csmonitor--2020-09-22--Voting by mail: How to make your ballot count

“ The vast majority of Americans are not going to have problems , ” says Myrna Perez , director of voting rights and elections at the Brennan Center for Justice .
“ What we don ’ t want is for people to be hearing about all the problems and all the glitches and feel like their vote doesn ’ t matter.
” Voting experts recommend being early – both in applying for ballots and sending them in .
Doing so , they say , will help ease the burden on the postal system , allow voters flexibility to correct potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote count closer to the eventual total .
Requirements vary by state and sometimes even at the local level .
Most voters will be allowed to vote by mail this fall if they wish , but generally an application is needed .
Nine states and the District of Columbia are sending mail-in ballots to all registered voters .
With the pandemic , mail-in voting appears set to reach record levels this year .
The risk of fraud has become a topic of contention , yet experts say the biggest problems have to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So it pays to learn the rules .
Dropping your vote in the mail may sound convenient , but what if you ’ ve never done this before and the stakes in the election seem , well , pretty high ?
All across the United States , including in hotly contested states from Arizona to Florida , many Americans are in precisely that position .
Nov. 3 may be Election Day , but in response to the coronavirus pandemic the process of voting is already underway .
Physical voting stations will still play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in an election year marked by unusual levels of social and political turmoil , absentee and mail-in voting appear set to reach record levels .
Will this process work ?
How do people make sure their vote counts ?
Although the risk of fraud with mail-in ballots has become a topic of contention , experts say the biggest problems have to do with human error rather than malfeasance .
In New York City this summer , some primary races remained undecided for about six weeks after voting day , and an unusually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejected for being late or improperly filled out .
The lesson : Especially for citizens using those methods for the first time , careful planning is essential .
The Monitor spoke with multiple election experts for advice on how voters can properly mail their ballots this fall .
They say it ’ s largely a matter of following directions and meeting deadlines .
If you want to vote by mail , they recommend following these steps .
Since each state manages its own elections , the American voting system comes in 50 parts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Requirements can also vary at the local level , which means voters need to understand their specific options and rules when making a plan .
Important information is available on city , county , or state election websites .
Either there or over the phone , people can check if they are registered to vote and even eligible for mail-in voting .
In all but five states , Americans concerned about COVID-19 will be able to vote by mail .
Most states require constituents to apply for a mailed ballot online , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through the mail .
Some states are mailing applications to all registered voters .
Nine states and the District of Columbia are going even further : They are automatically sending mail-in ballots to all eligible voters .
2 .
Know your deadlines – and be early In states where mail-in ballots must be requested , voters need to know the deadline for requesting them .
In turn , there are deadlines for completed ballots to be sent in .
In many states they must be postmarked by Election Day , but in many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Day .
Knowing the difference can be vital .
Two states – Louisiana and Vermont – require that ballots must be received a day before the election .
With vote-by-mail volume expected to be so high this year , experts also recommend that voters apply for and mail their ballots as early as possible , rather than waiting until closer to Election Day .
Doing so , they say , will help ease the burden on the postal system , allow voters flexibility to correct potential mistakes , and make the Nov. 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Some states let voters track their mailed ballots , and some also alert voters of mistakes on their ballot .
To know their vote arrives safely , correctly , and on time , an earlier vote is a better vote .
“ Go ahead and literally today – probably yesterday – make sure to get those requests in and turn that [ ballot ] right back around , ” says Andrea Hailey , CEO of Vote.org .
“ Every year we say have a plan .
This year , in the middle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more important than ever to give yourself as much time as possible.
” The benefit of mail-in voting lies mostly in its safety and convenience .
Its drawback is that a disproportionately high number of mailed ballots are disqualified , usually as a result of human error .
Without in-person election officials and real-time feedback , citizens are more prone to mistakes .
And such mistakes are likely to be more common this year , with so many Americans voting from home for the first time .
In years past , the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as or larger than a candidate ’ s margin of victory .
“ Being careful about following the rules , about filling out bubbles or making sure you filled out the correct lines , is even more important when voting by mail , ” says John Fortier , director of governmental studies at the Bipartisan Policy Center .
“ There are not the checking mechanisms that you have at the polling place.
” The best way to avoid potential pitfalls is to read and follow all the directions closely , say Mr. Fortier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of locales have special technical requirements , like getting the ballot notarized .
Others require a signature that matches one on record , most often taken from a driver ’ s license – and which voters can update or check on their state electoral board online or over the phone .
The electoral ballot will also include information for its return – whether voters can send it by mail , drop it off in person , or leave it in a dropbox .
Some states will include pre-authorized postage with the ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves .
With so much misinformation circulating about the reliability of the U.S .
Postal Service and voting by mail , experts warn against cynicism , which could chill turnout .
Other misconceptions about voting by mail – that the ballots are only counted in close elections , for example – might have a similar effect , says Mr. Fortier .
