csmonitor--2020-09-23--Poverty vs. school choice: Commentary on equity in education

As much as we talk about politics and preference in education , we are missing a key component : poverty .
It ’ s time to sort through the chatter of the school choice debate and address a fundamental issue affecting far more than where kids go to school .
Meanwhile , on the opposite coast , the governor of South Carolina faces a lawsuit for using education funds from the CARES Act to prop up private schools instead of public education in a low-income county where schools perpetually underperform even when there ’ s no pandemic .
Yet a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sign of failing infrastructure in education .
Consider the digital divide .
Recently , in Salinas Valley , children sat on the ground outside a Taco Bell , using the restaurant ’ s internet to do their homework .
“ Salinas Valley is 45 minutes from Silicon Valley , ” County Supervisor Luis Alejo said at the time , “ and here we have such a huge divide that ’ s gone on for years but now it ’ s only amplified because of this pandemic.
” A school choice voucher doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I should know .
My mother , a longtime teacher , fed her students encouragement – and peanut butter crackers – before big tests .
She knew she couldn ’ t expect kids to succeed when their stomachs were rumbling .
Discussions about school choice , like most political issues , have been polarizing in the current political climate .
The pandemic has only exacerbated that , but it may also be clarifying a fundamental choice lurking behind the public vs. private debate : whether we ’ re going to let parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life becomes much harder for children .
I ’ ve written about my working-class father , who spent nearly 40 years at the United States Postal Service .
Now , it ’ s time to tell you about my working-class mom , whose career in education spans four decades .
As most teachers will tell you , they don ’ t just have their biological kids .
They nurture hundreds or even thousands of kids over many years .
That was certainly true of my mom , who used to give her students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ standardized test , along with a rhyme for the times : My mom ’ s rhyme was cool , but those crackers represented her conscientiousness .
I can ’ t help but wonder how many of her students – her other kids – had those crackers as their first meal of the day .
As much as we talk about politics and preference in education , we are missing a key component : poverty .
Back in 1999 , my mom took a job as a teacher specialist in Allendale , South Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takeover that lasted from 1999 to 2007 , initiated by then-State Superintendent of Education Inez Tenenbaum due to poor academic performance .
It ’ s worth mentioning that Allendale County isn ’ t just one of the poorest school districts ( and counties ) in South Carolina – it ’ s one of the poorest in America .
According to census data , Allendale County has a median household income of $ 24,560 , which is below the poverty threshold of $ 26,200 for a family of four , based on Department of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The state of South Carolina took over the school district again in 2017 due to the same concerns , but it ’ s worth asking , Is the problem strictly academics ?
Could another force be at work ?
It could be argued that South Carolina ’ s state government had failed the residents of Allendale County long before it took over their schools , due to its neglect of this rural community .
Ideally , education should provide a level playing field for children , regardless of race , gender , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is different – and dire .
How can we expect kids to succeed on standardized tests when their stomachs are rumbling ?
Yet a hungry belly isn ’ t the only sign of failing infrastructure in education .
Last month , a photo of two children with their computers in front of a Taco Bell went viral .
What were they doing ?
Using the restaurant ’ s Wi-Fi to do their homework .
The photo reignited discussion about the “ digital divide ” in America .
Reports indicate that nearly 16 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t have adequate internet connections .
That divide was especially glaring for the kids in front of Taco Bell , because they were within an hour of Silicon Valley , a tech mecca .
Luis Alejo , the county supervisor , retweeted the photo and challenged state officials to create a universal broadband infrastructure bond for students .
“ Salinas Valley is 45 minutes from Silicon Valley , ” he told CNN , “ and here we have such a huge divide that ’ s gone on for years but now it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The girls and their family were eventually given a mobile hotspot , and fundraising efforts yielded a six-figure sum .
That type of charity shows the goodness of people .
Still , what do we do about the other children suffering through disparities in access ?
Finding stopgaps in educational inequities will require good faith discussions about public and private education .
Public and private options shouldn ’ t be seen as competitors , but as complements .
Yet those conversations get muddied when governments act in bad faith .
More than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carolina took over Allendale County ’ s school district the first time , Gov .
Henry McMaster dedicated $ 32 million ( of $ 48 million ) in CARES education relief for private schools .
Dr. Thomasena Adams , a retired South Carolina public school educator , rebuked Mr. McMaster ’ s move in a lawsuit , stating : “ These subsidies and payments to private schools purport to assist about five thousand students in the State of South Carolina .
There are over eight hundred thousand students in public schools in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McMaster billed as a “ school choice ” option felt like a deliberate transfer of public school funding to private education .
In a state and country with clear disparities in education , the move appeared insensitive .
Yet Mr. McMaster ’ s ideology regarding school choice is in lockstep with the current administration and its education secretary , Betsy DeVos .
It ’ s out of step , however , with the National Education Association , the largest labor union and interest group for public school teachers and staff in the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The evidence is damning , but it ’ s also heartbreaking .
What ’ s happening in education reflects what ’ s happening in our country .
Our inability to address the fundamental issues behind the polarizing politics leaves us with perpetually bad choices .
In the case of areas such as Salinas Valley and Allendale County , far too many parents and children are left with two choices – slim and none .

As much as we talk about politics and preference in education, we are missing a key component: poverty. It’s time to sort through the chatter of the school choice debate and address a fundamental issue affecting far more than where kids go to school.
Meanwhile, on the opposite coast, the governor of South Carolina faces a lawsuit for using education funds from the CARES Act to prop up private schools instead of public education in a low-income county where schools perpetually underperform even when there’s no pandemic.
Behind the clamor about school choice lies a fundamental issue affecting parents and their children: poverty. Listening past the noise could refocus attention on something far more important than where kids go to school.
Yet a hungry belly isn’t the only sign of failing infrastructure in education. Consider the digital divide. Recently, in Salinas Valley, children sat on the ground outside a Taco Bell, using the restaurant’s internet to do their homework. “Salinas Valley is 45 minutes from Silicon Valley,” County Supervisor Luis Alejo said at the time, “and here we have such a huge divide that’s gone on for years but now it’s only amplified because of this pandemic.”
A school choice voucher doesn’t mean much to a hungry child. I should know. My mother, a longtime teacher, fed her students encouragement – and peanut butter crackers – before big tests. She knew she couldn’t expect kids to succeed when their stomachs were rumbling.
Discussions about school choice, like most political issues, have been polarizing in the current political climate. The pandemic has only exacerbated that, but it may also be clarifying a fundamental choice lurking behind the public vs. private debate: whether we’re going to let parents fail – because if parents fail, life becomes much harder for children.
I’ve written about my working-class father, who spent nearly 40 years at the United States Postal Service. Now, it’s time to tell you about my working-class mom, whose career in education spans four decades.
As most teachers will tell you, they don’t just have their biological kids. They nurture hundreds or even thousands of kids over many years. That was certainly true of my mom, who used to give her students peanut butter and cheese crackers before a standardized test, along with a rhyme for the times:
Bust the test.
Bust the test, baby.
Bust that test,
Ain’t no maybe.
Bust the test.
Bust the test, baby.
You can do it.
You can do it.
You can bust that test!
Why We Wrote This Behind the clamor about school choice lies a fundamental issue affecting parents and their children: poverty. Listening past the noise could refocus attention on something far more important than where kids go to school.
My mom’s rhyme was cool, but those crackers represented her conscientiousness. I can’t help but wonder how many of her students – her other kids – had those crackers as their first meal of the day.
As much as we talk about politics and preference in education, we are missing a key component: poverty.
Back in 1999, my mom took a job as a teacher specialist in Allendale, South Carolina. She was part of a state-based takeover that lasted from 1999 to 2007, initiated by then-State Superintendent of Education Inez Tenenbaum due to poor academic performance. It’s worth mentioning that Allendale County isn’t just one of the poorest school districts (and counties) in South Carolina – it’s one of the poorest in America.
According to census data, Allendale County has a median household income of $24,560, which is below the poverty threshold of $26,200 for a family of four, based on Department of Health and Human Services Poverty Guidelines.
The state of South Carolina took over the school district again in 2017 due to the same concerns, but it’s worth asking, Is the problem strictly academics? Could another force be at work?
It could be argued that South Carolina’s state government had failed the residents of Allendale County long before it took over their schools, due to its neglect of this rural community. Ideally, education should provide a level playing field for children, regardless of race, gender, or their parents’ wealth.
The reality is different – and dire. How can we expect kids to succeed on standardized tests when their stomachs are rumbling?
Yet a hungry belly isn’t the only sign of failing infrastructure in education.
Last month, a photo of two children with their computers in front of a Taco Bell went viral. What were they doing? Using the restaurant’s Wi-Fi to do their homework.
The photo reignited discussion about the “digital divide” in America. Reports indicate that nearly 16 million kids in K-12 public schools don’t have adequate internet connections.
That divide was especially glaring for the kids in front of Taco Bell, because they were within an hour of Silicon Valley, a tech mecca. Luis Alejo, the county supervisor, retweeted the photo and challenged state officials to create a universal broadband infrastructure bond for students. “Salinas Valley is 45 minutes from Silicon Valley,” he told CNN, “and here we have such a huge divide that’s gone on for years but now it’s only amplified because of this pandemic.”
The girls and their family were eventually given a mobile hotspot, and fundraising efforts yielded a six-figure sum. That type of charity shows the goodness of people. Still, what do we do about the other children suffering through disparities in access?
Finding stopgaps in educational inequities will require good faith discussions about public and private education. Public and private options shouldn’t be seen as competitors, but as complements. Yet those conversations get muddied when governments act in bad faith.
More than 20 years after the state of South Carolina took over Allendale County’s school district the first time, Gov. Henry McMaster dedicated $32 million (of $48 million) in CARES education relief for private schools. Dr. Thomasena Adams, a retired South Carolina public school educator, rebuked Mr. McMaster’s move in a lawsuit, stating: “These subsidies and payments to private schools purport to assist about five thousand students in the State of South Carolina. There are over eight hundred thousand students in public schools in the State of South Carolina.”
What Governor McMaster billed as a “school choice” option felt like a deliberate transfer of public school funding to private education. In a state and country with clear disparities in education, the move appeared insensitive.
Yet Mr. McMaster’s ideology regarding school choice is in lockstep with the current administration and its education secretary, Betsy DeVos. It’s out of step, however, with the National Education Association, the largest labor union and interest group for public school teachers and staff in the country, whose website flatly condemns the administration.
The evidence is damning, but it’s also heartbreaking. What’s happening in education reflects what’s happening in our country. Our inability to address the fundamental issues behind the polarizing politics leaves us with perpetually bad choices.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In the case of areas such as Salinas Valley and Allendale County, far too many parents and children are left with two choices – slim and none.
It’s the illusion of choice.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--The Supreme Court fourth wall shows cracks

