csmonitor--2020-05-19--Where’s the beef? Pandemic exposes cracks in US food system.

“ Less than 1 % of the American population works in agricultural production , ” says Trey Malone of Michigan State University .
“ All of us rely on this system .
And 99 % of us don ’ t think about it.
” This has led some to take a closer look at the country ’ s food supply chain – perhaps for the first time – and wonder whether there are ways it could be improved .
The food supply chain in the United States looks more like a massive spider web than a line .
For the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system of plentiful and accessible food .
But during this pandemic , some nodes of this supply web have turned into choke points , often because of policy decisions unrelated to agriculture .
Throughout this , many agricultural economists point out , overall access to food for Americans has remained remarkably stable .
But the challenges of food shortages , price fluctuations , and cycles of panic buying have been unnerving to many .
The coronavirus pandemic has rippled through the U.S. food chain and agricultural sector , often in divergent ways .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ plowing under crops have magnified the range of challenges that have befallen the American food system .
Business is booming at Codman Community Farms in Lincoln , Massachusetts .
Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic , sales of pasture-raised meat and eggs have been up some 500 % , says Jennifer Hashley , who lives on the farm and directs a farming sustainability organization affiliated with Tufts University .
It ’ s hard to keep the farm store stocked .
People who have never bought locally are buying out eggs and lamb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of the woodwork to purchase directly from us , ” she says .
The situation is quite different for the farmers Dermot Hayes contacts regularly in his role as professor in agriculture and life sciences at Iowa State University .
There , facing a dramatic slowdown in processing plants , hog farmers have been making the excruciating decision of whether to slaughter and discard tens of thousands of piglets – next month ’ s food – or to dispose of fully grown pigs who should have been going to grocery stores .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ impact is devastating .
“ It ’ s truly awful , ” Mr. Hayes says .
“ I ’ ve been on calls with them , and there are people crying on the phone.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Across the country , the pandemic has rippled through the food chain and agricultural sector , often in divergent ways .
Americans are facing shortages of some staple foods , such as flour and dried beans .
Price @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the cost of eggs last month , have fueled cycles of panic buying .
Images of empty supermarket shelves and farmers plowing under crops have gone viral across social media .
Farmers , meanwhile , are facing unprecedented financial challenges , even as some direct-to-consumer operations are flourishing .
Throughout this , many agricultural economists point out , overall access to food for Americans has remained remarkably stable .
But the challenges and changes have been unnerving to many .
And this has led some to take a closer look at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ perhaps for the first time – and wonder whether there are ways it could be improved .
“ It ’ s incredible to think about how this system works , ” says Trey Malone , an assistant professor and extension economist with Michigan State University ’ s department of agricultural , food , and resource economics .
“ Less than 1 % of the American population works in agricultural production .
All of us rely on this system .
And 99 % of us don ’ t think about it .
This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oh my goodness , I don ’ t know where this food has come from.
’ ” The food supply chain in the United States looks more like a massive spider web than a line .
A research team at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign last year used multiple data sources to produce a map showing the flow of grains , fruits and vegetables , animal feed , and processed food items within the country .
They found 9.5 million or so points of contact between different U.S. counties .
A farmer might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instance , ship it to another state for storage , have it transformed into animal feed in a different county , then shipped elsewhere to a feedlot .
The animals who eat that feed might be processed in yet another location , and then returned , shrink-wrapped , to grocery stores near the farm where the corn was first harvested .
Look globally , and the situation gets even more complicated .
The U.S. imports about 15 % of its food , including just over half of its fruits and vegetables , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in dollar terms , a bit more .
For the most part , this has created a system of plentiful and accessible food .
But during this pandemic , some nodes of this supply web have turned into choke points , often because of policy decisions unrelated to agriculture .
When airlines , for instance , grounded flights , that also meant a slowdown in trade , explains Will Martin , a senior research fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute .
“ Half of the world ’ s air freight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he says .
When restaurants and schools closed to comply with social distancing orders , markets disappeared for farmers and processors .
There are separate chains for the residential market and the “ food away from home ” market .
And although the latter tends to be hyper efficient – producers can predict , for instance , how many wings American consumers will eat at restaurants during March Madness – it is also quite difficult to pivot .
( When March Madness is canceled , the production chain can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boneless breasts sold at grocery stores . )
“ It ’ s a totally different business model , ” says Kathleen Finlay , president of the Glynwood Center for Food and Farming in Hudson , New York .
“ If you are a wholesale farmer , you ’ re growing a few crops and you ’ re selling a lot of it to a relatively small number of buyers .
You don ’ t have ads .
You don ’ t have a website .
You don ’ t have a way for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
...
It ’ s a totally different back end and production plan.
” Think about eggs , says Jayson Lusk , head of the agricultural economics department at Purdue University .
Some big egg operations only supply restaurants .
Others produce only 50-gallon drums of liquid eggs to be used in cafeterias .
These operations don ’ t have people to grade the eggs or put them in cartons for consumer retail .
They can ’ t even get cartons because cardboard manufacturers can ’ t switch up their operations to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to that a rush of consumers baking at home and there is a temporary shortage .
“ Everybody shows up in the grocery store buying eggs , ” he says .
“ The industry wasn ’ t able to adapt to that.
” Glynwood and other groups , including Ms. Hashley ’ s New Entry Sustainable Farming Project , which guides newcomers to the agricultural sector , have been working with local farmers to figure out how to market directly to consumers .
While they don ’ t suggest eliminating imports , either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , they believe that establishing more robust local networks will lead to a more resilient system .
“ The conventional food system that is homogeneous and centralized has vulnerabilities in lots of ways , ” Ms. Finlay says .
“ We ’ re seeing it right now in meat production and processors.
” Last month , some of the country ’ s largest meat processing plants , which control most of the meat going into the country ’ s food system , stopped operation because of concerns about their workforce and COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of meat throughout the country , but what Professor Hayes describes as an “ elevator effect ” for hogs coming through the system .
With farmers unable to ship their fully grown pigs to the processors , there was no room in their barns for the piglets that they had already contracted months ago to purchase .
And so the animals piled up .
With such a small number of processors handling such a large percentage of the meat coming through the system , the impact was devastating , says Professor Hayes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ government to help get assistance to livestock farmers , and also ease regulations on smaller producers and processors so that ranchers and farmers can more easily sell directly to consumers .
But longer term , many experts say , there may have to be a debate about whether to bring more automation into animal processing , whether to create less efficient but more flexible processes for production , and how to mitigate the pandemic ’ s financial toll on farmers so that agricultural production doesn ’ t drop .
“ We need to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support our growers in the United States , ” says Professor Malone .
Throughout all of this , Professor Lusk says , it will be important to keep in mind how well the American food system has done – despite the inability to find those dried chickpeas .
“ I think the food system responded remarkably well to this totally unexpected , really abrupt change , ” he says .
“ There ’ s food .
People say , ‘ Well , I had to do without my favorite brand a few days.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ take for granted.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“Less than 1% of the American population works in agricultural production,” says Trey Malone of Michigan State University. “All of us rely on this system. And 99% of us don’t think about it.”
This has led some to take a closer look at the country’s food supply chain – perhaps for the first time – and wonder whether there are ways it could be improved.
The food supply chain in the United States looks more like a massive spider web than a line. For the most part, that has created a system of plentiful and accessible food. But during this pandemic, some nodes of this supply web have turned into choke points, often because of policy decisions unrelated to agriculture.
Despite shortages, many food watchers have been impressed with just how well the U.S. food supply has held up in crisis. Still, the pandemic has exposed shortcomings in a complex and often convoluted food system.
Throughout this, many agricultural economists point out, overall access to food for Americans has remained remarkably stable. But the challenges of food shortages, price fluctuations, and cycles of panic buying have been unnerving to many.
The coronavirus pandemic has rippled through the U.S. food chain and agricultural sector, often in divergent ways. Images of empty supermarket shelves and farmers plowing under crops have magnified the range of challenges that have befallen the American food system.
Business is booming at Codman Community Farms in Lincoln, Massachusetts. Since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic, sales of pasture-raised meat and eggs have been up some 500%, says Jennifer Hashley, who lives on the farm and directs a farming sustainability organization affiliated with Tufts University. It’s hard to keep the farm store stocked. People who have never bought locally are buying out eggs and lamb and lettuce.
“People are coming out of the woodwork to purchase directly from us,” she says.
The situation is quite different for the farmers Dermot Hayes contacts regularly in his role as professor in agriculture and life sciences at Iowa State University. There, facing a dramatic slowdown in processing plants, hog farmers have been making the excruciating decision of whether to slaughter and discard tens of thousands of piglets – next month’s food – or to dispose of fully grown pigs who should have been going to grocery stores. Either way, the economic and emotional impact is devastating.
