csmonitor--2020-05-29--‘It’s just chaos.’ One family’s struggle to make the new normal work

But that doesn ’ t mean life is easy right now .
We are better off than most .
We have jobs , internet access , and plenty of food .
We are all healthy .
While not related to the Crandalls , we consider ourselves family , and we ’ ve been quarantining together .
Between us , there are two elementary school students , a health care worker , a small-business owner , a college professor , a middle school art teacher , and a political reporter ( me ) suddenly living at home again .
The COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down .
Routines have been disrupted , and families have been confined at home in what ’ s shaping up to be the longest , most intense stretch of togetherness in anyone ’ s memory .
At first , Kurt , a psychology professor , would try to sneak away periodically to work .
But invariably , there would be a computer to fix or a worksheet that needed explaining .
“ It ’ s almost impossible , ” he says .
His 9-year-old daughter , Sonoma , ambles toward the dining room @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a laptop .
Six-year-old Abilene plays reading games on another device .
Kurt Crandall plays a school bell from a YouTube video on his phone .
“ OK , go to your work stations.
” Six-year-old Abilene Crandall is climbing up the walls .
Literally .
Under normal circumstances , at this time on a Wednesday morning , she would be in her kindergarten classroom .
Her older sister , Sonoma , who has left her dining-table-turned-desk to watch Abilene hop her way up the door frame , would be having a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grade classmates .
And I would be traveling the country , covering the 2020 presidential election for the Monitor .
But now I ’ m in the Crandalls ’ kitchen , wondering at what point I should intervene in the wall-scaling .
The COVID-19 pandemic has turned Americans ’ lives inside out and upside down .
Routines of work and school have been disrupted , along with most social interaction .
Families have been confined at home in what ’ s shaping up to be the longest , most intense stretch of togetherness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with finding a family to profile in this “ new normal , ” I realized I might as well focus on my own .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
While I may not be related to the Crandalls , we consider ourselves family .
Six years ago , when my sister went off to college , my mom began working for them as a nanny .
Our families have been intertwined ever since , sharing holidays , wiggly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ During this crisis , we decided to “ double bubble , ” or quarantine together .
Between us , there are two elementary school students , a health care worker , a small-business owner , a college professor , a middle school art teacher , and a political reporter ( me ) suddenly living at home again .
We are better off than most .
We have jobs , internet access , and plenty of food .
We are all healthy .
But that doesn ’ t mean life is easy right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , bored , and anxious , we ’ ve been fighting more than usual .
The family vacation at Virginia Beach in June is canceled .
Like many states , Virginia is just beginning to reopen .
Still , we ’ re staring at a summer of uncertainty .
What will the coming weeks and months look like ?
What activities will be allowed ?
What will actually feel safe ?
One thing is already clear : Like many families around the world , we are learning how to rely on each other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Abs , five-minute countdown , ” says Kurt Crandall at 8:52 a.m.
He ’ s exaggerating the time until the at-home school day begins , but Abilene – who is still in her pajamas pirouetting through the kitchen – needs the extended heads-up .
Over the next eight minutes , the girls do little to prepare .
Sonoma braids my hair .
Abilene cries because she wanted the hairbrush first .
Then Abilene remembers her new mermaid doll and proudly shows me her glittery tail .
Kurt plays the sound of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his phone .
“ OK , go to your work stations.
” On his third ask , Sonoma ambles toward the dining room table , which is piled high with loose worksheets and a laptop .
Since the dining table has become a third grade classroom , the family has been eating meals together outside or standing around the kitchen counter .
Kindergarten is in the adjoining room , where Abilene plays reading games on another computer .
The girls ’ school received a grant to distribute laptops , which Kurt picked up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ winter snowflakes still decorating the ceiling .
“ Come .
And .
Run .
With .
Me .
Away .
We .
Go , ” says Abilene robotically , her index finger tracing the computer screen .
A piece of white paper is tacked to the opposing wall with school subjects penciled in a grid of 45-minute time slots .
Kurt , nodding to the paper , says that plan lasted for about a week .
“ Emotionally , if they aren ’ t in a good space , it doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve drawn up , ” he says .
Kurt , a psychology professor at Virginia Commonwealth University , has been teaching his students virtually since VCU closed its campus in the second week of March , while also educating his two young daughters – a job he splits with my mom ( who is taking a semester off as a middle school art teacher ) .
Stephanie works as a nurse practitioner at VCU ’ s Massey Cancer Center .
At first , when the penciled school schedule was still in play , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to send an email or grade an assignment .
But invariably , there would be a fight to break up , a computer to fix , or a worksheet that needed explaining .
One day , when trying to record a lecture , the girls interrupted him six times before he gave up .
“ It ’ s almost impossible , ” he says , shaking his head .
He just submitted his students ’ final grades and is now teaching a summer course .
Just as the girls miss learning in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Everyone keeps saying , ‘ Oh , you ’ re an educator – it must be easy to teach the kids , ’ ” says Kurt , rubbing the back of his head .
“ But this is totally different.
” “ What ’ s a proper noun ?
” Sonoma yells through the house , while Abilene continues to read aloud just a few feet away .
“ You .
Too .
Can .
Run.
” Sonoma has Zoom meetings with her third grade class in which her teacher asks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pits ” – the good and the bad .
She has a lot of pits these days .
It ’ s a pit that her class doesn ’ t get to perform the play they ’ d been practicing .
It ’ s a pit that she doesn ’ t get to have a “ real ” math class ( math is her favorite ) .
It ’ s a pit that she doesn ’ t get to play at recess with her friends .
But one of the peaches , she adds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s made in her neighborhood .
Before the quarantine , kids on her street would ride bikes separately after school .
But now , every night , all the kids ride bikes together – 6 feet apart .
At 9:40 a.m. my mom opens her phone and begins to cry .
Her uncle Bruce , my grandfather ’ s younger brother , passed away .
My grandfather was unable to travel from Florida to Connecticut to say goodbye because of COVID-19 , and my mom won ’ t be able to hug her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s the hardest part , says my mom , holding her eyes in her palms .
Suddenly , we hear the sound of the Crandalls ’ car crunching our gravel driveway .
My mom teaches Abilene and Sonoma on Tuesdays and Thursdays .
“ I ’ m used to turning my life off when I walk in a classroom , ” says Mom , who still has tears in her eyes as the girls run toward the house .
But this – running a one-room schoolhouse with a kindergartener , third grader , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kitchen table – is totally new .
Mom takes the tutoring seriously .
But it ’ s changed her relationship with Sonoma and Abilene .
“ I ’ m no longer the fun pseudo-grandmother , ” she says .
“ I feel terrible when I hear they don ’ t want to come here because I make them do schoolwork.
” When the girls get inside they immediately split up to wash their hands : Abilene to the bathroom and Sonoma to the kitchen .
Abilene sings “ Happy Birthday ” while rubbing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The girls settle into their seats at the kitchen table with their backpacks , which still jingle with the keychains they would trade with their friends on the bus .
Like at home , school at Dido ’ s ( as they call my mom , Diana ) started out on a schedule .
But now , as with Kurt ’ s penciled schedule hanging on the wall , it ’ s mostly aspirational .
Sonoma works on long division worksheets as Abilene jumps from notecard to notecard on the ground , identifying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigate a slug on the porch and Abilene practices karate in the yard .
( “ Mom and Dad say I can start taking lessons as soon as the corona is over.
” ) They video chat with my sister Isabelle , in Portland , Maine , and the girls ask when she can come home to visit .
None of us know the answer .
When it ’ s time for the girls to leave , Abilene , holding her hot-pink guitar that my parents got her for Christmas , pouts .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ had said he ’ d try to come home early from work so the two of them could play together .
But he hasn ’ t made it back yet .
My dad , who owns a meeting planning business for medical associations , had all of his 2020 meetings canceled – and with them , all of his hotel commissions .
When the PPP ( Paycheck Protection Program ) from the Small Business Administration was announced , he conferred with his bank and did practice applications .
We were on a walk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and he handed me our dog ’ s leash and jogged home .
Days , then weeks , went by , with my dad refreshing his PPP “ dashboard ” every few minutes hoping each time to see “ APPROVED.
” He left the browser open on his computer .
He left the dinner table to go refresh the page .
His bank was late with their applications , and the first funding ran out .
No loan came .
He cut his salary .
He cut his employees ’ salaries .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend .
I saw my dad cry for the first time since my grandfather died , 14 years ago .
On the second round of PPP funding , five weeks after he had submitted his application , his loan was approved .
Still , it ’ s not enough to cover the loss of business .
And he ’ ll have to pay part of it back , because he can ’ t afford to restaff at the level required to make it a grant .
“ At a time when I thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I never thought that I ’ d have to completely retool my business and give it a whole new direction , ” says Dad .
“ Now I ’ m reimagining everything in a virtual world.
” He ’ s been working long hours to make his fall meetings virtual , through apps and livestreams .
But while meetings may be virtual for now , he doesn ’ t think they will be forever .
He compares it to 9/11 : Post-COVID won ’ t look like pre-COVID , just like security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrorist attacks .
But we still fly .
“ People will always want to be together in person , and we ’ ll have that again , ” says Dad .
“ It ’ s going to take some time , but it ’ s going to come back.
” Stephanie is still in her scrubs when she walks in the Crandalls ’ door , takeout dinner in hand .