For decades Supreme Court nominees and their political supporters have often spoken in a code of obfuscation , particularly in Senate confirmation hearings .
The point is to avoid as much as possible any indication about the nominee ’ s personal beliefs regarding sensitive issues likely to come before the high court , such as abortion or gun rights .
This reticence largely began following the bitter 1987 Senate hearings and subsequent defeat of President Ronald Reagan ’ s Supreme Court pick , Judge Robert Bork .
Judge Bork had a lengthy trail of public statements , and in hearings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including his belief that the legal underpinnings of Roe V. Wade abortion decision were shaky .
Afterwards he blamed his defeat in part on tough speeches and advertising by opponents , which drew on – the GOP would say misused – his own words .
Thus the cloud of code , in which “ legislating from the bench ” means a judge pushing liberal positions , sidestepping a question about Roe v. Wade by referring to it as “ settled law ” can be an attempt to avoid discussing abortion entirely , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comment because “ they might come before me ” if confirmed .
But is this way of delicate discourse outmoded in the age of Trump , where the president himself often says the quiet part out loud , discussing motives others might keep hidden ?
There ’ s some evidence that ’ s the case .
Senate Republicans have already laid out the lines of the upcoming nomination fight in an unusually blunt manner .
Take abortion .
Sen. Josh Hawley earlier this week tweeted that he would only support a nominee who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decided.
” He called on other Republicans to take the same stand .
Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina , in a toss-up reelection fight , overtly divided the Supreme Court into teams , saying in a statement that he supports the “ conservative jurist President Trump will nominate ” as opposed to Joe Biden ’ s undoubted “ liberal activist ” choice .
Chief Justice John Roberts , who has long insisted the high court is separate from partisan politics , may not like this trend .
Will voters ?
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a more realistic statement of the obvious divisions .
It “ feels like Trump-era rhetoric has ditched the old codes .
.
.
for something that accurately describes the stakes .
.
.
” tweeted Washington Post campaign reporter Dave Weigel over the weekend .
Let us know what you ’ re thinking at csmpolitics @ csmonitor.com .

Dear readers:
For decades Supreme Court nominees and their political supporters have often spoken in a code of obfuscation, particularly in Senate confirmation hearings. The point is to avoid as much as possible any indication about the nominee’s personal beliefs regarding sensitive issues likely to come before the high court, such as abortion or gun rights.
This reticence largely began following the bitter 1987 Senate hearings and subsequent defeat of President Ronald Reagan’s Supreme Court pick, Judge Robert Bork.
Judge Bork had a lengthy trail of public statements, and in hearings he discussed in detail his controversial opinions, including his belief that the legal underpinnings of Roe V. Wade abortion decision were shaky. Afterwards he blamed his defeat in part on tough speeches and advertising by opponents, which drew on – the GOP would say misused – his own words.
Thus the cloud of code, in which “legislating from the bench” means a judge pushing liberal positions, sidestepping a question about Roe v. Wade by referring to it as “settled law” can be an attempt to avoid discussing abortion entirely, and specific pending cases are dismissed without comment because “they might come before me” if confirmed.
But is this way of delicate discourse outmoded in the age of Trump, where the president himself often says the quiet part out loud, discussing motives others might keep hidden?
There’s some evidence that’s the case. Senate Republicans have already laid out the lines of the upcoming nomination fight in an unusually blunt manner.
Take abortion. Sen. Josh Hawley earlier this week tweeted that he would only support a nominee who says openly that Roe was “wrongly decided.” He called on other Republicans to take the same stand.
Sen. Thom Tillis of North Carolina, in a toss-up reelection fight, overtly divided the Supreme Court into teams, saying in a statement that he supports the “conservative jurist President Trump will nominate” as opposed to Joe Biden’s undoubted “liberal activist” choice.
Chief Justice John Roberts, who has long insisted the high court is separate from partisan politics, may not like this trend. Will voters? It’s possible they’ll find it a more realistic statement of the obvious divisions.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
It “feels like Trump-era rhetoric has ditched the old codes . . . for something that accurately describes the stakes . . .” tweeted Washington Post campaign reporter Dave Weigel over the weekend.
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--Kentucky officer indicted for role in Breonna Taylor raid

A Kentucky grand jury on Wednesday indicted a single police officer for shooting into neighboring apartments but did not move forward with charges against any officers for their role in Breonna Taylor ’ s death .
A grand jury announced that Officer Brett Hankison was charged with three counts of wanton endangerment in connection to the police raid on the night of March 13 .
Neither the grand jury nor the presiding judge elaborated on the charges .
State Attorney General Daniel Cameron scheduled a news conference in the capital , Frankfort , to discuss the grand jury ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to act , and celebrities and pro athletes had joined them in calling on the attorney general to charge the police who shot Ms. Taylor .
At one point , demonstrators converged on his house and were charged with felonies for trying to intimidate the prosecutor .
A Republican , he is the state ’ s first Black state attorney general and a protege of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , tagged by some as Mr. McConnell ’ s heir apparent .
His was also one of 20 names on President Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court vacancy .
Ms. Taylor , an emergency medical worker , was shot multiple times by officers who entered her home using a no-knock warrant during a narcotics investigation .
The warrant used to search her home was connected to a suspect who did not live there , and no drugs were found inside .
The use of no-knock warrants has since been banned by Louisville ’ s Metro Council .
Mr. Cameron ’ s office had been receiving materials from the Louisville Police Department ’ s public integrity unit while they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be brought against the three officers involved , he said .
Before charges were brought , Mr. Hankison was fired from the city ’ s police department on June 23 .
A termination letter sent to him by interim Louisville Police Chief Robert Schroeder said the white officer had violated procedures by showing “ extreme indifference to the value of human life ” when he “ wantonly and blindly ” shot 10 rounds of gunfire into Ms. Taylor ’ s apartment in March .
Mr. Hankison , Sgt .
Johnathan Mattingly , Officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sought the warrant , Joshua Jaynes , were placed on administrative reassignment after the shooting .
Ms. Taylor ’ s boyfriend , Kenneth Walker , opened fire when police burst in , hitting Mr. Mattingly .
Mr. Walker was charged with attempted murder of a police officer , but prosecutors later dropped the charge .
Mr. Walker told police he heard knocking but didn ’ t know who was coming into the home and fired in self-defense .
On Sept. 15 , the city settled a lawsuit against the three officers brought by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Palmer , agreeing to pay her $ 12 million and enact police reforms .
Protesters in Louisville and across the country have demanded justice for Ms. Taylor and other Black people killed by police in recent months .
The release in late May of a 911 call by Ms. Taylor ’ s boyfriend marked the beginning of days of protests in Louisville , fueled by her shooting and the violent death of George Floyd while in police custody in Minneapolis on May 25 .
Several prominent African American celebrities including Oprah and Beyoncé @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be charged .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