Why We Wrote This Despite shortages, many food watchers have been impressed with just how well the U.S. food supply has held up in crisis. Still, the pandemic has exposed shortcomings in a complex and often convoluted food system.
“It’s truly awful,” Mr. Hayes says. “I’ve been on calls with them, and there are people crying on the phone.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Across the country, the pandemic has rippled through the food chain and agricultural sector, often in divergent ways. Americans are facing shortages of some staple foods, such as flour and dried beans. Price fluctuations, such as the dramatic spike in the cost of eggs last month, have fueled cycles of panic buying. Images of empty supermarket shelves and farmers plowing under crops have gone viral across social media. Farmers, meanwhile, are facing unprecedented financial challenges, even as some direct-to-consumer operations are flourishing.
Throughout this, many agricultural economists point out, overall access to food for Americans has remained remarkably stable. But the challenges and changes have been unnerving to many. And this has led some to take a closer look at the country’s food supply chain – perhaps for the first time – and wonder whether there are ways it could be improved.
“It’s incredible to think about how this system works,” says Trey Malone, an assistant professor and extension economist with Michigan State University’s department of agricultural, food, and resource economics. “Less than 1% of the American population works in agricultural production. All of us rely on this system. And 99% of us don’t think about it. This is one moment where you think, ‘Oh my goodness, I don’t know where this food has come from.’”
Cracks emerge
The food supply chain in the United States looks more like a massive spider web than a line. A research team at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign last year used multiple data sources to produce a map showing the flow of grains, fruits and vegetables, animal feed, and processed food items within the country. They found 9.5 million or so points of contact between different U.S. counties. A farmer might grow corn in one location, for instance, ship it to another state for storage, have it transformed into animal feed in a different county, then shipped elsewhere to a feedlot. The animals who eat that feed might be processed in yet another location, and then returned, shrink-wrapped, to grocery stores near the farm where the corn was first harvested.
SOURCE: “Food flows between counties in the United States” by Xiaowen Lin, Paul J Ruess, Landon Marston, and Megan Konar (https://iopscience.iop.org/article/10.1088/1748-9326/ab29ae/meta)
Look globally, and the situation gets even more complicated. The U.S. imports about 15% of its food, including just over half of its fruits and vegetables, and most of the coffee. It exports, in dollar terms, a bit more.
For the most part, this has created a system of plentiful and accessible food. But during this pandemic, some nodes of this supply web have turned into choke points, often because of policy decisions unrelated to agriculture.
When airlines, for instance, grounded flights, that also meant a slowdown in trade, explains Will Martin, a senior research fellow at the International Food Policy Research Institute.
“Half of the world’s air freight goes in the bellies of passenger planes,” he says.
When restaurants and schools closed to comply with social distancing orders, markets disappeared for farmers and processors. There are separate chains for the residential market and the “food away from home” market. And although the latter tends to be hyper efficient – producers can predict, for instance, how many wings American consumers will eat at restaurants during March Madness – it is also quite difficult to pivot. (When March Madness is canceled, the production chain can’t just shift to turn that chicken into boneless breasts sold at grocery stores.)
“It’s a totally different business model,” says Kathleen Finlay, president of the Glynwood Center for Food and Farming in Hudson, New York. “If you are a wholesale farmer, you’re growing a few crops and you’re selling a lot of it to a relatively small number of buyers. You don’t have ads. You don’t have a website. You don’t have a way for a person to buy food from you. ... It’s a totally different back end and production plan.”
Joel Martinez/The Monitor/AP) View caption Hide caption Farmworker Rosendo Aguirre wears a handmade mask as he and others prepare watermelons for harvest in Edinburg, Texas, May 12, 2020.
Think about eggs, says Jayson Lusk, head of the agricultural economics department at Purdue University. Some big egg operations only supply restaurants. Others produce only 50-gallon drums of liquid eggs to be used in cafeterias. These operations don’t have people to grade the eggs or put them in cartons for consumer retail. They can’t even get cartons because cardboard manufacturers can’t switch up their operations to make the correct packaging quickly enough. Add to that a rush of consumers baking at home and there is a temporary shortage.
“Everybody shows up in the grocery store buying eggs,” he says. “The industry wasn’t able to adapt to that.”
Finding flexibility
Glynwood and other groups, including Ms. Hashley’s New Entry Sustainable Farming Project, which guides newcomers to the agricultural sector, have been working with local farmers to figure out how to market directly to consumers. While they don’t suggest eliminating imports, either from across the world or across the country, they believe that establishing more robust local networks will lead to a more resilient system.
“The conventional food system that is homogeneous and centralized has vulnerabilities in lots of ways,” Ms. Finlay says. “We’re seeing it right now in meat production and processors.”
Last month, some of the country’s largest meat processing plants, which control most of the meat going into the country’s food system, stopped operation because of concerns about their workforce and COVID-19. That created not only a shortage of meat throughout the country, but what Professor Hayes describes as an “elevator effect” for hogs coming through the system. With farmers unable to ship their fully grown pigs to the processors, there was no room in their barns for the piglets that they had already contracted months ago to purchase. And so the animals piled up.
With such a small number of processors handling such a large percentage of the meat coming through the system, the impact was devastating, says Professor Hayes. Agricultural groups are working with the federal government to help get assistance to livestock farmers, and also ease regulations on smaller producers and processors so that ranchers and farmers can more easily sell directly to consumers.
But longer term, many experts say, there may have to be a debate about whether to bring more automation into animal processing, whether to create less efficient but more flexible processes for production, and how to mitigate the pandemic’s financial toll on farmers so that agricultural production doesn’t drop.
“We need to think long and hard about how we support our growers in the United States,” says Professor Malone.
Throughout all of this, Professor Lusk says, it will be important to keep in mind how well the American food system has done – despite the inability to find those dried chickpeas.
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“I think the food system responded remarkably well to this totally unexpected, really abrupt change,” he says. “There’s food. People say, ‘Well, I had to do without my favorite brand a few days.’ It just shows how much we take for granted.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-05-11--Wary Europe welcomes China’s help – but not its disinformation

Beijing “ goes through every bilateral channel it can adopt ” to divide and conquer , says François Godement of the Institut Montaigne in Paris , since China ’ s goal of strengthening its economic partnerships is often best accomplished by fighting EU cohesion .
French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian last month summoned China ’ s ambassador to complain about the disinformation effort .
But he also emphasized good bilateral relations between France and China overall .
Perhaps no case exemplifies this more than the Chinese Embassy in Paris publishing an article leveling false charges that French nursing-home workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ leaving their residents to die of starvation and illness.
” The article was retweeted by apparent bot accounts .
In particular , they say , the campaign could force member states dependent on Chinese economic ties to weigh the costs and benefits of calling out Beijing ’ s misbehavior as the financial damage of the coronavirus lockdown compounds .
The Chinese government has been waging a disinformation campaign within the European Union amid the coronavirus pandemic – and it has not been very convincing .
But despite the poor production values @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spurred European Union officials to warn member states to be on alert .
In the video , strains of China ’ s national anthem swell as Italians under coronavirus quarantine offer raucous , emotional bravos from their balconies .
They ’ re chanting “ Grazie , China !
” the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman wrote as he tweeted out the clip .
But the production was a ham-fisted fake , analysts say : the Italians were cheering local health care workers , not saying “ Thanks , China.
” The video is part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ European Union that , in contrast to allegations against the Kremlin , can be easily linked to the Chinese government .
Although the production values are questionable and the claims are handily disproven , the disinformation push has spurred European Union officials to warn member states to be on alert .
In particular , they say , the campaign could force member states dependent on Chinese economic ties to weigh the costs and benefits of calling out Beijing ’ s misbehavior as the financial damage of the coronavirus lockdown compounds .
NATO for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high on our agenda , ” and warns that it is an effort to “ sow division and undermine our democracies.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Yet China ’ s disinformation campaign offers opportunities , too .
Because some of the fabrications have been “ so extreme , so offensive , and so obvious , ” the matter is now firmly on the European radar as a problem .
The EU for the first time has begun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of manipulation , ” even if the bloc ’ s response to Beijing is currently tempered by financial considerations , says Antoine Bondaz , research fellow at the Foundation for Strategic Research in Paris .
Perhaps no case exemplifies this more than the Chinese Embassy in Paris publishing an article on its website leveling false charges – made by a Chinese diplomat – that French nursing-home workers had abandoned their posts amid the pandemic , “ leaving their residents to die of starvation and illness.
” The article was amplified by dubious Twitter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things , the failure of the French government and the tragic plight of the French elderly .
Most of these accounts had been created in the past couple of weeks , with “ no followers at all , being re-tweeted and liked by the Chinese embassy ” – sure signs of bot farms , Mr. Bondaz says .
