous Museum” is an indispensable guide to understanding how an obscure fortress became the Western world’s most striking tribute to the power of art. Mr. Gardner spoke about the Louvre’s past, present, and future with Monitor correspondent Randy Dotinga.
Q: What’s behind the museum’s name?
That part of Paris was called the Louvre as early as the late ninth century. No one knows where the name comes from. A lot of people think it has something do with wolves who occupied that part of Paris since louvre sounds like louve, a she-wolf, but there’s no basis for that. It’s nice that the Louvre has not revealed its most fundamental secret to us.
Q: Which came first, the museum concept or the Louvre?
It wasn’t first out of the gate since museums had existed before the Louvre. But it’s a specific kind of museum that no one had thought of before, part of a movement in the second half of the 1700s toward creating these great collections that would bring art to the people. There’s something very noble about the way, back in 1793, the French revolutionary government opened the museum in the enlightenment spirit of bringing culture to the public. There was a mission to instruct the French people by exposing them – and the world – to the greatest visual culture available. Over time, it evolved to become an encyclopedic museum.
Q: Could you describe the quintessential Frenchness of the Louvre?
One of the interesting things about the French, perhaps more than any other culture, is how non-French cultures somehow become essentially French. Think about artworks like the “Mona Lisa,” the “Winged Victory of Samothrace,” and the “Venus de Milo.” None of those things are actually French, right? But somehow they feel essentially French. Even Leonardo da Vinci is essentially French, even though he isn’t.
Q: Would these works of art have the same meaning elsewhere?
The Louvre holds a prestige and standing unlike any other museum. One of the reasons that the “Mona Lisa” has this iconic status is because it exists in the Louvre. If it had been in the Prado in Madrid, it would still be a great painting, but it wouldn’t have this transcendent eminence. Only the Louvre could give it that.
Q: What challenges does the Louvre face after the pandemic?
It’s a victim of its own success due to overcrowding that prevents a full appreciation of art like the “Mona Lisa.” Ironically, the museum helped produce the almost idolatrous regard in which we hold visual culture. Another challenge is the price of art. It’s become so expensive that the Louvre, like most museums, can no longer regularly buy the great art it was able to in the past.
Q: What advice do you have about visiting the Louvre when it reopens?
Apply filter-feeding! Whales just float through the ocean with their mouths open. Whatever flows in nourishes them. When you first go to the Louvre, just float through it with your eyes open and don’t look too intently at anything. Let everything enter you. Then go back and look at what you like.
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Q: Could the Louvre ever lose its place as the world’s top museum?
We already have the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg and the National Gallery museums in London and Washington. It’s hard to imagine that another museum like these would come into existence. It’s not like somebody’s going to create a bigger museum than the Louvre. And even if someone tried, where would they get the artwork that’s already accounted for? It seems that the Louvre will probably retain its preeminence far into the future.


csmonitor--2020-11-10--‘His Only Wife’ turns fairytale tropes upside down

In her latest book , writer and professor Peace Adzo Medie puts a wonderfully contemporary spin on a fairytale trope .
Set in Medie ’ s native Ghana , “ His Only Wife ” begins with a familiar premise : A sweet but poor young woman marries a prince – well , in this case , he ’ s a handsome , wealthy businessman .
Against this familiar plot , Medie explores the complexities that strong women face as they learn to effectively navigate a patriarchal society .
At the center of the novel is young Afi Tekple .
Not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the university like most of her classmates , Afi works as a seamstress in the small town where she has lived all her life .
She and her widowed mother live in the home of her uncle along with his many wives and children .
While her situation is far from dire , Afi is also well aware that her options in life are limited .
But then her mother ’ s employer , Faustina Ganyo , presents Afi with an unexpected opportunity .
The strong – some might say scheming – woman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son , Elikem , a rich and powerful young entrepreneur .
The woman has her own reasons for encouraging the marriage .
Elikem is involved with another woman , whom his family can not accept ; they refer to her simply as “ the Liberian woman.
” The two of them have a child .
Faustina ’ s plan , however , is to make Afi her son ’ s “ only wife , ” even telling Afi that she must lure Elikem away from the other woman and back into the family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be obligated to do so .
Afi ’ s small family thinks this is a wonderful arrangement .
Her mother and her Uncle Pious heartily approve since the marriage will bring them prestige as well as financial security .
Young , compliant , and with no other real options , Afi accepts the marriage proposal .
Her mother will be provided for , of course , but after hearing the stories his family has told her about the Liberian woman , Afi comes to believe she would practically be rescuing Elikem .
With @ @ @ @ @ @ @ families , Afi pledges to help Eli realize what is best for him .
Eli consents to the marriage but does not even care enough to show up in person ; on the day of the wedding , he sends a surrogate .
Following the ceremony , Afi moves from her small town to an apartment in Accra , Ghana ’ s glittering capital city .
Eli ’ s family tends to all the arrangements as they assure Afi that her new husband will visit soon and that she should prepare for him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and clean and make herself attractive so as to be ready for when he appears , whenever that may be .
He finally does appear and melts Afi ’ s heart .
He is so much more than she imagines – and the young woman falls in love with her prince .
Though their initial meeting goes well , Eli leaves again , giving no indication of when he might return .
In the meantime , he suggests that Afi might want to enroll in school to help her fill her days .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and her interest in fashion , he sends his sister around to take Afi to the city ’ s design schools .
It is here that Medie ’ s story departs from the traditional fairytale .
Afi avails herself of benefits Cinderella never received , opportunities like an education that helps her develop her talents and begin to make a name for herself in the fashion world .
There are no wicked stepsisters in this story , either .
With Eli away for weeks at a time , Afi develops friendships with other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brother ’ s girlfriend .
These friends open her eyes to possibilities that she never knew existed – let alone imagined – for herself .
Her women friends also give Afi a clearer picture of the Liberian woman , who , it turns out , is not at all how Eli ’ s mother had described her .
She discovers this for herself when the two meet by accident and Afi realizes Eli never needed to be rescued .
But neither does she .
In this very contemporary story , Afi gets her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that generations of girls have been told to expect .
Afi rescues herself .