A Kentucky grand jury on Wednesday indicted a single police officer for shooting into neighboring apartments but did not move forward with charges against any officers for their role in Breonna Taylor’s death.
A grand jury announced that Officer Brett Hankison was charged with three counts of wanton endangerment in connection to the police raid on the night of March 13.
Neither the grand jury nor the presiding judge elaborated on the charges.
State Attorney General Daniel Cameron scheduled a news conference in the capital, Frankfort, to discuss the grand jury’s decision.
Protesters have consistently pressured him to act, and celebrities and pro athletes had joined them in calling on the attorney general to charge the police who shot Ms. Taylor. At one point, demonstrators converged on his house and were charged with felonies for trying to intimidate the prosecutor.
A Republican, he is the state’s first Black state attorney general and a protege of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, tagged by some as Mr. McConnell’s heir apparent. His was also one of 20 names on President Donald Trump’s list to fill a future Supreme Court vacancy.
Ms. Taylor, an emergency medical worker, was shot multiple times by officers who entered her home using a no-knock warrant during a narcotics investigation. The warrant used to search her home was connected to a suspect who did not live there, and no drugs were found inside. The use of no-knock warrants has since been banned by Louisville’s Metro Council.
Mr. Cameron’s office had been receiving materials from the Louisville Police Department’s public integrity unit while they tried to determine whether state charges would be brought against the three officers involved, he said.
Before charges were brought, Mr. Hankison was fired from the city’s police department on June 23. A termination letter sent to him by interim Louisville Police Chief Robert Schroeder said the white officer had violated procedures by showing “extreme indifference to the value of human life” when he “wantonly and blindly” shot 10 rounds of gunfire into Ms. Taylor’s apartment in March.
Mr. Hankison, Sgt. Johnathan Mattingly, Officer Myles Cosgrove, and the detective who sought the warrant, Joshua Jaynes, were placed on administrative reassignment after the shooting.
Ms. Taylor’s boyfriend, Kenneth Walker, opened fire when police burst in, hitting Mr. Mattingly. Mr. Walker was charged with attempted murder of a police officer, but prosecutors later dropped the charge.
Mr. Walker told police he heard knocking but didn’t know who was coming into the home and fired in self-defense.
On Sept. 15, the city settled a lawsuit against the three officers brought by Ms. Taylor’s mother, Tamika Palmer, agreeing to pay her $12 million and enact police reforms.
Protesters in Louisville and across the country have demanded justice for Ms. Taylor and other Black people killed by police in recent months. The release in late May of a 911 call by Ms. Taylor’s boyfriend marked the beginning of days of protests in Louisville, fueled by her shooting and the violent death of George Floyd while in police custody in Minneapolis on May 25.
Several prominent African American celebrities including Oprah and Beyoncé have joined those urging that the officers be charged.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--An ideal of innocence kept alive

An ideal of innocence kept alive

Fifteen years ago this month , 113 member states of the United Nations voted to commit themselves to a new ideal .
They each signed on to a responsibility to protect their own citizens from genocide , war crimes , and gross human rights abuses .
If they failed , other states had a responsibility to step in .
The principle , called a “ responsibility to protect ” and shorthanded as R2P , grew out of global anguish over a failure to stop the genocides or “ ethnic cleansing ” massacres in Rwanda , Bosnia , and Sudan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ R2P in 2005 , the ideal had a galvanizing effect .
“ Regions once blighted by atrocity crimes moved towards sustainable peace , ” says Alexander Bellamy , director of the Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect .
The new norm led to practices by governments and civil society groups aimed at protecting the most vulnerable people .
“ It became more difficult – though certainly not impossible – for perpetrators to get away with deliberate attacks on civilian populations and more likely that the world would respond , ” according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events tested the world ’ s resolve for humanitarian intervention .
The Syrian government and Islamic State militants used chemical weapons against civilians during Syria ’ s war .
Myanmar slaughtered or displaced hundreds of thousands of its Rohingya citizens .
China imprisoned at least a million Uyghurs in concentration camps .
The international community failed to prevent these “ atrocity crimes ” or effectively care for the victims .
Despite the setbacks , two cases now provide an opportunity to renew the promise of R2P .
On Sept. 23 , the U.N. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigative report that accuses the Venezuelan regime of Nicolás Maduro of gross violations of human rights , including extrajudicial executions and the jailing and torture of its political rivals .
Sudan , meanwhile , has convicted its former dictator , Omar al-Bashir , of corruption and put him on trial over a 1989 coup .
Now it is considering how to hold him along with other top officials accountable for genocide in Darfur .
The Venezuela case is being reviewed by the International Criminal Court , a legal body set up in 2002 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what actions that tribunal can take .
Mr. Maduro is still in power and unlikely to allow himself to be put on trial .
But the two cases reflect important shifts among Africans and Latin Americans in democratic expectations and diplomatic norms .
Since 2018 , for example , Sudanese protesters have linked freedom and democracy to justice for past atrocities against the country ’ s minorities .
The current transitional government seems to be paying attention .
The U.N. investigation of Mr. Maduro followed a request for such a probe two years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Peru , and Paraguay .
That represented a significant break from a long-standing regional bias toward noninterference among Latin American countries .
Despite uneven progress on R2P , the world at least has crossed a threshold .
Nations now are on notice that their “ sovereignty entails obligations as well as rights , and that when these obligations go unmet , governments forfeit some of their sovereign rights , ” notes Richard Haass , president of the Council on Foreign Relations .
“ Such a principle is needed in a world where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the interests of others beyond their borders , often in fundamental ways.
” Sudan ’ s case against its former dictator and the U.N. ’ s case against Venezuela represent humanity ’ s closer embrace of a universal ideal : compassion for innocent lives .
An old unwritten rule no longer holds among state leaders that they can avoid scrutiny for violence against their people .
Even these recent small breakthroughs show the power of a good idea against the guns of dictators .

Fifteen years ago this month, 113 member states of the United Nations voted to commit themselves to a new ideal. They each signed on to a responsibility to protect their own citizens from genocide, war crimes, and gross human rights abuses. If they failed, other states had a responsibility to step in.
The principle, called a “responsibility to protect” and shorthanded as R2P, grew out of global anguish over a failure to stop the genocides or “ethnic cleansing” massacres in Rwanda, Bosnia, and Sudan.
Early on after the U.N. voted for R2P in 2005, the ideal had a galvanizing effect. “Regions once blighted by atrocity crimes moved towards sustainable peace,” says Alexander Bellamy, director of the Asia-Pacific Centre for the Responsibility to Protect.
The new norm led to practices by governments and civil society groups aimed at protecting the most vulnerable people. “It became more difficult – though certainly not impossible – for perpetrators to get away with deliberate attacks on civilian populations and more likely that the world would respond,” according to Mr. Bellamy.
Then a series of events tested the world’s resolve for humanitarian intervention. The Syrian government and Islamic State militants used chemical weapons against civilians during Syria’s war. Myanmar slaughtered or displaced hundreds of thousands of its Rohingya citizens. China imprisoned at least a million Uyghurs in concentration camps. The international community failed to prevent these “atrocity crimes” or effectively care for the victims.
Despite the setbacks, two cases now provide an opportunity to renew the promise of R2P. On Sept. 23, the U.N. Human Rights Council took up an exhaustive investigative report that accuses the Venezuelan regime of Nicolás Maduro of gross violations of human rights, including extrajudicial executions and the jailing and torture of its political rivals. Sudan, meanwhile, has convicted its former dictator, Omar al-Bashir, of corruption and put him on trial over a 1989 coup. Now it is considering how to hold him along with other top officials accountable for genocide in Darfur.
The Venezuela case is being reviewed by the International Criminal Court, a legal body set up in 2002 by the U.N. It is unclear what actions that tribunal can take. Mr. Maduro is still in power and unlikely to allow himself to be put on trial.
But the two cases reflect important shifts among Africans and Latin Americans in democratic expectations and diplomatic norms. Since 2018, for example, Sudanese protesters have linked freedom and democracy to justice for past atrocities against the country’s minorities. The current transitional government seems to be paying attention.
The U.N. investigation of Mr. Maduro followed a request for such a probe two years ago by Argentina, Colombia, Chile, Peru, and Paraguay. That represented a significant break from a long-standing regional bias toward noninterference among Latin American countries.
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Despite uneven progress on R2P, the world at least has crossed a threshold. Nations now are on notice that their “sovereignty entails obligations as well as rights, and that when these obligations go unmet, governments forfeit some of their sovereign rights,” notes Richard Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations. “Such a principle is needed in a world where much of what occurs inside countries affects the interests of others beyond their borders, often in fundamental ways.”
Sudan’s case against its former dictator and the U.N.’s case against Venezuela represent humanity’s closer embrace of a universal ideal: compassion for innocent lives. An old unwritten rule no longer holds among state leaders that they can avoid scrutiny for violence against their people. Even these recent small breakthroughs show the power of a good idea against the guns of dictators.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--China, world’s biggest emitter, pledges carbon neutrality 2060