“ What used to be organized chaos is now ... ” she interrupts herself to grab their puppy , Luna , before she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What used to be organized chaos is now just ... ” she interrupts herself again , seeing that Luna peed on the floor , and walks to the kitchen to grab a rag .
“ It ’ s now just chaos.
” She takes the rag back to the kitchen , where she begins to divvy up food for the girls .
Work has been so busy that Stephanie often forgets to eat lunch , but she doesn ’ t think about her own hunger until Kurt brings her a plate .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never really felt truly ‘ manageable.
’ But now , with the added responsibilities to solely educate , exercise , discipline , entertain , and nurture our children – at times it all seems impossible , ” says Stephanie , holding Luna with one hand and trying to eat dinner with the other .
“ I either need to give up sleep or find another eight hours in my day.
” She worries about her daughters ’ education , their socialization skills , and their emotional health .
But her job at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Her daughters are healthy and they are loved .
Still , she feels guilty .
As a health care worker , she ’ s been working long hours , and her daughters will likely have to stay socially distant longer than their friends .
And she ’ s worried about the future logistics of everything .
Stephanie and Kurt received an email today that summer camp is canceled – something the girls had been looking forward to and the parents had been relying on .
What will they do for child care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course .
Maybe Dido can keep watching them a few days a week .
“ What if this goes on for another year ?
Life the way we are living just isn ’ t sustainable , ” says Stephanie .
“ I need to see the light at the end of the tunnel.
” In my “ old life , ” ( as Abilene calls our pre-COVID past ) I was attending three or four political rallies a day , standing shoulder to shoulder with voters in hot school gyms .
At night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – forgetting , almost daily , to text my mom when I was off the road and in my room .
Now I hug my mother every evening before falling asleep surrounded by old high school photographs and participation medals .
On Saturdays , when I was home in Washington , I ’ d walk through my neighborhood to a yoga class , FaceTiming the Crandalls on my way .
Now I finish a run to find Abilene and Stew-Stew playing their guitars together on our front porch .
Our family , like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of pits the past few months .
But we ’ ve also had peaches .
My mom taught Abilene the months of the year , and I taught my dad how to properly make iced coffee .
Abilene rode her bike without training wheels for the first time , and my mom and I planted a garden together , like we used to do when I was younger .
As I play Boggle with Sonoma in the afternoon sun ( she beats me ) , Abilene lays her head in my lap , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popsicles .
“ They really are the best , ” says Abilene .
“ Sometimes you have to dig for the good ones .
But they ’ re always in there.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

But that doesn’t mean life is easy right now.
We are better off than most. We have jobs, internet access, and plenty of food. We are all healthy.
While not related to the Crandalls, we consider ourselves family, and we’ve been quarantining together. Between us, there are two elementary school students, a health care worker, a small-business owner, a college professor, a middle school art teacher, and a political reporter (me) suddenly living at home again.
The COVID-19 pandemic has turned Americans’ lives upside down. Routines have been disrupted, and families have been confined at home in what’s shaping up to be the longest, most intense stretch of togetherness in anyone’s memory.
At first, Kurt, a psychology professor, would try to sneak away periodically to work. But invariably, there would be a computer to fix or a worksheet that needed explaining. “It’s almost impossible,” he says.
From home-schooling kids to trying to save a business, our reporter’s “quarantine family” is dealing with the same challenges as many. Facing an uncertain summer, they’re now relying on each other in new ways.
His 9-year-old daughter, Sonoma, ambles toward the dining room table, which is piled with worksheets and a laptop. Six-year-old Abilene plays reading games on another device.
Kurt Crandall plays a school bell from a YouTube video on his phone. “OK, go to your work stations.”
Six-year-old Abilene Crandall is climbing up the walls. Literally.
Under normal circumstances, at this time on a Wednesday morning, she would be in her kindergarten classroom. Her older sister, Sonoma, who has left her dining-table-turned-desk to watch Abilene hop her way up the door frame, would be having a “morning meeting” with her third grade classmates.
And I would be traveling the country, covering the 2020 presidential election for the Monitor. But now I’m in the Crandalls’ kitchen, wondering at what point I should intervene in the wall-scaling.
Why We Wrote This From home-schooling kids to trying to save a business, our reporter’s “quarantine family” is dealing with the same challenges as many. Facing an uncertain summer, they’re now relying on each other in new ways.
The COVID-19 pandemic has turned Americans’ lives inside out and upside down. Routines of work and school have been disrupted, along with most social interaction. Families have been confined at home in what’s shaping up to be the longest, most intense stretch of togetherness in anyone’s memory.
Tasked with finding a family to profile in this “new normal,” I realized I might as well focus on my own.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
While I may not be related to the Crandalls, we consider ourselves family. Six years ago, when my sister went off to college, my mom began working for them as a nanny. Our families have been intertwined ever since, sharing holidays, wiggly teeth, promotions, and setbacks.
During this crisis, we decided to “double bubble,” or quarantine together. Between us, there are two elementary school students, a health care worker, a small-business owner, a college professor, a middle school art teacher, and a political reporter (me) suddenly living at home again.
We are better off than most. We have jobs, internet access, and plenty of food. We are all healthy.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Abilene Crandall takes a break from reading to play in the backyard on May 13, 2020.
But that doesn’t mean life is easy right now. Our finances are tighter. Tired, bored, and anxious, we’ve been fighting more than usual. The family vacation at Virginia Beach in June is canceled.
Like many states, Virginia is just beginning to reopen. Still, we’re staring at a summer of uncertainty. What will the coming weeks and months look like? What activities will be allowed? What will actually feel safe?
One thing is already clear: Like many families around the world, we are learning how to rely on each other in entirely new ways.
Wednesday
“OK, Abs, five-minute countdown,” says Kurt Crandall at 8:52 a.m. He’s exaggerating the time until the at-home school day begins, but Abilene – who is still in her pajamas pirouetting through the kitchen – needs the extended heads-up.
Over the next eight minutes, the girls do little to prepare. Sonoma braids my hair. Abilene cries because she wanted the hairbrush first. Then Abilene remembers her new mermaid doll and proudly shows me her glittery tail.
Kurt plays the sound of a school bell from a YouTube video on his phone. “OK, go to your work stations.” On his third ask, Sonoma ambles toward the dining room table, which is piled high with loose worksheets and a laptop. Since the dining table has become a third grade classroom, the family has been eating meals together outside or standing around the kitchen counter.
Kindergarten is in the adjoining room, where Abilene plays reading games on another computer. The girls’ school received a grant to distribute laptops, which Kurt picked up in an eerily empty elementary hallway, winter snowflakes still decorating the ceiling.
“Come. And. Run. With. Me. Away. We. Go,” says Abilene robotically, her index finger tracing the computer screen.
A piece of white paper is tacked to the opposing wall with school subjects penciled in a grid of 45-minute time slots. Kurt, nodding to the paper, says that plan lasted for about a week.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Kurt Crandall begins the day home-schooling his two daughters, Abilene (left), who is in kindergarten, and Sonoma, who is in third grade, on May 13, 2020.
“Emotionally, if they aren’t in a good space, it doesn’t matter what kind of schedule you’ve drawn up,” he says.
Kurt, a psychology professor at Virginia Commonwealth University, has been teaching his students virtually since VCU closed its campus in the second week of March, while also educating his two young daughters – a job he splits with my mom (who is taking a semester off as a middle school art teacher). Stephanie works as a nurse practitioner at VCU’s Massey Cancer Center.
At first, when the penciled school schedule was still in play, Kurt would try to sneak away periodically to send an email or grade an assignment. But invariably, there would be a fight to break up, a computer to fix, or a worksheet that needed explaining. One day, when trying to record a lecture, the girls interrupted him six times before he gave up.
“It’s almost impossible,” he says, shaking his head. He just submitted his students’ final grades and is now teaching a summer course. Just as the girls miss learning in their classrooms, Kurt misses teaching in one.
“Everyone keeps saying, ‘Oh, you’re an educator – it must be easy to teach the kids,’” says Kurt, rubbing the back of his head. “But this is totally different.”
“What’s a proper noun?” Sonoma yells through the house, while Abilene continues to read aloud just a few feet away. “You. Too. Can. Run.”
Sonoma has Zoom meetings with her third grade class in which her teacher asks them to share their “peaches and pits” – the good and the bad. She has a lot of pits these days. It’s a pit that her class doesn’t get to perform the play they’d been practicing. It’s a pit that she doesn’t get to have a “real” math class (math is her favorite). It’s a pit that she doesn’t get to play at recess with her friends.
But one of the peaches, she adds, are the new friends she’s made in her neighborhood. Before the quarantine, kids on her street would ride bikes separately after school. But now, every night, all the kids ride bikes together – 6 feet apart.
Thursday
At 9:40 a.m. my mom opens her phone and begins to cry. Her uncle Bruce, my grandfather’s younger brother, passed away. My grandfather was unable to travel from Florida to Connecticut to say goodbye because of COVID-19, and my mom won’t be able to hug her cousins at a funeral.
That’s the hardest part, says my mom, holding her eyes in her palms. Suddenly, we hear the sound of the Crandalls’ car crunching our gravel driveway. My mom teaches Abilene and Sonoma on Tuesdays and Thursdays.
“I’m used to turning my life off when I walk in a classroom,” says Mom, who still has tears in her eyes as the girls run toward the house. But this – running a one-room schoolhouse with a kindergartener, third grader, and 27-year-old all working at the same kitchen table – is totally new.