In her latest book, writer and professor Peace Adzo Medie puts a wonderfully contemporary spin on a fairytale trope. Set in Medie’s native Ghana, “His Only Wife” begins with a familiar premise: A sweet but poor young woman marries a prince – well, in this case, he’s a handsome, wealthy businessman. Against this familiar plot, Medie explores the complexities that strong women face as they learn to effectively navigate a patriarchal society.
At the center of the novel is young Afi Tekple. Not clever enough to earn a spot at the university like most of her classmates, Afi works as a seamstress in the small town where she has lived all her life. She and her widowed mother live in the home of her uncle along with his many wives and children. While her situation is far from dire, Afi is also well aware that her options in life are limited.
But then her mother’s employer, Faustina Ganyo, presents Afi with an unexpected opportunity. The strong – some might say scheming – woman suggests that Afi be married to her son, Elikem, a rich and powerful young entrepreneur. The woman has her own reasons for encouraging the marriage. Elikem is involved with another woman, whom his family cannot accept; they refer to her simply as “the Liberian woman.” The two of them have a child. Faustina’s plan, however, is to make Afi her son’s “only wife,” even telling Afi that she must lure Elikem away from the other woman and back into the family fold. In fact, Afi will be obligated to do so.
Afi’s small family thinks this is a wonderful arrangement. Her mother and her Uncle Pious heartily approve since the marriage will bring them prestige as well as financial security.
Young, compliant, and with no other real options, Afi accepts the marriage proposal. Her mother will be provided for, of course, but after hearing the stories his family has told her about the Liberian woman, Afi comes to believe she would practically be rescuing Elikem. With a keen sense of responsibility to both families, Afi pledges to help Eli realize what is best for him.
Eli consents to the marriage but does not even care enough to show up in person; on the day of the wedding, he sends a surrogate.
Following the ceremony, Afi moves from her small town to an apartment in Accra, Ghana’s glittering capital city. Eli’s family tends to all the arrangements as they assure Afi that her new husband will visit soon and that she should prepare for him. His mother instructs her to cook and clean and make herself attractive so as to be ready for when he appears, whenever that may be.
He finally does appear and melts Afi’s heart. He is so much more than she imagines – and the young woman falls in love with her prince. Though their initial meeting goes well, Eli leaves again, giving no indication of when he might return. In the meantime, he suggests that Afi might want to enroll in school to help her fill her days. Learning of her skills as a seamstress and her interest in fashion, he sends his sister around to take Afi to the city’s design schools.
It is here that Medie’s story departs from the traditional fairytale. Afi avails herself of benefits Cinderella never received, opportunities like an education that helps her develop her talents and begin to make a name for herself in the fashion world. There are no wicked stepsisters in this story, either. With Eli away for weeks at a time, Afi develops friendships with other women, including his sister and his brother’s girlfriend. These friends open her eyes to possibilities that she never knew existed – let alone imagined – for herself.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Her women friends also give Afi a clearer picture of the Liberian woman, who, it turns out, is not at all how Eli’s mother had described her. She discovers this for herself when the two meet by accident and Afi realizes Eli never needed to be rescued.
But neither does she. In this very contemporary story, Afi gets her fairytale ending, just not the one that generations of girls have been told to expect. Afi rescues herself.


csmonitor--2020-11-10--‘James Monroe’ is an unclouded look at a complicated legacy

It ’ s been roughly half a century since first William Cresson ( in 1946 ) then Harry Ammon ( in 1971 ) wrote full-dress biographies of James Monroe , the fifth president of the United States .
In that time , there have of course been many , many subsequent studies – inevitably , since Monroe is a pivotal figure in the development of the American presidency , the American system of party politics , and American international policy .
But even so , the appearance of “ James Monroe : A Life ” by Tim McGrath marks the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ man in quite some time .
McGrath , author of two other terrific books on early America , neatly sums up some of the key fascinations of Monroe in the long view of history : He served bravely in the American Revolution ( McGrath compares his front-line service with that of Harry Truman , John F. Kennedy , and George H.W .
Bush ) , but he hasn ’ t been embraced by posterity .
“ He is not described with the wistful prose historians use when writing about Washington and Jefferson , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or the literary slap on the back Jackson enjoyed for generations , ” McGrath writes .
“ Monroe remains unsung and unknown but for the doctrine.
” “ The doctrine , ” of course , refers to this president ’ s sole lasting claim to fame : the Monroe Doctrine .
Written by John Quincy Adams – Monroe ’ s secretary of state at the time – and issued in 1823 , the Monroe Doctrine ringingly demarcated the entire vast territory of the Americas as a new world , immune from European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ became president in 1817 , British troops had burned the White House ; now , he was instructing all the powers of Europe that America rejected their meddling .
“ Two centuries after it was written , the Monroe Doctrine can be seen as the third document from the founders that states American ideals for its government and citizens to live by , ” McGrath writes , citing the Declaration of Independence as “ the premise of the American experiment , ” the Constitution as the guideline of that experiment , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showing how to co-exist in the world.
” McGrath recounts the details of Monroe ’ s life and of his two terms as president , explaining the legislative nuances of the Missouri Compromise of 1820 , which admitted Missouri to the Union as a slave state and thereby greatly strengthened the forces of slavery in the country ’ s formative youth .
This and many other aspects of Monroe ’ s personal and political lives tend to come back again and again to that subject : slavery .
Biographers of James Monroe always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to writing about his life , and they always stumble .
These biographers want to like Monroe , and perhaps the more savvy among them know that many of their readers won ’ t particularly like a hatchet job done on him .
McGrath faces this same challenge , and he too stumbles , although less than previous biographers .
“ Jefferson , Madison , and Monroe would call slavery evil all their lives , but the idea of emancipation was too bold politically to propose , ” he writes .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do personally.
” McGrath duly notes the well-known times when Monroe engaged in public hand-wringing about the treatment of slaves , and although he soft-pedals the full extent of Monroe ’ s personal cruelty , he ’ s direct about his final verdict on the subject .
“ The slaveholding founders believed themselves trapped in their times ; no Congress would support outlawing slavery domestically or emancipating enslaved Americans , ” he writes , adding : “ In his lifetime , Monroe owned more than two hundred slaves .
He freed one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ portrait of this first of the post-Founder presidents , a figure who more than any other in his era gave preliminary shape to both the office and the nation on the world stage .
All of Monroe ’ s successors would live in the framework of the presidency he erected .
This , too , is an ambiguous legacy – and McGrath is cautiously aware of that fact .

It’s been roughly half a century since first William Cresson (in 1946) then Harry Ammon (in 1971) wrote full-dress biographies of James Monroe, the fifth president of the United States. In that time, there have of course been many, many subsequent studies – inevitably, since Monroe is a pivotal figure in the development of the American presidency, the American system of party politics, and American international policy. But even so, the appearance of “James Monroe: A Life” by Tim McGrath marks the first 700-page popular narrative reassessment of the man in quite some time.
McGrath, author of two other terrific books on early America, neatly sums up some of the key fascinations of Monroe in the long view of history: He served bravely in the American Revolution (McGrath compares his front-line service with that of Harry Truman, John F. Kennedy, and George H.W. Bush), but he hasn’t been embraced by posterity. “He is not described with the wistful prose historians use when writing about Washington and Jefferson, the grudging respect given to either Adams, or the literary slap on the back Jackson enjoyed for generations,” McGrath writes. “Monroe remains unsung and unknown but for the doctrine.”
“The doctrine,” of course, refers to this president’s sole lasting claim to fame: the Monroe Doctrine. Written by John Quincy Adams – Monroe’s secretary of state at the time – and issued in 1823, the Monroe Doctrine ringingly demarcated the entire vast territory of the Americas as a new world, immune from European imperialism. Only three years before Monroe became president in 1817, British troops had burned the White House; now, he was instructing all the powers of Europe that America rejected their meddling.
“Two centuries after it was written, the Monroe Doctrine can be seen as the third document from the founders that states American ideals for its government and citizens to live by,” McGrath writes, citing the Declaration of Independence as “the premise of the American experiment,” the Constitution as the guideline of that experiment, and the Monroe Doctrine as “a road map showing how to co-exist in the world.”
McGrath recounts the details of Monroe’s life and of his two terms as president, explaining the legislative nuances of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which admitted Missouri to the Union as a slave state and thereby greatly strengthened the forces of slavery in the country’s formative youth.
This and many other aspects of Monroe’s personal and political lives tend to come back again and again to that subject: slavery. Biographers of James Monroe always face the same challenge when it comes to writing about his life, and they always stumble.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
These biographers want to like Monroe, and perhaps the more savvy among them know that many of their readers won’t particularly like a hatchet job done on him. McGrath faces this same challenge, and he too stumbles, although less than previous biographers. “Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe would call slavery evil all their lives, but the idea of emancipation was too bold politically to propose,” he writes. “It was also something they could not even do personally.” McGrath duly notes the well-known times when Monroe engaged in public hand-wringing about the treatment of slaves, and although he soft-pedals the full extent of Monroe’s personal cruelty, he’s direct about his final verdict on the subject. “The slaveholding founders believed themselves trapped in their times; no Congress would support outlawing slavery domestically or emancipating enslaved Americans,” he writes, adding: “In his lifetime, Monroe owned more than two hundred slaves. He freed one of them.”
McGrath draws a convincingly complex portrait of this first of the post-Founder presidents, a figure who more than any other in his era gave preliminary shape to both the office and the nation on the world stage. All of Monroe’s successors would live in the framework of the presidency he erected. This, too, is an ambiguous legacy – and McGrath is cautiously aware of that fact.