Chinese President Xi Jinping says his country will aim to stop adding to the global warming problem by 2060 .
Mr. Xi ’ s announcement during a speech Tuesday to the General Assembly is a significant step for the world ’ s biggest emitter of greenhouse gases .
Calling for a “ green revolution , ” Mr. Xi said the coronavirus pandemic had shown the need to preserve the environment .
“ Humankind can no longer afford to ignore the repeated warnings of nature , ” he said .
Citing the Paris Agreement that he and former United States President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Xi said his country would raise its emissions reduction targets with “ vigorous policies and measures.
” “ We aim to have CO2 emissions peak before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060 , ” he said .
The term “ carbon neutrality ” means releasing no additional CO2 into the atmosphere , though technically it allows countries to keep emitting if they ensure that an equal amount is captured again in some form .
The announcement was cheered by climate campaigners .
Greenpeace executive director Jennifer Morgan called it “ an important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ top of agenda for China.
” It ’ s “ a big shift for curbing emissions and a significant step forward in international cooperation , ” U.N. climate chief Patricia Espinosa said .
The goal will be a challenge for China , which relies heavily for its electricity on coal , one of the most carbon-intensive fossil fuels .
China released the equivalent of 10 billion tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere in 2018 , according to the Global Carbon Project , which tracks emissions worldwide .
That was almost twice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times as much as the European Union .
Several other major emitters have set earlier deadlines , with the EU aiming to be carbon neutral by 2050 .
Frans Timmermans , who leads the EU executive ’ s efforts on climate change , welcomed Mr. Xi ’ s announcement .
“ We need decisive action from every country to keep temperatures under control , tackle climate change , and keep our planet inhabitable , ” he said .
The U.S. has so far not set such a goal .
President Donald Trump , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoax invented by China , has started the process of pulling the U.S. out of the Paris accord .
If China fulfills Mr. Xi ’ s goal , it could prevent 0.4 to 0.7 degrees Fahrenheit in further warming for the world , according to ” very rough estimates ” by MIT management professor John Sterman , who models and tracks emission reductions and pledges with Climate Interactive .
But much depends on how they do their emissions reduction and how soon they cut them , he said , adding he has to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s a lot , ” Mr. Sterman said .
“ China ’ s by far the world ’ s big emitter .
They ’ re emitting more than the EU and U.S. together.
’ ’ “ It puts a lot more pressure on the United States , ” he said .
Perhaps even more important than the carbon neutrality pledge is the effort to reach peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 instead of by 2030 , Mr. Sterman said .
Carbon dioxide ’ s more than 100-year lifetime in the air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promises in the future , he said .
“ Emissions that don ’ t happen between now and 2030 are going to reduce warming a lot more than the same emission reductions after 2060 , ” Mr. Sterman said .
However , pledges are not the same as actions .
What ’ s needed is signs of action , such as eliminating plans to build new coal-fired power plants , cutting subsidies for coal power , and getting off coal entirely , Mr. Sterman said .
Coal is the biggest carbon dioxide emitter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China have pledged to achieve climate neutrality in different years , according to the Carbon Neutrality Coalition .
With China , the 30 countries that have some kind of carbon neutrality pledges account for about 43 % of the world ’ s carbon dioxide emissions from the burning of fossil fuels .
The largest polluting countries not on the list are the U.S. , India , Russia , Iran , Saudi Arabia , Indonesia , South Africa , Turkey , Brazil , and Australia .
This story was reported by The Associated Press @

Chinese President Xi Jinping says his country will aim to stop adding to the global warming problem by 2060.
Mr. Xi’s announcement during a speech Tuesday to the General Assembly is a significant step for the world’s biggest emitter of greenhouse gases.
Calling for a “green revolution,” Mr. Xi said the coronavirus pandemic had shown the need to preserve the environment.
“Humankind can no longer afford to ignore the repeated warnings of nature,” he said.
Citing the Paris Agreement that he and former United States President Barack Obama helped forge in 2015, Xi said his country would raise its emissions reduction targets with “vigorous policies and measures.”
“We aim to have CO2 emissions peak before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060,” he said.
The term “carbon neutrality” means releasing no additional CO2 into the atmosphere, though technically it allows countries to keep emitting if they ensure that an equal amount is captured again in some form.
The announcement was cheered by climate campaigners. Greenpeace executive director Jennifer Morgan called it “an important signal” that showed climate change is “top of agenda for China.”
It’s “a big shift for curbing emissions and a significant step forward in international cooperation,” U.N. climate chief Patricia Espinosa said.
The goal will be a challenge for China, which relies heavily for its electricity on coal, one of the most carbon-intensive fossil fuels.
China released the equivalent of 10 billion tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere in 2018, according to the Global Carbon Project, which tracks emissions worldwide. That was almost twice as much as the U.S. and three times as much as the European Union.
Several other major emitters have set earlier deadlines, with the EU aiming to be carbon neutral by 2050. Frans Timmermans, who leads the EU executive’s efforts on climate change, welcomed Mr. Xi’s announcement.
“We need decisive action from every country to keep temperatures under control, tackle climate change, and keep our planet inhabitable,” he said.
The U.S. has so far not set such a goal. President Donald Trump, who once described climate change as a hoax invented by China, has started the process of pulling the U.S. out of the Paris accord.
If China fulfills Mr. Xi’s goal, it could prevent 0.4 to 0.7 degrees Fahrenheit in further warming for the world, according to ”very rough estimates” by MIT management professor John Sterman, who models and tracks emission reductions and pledges with Climate Interactive.
But much depends on how they do their emissions reduction and how soon they cut them, he said, adding he has to do a more thorough analysis.
“That’s a lot,” Mr. Sterman said. “China’s by far the world’s big emitter. They’re emitting more than the EU and U.S. together.’’
“It puts a lot more pressure on the United States,” he said.
Perhaps even more important than the carbon neutrality pledge is the effort to reach peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030 instead of by 2030, Mr. Sterman said. Carbon dioxide’s more than 100-year lifetime in the air makes earlier emission cuts more effective than promises in the future, he said.
“Emissions that don’t happen between now and 2030 are going to reduce warming a lot more than the same emission reductions after 2060,” Mr. Sterman said.
However, pledges are not the same as actions. What’s needed is signs of action, such as eliminating plans to build new coal-fired power plants, cutting subsidies for coal power, and getting off coal entirely, Mr. Sterman said. Coal is the biggest carbon dioxide emitter of power sources.
Twenty-nine nations before China have pledged to achieve climate neutrality in different years, according to the Carbon Neutrality Coalition.
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With China, the 30 countries that have some kind of carbon neutrality pledges account for about 43% of the world’s carbon dioxide emissions from the burning of fossil fuels. The largest polluting countries not on the list are the U.S., India, Russia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, South Africa, Turkey, Brazil, and Australia.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--Tackling gender inequality through soccer in India