Mom takes the tutoring seriously. But it’s changed her relationship with Sonoma and Abilene.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption The writer (center) poses with her mother, Diana Hinckley, and Sonoma on May 10, 2020. Over the past two months in quarantine, our families have celebrated four birthdays and holidays such as Mother's Day, during which we spent outside enjoying spring flowers.
“I’m no longer the fun pseudo-grandmother,” she says. “I feel terrible when I hear they don’t want to come here because I make them do schoolwork.”
When the girls get inside they immediately split up to wash their hands: Abilene to the bathroom and Sonoma to the kitchen. Abilene sings “Happy Birthday” while rubbing the soap between her dimpled hands.
The girls settle into their seats at the kitchen table with their backpacks, which still jingle with the keychains they would trade with their friends on the bus. Like at home, school at Dido’s (as they call my mom, Diana) started out on a schedule. But now, as with Kurt’s penciled schedule hanging on the wall, it’s mostly aspirational.
Sonoma works on long division worksheets as Abilene jumps from notecard to notecard on the ground, identifying “sight words.” Later, they investigate a slug on the porch and Abilene practices karate in the yard. (“Mom and Dad say I can start taking lessons as soon as the corona is over.”) They video chat with my sister Isabelle, in Portland, Maine, and the girls ask when she can come home to visit. None of us know the answer.
When it’s time for the girls to leave, Abilene, holding her hot-pink guitar that my parents got her for Christmas, pouts. Stew-Stew (my father, Stewart) had said he’d try to come home early from work so the two of them could play together. But he hasn’t made it back yet.
My dad, who owns a meeting planning business for medical associations, had all of his 2020 meetings canceled – and with them, all of his hotel commissions. When the PPP (Paycheck Protection Program) from the Small Business Administration was announced, he conferred with his bank and did practice applications.
We were on a walk when he learned the application was live, and he handed me our dog’s leash and jogged home. Days, then weeks, went by, with my dad refreshing his PPP “dashboard” every few minutes hoping each time to see “APPROVED.” He left the browser open on his computer. He left the dinner table to go refresh the page.
His bank was late with their applications, and the first funding ran out. No loan came. He cut his salary. He cut his employees’ salaries. He fired a woman he considered a friend. I saw my dad cry for the first time since my grandfather died, 14 years ago.
On the second round of PPP funding, five weeks after he had submitted his application, his loan was approved. Still, it’s not enough to cover the loss of business. And he’ll have to pay part of it back, because he can’t afford to restaff at the level required to make it a grant.
“At a time when I thought I’d be thinking about retirement, I never thought that I’d have to completely retool my business and give it a whole new direction,” says Dad. “Now I’m reimagining everything in a virtual world.”
He’s been working long hours to make his fall meetings virtual, through apps and livestreams. But while meetings may be virtual for now, he doesn’t think they will be forever. He compares it to 9/11: Post-COVID won’t look like pre-COVID, just like security for flying became totally different after the terrorist attacks. But we still fly.
“People will always want to be together in person, and we’ll have that again,” says Dad. “It’s going to take some time, but it’s going to come back.”
Friday
Stephanie is still in her scrubs when she walks in the Crandalls’ door, takeout dinner in hand.
“What used to be organized chaos is now ...” she interrupts herself to grab their puppy, Luna, before she runs out the front door.
“What used to be organized chaos is now just ...” she interrupts herself again, seeing that Luna peed on the floor, and walks to the kitchen to grab a rag.
“It’s now just chaos.” She takes the rag back to the kitchen, where she begins to divvy up food for the girls. Work has been so busy that Stephanie often forgets to eat lunch, but she doesn’t think about her own hunger until Kurt brings her a plate.
“As a full-time working mother, life never really felt truly ‘manageable.’ But now, with the added responsibilities to solely educate, exercise, discipline, entertain, and nurture our children – at times it all seems impossible,” says Stephanie, holding Luna with one hand and trying to eat dinner with the other. “I either need to give up sleep or find another eight hours in my day.”
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Stewart Hinckley and Abilene Crandall practice their guitars together on May 15, 2020.
She worries about her daughters’ education, their socialization skills, and their emotional health. But her job at the Cancer Center helps keep things in perspective: Her daughters are healthy and they are loved. Still, she feels guilty. As a health care worker, she’s been working long hours, and her daughters will likely have to stay socially distant longer than their friends.
And she’s worried about the future logistics of everything. Stephanie and Kurt received an email today that summer camp is canceled – something the girls had been looking forward to and the parents had been relying on.
What will they do for child care? Kurt is teaching a virtual summer course. Maybe Dido can keep watching them a few days a week.
“What if this goes on for another year? Life the way we are living just isn’t sustainable,” says Stephanie. “I need to see the light at the end of the tunnel.”
Saturday
In my “old life,” (as Abilene calls our pre-COVID past) I was attending three or four political rallies a day, standing shoulder to shoulder with voters in hot school gyms. At night I’d check into a hotel – forgetting, almost daily, to text my mom when I was off the road and in my room. Now I hug my mother every evening before falling asleep surrounded by old high school photographs and participation medals.
On Saturdays, when I was home in Washington, I’d walk through my neighborhood to a yoga class, FaceTiming the Crandalls on my way. Now I finish a run to find Abilene and Stew-Stew playing their guitars together on our front porch.
Our family, like almost all families, has had plenty of pits the past few months. But we’ve also had peaches. My mom taught Abilene the months of the year, and I taught my dad how to properly make iced coffee. Abilene rode her bike without training wheels for the first time, and my mom and I planted a garden together, like we used to do when I was younger.
As I play Boggle with Sonoma in the afternoon sun (she beats me), Abilene lays her head in my lap, waxing on about the superiority of orange popsicles.
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“They really are the best,” says Abilene. “Sometimes you have to dig for the good ones. But they’re always in there.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-06-01--COVID, race, and a pivotal moment for America

As a historian , Dr. Vinson says he feels the nation fraying apart , the social contract being damaged .
The next six months or so could be crucial to the country ’ s future .
And while the nation has had pandemics , war , political violence , political polarization , rebellions , and economic depression before , only in 2020 has it had them all combined , notes Robert Vinson , a professor of history at The College of William & Mary .
Probably not , say historians .
In wars and depression , America has survived intact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to become an inflection-point year studied by future students , like 1918 ( deadly flu pandemic ) , 1929 ( stock market crash ) , and 1968 ( urban riots ) .
Videos of the violence are disturbing .
National leadership appears absent .
Plans for the pandemic vary by state , while the nation struggles with unprecedented unemployment .
Is pressure from multiple crises causing U.S. democracy to unravel ?
Stressed by the calamity of the coronavirus , clashing over reopening the economy , divided by partisanship and race , America itself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from days of unrest sparked by the death of George Floyd in police custody last week in Minneapolis .
St. John ’ s Episcopal Church , across Lafayette Square from the White House , is a butter-yellow Washington icon .
Many presidents have worshipped there , among them Abraham Lincoln , who would slip into the back corner of the last pew , seeking respite from the weight of his office , always sitting alone .
On Sunday night , as unrest ripped through cities across the nation , St. John ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , D.C. firefighters put out the blaze and initial inspections showed no significant damage .
But the metaphor remains apt .
Stressed by the calamity of the coronavirus , clashing over reopening the economy , divided by partisanship and racism , America itself seems afire , as big cities reel from days of unrest sparked by the death of George Floyd last week in Minneapolis .
Videos of the violence are disturbing .
National leadership appears absent .
Plans for the pandemic vary by state while the nation struggles with unprecedented unemployment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy to fray , even unravel ?
Not literally , say some historians .
In wars and depression , America has survived intact through worse .
But 2020 seems likely to become an inflection-point year studied by future students , like 1918 ( flu pandemic ) , 1929 ( stock market crash ) , and 1968 ( urban riots ) .
The atmosphere and events of 1968 may be the most comparable to today .
Vietnam was a catastrophe building in the background .
Then came sudden shocks , including the shootings of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Robert F. Kennedy .
Cities exploded .
“ In terms of my own experience , it feels more like 1968 in the aftermath of the MLK assassination , because of all these uprisings happening simultaneously , ” says Eric Foner , professor emeritus of history at Columbia University and author of “ The Second Founding : How the Civil War and Reconstruction Remade the Constitution.
” As in 1968 , black Americans today are more likely to be economically disadvantaged than white people .
As in 1968 , many today feel the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by a spate of police killings of black men .
In some ways , the circumstances of 2020 are not so much a repeat of 1968 ’ s as an extension of them , says Robert Vinson , a professor of history at The College of William & Mary .
“ Structurally and systemically , there are very clear connections and similarities and continuities , ” he says .
Many of the protests sparked by the death of George Floyd in police custody have been peaceful processions with a multiracial mix .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and looting resulting in curfews in various cities and the deployment of thousands of National Guard members in at least 15 states .
President Donald Trump and Attorney General William Barr have , without evidence , accused far-left anarchist actors known as “ antifa ” of orchestrating many of the protests .
On Monday , in a conference call , President Trump called governors “ weak ” in the face of continuing violence , and urged them to “ dominate ” unruly protesters .
If they don ’ t , they ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president .
Yet aside from tweets , President Trump himself has been mostly silent on the protests , with the exception of brief remarks on Saturday when he was in Florida to watch the launch of U.S. astronauts .
“ I stand before you as a friend and ally to every American seeking justice and peace , ” said the president .
“ Healing , not hatred , justice , not chaos , are the mission at hand.
” In some cities , police officers have been reprimanded for the kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first place .