French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian last month took the striking step of summoning China ’ s ambassador to express his displeasure with the disinformation effort .
Just days later , the EU ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and “ to a lesser extent , China ” with disseminating “ conspiracy narratives and disinformation.
” Taken at face value , all this seemed to put China on notice .
But the pushback against China has been tempered .
Mr .
Le Drian , in his response to the Chinese ambassador , emphasized good bilateral relations between France and China overall .
“ In the face of the virus and its consequences on our economies , there is no place for controversy , ” he said .
And the published EU report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than earlier internal drafts , according to EU officials who voiced their concerns in news reports that the EU was engaging in “ self-censorship.
” While an early draft warned of a “ continued and coordinated push by official Chinese sources to deflect any blame ” for the coronavirus pandemic , for example , the published version noted a “ continued and coordinated push by some actors , including Chinese sources , to deflect any blame ” – stopping just short of linking the behavior directly to Beijing .
Still , while “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to hit harder , it testifies to a shift in thinking by the EU – it ’ s a sea change really – and also a realization that a lot of propaganda is raining down on us from authoritarian states , ” says François Godement , senior advisor for Asia at the Institut Montaigne in Paris .
This is particularly important as some European nations warm to China and even sour on their bloc partners .
A recent poll found 52 % of Italians feel China is a friendly government and 36 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with it .
By way of contrast , 45 % of those surveyed say Germany is an “ enemy country , ” and 38 % say the same of France .
Polls found similar pro-China feelings in Spain , which has historically been one of the most pro-EU countries .
This endearment toward China stems from its aid efforts : Italy was short on face masks , and China donated 200,000 of them .
And negativity toward other EU nations is the result of dissatisfaction with the bloc ’ s response to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resentments around 2008 austerity measures .
“ We had face masks bought from the EU , and free masks from China , ” said Lia Quartapelle , a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies , in a briefing organized by the Atlantic Council ’ s Digital Forensic Research Lab .
But that ’ s an incomplete picture , and underscores what the EU needs to do to counter the Chinese narrative .
For example , Ms. Quartapelle noted that Germany donated even more masks to Italy , and NATO and the EU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in supplies and aid .
“ The fact that strategically we didn ’ t think about how to thank fellow EU members for help received was a problem.
” In a later interview , she told the Monitor that such symbolism is important in a country “ that ’ s confused , afraid , saddened by the crisis.
” Beijing knows this , and pushes hard for such symbols – particularly since it ’ s the first time China has come to European aid .
Being seen as benevolent is better for business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shoddy goods – or as the point of origin for the virus .
The problems come , analysts warn , when the lingering economic effects of the pandemic make EU member states more vulnerable to Chinese threats of both the veiled and unveiled variety .
While Beijing “ professes great respect ” for the EU , it “ goes through every bilateral channel it can adopt ” in order to divide and conquer , Mr. Godement says , since China ’ s goal of strengthening its economic partnerships is often best accomplished by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chief Josep Borrell warned this month that up until recently , Europe has been “ a little naive ” in its relationship with Beijing .
While China is an economic partner , it is also a ” systemic rival that seeks to promote an alternative model of governance.
” At the same time , much of the disinformation put out by China has up until recently been intended chiefly for internal consumption .
The point is to please higher-ups back in Beijing , who have made it clear they want their ambassadors to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China as a coronavirus culprit – or in any negative light .
Accordingly , their credo tends to be that a good offense is the best defense .
When the Chinese ambassador insulted France for letting its citizens die of hunger , “ I don ’ t think he expected to be believed , ” Mr. Godement says .
Instead , he and other ambassadors want “ to be able to tell their supreme leader that they just walked the extra mile for the boss.
” Yet the backlash to this aggression has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of China ’ s “ mask diplomacy.
” And so while the Chinese diplomats continue to be “ very offensive ” in their approach , they also appear to be learning from their mistakes , Mr. Bondaz says .
“ Chinese officials are fully aware that one of their main problems is how to reconcile internal versus external propaganda , ” he says .
“ They see now that to insult and criticize isn ’ t enough .
In the EU , they have to convince – or at least add convincing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this end , the Chinese embassy recently posted a list of “ 16 fake news statements ” that purports to identify untrue stories in the EU press .
In terms of creating a more subtle disinformation campaign , “ it ’ s actually quite well done , ” Mr. Bondaz says .
“ They ’ re trying to do the ‘ fact-checking ’ stuff ” with a mix of “ good sources ” and conspiracy web sites .
“ They ’ re not stupid .
They ’ re trying to improve.
” As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take a page from the playbook of those who have long grappled with Chinese disinformation , analysts say .
Taiwanese officials , for example , advise responding in less than 60 minutes to spurious charges made by China .
They have also found that , “ When you try to argue in an academic way , it doesn ’ t always work.
” So Taiwan has hired comedians to push out quick-witted responses to particularly outlandish Chinese statements , which often go viral , Mr. Bondaz says .
“ It ’ s ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , analysts add , is to call out the bad behavior .
“ Our friends in Asia warned us , ‘ You only see the head of the bear , and not the head of the dragon , ’ ” Mr. Bondaz says , referring to Russian and Chinese exploits .
“ But more and more , we see both.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

Beijing “goes through every bilateral channel it can adopt” to divide and conquer, says François Godement of the Institut Montaigne in Paris, since China’s goal of strengthening its economic partnerships is often best accomplished by fighting EU cohesion.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian last month summoned China’s ambassador to complain about the disinformation effort. But he also emphasized good bilateral relations between France and China overall.
Perhaps no case exemplifies this more than the Chinese Embassy in Paris publishing an article leveling false charges that French nursing-home workers had abandoned their posts amid the pandemic, “leaving their residents to die of starvation and illness.” The article was retweeted by apparent bot accounts.
Disinformation campaigns are a growing concern in the West. And while Russia has sometimes been made out as a major source of such activity, evidence suggests that China is actually the more active threat.
In particular, they say, the campaign could force member states dependent on Chinese economic ties to weigh the costs and benefits of calling out Beijing’s misbehavior as the financial damage of the coronavirus lockdown compounds.
The Chinese government has been waging a disinformation campaign within the European Union amid the coronavirus pandemic – and it has not been very convincing. But despite the poor production values and facile messaging, the campaign has spurred European Union officials to warn member states to be on alert.
In the video, strains of China’s national anthem swell as Italians under coronavirus quarantine offer raucous, emotional bravos from their balconies. They’re chanting “Grazie, China!” the Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman wrote as he tweeted out the clip.
But the production was a ham-fisted fake, analysts say: the Italians were cheering local health care workers, not saying “Thanks, China.”
The video is part of a growing disinformation campaign within the European Union that, in contrast to allegations against the Kremlin, can be easily linked to the Chinese government.
Why We Wrote This Disinformation campaigns are a growing concern in the West. And while Russia has sometimes been made out as a major source of such activity, evidence suggests that China is actually the more active threat.
Although the production values are questionable and the claims are handily disproven, the disinformation push has spurred European Union officials to warn member states to be on alert. In particular, they say, the campaign could force member states dependent on Chinese economic ties to weigh the costs and benefits of calling out Beijing’s misbehavior as the financial damage of the coronavirus lockdown compounds. NATO for its part says the problem “is high on our agenda,” and warns that it is an effort to “sow division and undermine our democracies.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Yet China’s disinformation campaign offers opportunities, too. Because some of the fabrications have been “so extreme, so offensive, and so obvious,” the matter is now firmly on the European radar as a problem. The EU for the first time has begun “to identify and expose this kind of manipulation,” even if the bloc’s response to Beijing is currently tempered by financial considerations, says Antoine Bondaz, research fellow at the Foundation for Strategic Research in Paris.
“Conspiracy narratives and disinformation”
Perhaps no case exemplifies this more than the Chinese Embassy in Paris publishing an article on its website leveling false charges – made by a Chinese diplomat – that French nursing-home workers had abandoned their posts amid the pandemic, “leaving their residents to die of starvation and illness.”
The article was amplified by dubious Twitter accounts expressing outrage at, among other things, the failure of the French government and the tragic plight of the French elderly. Most of these accounts had been created in the past couple of weeks, with “no followers at all, being re-tweeted and liked by the Chinese embassy” – sure signs of bot farms, Mr. Bondaz says.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian last month took the striking step of summoning China’s ambassador to express his displeasure with the disinformation effort. Just days later, the EU’s diplomatic service released a report charging Russia and “to a lesser extent, China” with disseminating “conspiracy narratives and disinformation.”
Taken at face value, all this seemed to put China on notice. But the pushback against China has been tempered.