When India began lifting its coronavirus lockdown , Meera , a child bride from northwestern India , was focused on just one thing : when she could start playing football again .
In Rajasthan , one of the Indian regions where early marriage persists despite having been outlawed more than a decade ago , a girls ’ soccer initiative is tackling gender inequality , and giving child brides the confidence to fight for their rights .
“ The day I was married , I was supposed to go to my first football camp .
I protested , but my father @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the soccer-crazy 15-year-old told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone .
“ I ’ m more assertive now .
I ’ m no longer shy .
I started playing again about a month ago .
...
The question of me leaving does not arise , ” said Meera , who was married three years ago in a mass wedding along with her two sisters .
In keeping with the usual practice for girls married early in Rajasthan , most child brides do not have their ‘ gauna ’ – the ritual sending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in-laws – until they turn 18 , the legal marriage age in India .
But as the coronavirus pandemic closed schools and deepened rural hardship in one of the world ’ s worst-hit countries , Meera feared the ‘ gauna ’ might come early for girls in her village .
UNICEF data from 2018 found that about 27 % of girls in India get married before they turn 18 , down from 47 % a decade earlier , but advocates have warned that the COVID-19 crisis could lead to a spike in child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Of 223 million women and girls in India who were married off as children , almost half were wed before turning 15 , according to statistics by the United Nations ’ children ’ s agency UNICEF .
Broadening horizons and seeing the world Meera and her teammates got their first taste of the Beautiful Game thanks to a program launched four years ago by the nonprofit Mahila Jan Adhikar Samiti ( MJAS ) , which aimed to fight child marriage and help girls achieve their dreams .
It focuses on four villages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early marriage is common .
When Indira Pancholi , founder of MJAS and joint head of the Girls Not Brides Rajasthan Alliance , got funding for a sport-based initiative , she went out to ask girls which was their favorite game , only to find most had never played anything .
But in the end , they opted for soccer .
“ We didn ’ t know why they chose football , but realized from their conversations that they wanted to run in an open ground , ” Ms. Pancholi said .
More @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who belong to Meera ’ s team were also married as children or engaged to be married .
When the coronavirus lockdown brought India to a virtual standstill in March , Sudhir Joseph , joint secretary at the Rajasthan Football Association , which coaches the girls , said he worried that many of them would give up .
“ I was scared they would drop out .
...
But they are still interested , ” he said , adding that the game had boosted the girls ’ confidence and broadened their horizons by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Football took them out of their homes .
... they have seen the world outside their villages , ” he said .
When Rashi , 17 , returned from her first football camp wearing shorts and a T-shirt and not the wide skirt , blouse , and long scarf that she had set off in , her parents reacted angrily .
“ The villagers protested and said the campaigners were sullying us by making us play a boys ’ game .
Even girls who were not playing would say we were sullied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ married two years ago and declined to give her real name .
Determined not to be cowed , they started wearing leggings under their shorts .
Little by little , parents and neighbors began to accept the football-playing girls as they brought trophies home from local tournaments or matches in big cities .
“ We live in a remote village , so we had no idea what this [ girls playing football ] was .
... we couldn ’ t trust the girls going out on their own , ” said Ramlal Bhadana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Rajasthan .
“ But the girls never missed a day of practice , even now .
... and they started doing well in studies .
Five girls from our village are studying in college , ” he said .
Ms. Pancholi said football had turned out to be a “ great strategy , ” highlighting the success of convincing the girls ’ families to let them take part in week-long camps .
The camps were liberating , Meera said , recalling how they allowed her to improve her technique and strategy on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marriage laws , career options , and meeting legal officials from her home district .
Meera , who wants to train to become a football coach when she finishes school , spent some of her free time during lockdown visiting local families to encourage them to send their daughters to play .
She said much still needs to be done .
“ I want them to have the courage to speak up and not get trapped in marriage , ” she said .
“ Besides , if more of us step out , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see girls playing.
” This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation .

When India began lifting its coronavirus lockdown, Meera, a child bride from northwestern India, was focused on just one thing: when she could start playing football again.
In Rajasthan, one of the Indian regions where early marriage persists despite having been outlawed more than a decade ago, a girls’ soccer initiative is tackling gender inequality, and giving child brides the confidence to fight for their rights.
“The day I was married, I was supposed to go to my first football camp. I protested, but my father didn’t listen to me,” the soccer-crazy 15-year-old told the Thomson Reuters Foundation by phone.
“I’m more assertive now. I’m no longer shy. I started playing again about a month ago. ... The question of me leaving does not arise,” said Meera, who was married three years ago in a mass wedding along with her two sisters.
In keeping with the usual practice for girls married early in Rajasthan, most child brides do not have their ‘gauna’ – the ritual sending off to live with their husband and in-laws – until they turn 18, the legal marriage age in India.
But as the coronavirus pandemic closed schools and deepened rural hardship in one of the world’s worst-hit countries, Meera feared the ‘gauna’ might come early for girls in her village.
UNICEF data from 2018 found that about 27% of girls in India get married before they turn 18, down from 47% a decade earlier, but advocates have warned that the COVID-19 crisis could lead to a spike in child marriage and put paid to recent progress.
Of 223 million women and girls in India who were married off as children, almost half were wed before turning 15, according to statistics by the United Nations’ children’s agency UNICEF.
Broadening horizons and seeing the world
Meera and her teammates got their first taste of the Beautiful Game thanks to a program launched four years ago by the nonprofit Mahila Jan Adhikar Samiti (MJAS), which aimed to fight child marriage and help girls achieve their dreams.
It focuses on four villages in the Ajmer district of Rajasthan where early marriage is common.
When Indira Pancholi, founder of MJAS and joint head of the Girls Not Brides Rajasthan Alliance, got funding for a sport-based initiative, she went out to ask girls which was their favorite game, only to find most had never played anything.
But in the end, they opted for soccer.
“We didn’t know why they chose football, but realized from their conversations that they wanted to run in an open ground,” Ms. Pancholi said.
More than a quarter of the 170 girls who belong to Meera’s team were also married as children or engaged to be married.
When the coronavirus lockdown brought India to a virtual standstill in March, Sudhir Joseph, joint secretary at the Rajasthan Football Association, which coaches the girls, said he worried that many of them would give up.
“I was scared they would drop out. ... But they are still interested,” he said, adding that the game had boosted the girls’ confidence and broadened their horizons by allowing them to travel for games.
“Football took them out of their homes. ... they have seen the world outside their villages,” he said.
When Rashi, 17, returned from her first football camp wearing shorts and a T-shirt and not the wide skirt, blouse, and long scarf that she had set off in, her parents reacted angrily.
“The villagers protested and said the campaigners were sullying us by making us play a boys’ game. Even girls who were not playing would say we were sullied,” said Rashi, who was married two years ago and declined to give her real name.
Determined not to be cowed, they started wearing leggings under their shorts.
Little by little, parents and neighbors began to accept the football-playing girls as they brought trophies home from local tournaments or matches in big cities.
“We live in a remote village, so we had no idea what this [girls playing football] was. ... we couldn’t trust the girls going out on their own,” said Ramlal Bhadana, a member of Hasiyawas village council in Rajasthan.
“But the girls never missed a day of practice, even now. ... and they started doing well in studies. Five girls from our village are studying in college,” he said.
‘The courage to speak up’
Ms. Pancholi said football had turned out to be a “great strategy,” highlighting the success of convincing the girls’ families to let them take part in week-long camps.
The camps were liberating, Meera said, recalling how they allowed her to improve her technique and strategy on the pitch while also learning about child marriage laws, career options, and meeting legal officials from her home district.
Meera, who wants to train to become a football coach when she finishes school, spent some of her free time during lockdown visiting local families to encourage them to send their daughters to play. She said much still needs to be done.
“I want them to have the courage to speak up and not get trapped in marriage,” she said.
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“Besides, if more of us step out, it would become normal for the villagers to see girls playing.”
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--Bipartisan effort avoids government shutdown with funding bill