“ The vast majority of Americans are not going to have problems , ” says Myrna Perez , director of voting rights and elections at the Brennan Center for Justice .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for people to be hearing about all the problems and all the glitches and feel like their vote doesn ’ t matter.
” Despite the extra steps it may require , she says , voting at home is safe and trustworthy .
There will be complications .
The pandemic has put enormous strain on America ’ s election infrastructure .
But glitches or disqualified ballots are by far the exception , not the rule , says Ms. Perez .
If citizens still worry about voting by mail , she says , they should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be open and that other options are available .
And ... consider getting involved Since many people will still vote in person , volunteering at a polling center can be enormously helpful .
As the coronavirus depresses volunteer turnout , younger voters at less risk from COVID-19 can make a major contribution by working the polls , says Ms. Hailey .
While voting is a collective right , she says , it ’ s also somewhat of a collective responsibility .
This election will occur under chaotic circumstances , but if Americans play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election itself isn ’ t chaotic .
“ To avoid disenfranchisement and long lines we ’ re really encouraging a new generation of voters to step up and volunteer to become poll workers to make sure that everyone in their community can have their voice heard , ” says Ms. Hailey .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

“The vast majority of Americans are not going to have problems,” says Myrna Perez, director of voting rights and elections at the Brennan Center for Justice. “What we don’t want is for people to be hearing about all the problems and all the glitches and feel like their vote doesn’t matter.”
Voting experts recommend being early – both in applying for ballots and sending them in. Doing so, they say, will help ease the burden on the postal system, allow voters flexibility to correct potential mistakes, and make the Nov. 3 vote count closer to the eventual total.
Voting by mail was on the rise even before the pandemic. But as the practice surges in 2020, is America ready? One antidote to election chaos is individual action – knowing the rules and deadlines.
Requirements vary by state and sometimes even at the local level. Most voters will be allowed to vote by mail this fall if they wish, but generally an application is needed. Nine states and the District of Columbia are sending mail-in ballots to all registered voters.
With the pandemic, mail-in voting appears set to reach record levels this year. The risk of fraud has become a topic of contention, yet experts say the biggest problems have to do with human error rather than malfeasance. So it pays to learn the rules.
Dropping your vote in the mail may sound convenient, but what if you’ve never done this before and the stakes in the election seem, well, pretty high?
All across the United States, including in hotly contested states from Arizona to Florida, many Americans are in precisely that position.
Nov. 3 may be Election Day, but in response to the coronavirus pandemic the process of voting is already underway. Physical voting stations will still play a major role in 2020. But, in an election year marked by unusual levels of social and political turmoil, absentee and mail-in voting appear set to reach record levels.
Why We Wrote This Voting by mail was on the rise even before the pandemic. But as the practice surges in 2020, is America ready? One antidote to election chaos is individual action – knowing the rules and deadlines.
Will this process work? How do people make sure their vote counts?
Although the risk of fraud with mail-in ballots has become a topic of contention, experts say the biggest problems have to do with human error rather than malfeasance. In New York City this summer, some primary races remained undecided for about six weeks after voting day, and an unusually high 1 in 5 mail-in ballots were rejected for being late or improperly filled out.
The lesson: Especially for citizens using those methods for the first time, careful planning is essential.
The Monitor spoke with multiple election experts for advice on how voters can properly mail their ballots this fall. They say it’s largely a matter of following directions and meeting deadlines. If you want to vote by mail, they recommend following these steps.
1. Know your area
Since each state manages its own elections, the American voting system comes in 50 parts, each with its own quirks. Requirements can also vary at the local level, which means voters need to understand their specific options and rules when making a plan.
Important information is available on city, county, or state election websites. Either there or over the phone, people can check if they are registered to vote and even eligible for mail-in voting.
In all but five states, Americans concerned about COVID-19 will be able to vote by mail.
Most states require constituents to apply for a mailed ballot online, in person, over the phone, or through the mail. Some states are mailing applications to all registered voters. Nine states and the District of Columbia are going even further: They are automatically sending mail-in ballots to all eligible voters.
SOURCE: National Conference of State Legislatures; state election websites | Karen Norris/Staff
2. Know your deadlines – and be early
In states where mail-in ballots must be requested, voters need to know the deadline for requesting them. In turn, there are deadlines for completed ballots to be sent in. In many states they must be postmarked by Election Day, but in many others they must be received by Election Day. Knowing the difference can be vital.
Two states – Louisiana and Vermont – require that ballots must be received a day before the election.
With vote-by-mail volume expected to be so high this year, experts also recommend that voters apply for and mail their ballots as early as possible, rather than waiting until closer to Election Day. Doing so, they say, will help ease the burden on the postal system, allow voters flexibility to correct potential mistakes, and make the Nov. 3 vote count closer to the eventual total.