csmonitor--2020-11-10--‘Simon the Fiddler’ explores the redemptive power of music

In her latest novel , Paulette Jiles spins a wonderful story about hope undimmed by war and goodness emerging from despair .
Set in the American South during the waning days of the Civil War , the book features Simon , an itinerant fiddle player , as he plans his future despite the destruction that surrounds him .
As he wanders through Kentucky playing his music , Simon has evaded conscription .
But a bar fight and subsequent arrest change all that .
When finally drafted into the Confederate army , he lands a plum assignment as a member of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many times that his music rescues him from his surroundings .
Though Simon now passes his days in a tattered military uniform , he continues to imagine his future , one free of the constraints of war .
His ambitions include owning land where he can settle down with a good wife and he somehow knows that music , and his prized Markneukirchen fiddle , will help get him there .
When word reaches their regiment that the Confederacy has surrendered , the scrappy military band leads their troops as they march toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once again , music lifts Simon above his circumstances .
With a celebratory dinner planned for that evening , he is plucked from among the soldiers to perform as part of a band that includes musicians from both the Union and Confederate army bands .
It is at this dinner that he spots Doris , a dark-eyed beauty , an Irish indentured servant retained to care for the daughter of a Union colonel .
Simon is spellbound , but his meeting with Doris is brief as the Colonel and his family are on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as part of the occupying forces of Reconstruction .
Surrounded by chaos as the troops shift to a post-war agenda , Simon quietly slips away and resumes his musical career , such as it is .
But this time , he travels with a few of the musicians picked up from among those who performed at the officers ’ dinner .
Together they form a rag-tag traveling band , playing wherever someone will pay them .
But even as he steps up to lead the band , Simon never stops thinking about Doris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acquaintance .
As the story unfolds , the novel provides an exquisite example of how storytelling can rise to the level of art .
As Jiles depicts the daily lives of people across a swath of the South during the mid-19th century , her writing brings alive a chapter of history known mostly for political retribution .
She shares her character ’ s experiences as they struggle to rebuild after years of war .
It is in the details that Jiles captures their desperation – scavenging at the local hospital for wearable clothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bullet holes ; the lone water pump on Galveston ’ s main dock that serves as the sole source of potable water for most of the city ’ s inhabitants ; the punishing retribution of the Northern forces that flaunt their affluence in the midst of the destruction , aware that the Confederate war bonds that so many of the local citizens held are now worthless .
Yet , despite all this , the narrative is not bleak .
The people do not surrender to despair and the destruction does not define them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ honesty , faithfulness , and simple kindness .
It illustrates resiliency , especially when Simon holds fast to his plans for his future and his hope that it will include Doris , not just as a hollow dream , but as an achievable goal .
And when the civic institutions such as the court system falter and fail , we see innate goodness sustain the people involved .
Joy shines through the destruction .
Music shines through , as well .
It ’ s a consistent thread of saving grace woven throughout the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it is music that gives Simon the means to make his dreams a reality .
It protects him during war , supports a sense of community , and eventually draws in the woman he loves .

In her latest novel, Paulette Jiles spins a wonderful story about hope undimmed by war and goodness emerging from despair. Set in the American South during the waning days of the Civil War, the book features Simon, an itinerant fiddle player, as he plans his future despite the destruction that surrounds him.
As he wanders through Kentucky playing his music, Simon has evaded conscription. But a bar fight and subsequent arrest change all that. When finally drafted into the Confederate army, he lands a plum assignment as a member of a military band – the first of many times that his music rescues him from his surroundings.
Though Simon now passes his days in a tattered military uniform, he continues to imagine his future, one free of the constraints of war. His ambitions include owning land where he can settle down with a good wife and he somehow knows that music, and his prized Markneukirchen fiddle, will help get him there.
When word reaches their regiment that the Confederacy has surrendered, the scrappy military band leads their troops as they march toward the Union forces to surrender. But once again, music lifts Simon above his circumstances. With a celebratory dinner planned for that evening, he is plucked from among the soldiers to perform as part of a band that includes musicians from both the Union and Confederate army bands.
It is at this dinner that he spots Doris, a dark-eyed beauty, an Irish indentured servant retained to care for the daughter of a Union colonel. Simon is spellbound, but his meeting with Doris is brief as the Colonel and his family are on their way to San Antonio, Texas as part of the occupying forces of Reconstruction.
Surrounded by chaos as the troops shift to a post-war agenda, Simon quietly slips away and resumes his musical career, such as it is. But this time, he travels with a few of the musicians picked up from among those who performed at the officers’ dinner. Together they form a rag-tag traveling band, playing wherever someone will pay them. But even as he steps up to lead the band, Simon never stops thinking about Doris and planning how he might renew their acquaintance.
As the story unfolds, the novel provides an exquisite example of how storytelling can rise to the level of art. As Jiles depicts the daily lives of people across a swath of the South during the mid-19th century, her writing brings alive a chapter of history known mostly for political retribution. She shares her character’s experiences as they struggle to rebuild after years of war.
It is in the details that Jiles captures their desperation – scavenging at the local hospital for wearable clothing, hoping to find discarded garments without bullet holes; the lone water pump on Galveston’s main dock that serves as the sole source of potable water for most of the city’s inhabitants; the punishing retribution of the Northern forces that flaunt their affluence in the midst of the destruction, aware that the Confederate war bonds that so many of the local citizens held are now worthless.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Yet, despite all this, the narrative is not bleak. The people do not surrender to despair and the destruction does not define them. The story reveals countless examples of honesty, faithfulness, and simple kindness. It illustrates resiliency, especially when Simon holds fast to his plans for his future and his hope that it will include Doris, not just as a hollow dream, but as an achievable goal. And when the civic institutions such as the court system falter and fail, we see innate goodness sustain the people involved. Joy shines through the destruction.
Music shines through, as well. It’s a consistent thread of saving grace woven throughout the tale. Expressed through his cherished fiddle, it is music that gives Simon the means to make his dreams a reality. It protects him during war, supports a sense of community, and eventually draws in the woman he loves.


csmonitor--2020-11-10--With Biden’s victory, the world looks to US with hope for change