In a sweeping bipartisan vote that takes a government shutdown off the table , the House passed a temporary government-wide funding bill Tuesday night , shortly after President Donald Trump prevailed in a behind-the-scenes fight over his farm bailout .
The stopgap measure will keep federal agencies fully up and running into December , giving lame-duck lawmakers time to digest the election and decide whether to pass the annual government funding bills by then or kick them to the next administration .
The budget year ends Sept. 30 .
The 359-57 vote came after considerable behind-the-scenes battling over proposed add-ons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continued immediate authority to dole out Agriculture Department subsidies in the run-up to Election Day .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , D-Calif. , retreated from an initial draft that sparked a furor with Republicans and farm-state Democrats , who said she was interfering with the routine implementation of the rural safety net as low crop prices and Mr. Trump ’ s own tariffs slam farm country .
“ It ’ s a big deal .
This is cash flow to mom and pop businesses all over rural America , ” said Texas Rep. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House Agriculture Committee .
“ They get them every year in October .
They come like clockwork.
” In talks Tuesday , Ms. Pelosi restored a farm aid funding patch sought by the administration , which has sparked the ire of Democrats who said it plays political favorites as it gives out bailout money to farmers and ranchers .
In return , Ms. Pelosi won COVID-related food aid for the poor , including an extension of a higher food benefit for families whose children are unable to receive free or reduced lunches because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Another add-on would permit states to remove hurdles to food stamps and nutrition aid to low-income mothers that are more difficult to clear during the pandemic .
The deal permitted the measure to speed through the House after a swift debate that should ensure smooth sailing in the GOP-held Senate before next Wednesday ’ s deadline .
There ’ s no appetite on either side for a government shutdown .
On Monday , Democrats released a version of the stopgap measure that did not contain the farm bailout provision , enraging Republicans and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It became apparent that Ms. Pelosi did not have the votes to pass it – Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , dismissed it as a “ rough draft ” – and negotiations continued .
Democrats complain that the Trump administration has favored southern states such as Georgia – a key swing state and home of Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue – and larger producers in distributing bailout funds .
Farmers are suffering from low commodity prices and the effects of higher tariffs imposed by Mr. Trump .
The president announced a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funding at a political rally in Wisconsin last week .
The administration ’ s handling of farm subsidies had angered Sen. Debbie Stabenow of Michigan , the powerful top Democrat on the Agriculture Committee .
She said that the Agriculture Department didn ’ t need the special financing provision that sparked the furor and that the money would come in November at the latest anyway .
But the financial fix had been passed before , and other Democrats , including endangered House incumbents in states like Iowa and Minnesota , pressed for it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be playing politics with aid to farmers or the assistance needed to save our families and local economies from economic disaster , ” said freshman Rep. Abby Finkenauer , D-Iowa .
The measure is the bare minimum accomplishment for Capitol Hill ’ s powerful Appropriations committees , who pride themselves on their deal-making abilities despite gridlock in other corners of Congress .
It came after bipartisan negotiations on a huge COVID-19 relief package imploded and appear unlikely to be rekindled – especially since the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to keep the government open but we also need additional COVID relief for the American people , ” said Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz , D-Fla .
The legislation – called a continuing resolution , or CR , in Washington-speak – would keep every federal agency running at current funding levels through Dec. 11 , which will keep the government afloat past an election that could reshuffle Washington ’ s balance of power .
The measure also extends many programs whose funding or authorizations lapse on Sept. 30 , including the federal flood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and a long set of extensions of various health programs , such as a provision to prevent Medicaid cuts to hospitals that serve many poor people .
It also finances the possible transition to a new administration if Joe Biden wins the White House and would stave off an unwelcome COVID-caused increase in Medicare Part B premiums for outpatient doctor visits .
The underlying stopgap measure deals with the 30 % of the federal government ’ s day-to-day budget that goes to Cabinet agency operations funded by Congress each year .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate this year and it ’ s unclear but probably unlikely that the $ 1.3 trillion in agency spending bills will be enacted this year , even in a post-election lame duck session , especially if Mr. Biden is elected to replace Mr. Trump .
In the past , both Democrats and Republicans have sought to use government funding deadlines and must-past temporary funding bills as leverage to try to win concessions elsewhere on Washington ’ s agenda .
Such efforts invariably fail .
Republicans in 2013 used it in a failed attempt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health law , and Senate Democrats returned the favor in 2018 in a futile effort to force debate on permitting immigrants brought into the country illegally as children to remain in the U.S .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

In a sweeping bipartisan vote that takes a government shutdown off the table, the House passed a temporary government-wide funding bill Tuesday night, shortly after President Donald Trump prevailed in a behind-the-scenes fight over his farm bailout.
The stopgap measure will keep federal agencies fully up and running into December, giving lame-duck lawmakers time to digest the election and decide whether to pass the annual government funding bills by then or kick them to the next administration. The budget year ends Sept. 30.
The 359-57 vote came after considerable behind-the-scenes battling over proposed add-ons. The final agreement gives the administration continued immediate authority to dole out Agriculture Department subsidies in the run-up to Election Day. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., retreated from an initial draft that sparked a furor with Republicans and farm-state Democrats, who said she was interfering with the routine implementation of the rural safety net as low crop prices and Mr. Trump’s own tariffs slam farm country.
“It’s a big deal. This is cash flow to mom and pop businesses all over rural America,” said Texas Rep. Michael Conaway, top Republican on the House Agriculture Committee. “They get them every year in October. They come like clockwork.”
In talks Tuesday, Ms. Pelosi restored a farm aid funding patch sought by the administration, which has sparked the ire of Democrats who said it plays political favorites as it gives out bailout money to farmers and ranchers.
In return, Ms. Pelosi won COVID-related food aid for the poor, including an extension of a higher food benefit for families whose children are unable to receive free or reduced lunches because schools are closed over the coronavirus. Another add-on would permit states to remove hurdles to food stamps and nutrition aid to low-income mothers that are more difficult to clear during the pandemic.
The deal permitted the measure to speed through the House after a swift debate that should ensure smooth sailing in the GOP-held Senate before next Wednesday’s deadline. There’s no appetite on either side for a government shutdown.
On Monday, Democrats released a version of the stopgap measure that did not contain the farm bailout provision, enraging Republicans and putting passage of the measure in doubt. It became apparent that Ms. Pelosi did not have the votes to pass it – Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., dismissed it as a “rough draft” – and negotiations continued.
Democrats complain that the Trump administration has favored southern states such as Georgia – a key swing state and home of Agriculture Secretary Sonny Perdue – and larger producers in distributing bailout funds. Farmers are suffering from low commodity prices and the effects of higher tariffs imposed by Mr. Trump. The president announced a new $13 billion allotment of bailout funding at a political rally in Wisconsin last week.
The administration’s handling of farm subsidies had angered Sen. Debbie Stabenow of Michigan, the powerful top Democrat on the Agriculture Committee. She said that the Agriculture Department didn’t need the special financing provision that sparked the furor and that the money would come in November at the latest anyway. But the financial fix had been passed before, and other Democrats, including endangered House incumbents in states like Iowa and Minnesota, pressed for it.
“Now is not the time to be playing politics with aid to farmers or the assistance needed to save our families and local economies from economic disaster,” said freshman Rep. Abby Finkenauer, D-Iowa.
The measure is the bare minimum accomplishment for Capitol Hill’s powerful Appropriations committees, who pride themselves on their deal-making abilities despite gridlock in other corners of Congress. It came after bipartisan negotiations on a huge COVID-19 relief package imploded and appear unlikely to be rekindled – especially since the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg has upended U.S. politics.
“We need to keep the government open but we also need additional COVID relief for the American people,” said Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz, D-Fla.
The legislation – called a continuing resolution, or CR, in Washington-speak – would keep every federal agency running at current funding levels through Dec. 11, which will keep the government afloat past an election that could reshuffle Washington’s balance of power.
The measure also extends many programs whose funding or authorizations lapse on Sept. 30, including the federal flood insurance program, highway and transit programs, and a long set of extensions of various health programs, such as a provision to prevent Medicaid cuts to hospitals that serve many poor people.
It also finances the possible transition to a new administration if Joe Biden wins the White House and would stave off an unwelcome COVID-caused increase in Medicare Part B premiums for outpatient doctor visits.
The underlying stopgap measure deals with the 30% of the federal government’s day-to-day budget that goes to Cabinet agency operations funded by Congress each year. The annual appropriations process broke down in the Senate this year and it’s unclear but probably unlikely that the $1.3 trillion in agency spending bills will be enacted this year, even in a post-election lame duck session, especially if Mr. Biden is elected to replace Mr. Trump.
In the past, both Democrats and Republicans have sought to use government funding deadlines and must-past temporary funding bills as leverage to try to win concessions elsewhere on Washington’s agenda. Such efforts invariably fail.
Republicans in 2013 used it in a failed attempt to prevent implementation of the so-called Obamacare health law, and Senate Democrats returned the favor in 2018 in a futile effort to force debate on permitting immigrants brought into the country illegally as children to remain in the U.S.
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Ms. Pelosi studiously avoided such a confrontation this time.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-09-24--Fictional characters gave their names to words too