In Fort Lauderdale , an officer was suspended for shoving a kneeling woman to the ground during a protest .
Two Atlanta officers were fired after bashing in the window of a car and using a stun gun on occupants , according to The Associated Press .
Other police officers have tried to calm the situation by kneeling in solidarity with protesters or accompanying them on a march .
In Savannah , Georgia , for instance , a crowd of protesters surrounded a small group of officers at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The officers were clad in riot gear and tensions seemed to rise , according to Monitor correspondent Patrik Jonsson .
Then Savannah Det .
Joshua Flynn began to shake hands with and hug protesters who approached him .
The officers stood their ground as protesters inched closer , some yelling sharp words .
But as the standoff continued , the protesters took up a different chant : “ Walk with us !
Walk with us !
” In this case , the police demurred .
But later , officials allowed the protesters to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use its sound system to disperse the march at its end .
In 1968 , some 110 U.S. cities suffered civil disturbances following the killing of Martin Luther King Jr. on April 4 , with the largest riots in Baltimore , Washington , Kansas City , and Chicago .
They followed the spate of unrest of the long hot summer of 1967 , including an explosive uprising and riot in Detroit that left 43 dead and was controlled only with the help of elements of the regular Army ’ s 82nd and 101st @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of violent protests in 1992 , following the acquittal of police officers who had used apparently excessive force , caught on video , while arresting Rodney King .
In recent years , the Black Lives Matter movement has held protests against police brutality in many American cities .
In 2015 , the death of Freddie Gray in police custody in Baltimore led to violent protests following Mr. Gray ’ s funeral .
In that context , the current wave of protests is not at all unprecedented , says Pamela Oliver , a professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wisconsin who studies racial disparities in criminal justice .
“ It ’ s very American .
We do it a lot , ” she says .
“ We have a lot of issues with racial violence and policing.
” This does not mean that America has made no progress on race , says Dr. Foner of Columbia University .
There ’ s been a black president .
African Americans hold political power in many cities .
Police departments have made efforts to diversify and retrain their officers .
But the pace of that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some important problems untouched .
“ The virus and George Floyd ’ s death have illustrated that not enough has changed , ” says Dr. Foner .
In 1968 , the underlying condition shaping the national mood was Vietnam .
It was the deadliest and most expensive year of the war for the U.S. and its allies , and much of that fighting , and dying , fell to minorities .
In 2020 , the underlying condition is the coronavirus , which has disproportionately affected African Americans and other minorities .
With unemployment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is hitting minority communities harder too .
“ There is a deep , deep sense of frustration and injustice , and it only takes an incident for that to come rolling out , ” says Joe Dunn , chair of history and politics at Converse College and an expert on the protest movements of the 1960s .
America has weathered pandemics , war , political violence , political polarization , rebellions , and economic depression before 2020 .
But only in 2020 has the nation faced all of them combined , says Dr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a historian , Dr. Vinson says he feels the nation fraying apart , the social contract being damaged .
The next six months or so could be crucial to the country ’ s future .
“ This is really a fork-in-the-road moment , ” he says .
The twin public health emergencies the U.S. is facing are COVID-19 and the long-standing “ virus ” of systemic racism , says the William & Mary professor .
Fighting them will require a fundamental reconceptualization of what community means , in his view .
Looking at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them ” in a time of intertwined political and health issues doesn ’ t work , he says .
“ It ’ s not those folks over there in that urban center who are separate somehow from the rest of us .
It ’ s all of us being impacted by this .
And all of us have a responsibility to see it as such , because otherwise we may all go down , ” says Dr. Vinson .
Staff writer Patrik Jonsson contributed to this report from Savannah , Georgia .

As a historian, Dr. Vinson says he feels the nation fraying apart, the social contract being damaged. The next six months or so could be crucial to the country’s future.
And while the nation has had pandemics, war, political violence, political polarization, rebellions, and economic depression before, only in 2020 has it had them all combined, notes Robert Vinson, a professor of history at The College of William & Mary.
Probably not, say historians. In wars and depression, America has survived intact through worse. But 2020 seems likely to become an inflection-point year studied by future students, like 1918 (deadly flu pandemic), 1929 (stock market crash), and 1968 (urban riots).
Certain years loom large as icons of challenging times for America. 2020 is likely to join the roster amid a pandemic, massive protests over racially charged police killings, and deep economic stress.
Videos of the violence are disturbing. National leadership appears absent. Plans for the pandemic vary by state, while the nation struggles with unprecedented unemployment. Is pressure from multiple crises causing U.S. democracy to unravel?
Stressed by the calamity of the coronavirus, clashing over reopening the economy, divided by partisanship and race, America itself seems afire, as big cities reel from days of unrest sparked by the death of George Floyd in police custody last week in Minneapolis.
St. John’s Episcopal Church, across Lafayette Square from the White House, is a butter-yellow Washington icon. Many presidents have worshipped there, among them Abraham Lincoln, who would slip into the back corner of the last pew, seeking respite from the weight of his office, always sitting alone.
On Sunday night, as unrest ripped through cities across the nation, St. John’s was set ablaze.
Escorted by police, D.C. firefighters put out the blaze and initial inspections showed no significant damage. But the metaphor remains apt. Stressed by the calamity of the coronavirus, clashing over reopening the economy, divided by partisanship and racism, America itself seems afire, as big cities reel from days of unrest sparked by the death of George Floyd last week in Minneapolis.
Why We Wrote This Certain years loom large as icons of challenging times for America. 2020 is likely to join the roster amid a pandemic, massive protests over racially charged police killings, and deep economic stress.
Videos of the violence are disturbing. National leadership appears absent. Plans for the pandemic vary by state while the nation struggles with unprecedented unemployment. Is pressure from multiple crises causing U.S. democracy to fray, even unravel?
Not literally, say some historians. In wars and depression, America has survived intact through worse. But 2020 seems likely to become an inflection-point year studied by future students, like 1918 (flu pandemic), 1929 (stock market crash), and 1968 (urban riots).
The atmosphere and events of 1968 may be the most comparable to today. Vietnam was a catastrophe building in the background. Then came sudden shocks, including the shootings of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy. Cities exploded.
“In terms of my own experience, it feels more like 1968 in the aftermath of the MLK assassination, because of all these uprisings happening simultaneously,” says Eric Foner, professor emeritus of history at Columbia University and author of “The Second Founding: How the Civil War and Reconstruction Remade the Constitution.”
As in 1968, black Americans today are more likely to be economically disadvantaged than white people. As in 1968, many today feel the sting of racial prejudice, as evidenced by a spate of police killings of black men.
Alex Brandon/AP View caption Hide caption Police form a line in front of St. John's Episcopal Church near the White House, as demonstrators protest the death of George Floyd, May 31, 2020. Someone started a fire in the historic church Sunday night, but no significant damage was reported.
In some ways, the circumstances of 2020 are not so much a repeat of 1968’s as an extension of them, says Robert Vinson, a professor of history at The College of William & Mary.
“Structurally and systemically, there are very clear connections and similarities and continuities,” he says.
The role of leadership
Many of the protests sparked by the death of George Floyd in police custody have been peaceful processions with a multiracial mix. But many have descended into scenes of violence and looting resulting in curfews in various cities and the deployment of thousands of National Guard members in at least 15 states.
President Donald Trump and Attorney General William Barr have, without evidence, accused far-left anarchist actors known as “antifa” of orchestrating many of the protests. On Monday, in a conference call, President Trump called governors “weak” in the face of continuing violence, and urged them to “dominate” unruly protesters. If they don’t, they’re “wasting their time,” said the president.
Yet aside from tweets, President Trump himself has been mostly silent on the protests, with the exception of brief remarks on Saturday when he was in Florida to watch the launch of U.S. astronauts.
“I stand before you as a friend and ally to every American seeking justice and peace,” said the president. “Healing, not hatred, justice, not chaos, are the mission at hand.”
In some cities, police officers have been reprimanded for the kind of harsh tactics that produced the protests in the first place. In Fort Lauderdale, an officer was suspended for shoving a kneeling woman to the ground during a protest. Two Atlanta officers were fired after bashing in the window of a car and using a stun gun on occupants, according to The Associated Press.
Other police officers have tried to calm the situation by kneeling in solidarity with protesters or accompanying them on a march.
In Savannah, Georgia, for instance, a crowd of protesters surrounded a small group of officers at the city’s historic police station. The officers were clad in riot gear and tensions seemed to rise, according to Monitor correspondent Patrik Jonsson.
Then Savannah Det. Joshua Flynn began to shake hands with and hug protesters who approached him. The officers stood their ground as protesters inched closer, some yelling sharp words. But as the standoff continued, the protesters took up a different chant: “Walk with us! Walk with us!”
In this case, the police demurred. But later, officials allowed the protesters to clamber atop a National Guard truck and use its sound system to disperse the march at its end.
A history of protests
In 1968, some 110 U.S. cities suffered civil disturbances following the killing of Martin Luther King Jr. on April 4, with the largest riots in Baltimore, Washington, Kansas City, and Chicago. They followed the spate of unrest of the long hot summer of 1967, including an explosive uprising and riot in Detroit that left 43 dead and was controlled only with the help of elements of the regular Army’s 82nd and 101st Airborne Divisions.
There was another wave of violent protests in 1992, following the acquittal of police officers who had used apparently excessive force, caught on video, while arresting Rodney King.