Mr. Le Drian, in his response to the Chinese ambassador, emphasized good bilateral relations between France and China overall. “In the face of the virus and its consequences on our economies, there is no place for controversy,” he said.
And the published EU report on disinformation was less critical of China than earlier internal drafts, according to EU officials who voiced their concerns in news reports that the EU was engaging in “self-censorship.” While an early draft warned of a “continued and coordinated push by official Chinese sources to deflect any blame” for the coronavirus pandemic, for example, the published version noted a “continued and coordinated push by some actors, including Chinese sources, to deflect any blame” – stopping just short of linking the behavior directly to Beijing.
Still, while “maybe people would have wanted the report to hit harder, it testifies to a shift in thinking by the EU – it’s a sea change really – and also a realization that a lot of propaganda is raining down on us from authoritarian states,” says François Godement, senior advisor for Asia at the Institut Montaigne in Paris.
Managing the messaging
This is particularly important as some European nations warm to China and even sour on their bloc partners. A recent poll found 52% of Italians feel China is a friendly government and 36% want a “stronger future relationship” with it. By way of contrast, 45% of those surveyed say Germany is an “enemy country,” and 38% say the same of France. Polls found similar pro-China feelings in Spain, which has historically been one of the most pro-EU countries.
This endearment toward China stems from its aid efforts: Italy was short on face masks, and China donated 200,000 of them. And negativity toward other EU nations is the result of dissatisfaction with the bloc’s response to the pandemic, coupled in part with lingering resentments around 2008 austerity measures.
“We had face masks bought from the EU, and free masks from China,” said Lia Quartapelle, a member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies, in a briefing organized by the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab.
But that’s an incomplete picture, and underscores what the EU needs to do to counter the Chinese narrative. For example, Ms. Quartapelle noted that Germany donated even more masks to Italy, and NATO and the EU have come through with millions of euros in supplies and aid. “The fact that strategically we didn’t think about how to thank fellow EU members for help received was a problem.” In a later interview, she told the Monitor that such symbolism is important in a country “that’s confused, afraid, saddened by the crisis.”
Beijing knows this, and pushes hard for such symbols – particularly since it’s the first time China has come to European aid. Being seen as benevolent is better for business than being tagged as a producer of shoddy goods – or as the point of origin for the virus.
The problems come, analysts warn, when the lingering economic effects of the pandemic make EU member states more vulnerable to Chinese threats of both the veiled and unveiled variety. While Beijing “professes great respect” for the EU, it “goes through every bilateral channel it can adopt” in order to divide and conquer, Mr. Godement says, since China’s goal of strengthening its economic partnerships is often best accomplished by fighting EU cohesion.
EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell warned this month that up until recently, Europe has been “a little naive” in its relationship with Beijing. While China is an economic partner, it is also a ”systemic rival that seeks to promote an alternative model of governance.”
Who’s the target?
At the same time, much of the disinformation put out by China has up until recently been intended chiefly for internal consumption. The point is to please higher-ups back in Beijing, who have made it clear they want their ambassadors to push back aggressively on narratives that portray China as a coronavirus culprit – or in any negative light.
Accordingly, their credo tends to be that a good offense is the best defense. When the Chinese ambassador insulted France for letting its citizens die of hunger, “I don’t think he expected to be believed,” Mr. Godement says. Instead, he and other ambassadors want “to be able to tell their supreme leader that they just walked the extra mile for the boss.”
Yet the backlash to this aggression has curbed the goodwill that was a goal of China’s “mask diplomacy.” And so while the Chinese diplomats continue to be “very offensive” in their approach, they also appear to be learning from their mistakes, Mr. Bondaz says.
“Chinese officials are fully aware that one of their main problems is how to reconcile internal versus external propaganda,” he says. “They see now that to insult and criticize isn’t enough. In the EU, they have to convince – or at least add convincing to the criticizing and insulting part.”
To this end, the Chinese embassy recently posted a list of “16 fake news statements” that purports to identify untrue stories in the EU press. In terms of creating a more subtle disinformation campaign, “it’s actually quite well done,” Mr. Bondaz says. “They’re trying to do the ‘fact-checking’ stuff” with a mix of “good sources” and conspiracy web sites. “They’re not stupid. They’re trying to improve.”
As they do, the EU needs to take a page from the playbook of those who have long grappled with Chinese disinformation, analysts say. Taiwanese officials, for example, advise responding in less than 60 minutes to spurious charges made by China. They have also found that, “When you try to argue in an academic way, it doesn’t always work.” So Taiwan has hired comedians to push out quick-witted responses to particularly outlandish Chinese statements, which often go viral, Mr. Bondaz says. “It’s ‘humor over rumor.’”
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The point, analysts add, is to call out the bad behavior. “Our friends in Asia warned us, ‘You only see the head of the bear, and not the head of the dragon,’” Mr. Bondaz says, referring to Russian and Chinese exploits. “But more and more, we see both.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-03-02--North Korea resumes ballistic missile launches after hiatus

North Korea fired two presumed short-range ballistic missiles into its eastern sea on Monday , South Korean officials said , resuming weapons demonstrations after a months-long hiatus that may have been forced by the coronavirus crisis in Asia .
The launches came two days after North Korea 's state media said leader Kim Jong-un supervised an artillery drill aimed at testing the combat readiness of units in front-line and eastern areas .
South Korea 's Joint Chiefs of Staff said the projectiles were fired from an area near the coastal town of Wonsan and flew about 49 miles northeast on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The South Korean and U.S. militaries were jointly analyzing the launches .
JCS officials later told reporters that the weapons were presumed to be short-range ballistic missiles .
North Korea likely tested one of its new road-mobile , solid-fuel missile systems or a developmental `` super large '' multiple rocket launcher it repeatedly demonstrated last year , said Kim Dong-yub , an analyst from Seoul 's Institute for Far Eastern Studies .
Experts say such weapons can potentially overwhelm missile defense systems and expand the North 's ability to strike targets in South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there .
Kim Jong-un had entered the new year vowing to bolster his nuclear deterrent in the face of `` gangster-like '' U.S. sanctions and pressure , using a key ruling party meeting in late December to warn of `` shocking '' action over stalled nuclear negotiations with the Trump administration .
He also said North Korea would soon reveal a new `` strategic weapon '' and insisted the country was no longer `` unilaterally bound '' to a self-imposed suspension on the testing of nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missiles .
But Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or give any clear indication that such tests were impending and seemed to leave the door open for eventual negotiations .
South Korea 's presidential office said National Security Director Chung Eui-yong discussed the launches with the South 's defense minister and spy chief , and that the officials expressed `` strong concern '' over the North 's resumption of testing activity , which could raise military tensions .
Japan said that it had not detected any projectile landing in its territory or its exclusive economic zone , and that no sea vessels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The repeated firings of ballistic missiles by North Korea is a serious problem for the international community including Japan , and the government will continue to gather and analyze information , and monitor the situation to protect the lives and property of the people , '' the Defense Ministry 's statement said .
The recent lull in North Korea 's launches had experts wondering whether the North was holding back its weapons displays while it was fighting the coronavirus , which state media has described as a matter of `` national existence .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut back training and other activities involving large gatherings of soldiers to reduce the possibility of the virus spreading within its military .
Mr. Kim 's latest show of force is apparently aimed at boosting military morale , strengthening internal unity and showing that his country is doing fine despite outside worries of how the North would contend with an outbreak .
North Korea in previous years has intensified testing activity in response to springtime military exercises between South Korea and the United States that it has described as invasion rehearsals .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were postponing their annual drills due to concern about the coronavirus outbreak in South Korea , with soldiers from both countries being infected .
The launches were the latest setback for dovish South Korean President Moon Jae-in , who despite the North 's indifference has repeatedly pleaded for reviving inter-Korean engagement .
In a speech on Sunday marking the 101st anniversary of a major uprising against Japanese colonial rule , Mr .
Moon called for cooperation between the two Koreas to fight infectious diseases amid the COVID-19 outbreak in Asia .
Amid the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump administration , Mr. Kim has suspended virtually all cooperation with South Korea in the past months while demanding that Seoul defy U.S.-led international sanctions and restart inter-Korean economic projects that would jolt the North 's broken economy .
North Korea has yet to confirm any COVID-19 cases , although state media have hinted that an uncertain number of people have been quarantined after exhibiting symptoms .
North Korea has shut down nearly all cross-border traffic , banned tourists , intensified screening at entry points , and mobilized tens of thousands of health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with symptoms .
South Korea last month withdrew dozens of officials from an inter-Korean liaison office in Kaesong after North Korea insisted on closing it until the epidemic is controlled .
Mr. Kim and President Donald Trump have met three times since embarking on their high-stakes nuclear diplomacy in 2018 , but negotiations have faltered since their second summit in February last year in Vietnam , where the Americans rejected North Korean demands for major sanctions relief in exchange for a partial surrender of its nuclear capability .