Nobody expects Mr. Biden to make foreign policy a priority when he has the pandemic and an economic crisis to deal with at home .
But when he does look up from domestic affairs and casts his eye around the world , he will see a lot of people trying to catch his attention .
Some world leaders have high hopes of the next president .
Things have been so difficult for Beijing recently that matters can probably only get better for the Chinese authorities .
On the other hand Mohammed bin Salman , Saudi Arabia ’ s de facto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Trump has been a special friend ; Mr. Biden says Riyadh ’ s human rights record makes it a “ pariah.
” Many foreign governments are looking forward to calmer and more predictable relations with Washington .
But that doesn ’ t mean that they won ’ t be lining up to press Mr. Biden for the policies they would like to see the White House adopt .
They all have their wish lists for the president-elect .
Much of the world , exhausted , disappointed , and confused by four years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ breathed a sigh of relief on the news that Joe Biden had won the U.S. election .
Left exhausted , disappointed , and confused by four years of Donald Trump ’ s presidency , much of the world breathed a sigh of relief on the news that Joe Biden had won the U.S. election .
But simply “ not being Trump ” will not be good enough for very long on the international stage .
Governments and their citizens are already voicing their hopes and expectations of the next U.S. leader .
Soon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their case .
What do they want ?
The East looks to ease tensions Mr. Trump has perhaps taken no foreign country on such a wild roller-coaster ride as China .
Now Beijing is hoping for eased tensions ; a renewal of regular consultations with Washington ; and what Jin Canrong , a prominent Chinese commentator , calls a “ moderate and mature approach.
” Beijing is hopeful that Mr. Biden will lift some of the trade tariffs that his predecessor slapped on over $ 360 billion worth of Chinese exports .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has called Mr. Trump ’ s trade war “ damaging and erratic.
” China would also like Mr. Biden to lift restrictions on Chinese tech enterprises such as TikTok and WeChat , abandoning the current administration ’ s policy of technological decoupling .
But Beijing is likely to be disappointed if it hopes Mr. Biden will greenlight Huawei ’ s 5G telecom technology , seen as a national security threat .
More broadly , Chinese leaders would like to resume practical cooperation with Washington on global issues such as COVID-19 and climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ depend on the two sides ’ ability to “ rebuild mutual strategic trust , ” said Xin Qiang , deputy head of the Center for U.S. Studies at Fudan University , to the Communist Party-run Global Times .
That ’ s something that Moscow would like too , but few there expect it .
“ Biden has said that Russia is an adversary , while China is a competitor , ” says Anatoly Tsiganok , head of the independent Center for Military Forecasts .
“ That makes it clear we are going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not stop Russia from hoping for the sort of agreements that enemies make – specifically an extension to the New START strategic arms reduction deal , which Mr. Trump had said Washington would leave when it expires next February .
The last remaining arms control agreement between Washington and Moscow , the treaty can be rolled over for five years if both sides agree .
Mr. Biden has written that he would pursue such an extension of the deal , which he described in a Foreign Affairs article last June as “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That will be very welcome in Moscow , ” says Vladimir Dvorkin , an expert at the government-linked Institute of World Economy and International Relations .
On the continent of Africa , which President Trump once insulted with a scatological obscenity , people are hoping for at least a little more respect .
And women ’ s rights groups are hoping for something much more concrete – an end to the “ global gag rule.
” That is what opponents call the policy that prevents the U.S. government from funding nongovernmental groups that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal in their countries .
The policy has been used as a partisan light switch : Republican presidents turn it on , Democratic presidents turn it off .
Mr. Biden has promised to reverse the policy that Mr. Trump adopted in 2017 .
“ Joe Biden ’ s victory is an historic one for global , accessible , and affordable health care , ” said Melvine Ouyo , a Kenyan women ’ s health activist , in a statement .
“ The last four years were full of struggle , pain , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reproductive resources and affordable health care.
” “ We ’ ve all been worn down by the criticism of our work and the funding issues , ” adds Carole Sekimpi , Uganda director of Marie Stopes International , one of the world ’ s major family planning charities .
“ We ’ re looking forward to having fewer distractions.
” Mr. Biden has also pledged to fulfill another broadly held hope by ending Mr. Trump ’ s immigration ban on people from 13 countries with large Muslim populations .
Five of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 % of the continent ’ s inhabitants .
An upheaval of expectations in the Mideast Almost all citizens of Iran are subject to that ban , but its repeal is by no means top of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani ’ s agenda .
Rather , what he wants most of all is to see the United States return to the landmark 2015 nuclear deal that Iran signed with Washington and six other parties .
President Trump pulled the U.S. out of that agreement in 2018 and imposed a draconian “ maximum pressure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Iran .
Mr. Biden was vice president in the administration that negotiated the 2015 agreement , and he has indicated a readiness to rejoin it if Iran goes back to respecting the deal ’ s limits on its nuclear program .
Hard-line Iranian opponents of the agreement , though , determined to deny President Rouhani any benefit , have been arguing that Iran should expect nothing from Mr. Biden , portraying him as a longtime ally of Israel ’ s .
In neighboring Afghanistan , President Ashraf Ghani would like President-elect Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington largely ignored the Kabul government as it negotiated its February peace deal with the Taliban .
That deal traded a full withdrawal of Western troops in return for a Taliban promise to prevent Al Qaeda and Islamic State from planning attacks abroad from Afghan territory .
It also required President Ghani to release 5,000 Taliban prisoners .
But that has not stopped the Taliban from continuing to kill Afghan soldiers and civilians .
In the Middle East , it is Saudi Arabia that has had to downgrade its expectations of Washington most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s election victory .
Where President Trump shielded the kingdom ’ s de facto ruler , Mohammed bin Salman , from criticism , Mr. Biden has threatened to treat the country as a “ pariah ” for its human rights violations .
Going into a defensive crouch , Riyadh is distilling its hopes down to a single modest goal – security – say people close to the Saudi government ’ s decision-making process .
The Saudis hope to persuade Mr. Biden to maintain the U.S. security umbrella in the Gulf , protecting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They also hope to convince the incoming U.S. president to ensure that the Iran nuclear deal respects Gulf security concerns .
Elsewhere in the region there are hopes of a more active U.S. diplomatic role .
Jordan ’ s King Abdullah , who has long mediated conflicts in the Arab world , would welcome such a development : He has found his own role less potent without an active U.S. administration .
And while Iraqi President Mustafa al-Kadhimi is hoping Mr. Biden will revive Washington ’ s role in anti-terrorism efforts as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control of the state , the Palestinians hope that the next U.S. president will be less one-sidedly supportive of Israel than his predecessor .
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu , meanwhile , can not hope that Mr. Biden will offer the same wholehearted personal support that he enjoyed from Mr. Trump .
But Israel can likely count on the president-elect ’ s long record of support for the Jewish state .
Closer to home , south of the border , Latin America ’ s leaders are expecting closer attention from Mr. Biden , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their region when he was vice president .
And that , they hope , will bring stronger relations and fresh aid .
In Central America , Mr. Trump has used development aid as a tool to negotiate with Honduras , El Salvador , and Guatemala , wielding it so as to convince them to serve as “ safe third countries ” for asylum-seekers arriving at the U.S.-Mexican border .
“ Central American governments will be looking for an end to those agreements ” when Mr. Biden takes office , says Elizabeth Oglesby , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University of Arizona in Tucson .
“ Governments will want more of a commitment to economic aid but in a more stable way.
” Many citizens and human rights defenders , meanwhile , hope to see renewed U.S. attention to fighting corruption and impunity .
This was not a priority for Mr. Trump , who said nothing when the Guatemalan government dismantled an anti-corruption body that served as an international model .
“ In Guatemala , judges , prosecutors , and attorneys are hoping for more technical and political support ” from a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says Claudia Paz y Paz , Guatemala ’ s former attorney general who has dedicated her career to strengthening Guatemala ’ s judicial system .
“ The politics of the U.S. have big , direct impacts on our countries .
...
I ’ m hopeful President-elect Biden will help win back the progress we lost ” under Mr. Trump .
European leaders are not expecting Mr. Biden to play an especially active role in their region , says Susi Dennison , an analyst at the European Council on Foreign Relations .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agenda might be slimmer than some may like , ” she predicts .
“ Part of that is a strong expectation that Europe is in charge of its own neighborhood.
” And on top of that , Mr. Biden is expected to devote more of his attention to Asia , in line with his old boss ’ s pivot to that region of the world .
There could be choppy transatlantic waters ahead , cautions Patrick Diamond , head of policy for former British Prime Minister David Cameron .
He sees “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tech ” firms such as Google , Amazon , and Facebook in Europe but suspects that “ President-elect Biden may be as reluctant to impose [ them ] as President Trump.
” On the other hand , Mr. Biden ’ s commitment to multilateralism is reassuring to Europeans , who live by that creed .
They can be confident that the next U.S. president values NATO , and they are delighted that he has pledged to rejoin the Paris accord on climate change and keep the U.S. in the World Health Organization .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries suffering badly from COVID-19 , says Ms. Dennison .
“ Their health and economic recovery will be tied to any policy that requires international cooperation.
” Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle ; Fred Weir in Moscow ; Ryan Lenora Brown in Johannesburg ; Taylor Luck in Amman , Jordan ; Scott Peterson and Shafi Musaddique in London ; and Whitney Eulich in Mexico City contributed reporting to this article .