Some states let voters track their mailed ballots, and some also alert voters of mistakes on their ballot. To know their vote arrives safely, correctly, and on time, an earlier vote is a better vote.
“Go ahead and literally today – probably yesterday – make sure to get those requests in and turn that [ballot] right back around,” says Andrea Hailey, CEO of Vote.org. “Every year we say have a plan. This year, in the middle of a pandemic, it’s more important than ever to give yourself as much time as possible.”
SOURCE: National Conference of State Legislatures; state election websites | Karen Norris/Staff
3. Follow directions
The benefit of mail-in voting lies mostly in its safety and convenience. Its drawback is that a disproportionately high number of mailed ballots are disqualified, usually as a result of human error.
Without in-person election officials and real-time feedback, citizens are more prone to mistakes. And such mistakes are likely to be more common this year, with so many Americans voting from home for the first time. In years past, the number of disqualified ballots has been as large as or larger than a candidate’s margin of victory.
“Being careful about following the rules, about filling out bubbles or making sure you filled out the correct lines, is even more important when voting by mail,” says John Fortier, director of governmental studies at the Bipartisan Policy Center. “There are not the checking mechanisms that you have at the polling place.”
The best way to avoid potential pitfalls is to read and follow all the directions closely, say Mr. Fortier and other experts. A very small number of locales have special technical requirements, like getting the ballot notarized. Others require a signature that matches one on record, most often taken from a driver’s license – and which voters can update or check on their state electoral board online or over the phone.
The electoral ballot will also include information for its return – whether voters can send it by mail, drop it off in person, or leave it in a dropbox. Some states will include pre-authorized postage with the ballot, while others make voters attach it themselves.
4. Have faith
With so much misinformation circulating about the reliability of the U.S. Postal Service and voting by mail, experts warn against cynicism, which could chill turnout. Other misconceptions about voting by mail – that the ballots are only counted in close elections, for example – might have a similar effect, says Mr. Fortier.
“The vast majority of Americans are not going to have problems,” says Myrna Perez, director of voting rights and elections at the Brennan Center for Justice. “What we don’t want is for people to be hearing about all the problems and all the glitches and feel like their vote doesn’t matter.”
Despite the extra steps it may require, she says, voting at home is safe and trustworthy. There will be complications. The pandemic has put enormous strain on America’s election infrastructure. But glitches or disqualified ballots are by far the exception, not the rule, says Ms. Perez.
If citizens still worry about voting by mail, she says, they should remember that in-person polling places will still be open and that other options are available.
And ... consider getting involved
Since many people will still vote in person, volunteering at a polling center can be enormously helpful. As the coronavirus depresses volunteer turnout, younger voters at less risk from COVID-19 can make a major contribution by working the polls, says Ms. Hailey.
While voting is a collective right, she says, it’s also somewhat of a collective responsibility. This election will occur under chaotic circumstances, but if Americans play their part, they can make sure the election itself isn’t chaotic.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“To avoid disenfranchisement and long lines we’re really encouraging a new generation of voters to step up and volunteer to become poll workers to make sure that everyone in their community can have their voice heard,” says Ms. Hailey.
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-09-22--Why Supreme Court battle could tarnish global luster of US judiciary

If President Donald Trump gets his nominee onto the Supreme Court , Joe Biden – should he win the election – might be tempted to retaliate by following in FDR ’ s footsteps .
But he has always preferred compromise , and might try to reform the institution , with term limits and a set retirement age , to free the highest court in the land from partisan political dogfights .
Franklin Roosevelt tried to expand the court , to “ pack ” it , but his own Democratic Party stymied the move in Congress .
Such an outcome would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmation process has grown increasingly partisan , especially so since the administration of Barack Obama .
That is an issue that has surfaced in a number of other countries recently , from the Philippines to Turkey , where authoritarian strongmen have reined in troublesome judges .
The U.S. is a far more robust democracy , but the Supreme Court has never been completely immune from politics .
The political fight that has broken out in Washington over when and how to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court is about more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is about how far politics should encroach on the judiciary .
Ruth Bader Ginsburg will be remembered for many things : as an extraordinary legal mind and jurist , a battler for equal rights , and an unlikely icon of popular culture dubbed RBG in her later years .
And now for a fiercely partisan battle over how , when , and by whom she will be succeeded on the bench .
Yet seen through a wider lens – the history of America ’ s highest court and a host of cautionary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the unfolding succession fight is about something more than just who follows Justice Ginsburg , who died last week .
Ultimately , it ’ s about the rule of law : the idea that a legal system , mediated by judges independent of political pressures or favoritism , applies equally to all .
That standard has never been perfectly implemented .
But at a time when politicians in America and elsewhere are trying ever harder to influence the judicial process , it is about a critical , real-world question : how far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the United States , it ’ s also about the place of the Supreme Court , whose justices must be approved by the Senate , in a democracy built on the balance of separate and competing power centers : the judiciary , Congress , and the presidency .