Following the collapse in Hanoi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in ballistic activity and conducted at least 13 rounds of weapons launches last year , using the standstill in talks to expand its military capabilities .
Those weapons included road-mobile , solid-fuel missiles designed to beat missile defense systems , and a developmental midrange missile that could eventually be launched from submarines , potentially strengthening the North 's ability to strike targets in South Korea and Japan , including U.S. bases there .
In December , the North said it conducted two `` crucial '' tests at a long-range rocket facility that would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it 's developing a new ICBM or preparing a satellite launch that would further advanced its long-range missile technology .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

North Korea fired two presumed short-range ballistic missiles into its eastern sea on Monday, South Korean officials said, resuming weapons demonstrations after a months-long hiatus that may have been forced by the coronavirus crisis in Asia.
The launches came two days after North Korea's state media said leader Kim Jong-un supervised an artillery drill aimed at testing the combat readiness of units in front-line and eastern areas.
South Korea's Joint Chiefs of Staff said the projectiles were fired from an area near the coastal town of Wonsan and flew about 49 miles northeast on an apogee of about 22 miles. The South Korean and U.S. militaries were jointly analyzing the launches. JCS officials later told reporters that the weapons were presumed to be short-range ballistic missiles.
North Korea likely tested one of its new road-mobile, solid-fuel missile systems or a developmental "super large" multiple rocket launcher it repeatedly demonstrated last year, said Kim Dong-yub, an analyst from Seoul's Institute for Far Eastern Studies.
Experts say such weapons can potentially overwhelm missile defense systems and expand the North's ability to strike targets in South Korea and Japan, including U.S. bases there.
Kim Jong-un had entered the new year vowing to bolster his nuclear deterrent in the face of "gangster-like" U.S. sanctions and pressure, using a key ruling party meeting in late December to warn of "shocking" action over stalled nuclear negotiations with the Trump administration.
He also said North Korea would soon reveal a new "strategic weapon" and insisted the country was no longer "unilaterally bound" to a self-imposed suspension on the testing of nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missiles. But Mr. Kim did not explicitly lift the moratorium or give any clear indication that such tests were impending and seemed to leave the door open for eventual negotiations.
South Korea's presidential office said National Security Director Chung Eui-yong discussed the launches with the South's defense minister and spy chief, and that the officials expressed "strong concern" over the North's resumption of testing activity, which could raise military tensions.
Japan said that it had not detected any projectile landing in its territory or its exclusive economic zone, and that no sea vessels or aircraft had been damaged.
"The repeated firings of ballistic missiles by North Korea is a serious problem for the international community including Japan, and the government will continue to gather and analyze information, and monitor the situation to protect the lives and property of the people," the Defense Ministry's statement said.
The recent lull in North Korea's launches had experts wondering whether the North was holding back its weapons displays while it was fighting the coronavirus, which state media has described as a matter of "national existence." Some analysts speculated that the North cut back training and other activities involving large gatherings of soldiers to reduce the possibility of the virus spreading within its military.
Mr. Kim's latest show of force is apparently aimed at boosting military morale, strengthening internal unity and showing that his country is doing fine despite outside worries of how the North would contend with an outbreak.
North Korea in previous years has intensified testing activity in response to springtime military exercises between South Korea and the United States that it has described as invasion rehearsals. But the allies announced last week that they were postponing their annual drills due to concern about the coronavirus outbreak in South Korea, with soldiers from both countries being infected.
The launches were the latest setback for dovish South Korean President Moon Jae-in, who despite the North's indifference has repeatedly pleaded for reviving inter-Korean engagement. In a speech on Sunday marking the 101st anniversary of a major uprising against Japanese colonial rule, Mr. Moon called for cooperation between the two Koreas to fight infectious diseases amid the COVID-19 outbreak in Asia.
Amid the deadlock in larger nuclear negotiations with the Trump administration, Mr. Kim has suspended virtually all cooperation with South Korea in the past months while demanding that Seoul defy U.S.-led international sanctions and restart inter-Korean economic projects that would jolt the North's broken economy.
North Korea has yet to confirm any COVID-19 cases, although state media have hinted that an uncertain number of people have been quarantined after exhibiting symptoms. North Korea has shut down nearly all cross-border traffic, banned tourists, intensified screening at entry points, and mobilized tens of thousands of health workers to monitor residents and isolate those with symptoms.
South Korea last month withdrew dozens of officials from an inter-Korean liaison office in Kaesong after North Korea insisted on closing it until the epidemic is controlled.
Mr. Kim and President Donald Trump have met three times since embarking on their high-stakes nuclear diplomacy in 2018, but negotiations have faltered since their second summit in February last year in Vietnam, where the Americans rejected North Korean demands for major sanctions relief in exchange for a partial surrender of its nuclear capability.
Following the collapse in Hanoi, the North ended a 17-month pause in ballistic activity and conducted at least 13 rounds of weapons launches last year, using the standstill in talks to expand its military capabilities.
Those weapons included road-mobile, solid-fuel missiles designed to beat missile defense systems, and a developmental midrange missile that could eventually be launched from submarines, potentially strengthening the North's ability to strike targets in South Korea and Japan, including U.S. bases there.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In December, the North said it conducted two "crucial" tests at a long-range rocket facility that would strengthen its nuclear deterrent, prompting speculation that it's developing a new ICBM or preparing a satellite launch that would further advanced its long-range missile technology.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-03-02--Containing coronavirus: Where democracy struggles – and thrives

“ Generally , in open societies , I ’ m more confident in the ability for a virus to be contained , ” says Devi Sridhar , director of the global health governance program at Edinburgh University .
“ Because it ’ s transparent , and that ’ s what you want to have : free information flowing and good governance.
” At the same time , the relative transparency , openness , and respect for individual liberties prized by democracies can also be a major advantage , analysts say , in keeping the public informed about risks and prevention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trust in government actions .
In some ways , it ’ s a scene that mirrors others around the globe , from Wuhan to Milan , as authorities try to handle the rapidly growing epidemic .
But the differences are also stark .
While China imposed a draconian quarantine of Wuhan ’ s 11 million people to curb the spread of the virus , officials in Italy , South Korea , and the United States face more hurdles to rapid mobilization .
Hand sanitizer , paper towels , and soap are “ flying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pharo , a manager at a local grocery chain in Seattle .
With six reported deaths attributed to the new coronavirus , the United States is getting a firsthand look at life amid a global outbreak .
As Washington state grapples with coronavirus , Americans are getting their first up-close look at life amid an outbreak – and how the country might balance public health safety with personal liberties .
Six people in the state have died , the first coronavirus-linked deaths in the United States ; 18 more cases have been confirmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state of emergency .
After revelations that the virus may have been spreading undetected in greater Seattle for six weeks , limited quarantines are now in place , with two teams from the Centers for Disease Control assisting .
The local government is renting RVs and modular housing units , and buying a motel to isolate people who can ’ t stay at home ; some schools are temporarily closing .
“ This is a complex and unprecedented challenge ” Dr. Jeff Duchin , health officer for Seattle and King County , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current confirmed cases are “ the tip of the iceberg , ” he said , and testing could expand to as many as thousands a day .
But officials gave no indication of a broader quarantine , and instead said they expect eventually to stop tracking individual cases and handle the virus as they do influenza .
“ We are still trying to contain , but we are pivoting to a community-based approach , ” he said .
Meanwhile , Seattle director of public health Dr. Patty Hayes urged residents to “ stop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ front-line workers.
” Still , many people are stocking up on key supplies and preparing to hunker down .
Hand sanitizer , paper towels , and soap are “ flying off the shelves , ” says Tom Pharo , a manager at a local grocery chain , rushing to wipe-down check-out counters on Sunday in a store that is short-staffed .
“ Getting people to come in [ to work ] is tricky , too , ” he says , because of mounting virus worries .
In some ways , it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the globe , from Wuhan to Milan , as authorities try to handle the rapidly growing epidemic .
But the differences are also stark – shedding light on the unique questions democracies must wrestle with , compared to China and other authoritarian states , as they seek to protect both public health and individual freedoms .
“ Epidemics ... reveal what really matters to a population , what is at stake , and especially whom and what these societies value , ” says David Jones , a professor of global public health and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Unlike China , where the COVID-19 virus originated , officials in Italy , South Korea , and the United States face more hurdles to rapid mobilization .
Yet democracies ’ relative transparency , openness , and respect for individual liberties is also a major advantage , analysts say , in keeping the public informed about risks and prevention , reducing panic , and maintaining crucial trust in government actions .