Nobody expects Mr. Biden to make foreign policy a priority when he has the pandemic and an economic crisis to deal with at home. But when he does look up from domestic affairs and casts his eye around the world, he will see a lot of people trying to catch his attention.
Some world leaders have high hopes of the next president. Things have been so difficult for Beijing recently that matters can probably only get better for the Chinese authorities. On the other hand Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s de facto ruler, must fear the worst. President Trump has been a special friend; Mr. Biden says Riyadh’s human rights record makes it a “pariah.”
Joe Biden’s incoming presidency will chart a very different course in international relations than that of President Trump. But will it bring the changes that so many countries are looking to the United States for?
Many foreign governments are looking forward to calmer and more predictable relations with Washington. But that doesn’t mean that they won’t be lining up to press Mr. Biden for the policies they would like to see the White House adopt. They all have their wish lists for the president-elect.
Much of the world, exhausted, disappointed, and confused by four years of Donald Trump’s presidency, breathed a sigh of relief on the news that Joe Biden had won the U.S. election.
Left exhausted, disappointed, and confused by four years of Donald Trump’s presidency, much of the world breathed a sigh of relief on the news that Joe Biden had won the U.S. election.
But simply “not being Trump” will not be good enough for very long on the international stage. Governments and their citizens are already voicing their hopes and expectations of the next U.S. leader. Soon they will be lining up to press their case. What do they want?
The East looks to ease tensions
Why We Wrote This Joe Biden’s incoming presidency will chart a very different course in international relations than that of President Trump. But will it bring the changes that so many countries are looking to the United States for?
Mr. Trump has perhaps taken no foreign country on such a wild roller-coaster ride as China. Now Beijing is hoping for eased tensions; a renewal of regular consultations with Washington; and what Jin Canrong, a prominent Chinese commentator, calls a “moderate and mature approach.”
Beijing is hopeful that Mr. Biden will lift some of the trade tariffs that his predecessor slapped on over $360 billion worth of Chinese exports. He may well do so, since he has called Mr. Trump’s trade war “damaging and erratic.”
China would also like Mr. Biden to lift restrictions on Chinese tech enterprises such as TikTok and WeChat, abandoning the current administration’s policy of technological decoupling. But Beijing is likely to be disappointed if it hopes Mr. Biden will greenlight Huawei’s 5G telecom technology, seen as a national security threat.
More broadly, Chinese leaders would like to resume practical cooperation with Washington on global issues such as COVID-19 and climate change. But the extent of that will depend on the two sides’ ability to “rebuild mutual strategic trust,” said Xin Qiang, deputy head of the Center for U.S. Studies at Fudan University, to the Communist Party-run Global Times.
That’s something that Moscow would like too, but few there expect it.
“Biden has said that Russia is an adversary, while China is a competitor,” says Anatoly Tsiganok, head of the independent Center for Military Forecasts. “That makes it clear we are going to be enemy No. 1.”
That does not stop Russia from hoping for the sort of agreements that enemies make – specifically an extension to the New START strategic arms reduction deal, which Mr. Trump had said Washington would leave when it expires next February.
The last remaining arms control agreement between Washington and Moscow, the treaty can be rolled over for five years if both sides agree. Mr. Biden has written that he would pursue such an extension of the deal, which he described in a Foreign Affairs article last June as “an anchor of strategic stability.”
“That will be very welcome in Moscow,” says Vladimir Dvorkin, an expert at the government-linked Institute of World Economy and International Relations.
More family planning in Africa
On the continent of Africa, which President Trump once insulted with a scatological obscenity, people are hoping for at least a little more respect. And women’s rights groups are hoping for something much more concrete – an end to the “global gag rule.”
Carlo Allegri/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption U.S. first lady Melania Trump and Kenyan first lady Margaret Kenyatta play with children at the Kenya National Theatre in Nairobi, Kenya, Oct. 5, 2018. Women’s rights groups in Africa are hoping that President-elect Joe Biden will bring an end to the “global gag rule.”
That is what opponents call the policy that prevents the U.S. government from funding nongovernmental groups that help women to have abortions that are legal in their countries. The policy has been used as a partisan light switch: Republican presidents turn it on, Democratic presidents turn it off. Mr. Biden has promised to reverse the policy that Mr. Trump adopted in 2017.
“Joe Biden’s victory is an historic one for global, accessible, and affordable health care,” said Melvine Ouyo, a Kenyan women’s health activist, in a statement. “The last four years were full of struggle, pain, and loss of lives for lack of access to reproductive resources and affordable health care.”
“We’ve all been worn down by the criticism of our work and the funding issues,” adds Carole Sekimpi, Uganda director of Marie Stopes International, one of the world’s major family planning charities. “We’re looking forward to having fewer distractions.”
Mr. Biden has also pledged to fulfill another broadly held hope by ending Mr. Trump’s immigration ban on people from 13 countries with large Muslim populations. Five of those countries are in Africa, home to 25% of the continent’s inhabitants.
An upheaval of expectations in the Mideast
Almost all citizens of Iran are subject to that ban, but its repeal is by no means top of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani’s agenda.
Rather, what he wants most of all is to see the United States return to the landmark 2015 nuclear deal that Iran signed with Washington and six other parties. President Trump pulled the U.S. out of that agreement in 2018 and imposed a draconian “maximum pressure” regime of economic and other sanctions on Iran.