With leading Republicans insisting President Donald Trump be able to fill the court seat either before or immediately after the elections in six weeks ’ time , and Democrats threatening to retaliate by adding new justices under a potential President Joe Biden , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which side prevails .
And that would have international repercussions .
In my long experience as a foreign correspondent I was often struck by how the U.S. judiciary , and America ’ s system of checks and balances , are viewed as a gold standard of constitutional democracy .
I still vividly recall the reaction of friends in Europe and Asia to one particular court ruling , in the 1974 case of the United States v. Nixon .
The justices ruled unanimously that the president had to hand over tape recordings during Watergate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The second , a heartbeat later : admiration .
There has been no shortage recently of international examples of the way in which political sway over the judiciary can prove a key tool in authoritarian rule .
Strongman regimes from Egypt and the Philippines to Venezuela have manipulated , evaded , or quashed independent legal processes .
In Turkey , President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reassigned or fired thousands of judges .
And to the consternation of the European Union , two member states , the “ illiberal democracies ” of Hungary and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the courts under political control .
The U.S. remains a far more robust democracy .
In the debate around the future of the Supreme Court , neither side is seeking all-out political control over the justice system .
Besides , the high court ’ s history suggests that justices , no matter who appoints them , are conscious of the need to safeguard the body ’ s stature and independence .
But the court has never been completely immune to politics .
Even the idea of expanding its size for political reasons has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by opposition to his New Deal in the 1930s , embarked on an attempt to expand – “ pack ” – the Supreme Court .
There ’ s a key difference between then and now : FDR ’ s own Democratic Party blocked that move in Congress .
In the decades since , growing polarization in the U.S. has affected the way in which the court is viewed .
For many Republican supporters , especially on the right of the party , the court has ventured too actively into political battles over issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s right to abortion .
Those on the other side of the argument , though , resent efforts by conservative groups and the Trump administration to “ rebalance ” the court and reverse those legal changes .
That resentment is further fueled by polling that suggests a wide majority of Americans would oppose such a reversal .
This is not the first time that former Vice President Biden finds himself embroiled in a debate over the Supreme Court ’ s relationship with politics and society .
It was he , as chair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who oversaw what was then a rare rejection of a presidential nominee to the high court , Ronald Reagan ’ s choice of the conservative Robert Bork .
Mr. Biden rooted his argument at the time not in politics , but broad principle : whether the Constitution should be seen as a static document , or a living blueprint that adapted to evolving American social circumstances and values .
Still , by the time RBG was confirmed in 1993 , her margin of Senate endorsement – 96 to 3 – remained more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George W. Bush ’ s nomination of the current chief justice , John Roberts , was confirmed by 78 votes to 22 .
The increasingly partisan nature of the confirmation process became clear during President Barack Obama ’ s administration .
More than 30 Republican senators voted against his two nominees , Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan .
When a further vacancy arose around 10 months before the last election , the Republican-controlled Senate refused even to hold hearings on Mr. Obama ’ s nominee .
If Mr. Trump succeeds in placing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , cementing the partisanship around America ’ s highest court , Mr. Biden would be under huge pressure to expand the court if he won the November election .
That would allow him both to balance Mr. Trump ’ s replacement for Justice Ginsburg and make up for the Republicans ’ refusal to allow Mr. Obama his final nominee .
But Mr. Biden ’ s political life has been rooted in trying to achieve bipartisan compromise .
He could well be minded to try to get all sides to agree on a reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Currently they are named for life .
The imposition of term limits and a set retirement age are among the changes suggested by U.S. legal commentators as a way to free the highest court in the land from politically partisan dogfights .

If President Donald Trump gets his nominee onto the Supreme Court, Joe Biden – should he win the election – might be tempted to retaliate by following in FDR’s footsteps. But he has always preferred compromise, and might try to reform the institution, with term limits and a set retirement age, to free the highest court in the land from partisan political dogfights.
Franklin Roosevelt tried to expand the court, to “pack” it, but his own Democratic Party stymied the move in Congress. Such an outcome would be most unlikely today; the Senate confirmation process has grown increasingly partisan, especially so since the administration of Barack Obama.
The U.S. Supreme Court has never been immune to politics. But the partisan fight over Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s successor means the court could emerge dramatically changed no matter which side wins.
That is an issue that has surfaced in a number of other countries recently, from the Philippines to Turkey, where authoritarian strongmen have reined in troublesome judges. The U.S. is a far more robust democracy, but the Supreme Court has never been completely immune from politics.
The political fight that has broken out in Washington over when and how to replace Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the Supreme Court is about more than the name of her successor. Fundamentally it is about how far politics should encroach on the judiciary.
Ruth Bader Ginsburg will be remembered for many things: as an extraordinary legal mind and jurist, a battler for equal rights, and an unlikely icon of popular culture dubbed RBG in her later years. And now for a fiercely partisan battle over how, when, and by whom she will be succeeded on the bench.