In recent years, the Black Lives Matter movement has held protests against police brutality in many American cities. In 2015, the death of Freddie Gray in police custody in Baltimore led to violent protests following Mr. Gray’s funeral.
In that context, the current wave of protests is not at all unprecedented, says Pamela Oliver, a professor emerita of sociology at the University of Wisconsin who studies racial disparities in criminal justice.
“It’s very American. We do it a lot,” she says. “We have a lot of issues with racial violence and policing.”
This does not mean that America has made no progress on race, says Dr. Foner of Columbia University. There’s been a black president. African Americans hold political power in many cities. Police departments have made efforts to diversify and retrain their officers.
But the pace of that progress has been slow, and left some important problems untouched.
“The virus and George Floyd’s death have illustrated that not enough has changed,” says Dr. Foner.
In 1968, the underlying condition shaping the national mood was Vietnam. It was the deadliest and most expensive year of the war for the U.S. and its allies, and much of that fighting, and dying, fell to minorities.
In 2020, the underlying condition is the coronavirus, which has disproportionately affected African Americans and other minorities. With unemployment reaching record levels, the economic fallout is hitting minority communities harder too.
“There is a deep, deep sense of frustration and injustice, and it only takes an incident for that to come rolling out,” says Joe Dunn, chair of history and politics at Converse College and an expert on the protest movements of the 1960s.
A fork-in-the-road moment
America has weathered pandemics, war, political violence, political polarization, rebellions, and economic depression before 2020.
But only in 2020 has the nation faced all of them combined, says Dr. Vinson of William & Mary.
As a historian, Dr. Vinson says he feels the nation fraying apart, the social contract being damaged. The next six months or so could be crucial to the country’s future.
“This is really a fork-in-the-road moment,” he says.
The twin public health emergencies the U.S. is facing are COVID-19 and the long-standing “virus” of systemic racism, says the William & Mary professor. Fighting them will require a fundamental reconceptualization of what community means, in his view.
Looking at groups as “us” versus “them” in a time of intertwined political and health issues doesn’t work, he says.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“It’s not those folks over there in that urban center who are separate somehow from the rest of us. It’s all of us being impacted by this. And all of us have a responsibility to see it as such, because otherwise we may all go down,” says Dr. Vinson.
Staff writer Patrik Jonsson contributed to this report from Savannah, Georgia.


csmonitor--2020-06-01--Ohio governor’s science-based COVID-19 response wins bipartisan praise

“ We ’ re dealing with people ’ s lives , ” he says in an interview .
“ These are the most important decisions I will ever make in my life.
” Governor DeWine himself is quick to stress that given the stakes , politics are beside the point .
At a time when responses to the virus seem increasingly marked by partisanship , Governor DeWine ’ s apolitical , fact-based approach has earned him plaudits from both sides of the aisle .
A Washington Post-Ipsos poll found that 86 % of Ohio voters approve of the way Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the highest rating of any governor .
To many , the Ohio governor ’ s decidedly non-flashy style of leadership – a competence shaped by decades of experience – seems to be what ’ s needed at this moment of crisis .
Now , as Ohio begins to gradually reopen , public health experts say the governor ’ s swift actions likely helped the state avoid the fate of its northern neighbor , Michigan , or that of many East Coast hot spots .
Before a single case of COVID-19 had been reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mike DeWine began imposing sweeping restrictions .
The mild-mannered Republican banned spectators from large-scale sporting events , and was the first governor in the nation to close public schools .
Before a single case of COVID-19 had been reported in his state , Ohio Gov .
Mike DeWine began imposing sweeping restrictions .
The mild-mannered Republican banned spectators from large-scale sporting events .
He recommended that colleges suspend in-person classes .
He was the first governor in the nation to close his state ’ s public schools , and he fought to postpone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moves may have seemed radical at the time , but as Ohio now begins to gradually reopen , having recorded just under 2,000 deaths so far , public health experts say the governor ’ s swift actions likely helped the state avoid the fate of its northern neighbor , Michigan , or that of many East Coast hot spots .
At a time when responses to the virus seem increasingly marked by partisanship , Governor DeWine ’ s apolitical , fact-based approach has earned him plaudits from the media and sky-high approval ratings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aisle .
To many , the Ohio governor ’ s decidedly non-flashy style of leadership – a steady competence , shaped by decades of experience – is exactly what ’ s needed at this moment of crisis .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
“ The way I ’ ve approached this is to get all the information , to rely on the best science that ’ s available , ” says Governor DeWine , in an interview with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Forty years of doing politics and government , the mistakes I ’ ve made is because I didn ’ t get enough facts ... and I didn ’ t trust my gut instinct .
And my gut instinct throughout this has been we needed to move faster.
” The longtime Ohio politician , who has variously served as a United States senator , a congressman , and his state ’ s attorney general , has often been labeled “ nerdy ” or “ boring ” due to his subdued manner and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ masks the roll-up-your-sleeves attitude of someone who just comes in and gets the work done , says Joe Hallett , a retired political journalist who wrote for several Ohio newspapers .
“ Experience matters , ” says Mr. Hallett .
“ DeWine has been inside government and knows what levers to pull and push .
He ’ s not someone given to stunts.
” Mr. Hallett witnessed that tenacity firsthand in 1994 .
While covering Mr. DeWine ’ s campaign for the U.S. Senate , the reporter found the then-lieutenant governor lying in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trying to pass a kidney stone .
He was in pain , but refused to cancel that evening ’ s event .
“ He struggles out of the car and goes in , there ’ s about 100 to 150 people in there for dinner , and DeWine winces his way through the door and instantly his demeanor changes , ” says Mr. Hallett .
“ He goes from table to table and shakes every single hand , suffering on the inside but nobody was the wiser.
” Nearly 30 years later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolve again to slow the spread of COVID-19 .
A Washington Post-Ipsos poll released May 12 found that 86 % of Ohio voters approve of the way Mr. DeWine has dealt with the coronavirus – the highest rating any governor received in its poll , and solidly bipartisan ( Democrats actually rated his job slightly higher than Republicans ) .
By contrast , 45 % of voters approved of President Donald Trump ’ s efforts .
The governor himself is quick to dismiss those numbers , recognizing that they ’ re likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into new phases .
And he stresses that given the stakes , politics are beside the point .
“ Those poll numbers are nice , but that ’ s not where they ’ re going to stay – and that ’ s OK , ” he says .
“ We ’ re dealing with people ’ s lives .
These are the most important decisions I will ever make in my life.
” Early on , daily press briefings with the governor and his team of public health experts quickly became prime-time viewing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the virus ’ s spread and the state ’ s lockdown orders .
“ [ They ] were so good at presenting ideas and giving people the opportunity to digest them and process them before they were implemented , ” says Deborah Hellmuth Bosner , who runs an optometry practice in the Columbus area .
“ It ’ s about setting expectations .
I was always able to start preparing as a [ business ] what shutdown procedures would look like , where we might need to go.
” In the beginning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been collected , Mr. DeWine would often emphasize the lack of information and uncertainty to the public .
For Greg Laux , a trial lawyer in Cincinnati , it was refreshing to hear a politician be so candid , or admit to not knowing something .
He says the briefings also demonstrated the trust Mr. DeWine places in Ohio Department of Health Director Dr. Amy Acton and other scientific experts .
“ In a crisis , I think people look for confidence , someone who is knowledgeable , an expert , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who started a Facebook fan group for Mr. DeWine .
“ Mike DeWine is one of the best political leaders of my lifetime.
” Still , not all Ohioans have agreed with the governor ’ s decisions .
Protesters marched in front of the Statehouse throughout April and May , imploring the governor to reopen the state .
He partially relented on April 28 , reversing an order that required retail customers to wear masks .
But the Republican governor has remained adamant that wearing a mask is a matter of public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – a stark contrast with fellow Republican President Trump , who has conspicuously avoided wearing a mask in public .
To some , it ’ s striking that the Ohio governor – an establishment Republican for his entire political career – would take such a markedly different approach from his party ’ s current leader .
But during his 12 years in the U.S. Senate , Mr. DeWine was generally regarded as a moderate Republican , one who was at times willing to buck the party line and work with Democrats .
Mike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at The Columbus Dispatch who covered the governor extensively over the course of his career , adds that at this stage in his career , the governor is a “ free man.
” “ The difference between Governor DeWine and Mike DeWine in his previous political iterations is that he understood that this was his final stop , ” he says .
“ If this were a Mike DeWine 25 years younger than he is , he probably would not be quite as independent as he ’ s been.
” Mr. Curtin – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minor league baseball team owned by Governor DeWine ’ s son until he sold it in 2019 – says that freedom has helped the governor remain data-driven throughout this crisis , heeding his public health experts ’ advice .
“ It allows him to follow the science , to be true to his heart , ” he says .
“ People tend to appreciate that , and that ’ s why he ’ s getting the virtual standing O ’ s – he ’ s being his authentic self.
” Editor ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“We’re dealing with people’s lives,” he says in an interview. “These are the most important decisions I will ever make in my life.”
Governor DeWine himself is quick to stress that given the stakes, politics are beside the point.
At a time when responses to the virus seem increasingly marked by partisanship, Governor DeWine’s apolitical, fact-based approach has earned him plaudits from both sides of the aisle. A Washington Post-Ipsos poll found that 86% of Ohio voters approve of the way Mr. DeWine has dealt with the coronavirus – the highest rating of any governor. To many, the Ohio governor’s decidedly non-flashy style of leadership – a competence shaped by decades of experience – seems to be what’s needed at this moment of crisis.