Mr. Biden was vice president in the administration that negotiated the 2015 agreement, and he has indicated a readiness to rejoin it if Iran goes back to respecting the deal’s limits on its nuclear program.
Hard-line Iranian opponents of the agreement, though, determined to deny President Rouhani any benefit, have been arguing that Iran should expect nothing from Mr. Biden, portraying him as a longtime ally of Israel’s.
In neighboring Afghanistan, President Ashraf Ghani would like President-elect Biden to listen to him more carefully. Washington largely ignored the Kabul government as it negotiated its February peace deal with the Taliban. That deal traded a full withdrawal of Western troops in return for a Taliban promise to prevent Al Qaeda and Islamic State from planning attacks abroad from Afghan territory. It also required President Ghani to release 5,000 Taliban prisoners. But that has not stopped the Taliban from continuing to kill Afghan soldiers and civilians.
In the Middle East, it is Saudi Arabia that has had to downgrade its expectations of Washington most dramatically in the wake of Mr. Biden’s election victory. Where President Trump shielded the kingdom’s de facto ruler, Mohammed bin Salman, from criticism, Mr. Biden has threatened to treat the country as a “pariah” for its human rights violations.
Going into a defensive crouch, Riyadh is distilling its hopes down to a single modest goal – security – say people close to the Saudi government’s decision-making process. The Saudis hope to persuade Mr. Biden to maintain the U.S. security umbrella in the Gulf, protecting the oil-rich sheikhdoms there from Iranian attack. They also hope to convince the incoming U.S. president to ensure that the Iran nuclear deal respects Gulf security concerns.
Elsewhere in the region there are hopes of a more active U.S. diplomatic role. Jordan’s King Abdullah, who has long mediated conflicts in the Arab world, would welcome such a development: He has found his own role less potent without an active U.S. administration.
And while Iraqi President Mustafa al-Kadhimi is hoping Mr. Biden will revive Washington’s role in anti-terrorism efforts as his government vies with sectarian militias for control of the state, the Palestinians hope that the next U.S. president will be less one-sidedly supportive of Israel than his predecessor.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, meanwhile, cannot hope that Mr. Biden will offer the same wholehearted personal support that he enjoyed from Mr. Trump. But Israel can likely count on the president-elect’s long record of support for the Jewish state.
Aid and anti-corruption in Latin America
Closer to home, south of the border, Latin America’s leaders are expecting closer attention from Mr. Biden, who made over a dozen visits to their region when he was vice president. And that, they hope, will bring stronger relations and fresh aid.
In Central America, Mr. Trump has used development aid as a tool to negotiate with Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, wielding it so as to convince them to serve as “safe third countries” for asylum-seekers arriving at the U.S.-Mexican border.
Charlie Riedel/AP/File View caption Hide caption Members of a U.S.-bound migrant caravan stand on a road outside the town of Arriaga, Mexico, Oct. 27, 2018. Economic conditions and crime in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala serve as primary drivers of migration to the United States. Those countries hope that under President-elect Joe Biden, the U.S. will supply more aid to address such underlying problems.
“Central American governments will be looking for an end to those agreements” when Mr. Biden takes office, says Elizabeth Oglesby, an expert on Central America at the University of Arizona in Tucson. “Governments will want more of a commitment to economic aid but in a more stable way.”
Many citizens and human rights defenders, meanwhile, hope to see renewed U.S. attention to fighting corruption and impunity. This was not a priority for Mr. Trump, who said nothing when the Guatemalan government dismantled an anti-corruption body that served as an international model.
“In Guatemala, judges, prosecutors, and attorneys are hoping for more technical and political support” from a Biden administration to combat impunity and corruption, says Claudia Paz y Paz, Guatemala’s former attorney general who has dedicated her career to strengthening Guatemala’s judicial system. “The politics of the U.S. have big, direct impacts on our countries. ... I’m hopeful President-elect Biden will help win back the progress we lost” under Mr. Trump.
Hands off in Europe
European leaders are not expecting Mr. Biden to play an especially active role in their region, says Susi Dennison, an analyst at the European Council on Foreign Relations.
“The bandwidth for dealing with the European agenda might be slimmer than some may like,” she predicts. “Part of that is a strong expectation that Europe is in charge of its own neighborhood.” And on top of that, Mr. Biden is expected to devote more of his attention to Asia, in line with his old boss’s pivot to that region of the world.
There could be choppy transatlantic waters ahead, cautions Patrick Diamond, head of policy for former British Prime Minister David Cameron. He sees “a push for a digital tax on big tech” firms such as Google, Amazon, and Facebook in Europe but suspects that “President-elect Biden may be as reluctant to impose [them] as President Trump.”
On the other hand, Mr. Biden’s commitment to multilateralism is reassuring to Europeans, who live by that creed. They can be confident that the next U.S. president values NATO, and they are delighted that he has pledged to rejoin the Paris accord on climate change and keep the U.S. in the World Health Organization.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
That matters, especially in smaller European countries suffering badly from COVID-19, says Ms. Dennison. “Their health and economic recovery will be tied to any policy that requires international cooperation.”
Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle; Fred Weir in Moscow; Ryan Lenora Brown in Johannesburg; Taylor Luck in Amman, Jordan; Scott Peterson and Shafi Musaddique in London; and Whitney Eulich in Mexico City contributed reporting to this article.