Yet seen through a wider lens – the history of America’s highest court and a host of cautionary examples worldwide in the past few years – the unfolding succession fight is about something more than just who follows Justice Ginsburg, who died last week.
Ultimately, it’s about the rule of law: the idea that a legal system, mediated by judges independent of political pressures or favoritism, applies equally to all.
Why We Wrote This The U.S. Supreme Court has never been immune to politics. But the partisan fight over Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s successor means the court could emerge dramatically changed no matter which side wins.
That standard has never been perfectly implemented. But at a time when politicians in America and elsewhere are trying ever harder to influence the judicial process, it is about a critical, real-world question: how far such encroachment can or should go.
In the United States, it’s also about the place of the Supreme Court, whose justices must be approved by the Senate, in a democracy built on the balance of separate and competing power centers: the judiciary, Congress, and the presidency.
With leading Republicans insisting President Donald Trump be able to fill the court seat either before or immediately after the elections in six weeks’ time, and Democrats threatening to retaliate by adding new justices under a potential President Joe Biden, a dramatically changed court may emerge no matter which side prevails.
And that would have international repercussions.
In my long experience as a foreign correspondent I was often struck by how the U.S. judiciary, and America’s system of checks and balances, are viewed as a gold standard of constitutional democracy.
I still vividly recall the reaction of friends in Europe and Asia to one particular court ruling, in the 1974 case of the United States v. Nixon. The justices ruled unanimously that the president had to hand over tape recordings during Watergate. The first response: astonishment. The second, a heartbeat later: admiration.
Strongmen vs. the judiciary
There has been no shortage recently of international examples of the way in which political sway over the judiciary can prove a key tool in authoritarian rule. Strongman regimes from Egypt and the Philippines to Venezuela have manipulated, evaded, or quashed independent legal processes.
In Turkey, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reassigned or fired thousands of judges. And to the consternation of the European Union, two member states, the “illiberal democracies” of Hungary and Poland, have also moved to bring the courts under political control.
The U.S. remains a far more robust democracy. In the debate around the future of the Supreme Court, neither side is seeking all-out political control over the justice system. Besides, the high court’s history suggests that justices, no matter who appoints them, are conscious of the need to safeguard the body’s stature and independence.
T. Cambre Pierce/AP/File View caption Hide caption U.S. Sen. Joe Biden tells members of the media that he will have a full, fair, and thorough hearing on Judge Robert Bork in 1987. Bork was President Ronald Reagan's nominee for the Supreme Court vacancy and Mr. Biden opposed his appointment.
But the court has never been completely immune to politics. Even the idea of expanding its size for political reasons has a precedent: Franklin Roosevelt, frustrated by opposition to his New Deal in the 1930s, embarked on an attempt to expand – “pack” – the Supreme Court.
There’s a key difference between then and now: FDR’s own Democratic Party blocked that move in Congress.
In the decades since, growing polarization in the U.S. has affected the way in which the court is viewed. For many Republican supporters, especially on the right of the party, the court has ventured too actively into political battles over issues such as gay rights, or women’s right to abortion.
Those on the other side of the argument, though, resent efforts by conservative groups and the Trump administration to “rebalance” the court and reverse those legal changes. That resentment is further fueled by polling that suggests a wide majority of Americans would oppose such a reversal.
This is not the first time that former Vice President Biden finds himself embroiled in a debate over the Supreme Court’s relationship with politics and society. It was he, as chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee in 1987, who oversaw what was then a rare rejection of a presidential nominee to the high court, Ronald Reagan’s choice of the conservative Robert Bork.
Mr. Biden rooted his argument at the time not in politics, but broad principle: whether the Constitution should be seen as a static document, or a living blueprint that adapted to evolving American social circumstances and values.
Increased partisanship
Still, by the time RBG was confirmed in 1993, her margin of Senate endorsement – 96 to 3 – remained more typical. As late as 2005, George W. Bush’s nomination of the current chief justice, John Roberts, was confirmed by 78 votes to 22.
The increasingly partisan nature of the confirmation process became clear during President Barack Obama’s administration. More than 30 Republican senators voted against his two nominees, Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan. When a further vacancy arose around 10 months before the last election, the Republican-controlled Senate refused even to hold hearings on Mr. Obama’s nominee.
If Mr. Trump succeeds in placing a conservative in Justice Ginsburg’s seat, cementing the partisanship around America’s highest court, Mr. Biden would be under huge pressure to expand the court if he won the November election.
That would allow him both to balance Mr. Trump’s replacement for Justice Ginsburg and make up for the Republicans’ refusal to allow Mr. Obama his final nominee.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
But Mr. Biden’s political life has been rooted in trying to achieve bipartisan compromise. He could well be minded to try to get all sides to agree on a reform of the way justices are installed.