Mike DeWine’s early, decisive action on the virus likely saved lives, say experts – and catapulted the low-key, career politician onto the national stage. Voters cite his reliance on experts, and his willingness to admit unknowns.
Now, as Ohio begins to gradually reopen, public health experts say the governor’s swift actions likely helped the state avoid the fate of its northern neighbor, Michigan, or that of many East Coast hot spots.
Before a single case of COVID-19 had been reported in his state, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine began imposing sweeping restrictions. The mild-mannered Republican banned spectators from large-scale sporting events, and was the first governor in the nation to close public schools.
Before a single case of COVID-19 had been reported in his state, Ohio Gov. Mike DeWine began imposing sweeping restrictions. The mild-mannered Republican banned spectators from large-scale sporting events. He recommended that colleges suspend in-person classes. He was the first governor in the nation to close his state’s public schools, and he fought to postpone Ohio’s primary election.
The moves may have seemed radical at the time, but as Ohio now begins to gradually reopen, having recorded just under 2,000 deaths so far, public health experts say the governor’s swift actions likely helped the state avoid the fate of its northern neighbor, Michigan, or that of many East Coast hot spots.
At a time when responses to the virus seem increasingly marked by partisanship, Governor DeWine’s apolitical, fact-based approach has earned him plaudits from the media and sky-high approval ratings from voters on both sides of the aisle. To many, the Ohio governor’s decidedly non-flashy style of leadership – a steady competence, shaped by decades of experience – is exactly what’s needed at this moment of crisis.
Why We Wrote This Mike DeWine’s early, decisive action on the virus likely saved lives, say experts – and catapulted the low-key, career politician onto the national stage. Voters cite his reliance on experts, and his willingness to admit unknowns.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
“The way I’ve approached this is to get all the information, to rely on the best science that’s available,” says Governor DeWine, in an interview with the Monitor that took place in mid-May. “Forty years of doing politics and government, the mistakes I’ve made is because I didn’t get enough facts ... and I didn’t trust my gut instinct. And my gut instinct throughout this has been we needed to move faster.”
The longtime Ohio politician, who has variously served as a United States senator, a congressman, and his state’s attorney general, has often been labeled “nerdy” or “boring” due to his subdued manner and scandal-free career. But that low-key image masks the roll-up-your-sleeves attitude of someone who just comes in and gets the work done, says Joe Hallett, a retired political journalist who wrote for several Ohio newspapers.
“Experience matters,” says Mr. Hallett. “DeWine has been inside government and knows what levers to pull and push. He’s not someone given to stunts.”
Mr. Hallett witnessed that tenacity firsthand in 1994. While covering Mr. DeWine’s campaign for the U.S. Senate, the reporter found the then-lieutenant governor lying in the back seat of a car, trying to pass a kidney stone. He was in pain, but refused to cancel that evening’s event.
“He struggles out of the car and goes in, there’s about 100 to 150 people in there for dinner, and DeWine winces his way through the door and instantly his demeanor changes,” says Mr. Hallett. “He goes from table to table and shakes every single hand, suffering on the inside but nobody was the wiser.”
Nearly 30 years later, Mr. DeWine harnessed this quiet, steely resolve again to slow the spread of COVID-19.
A Washington Post-Ipsos poll released May 12 found that 86% of Ohio voters approve of the way Mr. DeWine has dealt with the coronavirus – the highest rating any governor received in its poll, and solidly bipartisan (Democrats actually rated his job slightly higher than Republicans). By contrast, 45% of voters approved of President Donald Trump’s efforts.
The governor himself is quick to dismiss those numbers, recognizing that they’re likely to come back down as the challenge moves into new phases. And he stresses that given the stakes, politics are beside the point.
“Those poll numbers are nice, but that’s not where they’re going to stay – and that’s OK,” he says. “We’re dealing with people’s lives. These are the most important decisions I will ever make in my life.”
Early on, daily press briefings with the governor and his team of public health experts quickly became prime-time viewing for thousands of Ohioans eager for information about the virus’s spread and the state’s lockdown orders.
“[They] were so good at presenting ideas and giving people the opportunity to digest them and process them before they were implemented,” says Deborah Hellmuth Bosner, who runs an optometry practice in the Columbus area. “It’s about setting expectations. I was always able to start preparing as a [business] what shutdown procedures would look like, where we might need to go.”
In the beginning of the crisis, before much data had been collected, Mr. DeWine would often emphasize the lack of information and uncertainty to the public. For Greg Laux, a trial lawyer in Cincinnati, it was refreshing to hear a politician be so candid, or admit to not knowing something. He says the briefings also demonstrated the trust Mr. DeWine places in Ohio Department of Health Director Dr. Amy Acton and other scientific experts.
“In a crisis, I think people look for confidence, someone who is knowledgeable, an expert, and competent,” says Mr. Laux, who started a Facebook fan group for Mr. DeWine. “Mike DeWine is one of the best political leaders of my lifetime.”
Still, not all Ohioans have agreed with the governor’s decisions. Protesters marched in front of the Statehouse throughout April and May, imploring the governor to reopen the state. He partially relented on April 28, reversing an order that required retail customers to wear masks.
But the Republican governor has remained adamant that wearing a mask is a matter of public health and is “not about politics” – a stark contrast with fellow Republican President Trump, who has conspicuously avoided wearing a mask in public.
To some, it’s striking that the Ohio governor – an establishment Republican for his entire political career – would take such a markedly different approach from his party’s current leader. But during his 12 years in the U.S. Senate, Mr. DeWine was generally regarded as a moderate Republican, one who was at times willing to buck the party line and work with Democrats.
Mike Curtin, a former reporter and editor at The Columbus Dispatch who covered the governor extensively over the course of his career, adds that at this stage in his career, the governor is a “free man.”
“The difference between Governor DeWine and Mike DeWine in his previous political iterations is that he understood that this was his final stop,” he says. “If this were a Mike DeWine 25 years younger than he is, he probably would not be quite as independent as he’s been.”
Mr. Curtin – who had a partial stake in a minor league baseball team owned by Governor DeWine’s son until he sold it in 2019 – says that freedom has helped the governor remain data-driven throughout this crisis, heeding his public health experts’ advice.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“It allows him to follow the science, to be true to his heart,” he says. “People tend to appreciate that, and that’s why he’s getting the virtual standing O’s – he’s being his authentic self.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-06-01--Campaigns go virtual ahead of Tuesday's primary elections

Tuesday 's primaries in eight states are the biggest test to date of campaigning during the coronavirus era , a way for parties to test-drive new ways of getting out the vote during a time when it can be dangerous to leave your home .
Voters from Pennsylvania to Iowa to New Mexico will cast ballots in both the Democratic presidential contest , where former Vice President Joe Biden is the only contender with an active campaign , and a host of down-ballot primaries for everything from governors to state representatives .
Many states postponed elections scheduled between mid-March and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus outbreak .
Unable to send candidates out to barnstorm the states or volunteers to knock on voters ' doors , campaigns have had to improvise .
One Pennsylvania Republican congressional campaign recruited 100 people , including its candidate 's large extended family , to hand-write thousands of letters to voters urging support .
Another organized “ pop-up food banks ” for the needy .
Others moved up television advertising to capitalize on a captive audience locked down at home .
Democrats have created a phone banking model almost along the lines of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ volunteers and staffers can guide confused voters , step by step , through the process of voting by mail .
“ Any plan you had three months ago is out the window , ” said Brock Lowrance , a Republican strategist working on two Montana races – Sen. Steve Daines ' reelection bid and Rep. Greg Gianforte 's bid for the GOP gubernatorial nomination .
“ Campaigns are having to adapt in the ways they 're talking to voters but also in the ways voters are going to vote.
” Some voting experts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cast in the November election will be sent through the mail , as the Centers for Disease Control recommends as a way to lessen risk of exposure to the virus at polling stations .
States have scrambled to adjust to the new reality with some sending every voter an absentee ballot request .
In Iowa , the traditional frenzy of pre-primary barbecues and rallies has shifted to twice-a-week Zoom training of volunteers for Democratic Senate candidate Theresa Greenfield , who then start dialing voters to ensure they 've requested and returned their mail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re staying home doesn ’ t mean we ’ re standing still , ” said Sam Newton , communication director for Greenfield .
In Montana , where the populace is more accustomed to voting by mail , the outbreak has still altered the rhythm of the political season .
Mr. Lowrance says he 's noticed far more down-ballot races advertising on television , a reflection of how campaigns have fewer ways to reach voters and more eyeballs glued to the screen during quarantine .
Mr. Lowrance said campaigns , including his own , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic and economic crash have crimped fundraising and refrained from hiring the legion of door-knockers who usually hit the streets before elections .
And now they are having to plan for two possibilities – that November will resemble the intense lockdowns of the past two months , or the more mixed reality of reopened states .
“ It 's really trying to build two different plans and execute them , ” Mr. Lowrance said .
The greatest attention is on Pennsylvania , however .
It 's simultaneously the biggest state voting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to be a presidential battleground in November and the state that 's seen the biggest shift in voting in the COVID-19 era .
That 's because this is the first statewide election under a new , more permissive mail voting law passed last year .
In 2016 , only 4.6 % of the state 's voters cast a ballot by mail .
Now 21 % of all the state 's 8.5 million voters have already requested absentee ballots .
Democrats are overwhelmingly the ones asking to vote by mail – 1.3 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republicans , state records show .