Eponymous words ( which we talked about last week ) don ’ t only derive from the names of real people .
Many have come from the names of fictional characters as well .
Take blurb , for example .
In 1907 , American humorist Gelett Burgess poked fun at the way publishers had begun to advertise their books by filling the back cover with enthusiastic endorsements .
He created a mock jacket for his own book that featured a picture of “ Miss Belinda Blurb , ” a woman with her hand to her mouth , “ in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blurb is a great example of the genre : “ When you ’ ve READ this masterpiece , you ’ ll know what a BOOK is ... ” Today , too , it seems that every book needs at least one reviewer declaring it to be “ genius !
” or “ unputdownable !
” The words zany and pants would seem to have little to do with each other , but they both come from the commedia dell ’ arte , a theater tradition that originated in 16th-century Italy .
These improvisational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lovers who wanted to marry , but were thwarted by their buffoonish fathers , and were helped out by clever servants .
The servant characters were called zanni ( the Venetian form of Giovanni or John ) , and they provided much of the comedy .
In English , zany is “ fantastically or absurdly ludicrous ” ; in other words , it is like a clown in an old play .
One of the father figures of the commedia was a miserly merchant named Pantalone , whose traditional costume resembled a pair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was known as Pantaloon in English , and in the 17th century gave this name to a style of loose , baggy trousers .
By 1835 , pantaloon had been shortened to pants , which refers to any sort of trousers in American English .
Mrs. Malaprop is the fictional counterpart to W.A .
Spooner , whom we talked about last week .
She appears in R.B .
Sheridan ’ s 1775 play , “ The Rivals , ” and is famous for her malapropisms , the “ use of a word sounding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrong in the context.
” Thus she describes one person as “ the very pineapple of politeness , ” instead of “ the pinnacle , ” and another as “ strong as an allegory , ” when she means alligator .
Her name itself derives from the French mal à propos , “ inappropriate.
” What connects a 16th-century epic poem with rap music ?
It ’ s Braggadochio , a character in Edmund Spenser ’ s “ The Faerie Queene.
” Braggadochio is a knight who brags about his prowess , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mean “ idle boasting.
” In the 1980s , the word was embraced by American rappers to describe their own boasting about their skills .
So when Jay-Z raps , for example , “ I ’ m not a businessman ; I ’ m a business , man , ” it ’ s braggadocio .
It would make a good blurb too .

Eponymous words (which we talked about last week) don’t only derive from the names of real people. Many have come from the names of fictional characters as well.
Take blurb, for example. In 1907, American humorist Gelett Burgess poked fun at the way publishers had begun to advertise their books by filling the back cover with enthusiastic endorsements. He created a mock jacket for his own book that featured a picture of “Miss Belinda Blurb,” a woman with her hand to her mouth, “in the act of blurbing.” Belinda’s blurb is a great example of the genre: “When you’ve READ this masterpiece, you’ll know what a BOOK is ...” Today, too, it seems that every book needs at least one reviewer declaring it to be “genius!” or “unputdownable!”
The words zany and pants would seem to have little to do with each other, but they both come from the commedia dell’arte, a theater tradition that originated in 16th-century Italy. These improvisational plays usually involved a pair of young lovers who wanted to marry, but were thwarted by their buffoonish fathers, and were helped out by clever servants. The servant characters were called zanni (the Venetian form of Giovanni or John), and they provided much of the comedy. In English, zany is “fantastically or absurdly ludicrous”; in other words, it is like a clown in an old play.
One of the father figures of the commedia was a miserly merchant named Pantalone, whose traditional costume resembled a pair of red footie pajamas. This character was known as Pantaloon in English, and in the 17th century gave this name to a style of loose, baggy trousers. By 1835, pantaloon had been shortened to pants, which refers to any sort of trousers in American English.
Mrs. Malaprop is the fictional counterpart to W.A. Spooner, whom we talked about last week. She appears in R.B. Sheridan’s 1775 play, “The Rivals,” and is famous for her malapropisms, the “use of a word sounding somewhat like the one intended but ludicrously wrong in the context.” Thus she describes one person as “the very pineapple of politeness,” instead of “the pinnacle,” and another as “strong as an allegory,” when she means alligator. Her name itself derives from the French mal à propos, “inappropriate.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
What connects a 16th-century epic poem with rap music? It’s Braggadochio, a character in Edmund Spenser’s “The Faerie Queene.” Braggadochio is a knight who brags about his prowess, and his name was adopted into English to mean “idle boasting.” In the 1980s, the word was embraced by American rappers to describe their own boasting about their skills. So when Jay-Z raps, for example, “I’m not a businessman; I’m a business, man,” it’s braggadocio.
It would make a good blurb too.


csmonitor--2020-09-24--From sports violence to scandals, what’s a fan to do?

Fans face a quandary when sports scandals erupt .
Do they keep watching or not ?
Jessica Luther and Kavitha A. Davidson know the feeling .
They ’ ve written “ Loving Sports When They Don ’ t Love You Back : Dilemmas of the Modern Fan , ” a guide on how to remain a fan while still recognizing the problems in sports .
Ms. Luther is the author of “ Unsportsmanlike Conduct : College Football and the Politics of Rape , ” and Ms. Davidson is editorial director and host of “ The Lead , ” a podcast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Q : What issues complicate fans ’ love of their sports ?
Ms. Luther : There are so many .
We look at the issues of brain trauma inflicted during sports ; the physical and financial damage that mega events like the Olympics and the World Cup do to local communities ; how hostile sporting spaces are to LGBTQ+ and non-binary athletes ; the exploitation of the labor of college athletes .
Ms. Davidson : We also include racism and exclusion in “ high-brow ” sports like tennis and golf ; violence against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is accused of doing something you hate ; and when you see the failed promise of the supposed benefits of a stadium in the community you grew up in .
Q : Why do fans feel so compelled to defend their sports teams ?
Ms. Luther : For many people , who they root for – teams , athletes , schools – is part of their identity and binds them into a community .
Criticism of those teams feels like criticism of the person who cheers for them .
Ms. Davidson : We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question in the book – what is it , exactly , about sports fandom that keeps us coming back , that makes us so viscerally defensive ?
Much of it has to do with how , when , and why our fandom forms – it ’ s usually wrapped up in our family , in our city , in our roots .
And for those of us who were born here but whose parents weren ’ t , it might be an attempt to put down some roots in our city and our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like I belong as an American is wrapped up in just being able to talk to people about baseball .
Q : Which issue has given you , personally , the most conflicted feelings ?
Ms. Luther : Certainly how teams and universities handle reports of gendered violence .
I have spent a lot of my career working with and telling the stories of people harmed , who had reports of that harm ignored or worse because the person who harmed them is part of a sports team .
[ In 2015 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Baylor University football player facing sexual assault charges who was still expected to play for university .
The story made national headlines and garnered an award from Sport Illustrated . ]
Ms. Davidson : The gendered violence chapter was the hardest but most cathartic for me to write .
And I was so honored to be able to write it with Jessica , who has such an understanding and sensitivity for survivors and how to report on this .
I ’ m a survivor myself , and I don ’ t shy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not to let it define me .
[ Davidson wrote about her sexual assault for espnW , a sports site for women , in 2016 . ]
At the same time , it very much does , and it informs a lot of my experience as a sports fan .
That in itself is difficult to reconcile ; I struggle with that every day .
But being able to talk to fans who face the same dilemma made me feel as though I ’ m not alone , and I hope others can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too .
Ms. Luther : Yes .
What sports get shown on TV , which sports get money and resources , which athletes get to compete without scrutiny of their bodies , which athletes are seen as expendable by owners and fans , which people make decisions about and create sports media – all of these things are lower-case “ political ” decisions .
The racism , sexism , homophobia , transphobia , classism , etc.
, that courses through this society shows up all the time in sports in subtle but terrible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feel unloved by sports .
But sports are also big-P “ Political ” in that private teams get public funding for stadiums , politicians show up to sporting events to engender support , the national anthem is played before most U.S. sporting events , and nationalism is the bedrock of international competitions like the Olympics .
The Olympics is so political that the International Olympic Committee had to pass a rule telling athletes not to be political in order to try to contain it .
As Kavitha wrote for espnW and as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , pretending that sports are not political is actually the hard thing to do .
The separation is what takes effort to uphold – and it ’ s mostly done by people whose right to exist in this space isn ’ t questioned .
Ms. Davidson : Yes .
Full stop .
Athletes have long recognized this – it ’ s not new for them to have platforms to express political messaging .
The platforms are just bigger now , and more widely available ; athletes are more amplified than ever before .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ more backlash from fans .
Ms. Luther : We can see how important the labor of athletes is to the running of teams and leagues .
We can all see where the money goes and where it does not .
We can all see which sports/teams/leagues/politicians take seriously the health of their athletes , staff , and the surrounding community and which do not .
Any of these things could lead to change and I hope they do .
I hope universities and the NCAA really have to reckon with the exploitation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sports get a bigger spotlight , that we rethink money in youth sports and college sports , and that we examine the relationship of sports to the wider communities in which they exist .
Ms. Davidson : The sport shutdown has demonstrated how much sports reflect what ’ s going on in the world .
If , as Nationals pitcher Sean Doolittle said , sports are the reward for a functioning society , we haven ’ t quite gotten there yet .
At the same time , I can ’ t fault any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York for wanting sports back , after months of adhering to quarantine and mask mandates , to simulate some sense of normalcy .
And if anything , the current state of the world – what we can and can ’ t have – highlights sports as something that we ’ ve taken for granted .
Q : Can fandom change with our changing times ?
Ms. Luther : Yes , absolutely .
There ’ s this tension with sports – it ’ s a made-up thing ( how a game is played , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as cheating , etc . )
and yet it feels like the version that exists in this exact moment has always been and will always be .
But sports are always changing to make the games more exciting or more safe .
And so fans change with it .
We wrote this book , in part , to say to other fans like us , those who love sports but don ’ t feel loved back , that we are here and we are fans , too .
Ms. Davidson : I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sports fan ” was always supposed to include people like me and Jessica – we just haven ’ t always been recognized .
But yes , I think that there ’ s so much room for sports fandom to expand to include all of us .