Currently they are named for life. The imposition of term limits and a set retirement age are among the changes suggested by U.S. legal commentators as a way to free the highest court in the land from politically partisan dogfights.


csmonitor--2020-09-22--Why mobilizing Black voters in Michigan is key for the election

Wendy Caldwell-Liddell is tired of waiting for change in Detroit .
The nation ’ s largest Black-majority city has been devastated by the coronavirus pandemic and its ensuing economic fallout .
More than 14,200 COVID-19 cases and 1,500 deaths have been confirmed in the city .
So when the Black mother of two thinks about what ’ s at stake in the November presidential election , her answer is simple : Everything .
She ’ s determined to help defeat President Donald Trump .
“ Trump won Michigan by less than 11,000 votes , ” noted Ms. Caldwell-Liddell , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ formed grassroots organization .
“ And so , our thought process is , if we can just get an additional 15,000 or 20,000 to show up , that could change Michigan ’ s trajectory for the presidential election.
” Black voters across Michigan will be pivotal in deciding who will win the battleground state in November .
But engaging them at a time of immense uncertainty across the nation because of the pandemic and unrest over the effects of systemic racism has been especially challenging .
Both Mr. Trump and Democratic presidential nominee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black voters across the state .
Mr. Biden visited Detroit earlier this month , and his running mate , Sen. Kamala Harris , will be in Detroit and Flint on Tuesday holding discussions with potential voters .
Mr. Trump ’ s campaign has opened an office on Detroit ’ s west side in the heart of a neighborhood where local residents say they ’ ve never seen a Republican presence before .
Trump campaign officials said volunteers have been knocking on doors and doing other field activities across the state .
“ Throughout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to paint President Trump as someone he ’ s not in a veiled attempt to hide his own abysmal racist record on Black America , ” Trump deputy national press secretary Ken Farnaso said in a statement .
“ With President Trump in the Oval Office , Black Americans can rest assure that they have a true fighter and advocate working on their behalf.
” But in a city that has always been a Democratic stronghold , Mr. Trump ’ s presence is troubling to local officials who say they want to see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stronger visibility .
“ We don ’ t have any type of engagement in Detroit , and it ’ s just mind-boggling , ” said Nicole Small , a Detroit Charter Commission member .
“ And now you have , especially young Black voters and people living in poverty , saying , well , what difference is it going to make if we vote for Biden or if we vote for Trump ?
They ’ re being dismissed and overlooked by the Democratic Party.
” Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib said she ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on doors in the 13th Congressional District , which is largely African American .
“ I tell them this is not just about names on the ballot , ” Ms. Tlaib said .
“ This is about the issues that matter to us .
It ’ s about getting closer to ending the broken systems that have been so oppressive and painful for so many of our communities of color.
” Mr. Biden ’ s campaign and state Democratic Party officials have said they ’ re reaching voters through virtual events and making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to voters across Michigan .
They ’ ve also invested heavily in television , radio , and digital ads across the state and are fulfilling orders for thousands of campaign signs .
The campaign said it has a field team with a strong African American outreach program and a voter protection team focused on engaging communities of color .
In an interview this month with longtime Detroit radio host Mildred Gaddis , Mr. Biden noted that Michigan , and its Black voters in Detroit , are “ critically important.
” “ When I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the guy put in charge of reviving Detroit , remember ?
” Mr. Biden said .
“ I went in all those neighborhoods .
We provided tens of millions of dollars to get Detroit back on its feet .
And so there ’ s a whole range of things that I ’ ve been deeply involved in the community , but I ’ m going to be coming back , God willing , in order to be able to make the case why what the president has done to the African American community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve done my whole career has been uplifting.
” In Wayne County , which is 39 % Black and includes Detroit , Hillary Clinton won 66 % of the vote in 2016 , a noticeable drop from the 80 % President Barack Obama won in 2012 .
About 37,000 fewer people turned out to vote in 2016 than in 2012 .
Democratic state leaders said they learned hard lessons and that the party has worked to connect with Black voters .
“ The excitement is there if you look at the number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events , the number of folks who want to participate in the in-person events that Dr. Jill Biden and Joe Biden himself did here in Michigan , ” said Michigan Democratic Party chair Lavora Barnes .
“ People are very enthusiastic about voting for Biden and Harris and turning this president out in November.
” But deep within Detroit neighborhoods , grassroots activist Ramone Jackson said people are struggling and disengaged from the political process .
“ We are in a dire situation as a Black community so we ’ ve got to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jackson , who has spent months teaching people about the power of voting with a sharp focus on local elections .
“ That power , it ’ s our Congress members , not the president .
We ’ ve got to hold them accountable.
” But challenges remain in connecting specifically with apathetic voters and with younger Black voters who might have more progressive leanings – key demographics that Branden Snyder , the executive director of Detroit Action , said his organization is trying to reach .