csmonitor--2020-11-10--On world stage, what does Biden want? To act, and quickly.

“ Europe has changed its perspective on the U.S. overall .
The era of European naiveté with the U.S. is over , ” says Célia Belin , a visiting fellow at Brookings .
“ Over the past four years and a little bit before , the interests [ on the two sides of the Atlantic ] have been diverging , and the bridge is a little bit longer to cross.
” While Europeans were clearly pleased with Mr. Biden ’ s election , they are also wary of any suggestion that transatlantic relations will simply revert to their glory days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the picture .
Still , Mr. Biden ’ s theme that “ America is back ” is likely to go only so far – including with America ’ s closest allies , which learned over the last four years that , as German Chancellor Angela Merkel said , they can no longer rely on the United States for security .
Eager to underscore multilateralism over “ America First , ” President-elect Joe Biden plans to immediately reverse a number of President Donald Trump ’ s withdrawals from international accords and organizations .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1 of his administration to rejoin the Paris climate accords , rejoin the World Health Organization , and lift Mr. Trump ’ s Muslim travel ban .
Discussing his foreign-policy vision during his campaign , President-elect Joe Biden often mentioned his proposal to organize a summit of democracies during his first year in office .
Such a gathering of the world ’ s democratic leaders would signal both America ’ s return to its leadership role , Mr. Biden said , as well as an end to four years of a U.S. president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the world ’ s despots and authoritarian regimes .
As Mr. Biden plans to take the reins of a house deeply divided politically and shaken by domestic crises , the idea of a summit offers a hint at why Mr. Biden is expected to act where he can , on his own and quickly .
Out of the blocks and despite congressional restraints , the president-elect wants to demonstrate not just that America is reclaiming its lead role on the world stage , but that his foreign policy will be something new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s , of course , but also a nuanced departure from Barack Obama ’ s .
Eager to underscore multilateralism and cooperation over unilateralism and the isolationist “ America First , ” Mr. Biden will immediately reverse a number of President Donald Trump ’ s withdrawals from international accords and organizations .
According to his own pronouncements and those of close foreign-policy advisers , he will move on Day 1 of his administration to rejoin the Paris climate agreement , reverse Mr. Trump ’ s decision to pull the U.S. out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump ’ s ban on travelers from a number of mostly Muslim countries .
Moreover , Mr. Biden is likely to move quickly to name a Cabinet – he could unveil his choices as early as Thanksgiving , aides say – that tells both the American people and the world that he is serious about his pledge to use his appointments to showcase America ’ s diversity .
Still , Mr. Biden ’ s theme that “ America is back ” is likely to go only so far – including with America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the last four years that , as German Chancellor Angela Merkel said , they can no longer rely on the U.S. for security .
While Europeans were clearly pleased with Mr. Biden ’ s election , they are also wary of any suggestion that transatlantic relations will simply revert to their glory days now that Mr. Trump will be out of the picture .
For one thing , they understand that America ’ s foreign policy – and specific aspects of it , like the constellation of alliances to which America has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bipartisan support , experts in U.S.-Europe affairs say .
The spectacle of the U.S. presidential election and its aftermath are also reminders of the challenges even the world ’ s strongest democracies face .
Moreover , U.S. and European interests have in some ways diverged in recent years .
And even Mr. Biden ’ s idea of a summit of democracies to reaffirm Western values in the face of rising nationalism does not elicit unbridled enthusiasm from America ’ s closest European allies , some experts say .
What to do at such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or other increasingly authoritarian democracies , from Poland and Hungary to the Philippines ?
“ Europe has changed its perspective on the U.S. overall , the era of European naiveté with the U.S. is over , ” says Célia Belin , a visiting fellow at the Center for the United States and Europe at Brookings .
“ Over the past four years and a little bit before , the interests [ on the two sides of the Atlantic ] have been diverging , and the bridge is a little bit longer to cross.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the idea of calling a global summit of democracies may yet retreat to a back burner as Mr. Biden finds that domestic concerns take top billing , while allies press for more pragmatic actions on climate change and trade disputes .
But that would be a shame , some foreign-policy experts and former officials in administrations of both political parties say , not just because a democracy summit would be a way to proclaim that America is back .
More important , some say , it would signal that the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for seven decades made it the go-to leader and model on rights and other norms for much of the world .
With defense policy and national security concerns focusing more critically on China and Russia , a summit “ is a useful way to signal a Biden administration ’ s commitment to democracy ” and to “ send a message about democratic norms and values , ” says Michael O ’ Hanlon , a senior fellow in defense and foreign-policy issues at the Brookings Institution in Washington .
In addition , a summit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return to a cornerstone of its postwar geopolitical strategy , the construction and nurturing of mutually beneficial alliances to face a common foe – in this case rising nationalism and authoritarianism .
One international agreement Mr. Biden is not expected to rush to rejoin is the now five-nation Iran nuclear deal , formally the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action ( JCPOA ) , which Mr. Trump pulled out of in 2018 .
Mr. Biden hopes to return the U.S. to the JCPOA , advisers say , but not before a new round of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be to not only address the progress Iran has made in its nuclear program since the U.S. withdrew from the accord , but to also take up some of the issues not included in the original agreement .
Mr. Biden would also insist on extending the JCPOA ’ s “ sunset ” dates .
But Senate Republicans – and some Senate Democrats – are likely to do what they can to block any U.S. return to the JCPOA .
Indeed , some Iran experts say they expect the Trump administration to use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will make any Biden diplomatic overtures to Tehran extremely problematic .
Citing reports that the Trump administration is planning to add new sanctions on an already sanctions-smothered Iran on a weekly basis , Karim Sadjadpour , an expert in U.S.-Iran relations at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington , says the sanctions are designed to make any Biden diplomacy with the Iranians more difficult .
He notes that the new sanctions are expected to focus on Iran ’ s missile program , domestic human rights abusers , and support for radical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significance will be that the optics won ’ t look so good for the Biden administration ” if it moves to lift those sanctions in return for Iranian commitments , Mr. Sadjadpour says .
Yet despite Mr. Biden ’ s desire to return to diplomacy with Tehran , the Iran file is just one where the president-elect is expected to differentiate his foreign policy from the one he helped advance under Mr. Obama .
Another is China , and perhaps to a lesser degree , Russia .
Under Mr. Obama , diplomatic overtures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the assumption that deals incorporating them into the international community – China into the World Trade Organization , for example , Iran into the JCPOA – would also over time act to alter their anti-liberal behavior both at home and in their neighborhoods .
But that did not work as envisaged in either case .
Mr. Biden is said to see the world as having changed not just over the last four years of the Trump presidency , but since he entered the White House as Mr. Obama ’ s vice president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrower and more realist conception of diplomacy that serves U.S. national interests – for example , pursuing climate and arms control accords with China – without pie-in-the-sky expectations of eventual regime behavior modifications , according to Biden foreign-policy advisers and the president-elect ’ s own words .
Similarly , no one expects to see a push for a “ reset ” with Moscow from a Biden administration .
Efforts to quickly relaunch foundering arms control diplomacy , yes – but no hopes that such negotiations and diplomatic reengagement might also lead to significantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russia .
Holding a summit of democracies , meanwhile , is something Mr. Biden could accomplish despite the strong political headwinds he is expected to face on the foreign-policy front at home .
And not just from what could be an uncooperative Republican Senate majority , but also a Democratic congressional caucus divided between moderate realists and progressives who hold differing views of how the U.S. should interact overseas .
Formation of the Cabinet is one of the first and most significant ways of setting the tone of a presidency .
For secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have former Obama national security adviser and ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice at the top of his list .
And he ’ s expected to name former undersecretary of defense Michèle Flournoy as Pentagon chief – making her the first woman in that role , breaking another of America ’ s most durable glass ceilings .