People feel strongly about their favorite teams and the athletes who play for them. But what happens when a scandal breaks out? Then fans confront a dilemma about whether to keep watching or tune out.
“Much of it has to do with how, when, and why our fandom forms – it’s usually wrapped up in our family, in our city, in our roots. And for those of us who were born here but whose parents weren’t, it might be an attempt to put down some roots in our city and our country,” says Ms. Davidson, editorial director and host of the podcast “The Lead.” “So much of my feeling like I belong as an American is wrapped up in just being able to talk to people about baseball.”
“For many people, who they root for – teams, athletes, schools – is part of their identity and binds them into a community. Criticism of those teams feels like criticism of the person who cheers for them,” says Ms. Luther, author of “Unsportsmanlike Conduct: College Football and the Politics of Rape.”
What is it about sports fandom that keeps us coming back? And what happens when scandal hits the home team? Jessica Luther and Kavitha A. Davidson are authors of “Loving Sports When They Don’t Love You Back: Dilemmas of the Modern Fan,” a guide on how to remain a fan while still recognizing the problems in sports.
Fans face a quandary when sports scandals erupt. Do they keep watching or not? Jessica Luther and Kavitha A. Davidson know the feeling. They’ve written “Loving Sports When They Don’t Love You Back: Dilemmas of the Modern Fan,” a guide on how to remain a fan while still recognizing the problems in sports. Ms. Luther is the author of “Unsportsmanlike Conduct: College Football and the Politics of Rape,” and Ms. Davidson is editorial director and host of “The Lead,” a podcast from the sports website The Athletic.
Q: What issues complicate fans’ love of their sports?
Ms. Luther: There are so many. We look at the issues of brain trauma inflicted during sports; the physical and financial damage that mega events like the Olympics and the World Cup do to local communities; how hostile sporting spaces are to LGBTQ+ and non-binary athletes; the exploitation of the labor of college athletes.
Why We Wrote This People feel strongly about their favorite teams and the athletes who play for them. But what happens when a scandal breaks out? Then fans confront a dilemma about whether to keep watching or tune out.
Ms. Davidson: We also include racism and exclusion in “high-brow” sports like tennis and golf; violence against women – when that player you love is accused of doing something you hate; and when you see the failed promise of the supposed benefits of a stadium in the community you grew up in.
Q: Why do fans feel so compelled to defend their sports teams?
Ms. Luther: For many people, who they root for – teams, athletes, schools – is part of their identity and binds them into a community. Criticism of those teams feels like criticism of the person who cheers for them.
Ms. Davidson: We try to answer this as a central question in the book – what is it, exactly, about sports fandom that keeps us coming back, that makes us so viscerally defensive? Much of it has to do with how, when, and why our fandom forms – it’s usually wrapped up in our family, in our city, in our roots. And for those of us who were born here but whose parents weren’t, it might be an attempt to put down some roots in our city and our country. So much of my feeling like I belong as an American is wrapped up in just being able to talk to people about baseball.
Q: Which issue has given you, personally, the most conflicted feelings?
Ms. Luther: Certainly how teams and universities handle reports of gendered violence. I have spent a lot of my career working with and telling the stories of people harmed, who had reports of that harm ignored or worse because the person who harmed them is part of a sports team. [In 2015, she co-wrote a Texas Monthly story about a Baylor University football player facing sexual assault charges who was still expected to play for university. The story made national headlines and garnered an award from Sport Illustrated.]
Ms. Davidson: The gendered violence chapter was the hardest but most cathartic for me to write. And I was so honored to be able to write it with Jessica, who has such an understanding and sensitivity for survivors and how to report on this. I’m a survivor myself, and I don’t shy away from it but I also try not to let it define me. [Davidson wrote about her sexual assault for espnW, a sports site for women, in 2016.] At the same time, it very much does, and it informs a lot of my experience as a sports fan. That in itself is difficult to reconcile; I struggle with that every day. But being able to talk to fans who face the same dilemma made me feel as though I’m not alone, and I hope others can take that away from the chapter, too.
University of Texas Press View caption Hide caption “Loving Sports When They Don't Love You Back: Dilemmas of the Modern Fan” by Jessica Luther and Kavitha A. Davidson, University of Texas Press, 336 pp.
Q: Are sports political?
Ms. Luther: Yes. What sports get shown on TV, which sports get money and resources, which athletes get to compete without scrutiny of their bodies, which athletes are seen as expendable by owners and fans, which people make decisions about and create sports media – all of these things are lower-case “political” decisions. The racism, sexism, homophobia, transphobia, classism, etc., that courses through this society shows up all the time in sports in subtle but terrible ways, ways that make certain people feel unloved by sports. But sports are also big-P “Political” in that private teams get public funding for stadiums, politicians show up to sporting events to engender support, the national anthem is played before most U.S. sporting events, and nationalism is the bedrock of international competitions like the Olympics. The Olympics is so political that the International Olympic Committee had to pass a rule telling athletes not to be political in order to try to contain it. As Kavitha wrote for espnW and as we quote in the introduction to the book, pretending that sports are not political is actually the hard thing to do. The separation is what takes effort to uphold – and it’s mostly done by people whose right to exist in this space isn’t questioned.
Ms. Davidson: Yes. Full stop. Athletes have long recognized this – it’s not new for them to have platforms to express political messaging. The platforms are just bigger now, and more widely available; athletes are more amplified than ever before. But with that comes more embracing and more backlash from fans.
Q: How has COVID-19 affected sports?
Ms. Luther: We can see how important the labor of athletes is to the running of teams and leagues. We can all see where the money goes and where it does not. We can all see which sports/teams/leagues/politicians take seriously the health of their athletes, staff, and the surrounding community and which do not. Any of these things could lead to change and I hope they do. I hope universities and the NCAA really have to reckon with the exploitation of athlete labor, that women’s sports get a bigger spotlight, that we rethink money in youth sports and college sports, and that we examine the relationship of sports to the wider communities in which they exist.
Ms. Davidson: The sport shutdown has demonstrated how much sports reflect what’s going on in the world. If, as Nationals pitcher Sean Doolittle said, sports are the reward for a functioning society, we haven’t quite gotten there yet. At the same time, I can’t fault any of my friends or family in New York for wanting sports back, after months of adhering to quarantine and mask mandates, to simulate some sense of normalcy. And if anything, the current state of the world – what we can and can’t have – highlights sports as something that we’ve taken for granted.
Q: Can fandom change with our changing times?
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Ms. Luther: Yes, absolutely. There’s this tension with sports – it’s a made-up thing (how a game is played, what the rules are, what counts as cheating, etc.) and yet it feels like the version that exists in this exact moment has always been and will always be. But sports are always changing to make the games more exciting or more safe. And so fans change with it. We wrote this book, in part, to say to other fans like us, those who love sports but don’t feel loved back, that we are here and we are fans, too.
Ms. Davidson: I’d argue that the category of “sports fan” was always supposed to include people like me and Jessica – we just haven’t always been recognized. But yes, I think that there’s so much room for sports fandom to expand to include all of us.