“ We ’ ve got about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been registered since March that we ’ re trying to mobilize , ” said Mr. Snyder , the previous deputy organizing director in charge of Youth Voting for the Hillary For Michigan 2016 presidential campaign .
“ We ’ re building an army of people that we can engage not just this year in the presidency , but also for 2021 with local elections.
” But Black voters who live in suburban counties , like Oakland County resident Lucell Trammer , a father of two , say it ’ s important for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We are in every single demographic , we ’ re in every single voting bloc , we ’ re in every single county , ” Mr. Trammer said , noting that Black voters are not a monolith and represent a swath of classes and backgrounds .
“ We tend to be the bellwether , especially African American women .
I tell people all the time : If you don ’ t listen to any other voting bloc , listen to African American women.
” This story was reported by The Associated @ @

Wendy Caldwell-Liddell is tired of waiting for change in Detroit.
The nation’s largest Black-majority city has been devastated by the coronavirus pandemic and its ensuing economic fallout. More than 14,200 COVID-19 cases and 1,500 deaths have been confirmed in the city.
So when the Black mother of two thinks about what’s at stake in the November presidential election, her answer is simple: Everything. She’s determined to help defeat President Donald Trump.
“Trump won Michigan by less than 11,000 votes,” noted Ms. Caldwell-Liddell, the co-founder of Mobilize Detroit, a newly formed grassroots organization. “And so, our thought process is, if we can just get an additional 15,000 or 20,000 to show up, that could change Michigan’s trajectory for the presidential election.”
Black voters across Michigan will be pivotal in deciding who will win the battleground state in November. But engaging them at a time of immense uncertainty across the nation because of the pandemic and unrest over the effects of systemic racism has been especially challenging.
Both Mr. Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden are battling for support among Black voters across the state. Mr. Biden visited Detroit earlier this month, and his running mate, Sen. Kamala Harris, will be in Detroit and Flint on Tuesday holding discussions with potential voters.
Mr. Trump’s campaign has opened an office on Detroit’s west side in the heart of a neighborhood where local residents say they’ve never seen a Republican presence before. Trump campaign officials said volunteers have been knocking on doors and doing other field activities across the state.
“Throughout this campaign, Joe Biden has attempted to paint President Trump as someone he’s not in a veiled attempt to hide his own abysmal racist record on Black America,” Trump deputy national press secretary Ken Farnaso said in a statement. “With President Trump in the Oval Office, Black Americans can rest assure that they have a true fighter and advocate working on their behalf.”
But in a city that has always been a Democratic stronghold, Mr. Trump’s presence is troubling to local officials who say they want to see Mr. Biden’s campaign have a stronger visibility.
“We don’t have any type of engagement in Detroit, and it’s just mind-boggling,” said Nicole Small, a Detroit Charter Commission member. “And now you have, especially young Black voters and people living in poverty, saying, well, what difference is it going to make if we vote for Biden or if we vote for Trump? They’re being dismissed and overlooked by the Democratic Party.”
Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib said she’s getting volunteers and staffers ready to knock on doors in the 13th Congressional District, which is largely African American.
“I tell them this is not just about names on the ballot,” Ms. Tlaib said. “This is about the issues that matter to us. It’s about getting closer to ending the broken systems that have been so oppressive and painful for so many of our communities of color.”
Mr. Biden’s campaign and state Democratic Party officials have said they’re reaching voters through virtual events and making “millions of calls and texts” to voters across Michigan. They’ve also invested heavily in television, radio, and digital ads across the state and are fulfilling orders for thousands of campaign signs.
The campaign said it has a field team with a strong African American outreach program and a voter protection team focused on engaging communities of color.
In an interview this month with longtime Detroit radio host Mildred Gaddis, Mr. Biden noted that Michigan, and its Black voters in Detroit, are “critically important.”
“When I was the vice president, I was the guy put in charge of reviving Detroit, remember?” Mr. Biden said. “I went in all those neighborhoods. We provided tens of millions of dollars to get Detroit back on its feet. And so there’s a whole range of things that I’ve been deeply involved in the community, but I’m going to be coming back, God willing, in order to be able to make the case why what the president has done to the African American community has been devastating, and what I’ve done my whole career has been uplifting.”
In Wayne County, which is 39% Black and includes Detroit, Hillary Clinton won 66% of the vote in 2016, a noticeable drop from the 80% President Barack Obama won in 2012. About 37,000 fewer people turned out to vote in 2016 than in 2012.
Democratic state leaders said they learned hard lessons and that the party has worked to connect with Black voters.
“The excitement is there if you look at the number of folks who participate in our virtual events, the number of folks who want to participate in the in-person events that Dr. Jill Biden and Joe Biden himself did here in Michigan,” said Michigan Democratic Party chair Lavora Barnes. “People are very enthusiastic about voting for Biden and Harris and turning this president out in November.”