“ We are trying to engage in radical transparency with the American public , ” U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Alex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A strength of the democratic system is we should be hearing about cases from health care facilities , ” says Amanda Glassman , senior fellow at the Center for Global Development .
” We don ’ t have any ban on talking about people who have disease or hospitals that are overwhelmed.
” China ’ s authorities , in contrast , suppressed initial reports of the virus in December for weeks as the contagion went unchecked – silencing whistleblowers , including a Wuhan doctor who later died from the illness .
The cover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rebellion ... [ with ] average Chinese people being very angry at the government , ” says Diana Fu , associate professor of political science at the University of Toronto , who researches civil society in China .
The authoritarian government had broken “ the basic social contract ” to provide people with safety and security , she says .
Once China ’ s leaders moved to act , however , they orchestrated a rapid , efficient , and huge mobilization of resources in a “ people ’ s war ” against the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identifying and sharing the genetic sequence of the virus .
Meanwhile , it imposed a draconian quarantine of Wuhan ’ s 11 million people that “ may have bought the world time , for which we should all be grateful , ” Professor Jones says .
“ There ’ s no question that China ’ s bold approach to the rapid spread of this new respiratory pathogen has changed the course of what was a rapidly escalating and continues to be a deadly epidemic , ” Bruce Aylward , a Canadian doctor who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said at a press conference last week .
Other governments ’ anti-virus campaigns seem at times disjointed and slow , in comparison to China ’ s top-down approach , with new hospitals constructed overnight and big cities quarantined .
Moreover , a slow distribution of testing kits and overly narrow criteria for testing may have missed numerous cases that are only now being detected .
On Sunday , the administration announced a “ radical expansion ” of testing .
“ We ’ re well behind the ball in figuring out what is going @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We don ’ t have a top-down command and control system , ” she adds .
“ Civil liberties and individual beliefs play a huge role in people ’ s health-care seeking and their willingness to be led by government or to do what government advises.
” In South Korea , for example , officials have sued a religious group for obstructing the surveillance work of health authorities in the city of Daegu , contributing to a mushrooming of coronavirus cases from dozens to more than 4,300 in only two weeks .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ faces public outrage – including a petition for his impeachment signed by 1.4 million citizens – for his handling of the crisis .
Mr .
Moon is blamed in particular for only belatedly imposing an entry ban on foreigners arriving from China ’ s Hubei Province , while allowing other Chinese travelers to enter South Korea .
In Italy , where cases spiked to more than 1,800 as of Monday , towns throughout the northern industrial heartland have been quarantined as officials attempt containment .
But the aggressive reaction by authorities has raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and basic human rights .
Raffaele Maresca is an instructor at a free fall wind tunnel in Milan .
His job is usually frenetic , with between 200 and 400 clients showing up for indoor skydiving simulation daily .
But now all appointments have been postponed .
“ There ’ s a lot of paranoia .
It feels like it ’ s being blown out of proportion , ” he says , wondering if he ’ ll still be able to go to movies , or even the gym .
“ I feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t like it.
” Countries ’ responses must be vigorous , but not at the risk of violating human rights , says Steven Hoffman , director of the Global Strategy Lab at York University in Toronto , which advises countries on law and policy in the face of transnational health threats .
“ When it comes to pandemics , following human rights principles actually align with scientific principles , ” he says .
“ If we are trapped in a city that ’ s being presented as a high risk to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a natural human tendency to try to leave that city ... which then makes it even harder for public health to identify those folks who might get sick and isolate them.
” As cases have increased in Europe , freedom of movement , one of the foundational pillars of the European Union , has become a central issue .
Austria temporarily halted trains from Italy , while many far-right politicians have used the coronavirus to renew their calls , begun in the wake of terrorism threats by ISIS and migration across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between Schengen countries .
But some experts caution against the effectiveness of such bans , and say they also fuel fear of people perceived as “ foreign , ” or “ other.
” Incidents of racism , from Canada to the U.S. and across Europe , have spiked toward Chinese populations , and the Asian diaspora more generally .
In Italy , the far-right has gained space to rail against open borders in the wake of the coronavirus outbreak , says Cecilia Emma Sottilotta , a professor of political science at the American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clearly perfect for political leaders like [ Matteo ] Salvini [ of Italy ] or Marine Le Pen [ in France ] or the [ Alternative for Germany party ] who have been arguing about the control of borders and people , ” she says .
“ They are literally jumping on this.
” Rather than cut off connections , democratic communities must work with each other to overcome the virus , says Devi Sridhar , director of the global health governance program at Edinburgh University .
“ Citizens have to feel the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And if they do come forward and want to report , they will get the best medical care and not forcibly be put into conditions that are against their will.
” Democracies ’ free-flow of information is also central to their response , a key lesson that Canada learned in 2003 .
During the outbreak of SARS , it became one of the worst-hit countries outside of Asia , especially in Toronto , which was slapped with a WHO travel advisory .
The country counted 438 suspected cases and 44 deaths .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ looked at weaknesses in the response , like a lack of preparedness and of information-sharing between local hospitals , provinces , the federal government , and the rest of the globe .
Afterward , Canada created a public health agency that is now leading the coronavirus containment effort .
“ Generally , in open societies , I ’ m more confident in the ability for a virus to be contained , ” says Professor Sridhar .
“ Because it ’ s transparent , and that ’ s what you want to have , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ”

“Generally, in open societies, I’m more confident in the ability for a virus to be contained,” says Devi Sridhar, director of the global health governance program at Edinburgh University. “Because it’s transparent, and that’s what you want to have: free information flowing and good governance.”
At the same time, the relative transparency, openness, and respect for individual liberties prized by democracies can also be a major advantage, analysts say, in keeping the public informed about risks and prevention, reducing panic, and maintaining crucial trust in government actions.
In some ways, it’s a scene that mirrors others around the globe, from Wuhan to Milan, as authorities try to handle the rapidly growing epidemic. But the differences are also stark. While China imposed a draconian quarantine of Wuhan’s 11 million people to curb the spread of the virus, officials in Italy, South Korea, and the United States face more hurdles to rapid mobilization.
In a public health crisis, the top value on everyone’s minds is safety. But should it come at the cost of personal freedoms? In some ways, experts note, it’s a false dichotomy: Democratic values can aid the fight against coronavirus, too.
Hand sanitizer, paper towels, and soap are “flying off the shelves,” says Tom Pharo, a manager at a local grocery chain in Seattle.
With six reported deaths attributed to the new coronavirus, the United States is getting a firsthand look at life amid a global outbreak.
As Washington state grapples with coronavirus, Americans are getting their first up-close look at life amid an outbreak – and how the country might balance public health safety with personal liberties.
Six people in the state have died, the first coronavirus-linked deaths in the United States; 18 more cases have been confirmed, and the governor has declared a state of emergency. After revelations that the virus may have been spreading undetected in greater Seattle for six weeks, limited quarantines are now in place, with two teams from the Centers for Disease Control assisting. The local government is renting RVs and modular housing units, and buying a motel to isolate people who can’t stay at home; some schools are temporarily closing.
“This is a complex and unprecedented challenge” Dr. Jeff Duchin, health officer for Seattle and King County, said Monday at a press conference. The current confirmed cases are “the tip of the iceberg,” he said, and testing could expand to as many as thousands a day. But officials gave no indication of a broader quarantine, and instead said they expect eventually to stop tracking individual cases and handle the virus as they do influenza. “We are still trying to contain, but we are pivoting to a community-based approach,” he said.
Why We Wrote This In a public health crisis, the top value on everyone’s minds is safety. But should it come at the cost of personal freedoms? In some ways, experts note, it’s a false dichotomy: Democratic values can aid the fight against coronavirus, too.
Meanwhile, Seattle director of public health Dr. Patty Hayes urged residents to “stop the run on masks” needed by “front-line workers.” Still, many people are stocking up on key supplies and preparing to hunker down.
Hand sanitizer, paper towels, and soap are “flying off the shelves,” says Tom Pharo, a manager at a local grocery chain, rushing to wipe-down check-out counters on Sunday in a store that is short-staffed. “Getting people to come in [to work] is tricky, too,” he says, because of mounting virus worries.
In some ways, it’s a scene that mirrors others around the globe, from Wuhan to Milan, as authorities try to handle the rapidly growing epidemic. But the differences are also stark – shedding light on the unique questions democracies must wrestle with, compared to China and other authoritarian states, as they seek to protect both public health and individual freedoms.
“Epidemics ... reveal what really matters to a population, what is at stake, and especially whom and what these societies value,” says David Jones, a professor of global public health and the history of medicine at Harvard University.