That 's partly a reflection of GOP distrust of mail voting that 's been stoked by President Donald Trump , who 's claimed without evidence it will lead to widespread fraud .
Even the Trump campaign , recognizing that getting supporters to mail ballots in is key to winning elections , has been pushing Republicans to use the technique .
Some Pennsylvania Republicans have worried Mr. Trump is hobbling the party by making its voters distrust the easiest method of voting during the pandemic .
Others argue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when Democrats are n't the only ones to have a presidential candidate on the ballot .
“ They had that Bernie and Biden thing going , and it drove some enthusiasm , as it naturally would , ” said Dave Feidt , the party chairman in Dauphin County , home to the state capital of Harrisburg .
“ But to come full circle , you ’ ll see a very different dynamic in the fall when things are R against D. ” Democrats are elated with their mail ballot lead , saying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ They 're willing to crawl through broken glass to make sure they participate , ” said Democratic National Committee spokesman David Bergstein .
The party has also shifted its campaign tactics , building upon its success in Wisconsin , where the state party pushed mail voting heavily and Democrats won a contested state supreme court election in April .
The party has distributed new call scripts to volunteers with detailed instructions on mail voting and ensured there are experts who can walk confused voters through requesting ballots .
People marooned at home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notably higher rate , Mr. Bergstein said .
Pennsylvania has revealed one potential weak spot for Democrats in the mail voting era – African Americans voters , who operatives say have been requesting ballots at lower rates .
Claudette Williams , a black Democrat running for a state legislative seat in eastern Pennsylvania , has had to replace her regular circuit of black churches with regular Zoom calls with black ministers and their parishioners .
Her campaign has also organized “ pop-up food banks ” to distribute food to the needy , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Normally Ms. Williams would be frantically meeting voters in the days before a primary .
“ Today I have to pick up 60 pounds of meat for a pop-up pantry , ” she said Friday .
Republicans have also been testing new ways of reaching voters .
Once the lockdowns began , it switched its Trump Victory organizing push to online meetings , says it recruited 300,000 new members who have made millions of calls , often with the aid of the campaign 's app that helps target voters in key states .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ teams transitioned to an entirely virtual campaign , ” said Republican National Committee spokeswoman Mandi Merritt .
Also conducting primaries Tuesday are Indiana , Maryland , Rhode Island and South Dakota .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Tuesday's primaries in eight states are the biggest test to date of campaigning during the coronavirus era, a way for parties to test-drive new ways of getting out the vote during a time when it can be dangerous to leave your home.
Voters from Pennsylvania to Iowa to New Mexico will cast ballots in both the Democratic presidential contest, where former Vice President Joe Biden is the only contender with an active campaign, and a host of down-ballot primaries for everything from governors to state representatives. Many states postponed elections scheduled between mid-March and May to the date because of the coronavirus outbreak.
Unable to send candidates out to barnstorm the states or volunteers to knock on voters' doors, campaigns have had to improvise. One Pennsylvania Republican congressional campaign recruited 100 people, including its candidate's large extended family, to hand-write thousands of letters to voters urging support. Another organized “pop-up food banks” for the needy. Others moved up television advertising to capitalize on a captive audience locked down at home. Democrats have created a phone banking model almost along the lines of a technology support hub, where knowledgeable volunteers and staffers can guide confused voters, step by step, through the process of voting by mail.
“Any plan you had three months ago is out the window,” said Brock Lowrance, a Republican strategist working on two Montana races – Sen. Steve Daines' reelection bid and Rep. Greg Gianforte's bid for the GOP gubernatorial nomination. “Campaigns are having to adapt in the ways they're talking to voters but also in the ways voters are going to vote.”
Some voting experts predict half or more of all ballots cast in the November election will be sent through the mail, as the Centers for Disease Control recommends as a way to lessen risk of exposure to the virus at polling stations. States have scrambled to adjust to the new reality with some sending every voter an absentee ballot request.
In Iowa, the traditional frenzy of pre-primary barbecues and rallies has shifted to twice-a-week Zoom training of volunteers for Democratic Senate candidate Theresa Greenfield, who then start dialing voters to ensure they've requested and returned their mail ballots.
“Just because we’re staying home doesn’t mean we’re standing still,” said Sam Newton, communication director for Greenfield.
In Montana, where the populace is more accustomed to voting by mail, the outbreak has still altered the rhythm of the political season. Mr. Lowrance says he's noticed far more down-ballot races advertising on television, a reflection of how campaigns have fewer ways to reach voters and more eyeballs glued to the screen during quarantine.
Mr. Lowrance said campaigns, including his own, have had to watch their budgets as the pandemic and economic crash have crimped fundraising and refrained from hiring the legion of door-knockers who usually hit the streets before elections. And now they are having to plan for two possibilities – that November will resemble the intense lockdowns of the past two months, or the more mixed reality of reopened states.
“It's really trying to build two different plans and execute them,” Mr. Lowrance said.
The greatest attention is on Pennsylvania, however. It's simultaneously the biggest state voting on Tuesday, the only one that is likely to be a presidential battleground in November and the state that's seen the biggest shift in voting in the COVID-19 era.
That's because this is the first statewide election under a new, more permissive mail voting law passed last year. In 2016, only 4.6% of the state's voters cast a ballot by mail. Now 21% of all the state's 8.5 million voters have already requested absentee ballots.
Democrats are overwhelmingly the ones asking to vote by mail – 1.3 million have filed requests, compared with 525,000 Republicans, state records show. That's partly a reflection of GOP distrust of mail voting that's been stoked by President Donald Trump, who's claimed without evidence it will lead to widespread fraud. Even the Trump campaign, recognizing that getting supporters to mail ballots in is key to winning elections, has been pushing Republicans to use the technique.
Some Pennsylvania Republicans have worried Mr. Trump is hobbling the party by making its voters distrust the easiest method of voting during the pandemic. Others argue the gap will close in the fall, when Democrats aren't the only ones to have a presidential candidate on the ballot.
“They had that Bernie and Biden thing going, and it drove some enthusiasm, as it naturally would,” said Dave Feidt, the party chairman in Dauphin County, home to the state capital of Harrisburg. “But to come full circle, you’ll see a very different dynamic in the fall when things are R against D.”
Democrats are elated with their mail ballot lead, saying it reflects their voters' excitement. “They're willing to crawl through broken glass to make sure they participate,” said Democratic National Committee spokesman David Bergstein.
The party has also shifted its campaign tactics, building upon its success in Wisconsin, where the state party pushed mail voting heavily and Democrats won a contested state supreme court election in April. The party has distributed new call scripts to volunteers with detailed instructions on mail voting and ensured there are experts who can walk confused voters through requesting ballots. People marooned at home are answering phones and texts at a notably higher rate, Mr. Bergstein said.
Pennsylvania has revealed one potential weak spot for Democrats in the mail voting era – African Americans voters, who operatives say have been requesting ballots at lower rates. Claudette Williams, a black Democrat running for a state legislative seat in eastern Pennsylvania, has had to replace her regular circuit of black churches with regular Zoom calls with black ministers and their parishioners. Her campaign has also organized “pop-up food banks” to distribute food to the needy, at a distance, during the outbreak.
Normally Ms. Williams would be frantically meeting voters in the days before a primary. “Today I have to pick up 60 pounds of meat for a pop-up pantry,” she said Friday.
Republicans have also been testing new ways of reaching voters. Once the lockdowns began, it switched its Trump Victory organizing push to online meetings, says it recruited 300,000 new members who have made millions of calls, often with the aid of the campaign's app that helps target voters in key states.
“Within just 24 hours, our teams transitioned to an entirely virtual campaign,” said Republican National Committee spokeswoman Mandi Merritt.
Also conducting primaries Tuesday are Indiana, Maryland, Rhode Island and South Dakota.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-02--Vote by mail: Is it safe, fair, and ready for November?

With six key swing states allowing “ no excuse ” absentee voting this November , even relatively minor numbers of disqualified ballots could tip a tight race , and potentially determine who will become the next president .
Educating voters , scaling up equipment , and refining rules and procedures in a matter of months is a tall order ; the five vote-by-mail states gave themselves a year .
Rushing it could lead to greater inaccuracies ; already , tens of thousands of absentee ballots have been disqualified in previous elections .
Key areas of partisan disagreement : requesting ballots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signature requirements , and perhaps most important , how each state will establish standards governing disqualification of ballots .
Two dozen legal challenges have already been launched .
That is distinct from absentee voting , which requires voters to apply for an absentee ballot before being sent one .
All states allow absentee voting , though about a third usually require a reason .
Amid concerns that the pandemic will prevent equal access to voting , many states are moving to expand opportunities to vote by mail .
Five states – Colorado , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington – already vote entirely by mail , which means all registered voters are automatically sent a ballot .
Many states have expanded mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 election in order to ensure fair access for all amid the ongoing pandemic .
This has led to concerns that the expected surge in people voting by mail , could lead to delays and inaccuracies that would undermine faith in the election results .
Is mail-in voting the same as absentee voting ?
No .
Absentee voters must request a ballot to be mailed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every registered voter a ballot automatically .
Currently , all states allow absentee voting .
However , a third require voters to provide a reason for why they can not vote in person .
Most of those states have eased their rules , including by making COVID-19 concerns a valid reason for requesting an absentee ballot .
Prior to the pandemic , five states voted entirely by mail : Colorado , Hawaii , Oregon , Utah , and Washington .