“Europe has changed its perspective on the U.S. overall. The era of European naiveté with the U.S. is over,” says Célia Belin, a visiting fellow at Brookings. “Over the past four years and a little bit before, the interests [on the two sides of the Atlantic] have been diverging, and the bridge is a little bit longer to cross.”
While Europeans were clearly pleased with Mr. Biden’s election, they are also wary of any suggestion that transatlantic relations will simply revert to their glory days now that Mr. Trump will be out of the picture.
From climate and health to multilateralism and democracy, President-elect Biden wants to demonstrate not just that America is reclaiming its lead role on the world stage, but that his foreign policy will be his own.
Still, Mr. Biden’s theme that “America is back” is likely to go only so far – including with America’s closest allies, which learned over the last four years that, as German Chancellor Angela Merkel said, they can no longer rely on the United States for security.
Eager to underscore multilateralism over “America First,” President-elect Joe Biden plans to immediately reverse a number of President Donald Trump’s withdrawals from international accords and organizations. He is expected to move on Day 1 of his administration to rejoin the Paris climate accords, rejoin the World Health Organization, and lift Mr. Trump’s Muslim travel ban.
Discussing his foreign-policy vision during his campaign, President-elect Joe Biden often mentioned his proposal to organize a summit of democracies during his first year in office.
Such a gathering of the world’s democratic leaders would signal both America’s return to its leadership role, Mr. Biden said, as well as an end to four years of a U.S. president cozying up to and even emulating some of the world’s despots and authoritarian regimes.
As Mr. Biden plans to take the reins of a house deeply divided politically and shaken by domestic crises, the idea of a summit offers a hint at why Mr. Biden is expected to act where he can, on his own and quickly.
Why We Wrote This From climate and health to multilateralism and democracy, President-elect Biden wants to demonstrate not just that America is reclaiming its lead role on the world stage, but that his foreign policy will be his own.
Out of the blocks and despite congressional restraints, the president-elect wants to demonstrate not just that America is reclaiming its lead role on the world stage, but that his foreign policy will be something new – sharply different from his immediate predecessor’s, of course, but also a nuanced departure from Barack Obama’s.
Eager to underscore multilateralism and cooperation over unilateralism and the isolationist “America First,” Mr. Biden will immediately reverse a number of President Donald Trump’s withdrawals from international accords and organizations.
According to his own pronouncements and those of close foreign-policy advisers, he will move on Day 1 of his administration to rejoin the Paris climate agreement, reverse Mr. Trump’s decision to pull the U.S. out of the World Health Organization, and lift Mr. Trump’s ban on travelers from a number of mostly Muslim countries.
Moreover, Mr. Biden is likely to move quickly to name a Cabinet – he could unveil his choices as early as Thanksgiving, aides say – that tells both the American people and the world that he is serious about his pledge to use his appointments to showcase America’s diversity.
From allies, some wariness
Still, Mr. Biden’s theme that “America is back” is likely to go only so far – including with America’s closest allies, who learned over the last four years that, as German Chancellor Angela Merkel said, they can no longer rely on the U.S. for security.
While Europeans were clearly pleased with Mr. Biden’s election, they are also wary of any suggestion that transatlantic relations will simply revert to their glory days now that Mr. Trump will be out of the picture.
For one thing, they understand that America’s foreign policy – and specific aspects of it, like the constellation of alliances to which America has belonged – no longer benefit from broad bipartisan support, experts in U.S.-Europe affairs say. The spectacle of the U.S. presidential election and its aftermath are also reminders of the challenges even the world’s strongest democracies face.
Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call/AP/File View caption Hide caption Former Defense Undersecretary for Policy Michele Flournoy, considered President-elect Joe Biden's likely choice as defense secretary, prepares to testify to the House Foreign Affairs Committee, March 13, 2019.
Moreover, U.S. and European interests have in some ways diverged in recent years. And even Mr. Biden’s idea of a summit of democracies to reaffirm Western values in the face of rising nationalism does not elicit unbridled enthusiasm from America’s closest European allies, some experts say.
What to do at such a summit about NATO ally Turkey, or other increasingly authoritarian democracies, from Poland and Hungary to the Philippines?
“Europe has changed its perspective on the U.S. overall, the era of European naiveté with the U.S. is over,” says Célia Belin, a visiting fellow at the Center for the United States and Europe at Brookings.
“Over the past four years and a little bit before, the interests [on the two sides of the Atlantic] have been diverging, and the bridge is a little bit longer to cross.”
For some foreign-policy watchers, meanwhile, the idea of calling a global summit of democracies may yet retreat to a back burner as Mr. Biden finds that domestic concerns take top billing, while allies press for more pragmatic actions on climate change and trade disputes.
But that would be a shame, some foreign-policy experts and former officials in administrations of both political parties say, not just because a democracy summit would be a way to proclaim that America is back. More important, some say, it would signal that the United States is once again asserting the values that for seven decades made it the go-to leader and model on rights and other norms for much of the world.
With defense policy and national security concerns focusing more critically on China and Russia, a summit “is a useful way to signal a Biden administration’s commitment to democracy” and to “send a message about democratic norms and values,” says Michael O’Hanlon, a senior fellow in defense and foreign-policy issues at the Brookings Institution in Washington.
In addition, a summit of democracies would signal America’s return to a cornerstone of its postwar geopolitical strategy, the construction and nurturing of mutually beneficial alliances to face a common foe – in this case rising nationalism and authoritarianism.
No rush on Iran deal
One international agreement Mr. Biden is not expected to rush to rejoin is the now five-nation Iran nuclear deal, formally the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which Mr. Trump pulled out of in 2018.
Mr. Biden hopes to return the U.S. to the JCPOA, advisers say, but not before a new round of negotiations with Tehran. The Biden aim would be to not only address the progress Iran has made in its nuclear program since the U.S. withdrew from the accord, but to also take up some of the issues not included in the original agreement. Mr. Biden would also insist on extending the JCPOA’s “sunset” dates.
But Senate Republicans – and some Senate Democrats – are likely to do what they can to block any U.S. return to the JCPOA. Indeed, some Iran experts say they expect the Trump administration to use its waning days to take steps that will make any Biden diplomatic overtures to Tehran extremely problematic.
Citing reports that the Trump administration is planning to add new sanctions on an already sanctions-smothered Iran on a weekly basis, Karim Sadjadpour, an expert in U.S.-Iran relations at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington, says the sanctions are designed to make any Biden diplomacy with the Iranians more difficult.
He notes that the new sanctions are expected to focus on Iran’s missile program, domestic human rights abusers, and support for radical element in the region. “The significance will be that the optics won’t look so good for the Biden administration” if it moves to lift those sanctions in return for Iranian commitments, Mr. Sadjadpour says.
Carolyn Kaster/APFile View caption Hide caption National Security Adviser Susan Rice, believed to be President-elect Joe Biden's top choice for secretary of state, looks on with President Barack Obama and then-Vice President Biden, at a meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House in Washington, April 5, 2016.
Yet despite Mr. Biden’s desire to return to diplomacy with Tehran, the Iran file is just one where the president-elect is expected to differentiate his foreign policy from the one he helped advance under Mr. Obama.
Another is China, and perhaps to a lesser degree, Russia.
Under Mr. Obama, diplomatic overtures to both Tehran and Beijing were made with the assumption that deals incorporating them into the international community – China into the World Trade Organization, for example, Iran into the JCPOA – would also over time act to alter their anti-liberal behavior both at home and in their neighborhoods.
But that did not work as envisaged in either case.
New view of diplomacy
Mr. Biden is said to see the world as having changed not just over the last four years of the Trump presidency, but since he entered the White House as Mr. Obama’s vice president in 2009. He now favors a narrower and more realist conception of diplomacy that serves U.S. national interests – for example, pursuing climate and arms control accords with China – without pie-in-the-sky expectations of eventual regime behavior modifications, according to Biden foreign-policy advisers and the president-elect’s own words.
Similarly, no one expects to see a push for a “reset” with Moscow from a Biden administration. Efforts to quickly relaunch foundering arms control diplomacy, yes – but no hopes that such negotiations and diplomatic reengagement might also lead to significantly wider cooperation with Vladimir Putin’s Russia.
Holding a summit of democracies, meanwhile, is something Mr. Biden could accomplish despite the strong political headwinds he is expected to face on the foreign-policy front at home.
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And not just from what could be an uncooperative Republican Senate majority, but also a Democratic congressional caucus divided between moderate realists and progressives who hold differing views of how the U.S. should interact overseas.
Formation of the Cabinet is one of the first and most significant ways of setting the tone of a presidency. For secretary of state, Mr. Biden is said to have former Obama national security adviser and ambassador to the United Nations Susan Rice at the top of his list. And he’s expected to name former undersecretary of defense Michèle Flournoy as Pentagon chief – making her the first woman in that role, breaking another of America’s most durable glass ceilings.