Unlike China, where the COVID-19 virus originated, officials in Italy, South Korea, and the United States face more hurdles to rapid mobilization. Yet democracies’ relative transparency, openness, and respect for individual liberties is also a major advantage, analysts say, in keeping the public informed about risks and prevention, reducing panic, and maintaining crucial trust in government actions. “We are trying to engage in radical transparency with the American public,” U.S. Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar told reporters last week.
“A strength of the democratic system is we should be hearing about cases from health care facilities,” says Amanda Glassman, senior fellow at the Center for Global Development. ”We don’t have any ban on talking about people who have disease or hospitals that are overwhelmed.”
China’s authorities, in contrast, suppressed initial reports of the virus in December for weeks as the contagion went unchecked – silencing whistleblowers, including a Wuhan doctor who later died from the illness.
The cover up caused “an almost unprecedented online rebellion ... [with] average Chinese people being very angry at the government,” says Diana Fu, associate professor of political science at the University of Toronto, who researches civil society in China. The authoritarian government had broken “the basic social contract” to provide people with safety and security, she says.
Once China’s leaders moved to act, however, they orchestrated a rapid, efficient, and huge mobilization of resources in a “people’s war” against the virus. Beijing was credited with swiftly identifying and sharing the genetic sequence of the virus. Meanwhile, it imposed a draconian quarantine of Wuhan’s 11 million people that “may have bought the world time, for which we should all be grateful,” Professor Jones says.
“There’s no question that China’s bold approach to the rapid spread of this new respiratory pathogen has changed the course of what was a rapidly escalating and continues to be a deadly epidemic,” Bruce Aylward, a Canadian doctor who led a WHO delegation to China, said at a press conference last week.
Other governments’ anti-virus campaigns seem at times disjointed and slow, in comparison to China’s top-down approach, with new hospitals constructed overnight and big cities quarantined. Moreover, a slow distribution of testing kits and overly narrow criteria for testing may have missed numerous cases that are only now being detected. On Sunday, the administration announced a “radical expansion” of testing.
“We’re well behind the ball in figuring out what is going on,” Ms. Glassman says.
“We don’t have a top-down command and control system,” she adds. “Civil liberties and individual beliefs play a huge role in people’s health-care seeking and their willingness to be led by government or to do what government advises.”
A global question
In South Korea, for example, officials have sued a religious group for obstructing the surveillance work of health authorities in the city of Daegu, contributing to a mushrooming of coronavirus cases from dozens to more than 4,300 in only two weeks. Meanwhile, South Korean President Moon Jae-in faces public outrage – including a petition for his impeachment signed by 1.4 million citizens – for his handling of the crisis. Mr. Moon is blamed in particular for only belatedly imposing an entry ban on foreigners arriving from China’s Hubei Province, while allowing other Chinese travelers to enter South Korea.
In Italy, where cases spiked to more than 1,800 as of Monday, towns throughout the northern industrial heartland have been quarantined as officials attempt containment. But the aggressive reaction by authorities has raised concerns over restrictions on freedom of movement and basic human rights.
Francisco Seco/AP View caption Hide caption A gondolier looks at his smartphone as he waits for clients in Venice, Italy, Feb. 28, 2020. Authorities in Italy decided to re-open schools and museums in some areas less hard-hit by the coronavirus outbreak in the country, which has the most cases outside of Asia.
Raffaele Maresca is an instructor at a free fall wind tunnel in Milan. His job is usually frenetic, with between 200 and 400 clients showing up for indoor skydiving simulation daily. But now all appointments have been postponed. “There’s a lot of paranoia. It feels like it’s being blown out of proportion,” he says, wondering if he’ll still be able to go to movies, or even the gym. “I feel it affects my freedom, and I don’t like it.”
Countries’ responses must be vigorous, but not at the risk of violating human rights, says Steven Hoffman, director of the Global Strategy Lab at York University in Toronto, which advises countries on law and policy in the face of transnational health threats.
“When it comes to pandemics, following human rights principles actually align with scientific principles,” he says. “If we are trapped in a city that’s being presented as a high risk to the rest of the world, it’s a natural human tendency to try to leave that city ... which then makes it even harder for public health to identify those folks who might get sick and isolate them.”
As cases have increased in Europe, freedom of movement, one of the foundational pillars of the European Union, has become a central issue. Austria temporarily halted trains from Italy, while many far-right politicians have used the coronavirus to renew their calls, begun in the wake of terrorism threats by ISIS and migration across the Mediterranean, to end passport-free travel between Schengen countries.
But some experts caution against the effectiveness of such bans, and say they also fuel fear of people perceived as “foreign,” or “other.” Incidents of racism, from Canada to the U.S. and across Europe, have spiked toward Chinese populations, and the Asian diaspora more generally.
In Italy, the far-right has gained space to rail against open borders in the wake of the coronavirus outbreak, says Cecilia Emma Sottilotta, a professor of political science at the American University of Rome. “It is clearly perfect for political leaders like [Matteo] Salvini [of Italy] or Marine Le Pen [in France] or the [Alternative for Germany party] who have been arguing about the control of borders and people,” she says. “They are literally jumping on this.”
Rather than cut off connections, democratic communities must work with each other to overcome the virus, says Devi Sridhar, director of the global health governance program at Edinburgh University. “Citizens have to feel the government has their best interest at heart. And if they do come forward and want to report, they will get the best medical care and not forcibly be put into conditions that are against their will.”
Democracies’ free-flow of information is also central to their response, a key lesson that Canada learned in 2003. During the outbreak of SARS, it became one of the worst-hit countries outside of Asia, especially in Toronto, which was slapped with a WHO travel advisory. The country counted 438 suspected cases and 44 deaths.
The government drew up a commission that looked at weaknesses in the response, like a lack of preparedness and of information-sharing between local hospitals, provinces, the federal government, and the rest of the globe. Afterward, Canada created a public health agency that is now leading the coronavirus containment effort.
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“Generally, in open societies, I’m more confident in the ability for a virus to be contained,” says Professor Sridhar. “Because it’s transparent, and that’s what you want to have, free information flowing and good governance.”
Correspondent Catarina Fernandes Martins contributed reporting from Naples, Italy.


csmonitor--2020-04-15--Coronavirus tests global sense of who wins: ‘me’ or ‘us’

The COVID-19 crisis has seen “ me ” triumph over “ us ” elsewhere as well .
Countries have competed for supplies and restricted related exports , while efforts to coordinate an international response have foundered .
The main test may lie ahead , as countries decide how to reengage internationally as they rebuild their economies .
One issue may determine how they move forward : relations with China .
Then there ’ s the huge economic cost of all the shutdowns .
Last week strained the EU to the breaking point as Italy and Spain argued for borrowing as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ northern states ’ more solid credit rating , and rebuilding as a single bloc .
Northern states demurred .
The issue was finessed by a $ 550 billion package of EU support payments .
The European Union ’ s COVID-19 reckoning is especially telling , because the EU should have been singularly well placed to mount a transnational response .
When the pandemic struck Italy , Spain , and France hard , however , several member states tightened or closed borders .
Some briefly banned exports to the worst-hit areas .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me ” and “ us.
” And so far on the global stage , nationalism – “ me ” – is winning .
This past week , the 27-nation European Union came close to a breaking point .
And while it managed to stave off the danger for now , its crisis has dramatically highlighted a key challenge from COVID-19 for national governments around the world .
It is forcing them to make an age-old human choice : between “ me ” and “ us.
” For individuals , that means balancing personal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the communities , societies , countries , and world of which we ’ re all a part .
For governments , not just in Europe but elsewhere , the spread of COVID-19 has meant choosing between their national interests and a broader international engagement to confront a virus that holds no passport and recognizes no borders .
So far at least , nationalism – “ me ” – is winning .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
And one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally passed , will be whether the increasingly fragile architecture of existing international relationships – political alliances , trade partnerships , and the global economic system as a whole – can or will be built back to anything like its former self .
That ’ s likely to take on even greater importance with recent signs that China , the initial source of the coronavirus , does have a coherent and assertive international strategy for a post-pandemic world .
The EU ’ s COVID-19 reckoning is especially telling , because the EU should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a transnational response when the pandemic started hitting member states early this year .
The EU began life as a trading partnership .
Yet in recent decades , it has become a fully fledged single market , with a shared passport , a shared currency , and an explicitly stated aim of achieving a similar level of political integration .
The official phrase is “ ever-closer union , ” implying a kind of United States of Europe .
COVID-19 has put that vision to an unprecedented test .
The immediate response in February @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with particular force in three member states – Italy , Spain , and France – was hardly an example of ever-closer union .
A number of states tightened or closed their borders .
With pressure to ensure adequate supplies of equipment , some EU states also briefly banned exports to the worst-hit areas in Italy or Spain .
Some of this was simply a gut public-health reaction to the sudden spread of the virus .