Three additional states – California , Nebraska , and North Dakota – allow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they so choose .
And nine more states allow certain elections , such as special elections or nonpartisan issue elections , to be done entirely by mail .
This year , with the pandemic exacerbating concerns about lack of safe access to polling places , at least half a dozen states are mailing every registered voter an absentee ballot application in upcoming primaries .
Two of those – Connecticut and Michigan – are doing so for the November general election as well .
California Gov .
Gavin Newsom has gone a step further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state ’ s more than 20 million voters absentee ballots without an application process .
What are the challenges to expanding mail-in voting ?
The first challenge is the rushed time frame .
Most of the current vote-by-mail ( VBM ) states gave themselves a year between enacting the legislation and conducting their first elections by mail .
One reason for that is the need to bring voter lists up to date .
Some also establish a database of voter signatures used to certify the authenticity of absentee voting .
Second is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots would require much more powerful scanning machines at centralized locations , rather than smaller ones in each precinct .
The $ 400 million that Congress allocated this spring to help states safely run elections amid the pandemic is not likely to cover such a major equipment overhaul .
Another issue is voter education campaigns to ensure that citizens are clear on the revised rules , including when ballots need to arrive in order to be counted .
Such campaigns can present substantial up-front costs .
( However , in the long run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 40 % on election administration costs after switching to the VBM model . )
In addition , there are concerns about the reliability of the U.S .
Postal Service , which was already in deep financial trouble before the pandemic led to a double-digit drop in mail volume .
While both Republican- and Democrat-led states are making it easier to cast a ballot by mail , key areas of partisan disagreement are : requesting a ballot online , free postage , witness signature requirements , and perhaps most important , how each state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Two dozen legal challenges have already been launched .
What are the concerns ?
Democrats are concerned that without increasing vote-by-mail options , certain groups will not be able to cast ballots without risking their health , therefore undermining a pillar of U.S. democracy .
They have proposed billions of dollars in federal funding for states that institute uniform practices , including adopting VBM systems .
Republicans argue that such a move trespasses states ’ rights under the Constitution , and raises the possibility of substantial inaccuracies .
Among the concerns are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voter confusion over the deadline for submitting ballots , delays in tallying votes , and signature mismatches that result in disqualification of ballots .
In previous years , substantial numbers of absentee ballots have been disqualified – sometimes many more than the margin of victory .
For example , when Al Franken won the 2008 Minnesota Senate race by 312 votes , giving Democrats the majority they needed to pass Obamacare , about 12,000 absentee ballots were thrown out .
In some elections , such as Florida in 2016 , minorities and young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far higher rates .
While the number of known cases of voter fraud is extremely low – one study put it at less than 0.00000013 % of ballots cast in federal elections – absentee voting is more susceptible to fraud than other forms .
A bipartisan commission on federal election reform co-chaired by former presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter concluded that absentee voting cases are “ especially difficult to prosecute , since the misuse of a voter ’ s ballot or the pressure on voters occurs away from the polling place or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change to California law in 2016 paved the way for anyone – including paid campaign workers – to collect absentee ballots on behalf of voters , raising concerns about coercion not only from friends or family members , but campaigns themselves .
In the 2018 midterms , Republicans were caught off-guard by this practice , which they dubbed “ ballot harvesting , ” as tight races tipped against them after absentee voters were counted .
Meanwhile , a GOP operative from North Carolina was charged with several counts of obstruction of justice for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The election was ordered thrown out and redone .
With “ no excuse ” absentee voting in the six key swing states likely to determine the winner in November ’ s presidential election – Arizona , Florida , North Carolina , Michigan , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin – even relatively minor numbers of disqualified ballots or other irregularities could tip a tight race , and potentially determine who will become the next president .

With six key swing states allowing “no excuse” absentee voting this November, even relatively minor numbers of disqualified ballots could tip a tight race, and potentially determine who will become the next president.
Educating voters, scaling up equipment, and refining rules and procedures in a matter of months is a tall order; the five vote-by-mail states gave themselves a year. Rushing it could lead to greater inaccuracies; already, tens of thousands of absentee ballots have been disqualified in previous elections.
Key areas of partisan disagreement: requesting ballots online, free return postage, witness signature requirements, and perhaps most important, how each state will establish standards governing disqualification of ballots. Two dozen legal challenges have already been launched .
Voting is a fundamental right of any democracy. But how best to protect that right during a pandemic has become a matter of hot debate in the U.S.
That is distinct from absentee voting, which requires voters to apply for an absentee ballot before being sent one. All states allow absentee voting, though about a third usually require a reason.
Amid concerns that the pandemic will prevent equal access to voting, many states are moving to expand opportunities to vote by mail. Five states – Colorado, Hawaii, Oregon, Utah, and Washington – already vote entirely by mail, which means all registered voters are automatically sent a ballot.
Many states have expanded mail-in voting ahead of the 2020 election in order to ensure fair access for all amid the ongoing pandemic. This has led to concerns that the expected surge in people voting by mail, could lead to delays and inaccuracies that would undermine faith in the election results.
Is mail-in voting the same as absentee voting?
No. Absentee voters must request a ballot to be mailed to them. Mail-in voting states send every registered voter a ballot automatically.
Why We Wrote This Voting is a fundamental right of any democracy. But how best to protect that right during a pandemic has become a matter of hot debate in the U.S.
Currently, all states allow absentee voting. However, a third require voters to provide a reason for why they cannot vote in person. Most of those states have eased their rules, including by making COVID-19 concerns a valid reason for requesting an absentee ballot.
Prior to the pandemic, five states voted entirely by mail: Colorado, Hawaii, Oregon, Utah, and Washington. Three additional states – California, Nebraska, and North Dakota – allow counties to institute voting by mail if they so choose. And nine more states allow certain elections, such as special elections or nonpartisan issue elections, to be done entirely by mail.
This year, with the pandemic exacerbating concerns about lack of safe access to polling places, at least half a dozen states are mailing every registered voter an absentee ballot application in upcoming primaries. Two of those – Connecticut and Michigan – are doing so for the November general election as well. California Gov. Gavin Newsom has gone a step further, saying he would automatically send the state’s more than 20 million voters absentee ballots without an application process.
What are the challenges to expanding mail-in voting?
The first challenge is the rushed time frame. Most of the current vote-by-mail (VBM) states gave themselves a year between enacting the legislation and conducting their first elections by mail. One reason for that is the need to bring voter lists up to date. Some also establish a database of voter signatures used to certify the authenticity of absentee voting.
Second is the infrastructure required. A surge in mailed ballots would require much more powerful scanning machines at centralized locations, rather than smaller ones in each precinct. The $400 million that Congress allocated this spring to help states safely run elections amid the pandemic is not likely to cover such a major equipment overhaul.
Another issue is voter education campaigns to ensure that citizens are clear on the revised rules, including when ballots need to arrive in order to be counted. Such campaigns can present substantial up-front costs. (However, in the long run VBM can cut costs; Colorado saved 40% on election administration costs after switching to the VBM model.)
In addition, there are concerns about the reliability of the U.S. Postal Service, which was already in deep financial trouble before the pandemic led to a double-digit drop in mail volume.
While both Republican- and Democrat-led states are making it easier to cast a ballot by mail, key areas of partisan disagreement are: requesting a ballot online, free postage, witness signature requirements, and perhaps most important, how each state will establish standards governing disqualification of ballots. Two dozen legal challenges have already been launched.
What are the concerns?
Democrats are concerned that without increasing vote-by-mail options, certain groups will not be able to cast ballots without risking their health, therefore undermining a pillar of U.S. democracy. They have proposed billions of dollars in federal funding for states that institute uniform practices, including adopting VBM systems. Republicans argue that such a move trespasses states’ rights under the Constitution, and raises the possibility of substantial inaccuracies.
Among the concerns are ballot design flaws that mislead voters, voter confusion over the deadline for submitting ballots, delays in tallying votes, and signature mismatches that result in disqualification of ballots. In previous years, substantial numbers of absentee ballots have been disqualified – sometimes many more than the margin of victory. For example, when Al Franken won the 2008 Minnesota Senate race by 312 votes, giving Democrats the majority they needed to pass Obamacare, about 12,000 absentee ballots were thrown out. In some elections, such as Florida in 2016, minorities and young people have seen their ballots disqualified at far higher rates.
While the number of known cases of voter fraud is extremely low – one study put it at less than 0.00000013% of ballots cast in federal elections – absentee voting is more susceptible to fraud than other forms. A bipartisan commission on federal election reform co-chaired by former presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter concluded that absentee voting cases are “especially difficult to prosecute, since the misuse of a voter’s ballot or the pressure on voters occurs away from the polling place or any other outside scrutiny.”
A little-noticed change to California law in 2016 paved the way for anyone – including paid campaign workers – to collect absentee ballots on behalf of voters, raising concerns about coercion not only from friends or family members, but campaigns themselves. In the 2018 midterms, Republicans were caught off-guard by this practice, which they dubbed “ballot harvesting,” as tight races tipped against them after absentee voters were counted.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Meanwhile, a GOP operative from North Carolina was charged with several counts of obstruction of justice for allegedly filling in ballots for absentee voters. The election was ordered thrown out and redone.
With “no excuse” absentee voting in the six key swing states likely to determine the winner in November’s presidential election – Arizona, Florida, North Carolina, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin – even relatively minor numbers of disqualified ballots or other irregularities could tip a tight race, and potentially determine who will become the next president.