But the real fault line inside the EU – and the cause of last week ’ s crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second pandemic : the huge economic cost of the shutdowns being used to stem the spread of COVID-19 .
It essentially pits Germany and other wealthy , fiscally conservative states in northern Europe against more heavily indebted countries of the south .
The aftermath is going to require similarly huge government expenditure , and ultimately borrowing .
Since two of the countries most severely hit , Italy and Spain , are already heavily indebted , the argument they ’ ve been making is for the EU truly to act like a union : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solid credit rating as ballast , and to borrow as a single bloc to rebuild as a single bloc , by issuing so called EU coronabonds .
But Germany , Austria , The Netherlands , Finland , and other northern states wanted no part of an arrangement linking their finances to what they view as a fiscally imprudent south .
The issue was finally finessed by a $ 550 billion package of EU support payments .
But the coronabond issue remains on the table , to be considered by the heads of government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte that it represented a “ challenge to the existence ” of the EU .
The COVID-19 crisis has seen “ me ” triumph over “ us ” elsewhere in the world as well .
Not only have borders been closed and transport links severed .
Just as within the EU , countries large and small have been scouring worldwide for supplies of ventilators and other items while seeking to restrict the export of such equipment available domestically .
So far at least , efforts to coordinate a concerted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conference-call meeting of the Group of Seven , the world ’ s leading economies , failed even to issue a joint statement , due to objections over a U.S. insistence that it include a reference to COVID-19 as the “ Wuhan virus.
” U.S. President Donald Trump has also retreated from past administrations ’ leadership role in containing international health crises , disregarding calls for the creation of an international task force .
This week , he announced plans for the U.S. , the principal donor to the World Health Organization , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be a growing recognition among other G-7 members – the major European states , Canada , and Japan – of the potentially enormous threat the pandemic still poses to less developed nations and refugee populations .
Britain , for instance , has announced additional funding for international relief organizations and for WHO .
Still , the main me-versus-us test may lie ahead , as countries decide whether , or to what degree , to reengage internationally as they cope with the inevitable challenge of rebuilding their domestic economies .
Both politically and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one issue above all may determine which way they move : relations with China .
Economically , the scramble for equipment to deal with COVID-19 has underscored the degree to which China has become an indispensable part of the global supply chain , not just for consumer products or manufacturing components but countless other products – including critical ventilators and protective equipment .
Politically , that ’ s become part of China ’ s own strategy to burnish its image and maximize its influence as the pandemic spreads more widely .
In recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a number of areas in need of supplies , including Italy , Canada , Britain , and New York state in the U.S. At the same time , it has been reframing the narrative around COVID-19 – a virus whose existence it at first hid from view , and whose origins and extent it has so far chosen not to share in full detail .
Instead , Beijing is now trumpeting its success in containing the spread within China , in clear contrast to the response of badly stretched health systems in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of EU member states .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

The COVID-19 crisis has seen “me” triumph over “us” elsewhere as well. Countries have competed for supplies and restricted related exports, while efforts to coordinate an international response have foundered. The main test may lie ahead, as countries decide how to reengage internationally as they rebuild their economies. One issue may determine how they move forward: relations with China.
Then there’s the huge economic cost of all the shutdowns. Last week strained the EU to the breaking point as Italy and Spain argued for borrowing as a single bloc, taking advantage of northern states’ more solid credit rating, and rebuilding as a single bloc. Northern states demurred. The issue was finessed by a $550 billion package of EU support payments.
Responses to the pandemic point to a key challenge that lies ahead: whether the increasingly fragile architecture of political alliances, trade partnerships, and the global economic system will be built back to anything like its former self.
The European Union’s COVID-19 reckoning is especially telling, because the EU should have been singularly well placed to mount a transnational response. When the pandemic struck Italy, Spain, and France hard, however, several member states tightened or closed borders. Some briefly banned exports to the worst-hit areas.
It’s an age-old choice: between “me” and “us.” And so far on the global stage, nationalism – “me” – is winning.
This past week, the 27-nation European Union came close to a breaking point. And while it managed to stave off the danger for now, its crisis has dramatically highlighted a key challenge from COVID-19 for national governments around the world.
It is forcing them to make an age-old human choice: between “me” and “us.”
For individuals, that means balancing personal needs with those of other people in the communities, societies, countries, and world of which we’re all a part. For governments, not just in Europe but elsewhere, the spread of COVID-19 has meant choosing between their national interests and a broader international engagement to confront a virus that holds no passport and recognizes no borders.
Why We Wrote This Responses to the pandemic point to a key challenge that lies ahead: whether the increasingly fragile architecture of political alliances, trade partnerships, and the global economic system will be built back to anything like its former self.
So far at least, nationalism – “me” – is winning.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
And one major question, when the crisis has finally passed, will be whether the increasingly fragile architecture of existing international relationships – political alliances, trade partnerships, and the global economic system as a whole – can or will be built back to anything like its former self. That’s likely to take on even greater importance with recent signs that China, the initial source of the coronavirus, does have a coherent and assertive international strategy for a post-pandemic world.
The EU’s COVID-19 reckoning is especially telling, because the EU should have been singularly well placed to mount a transnational response when the pandemic started hitting member states early this year.
The EU began life as a trading partnership. Yet in recent decades, it has become a fully fledged single market, with a shared passport, a shared currency, and an explicitly stated aim of achieving a similar level of political integration. The official phrase is “ever-closer union,” implying a kind of United States of Europe.
COVID-19 has put that vision to an unprecedented test.
The immediate response in February and early March as the pandemic struck with particular force in three member states – Italy, Spain, and France – was hardly an example of ever-closer union. A number of states tightened or closed their borders. With pressure to ensure adequate supplies of equipment, some EU states also briefly banned exports to the worst-hit areas in Italy or Spain.
Some of this was simply a gut public-health reaction to the sudden spread of the virus. But the real fault line inside the EU – and the cause of last week’s crisis – involves what might be called the second pandemic: the huge economic cost of the shutdowns being used to stem the spread of COVID-19. It essentially pits Germany and other wealthy, fiscally conservative states in northern Europe against more heavily indebted countries of the south.
The aftermath is going to require similarly huge government expenditure, and ultimately borrowing. Since two of the countries most severely hit, Italy and Spain, are already heavily indebted, the argument they’ve been making is for the EU truly to act like a union: to use the northern states’ more solid credit rating as ballast, and to borrow as a single bloc to rebuild as a single bloc, by issuing so called EU coronabonds.
But Germany, Austria, The Netherlands, Finland, and other northern states wanted no part of an arrangement linking their finances to what they view as a fiscally imprudent south. The issue was finally finessed by a $550 billion package of EU support payments. But the coronabond issue remains on the table, to be considered by the heads of government against the background of a warning from Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte that it represented a “challenge to the existence” of the EU.
Beyond Europe
The COVID-19 crisis has seen “me” triumph over “us” elsewhere in the world as well.
Not only have borders been closed and transport links severed. Just as within the EU, countries large and small have been scouring worldwide for supplies of ventilators and other items while seeking to restrict the export of such equipment available domestically.
So far at least, efforts to coordinate a concerted international response have foundered.
A recent conference-call meeting of the Group of Seven, the world’s leading economies, failed even to issue a joint statement, due to objections over a U.S. insistence that it include a reference to COVID-19 as the “Wuhan virus.” U.S. President Donald Trump has also retreated from past administrations’ leadership role in containing international health crises, disregarding calls for the creation of an international task force. This week, he announced plans for the U.S., the principal donor to the World Health Organization, to suspend its funding.
There does seem to be a growing recognition among other G-7 members – the major European states, Canada, and Japan – of the potentially enormous threat the pandemic still poses to less developed nations and refugee populations. Britain, for instance, has announced additional funding for international relief organizations and for WHO.
Still, the main me-versus-us test may lie ahead, as countries decide whether, or to what degree, to reengage internationally as they cope with the inevitable challenge of rebuilding their domestic economies.
Both politically and economically, there have been signs that one issue above all may determine which way they move: relations with China.
Economically, the scramble for equipment to deal with COVID-19 has underscored the degree to which China has become an indispensable part of the global supply chain, not just for consumer products or manufacturing components but countless other products – including critical ventilators and protective equipment.
Politically, that’s become part of China’s own strategy to burnish its image and maximize its influence as the pandemic spreads more widely. In recent weeks, it has made high-profile deliveries to a number of areas in need of supplies, including Italy, Canada, Britain, and New York state in the U.S.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
At the same time, it has been reframing the narrative around COVID-19 – a virus whose existence it at first hid from view, and whose origins and extent it has so far chosen not to share in full detail. Instead, Beijing is now trumpeting its success in containing the spread within China, in clear contrast to the response of badly stretched health systems in Western democracies like the U.S. and a number of EU member states.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.