But deep within Detroit neighborhoods, grassroots activist Ramone Jackson said people are struggling and disengaged from the political process.
“We are in a dire situation as a Black community so we’ve got to understand our power,” said Mr. Jackson, who has spent months teaching people about the power of voting with a sharp focus on local elections. “That power, it’s our Congress members, not the president. We’ve got to hold them accountable.”
But challenges remain in connecting specifically with apathetic voters and with younger Black voters who might have more progressive leanings – key demographics that Branden Snyder, the executive director of Detroit Action, said his organization is trying to reach.
“We’ve got about 48,000 new young people who’ve been registered since March that we’re trying to mobilize,” said Mr. Snyder, the previous deputy organizing director in charge of Youth Voting for the Hillary For Michigan 2016 presidential campaign. “We’re building an army of people that we can engage not just this year in the presidency, but also for 2021 with local elections.”
But Black voters who live in suburban counties, like Oakland County resident Lucell Trammer, a father of two, say it’s important for the party to connect with them, too.
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“We are in every single demographic, we’re in every single voting bloc, we’re in every single county,” Mr. Trammer said, noting that Black voters are not a monolith and represent a swath of classes and backgrounds. “We tend to be the bellwether, especially African American women. I tell people all the time: If you don’t listen to any other voting bloc, listen to African American women.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--In which I witness someone falling in love

I ’ m crouching in the animal shelter ’ s driveway when an oversized red pickup pulls up .
Bonni , the dog I have come to see , pushes her nose into my hand .
Bobbi , the woman who has brought Bonni out to me , looks at the truck .
We hold our breath – she , behind her respirator mask ; me , above Bonni ’ s ears , one perked , one flopped .
I remember what Bobbi had told me on the phone .
“ We ’ ll keep doing adoptions , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re not allowed to let anybody into the shelter , but I don ’ t see why we can ’ t do everything outside.
” “ Yes , ” I said , thinking about the recent rush of regulations , the counties on my state ’ s pandemic map changing colors every day : gray , green , blue , red .
So many cases .
So many rules .
“ A truck drops dogs at my shelter every month , ” Bobbi had told me .
“ If we don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will die.
” “ Yes , ” I said , “ and , too , there may be more orphaned dogs , now.
” “ Yes , ” Bobbi said .
She has some underlying health issues and is being very cautious during the pandemic .
“ I won ’ t let anybody in my house .
But I have done adoptions from my yard .
You just have to be careful.
” I ’ d started to look for dogs to adopt on a cellphone app in between crying fits over not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a year or more .
Fewer dogs were listed every day .
Shelters and rescue organizations were shutting down .
“ Governor ’ s orders , ” their websites said .
Experts predict it may be 18 months before there ’ s a semblance of a return to normal .
We may be just at the beginning of this .
In the animal shelter ’ s driveway , I look away from the broad shoulders of the policeman climbing out of the red truck .
I run my hands along Bonni ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drift on the wind , clump on wet pavement .
When I look up again , the officer is still standing at the entrance to the drive .
His gaze bores straight ahead , piercing the air above me and Bonni , above two parked cars .
Behind the cars , mesh wire outlines kennel runs .
The first is empty .
In the second , a German shepherd paces , turns , vaults up against the shelter wall .
Pace , turn , bounce .
Repeat .
In midjump , she yelps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her eyes dark , frantic .
“ She looks young , ” the policeman says .
Bonni nudges my hand .
I resume scratching her , then turn to look up at the policeman ’ s face .
“ Can I ?
” he says .
“ I mean , do you ... ?
” “ We can ’ t let you inside , ” Bobbi says .
He looks crestfallen .
“ Yes .
Of course.
” “ But , ” Bobbi says , slowly , “ if you fill out an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to meet you.
” “ Thank you , ” he says .
His eyes track the dog .
“ She ’ ll need a lot of work , ” Bobbi says .
“ Yes , ” he says , barely breathing , his gaze glued to the dog .
“ Yes .
”

I’m crouching in the animal shelter’s driveway when an oversized red pickup pulls up. Bonni, the dog I have come to see, pushes her nose into my hand. Bobbi, the woman who has brought Bonni out to me, looks at the truck.
“That’s a policeman,” Bobbi says.
We hold our breath – she, behind her respirator mask; me, above Bonni’s ears, one perked, one flopped. I remember what Bobbi had told me on the phone.
“We’ll keep doing adoptions,” she’d said. “We’re not allowed to let anybody into the shelter, but I don’t see why we can’t do everything outside.”
“Yes,” I said, thinking about the recent rush of regulations, the counties on my state’s pandemic map changing colors every day: gray, green, blue, red. So many cases. So many rules.
“A truck drops dogs at my shelter every month,” Bobbi had told me. “If we don’t adopt out these dogs, other dogs will die.”
“Yes,” I said, “and, too, there may be more orphaned dogs, now.”
“Yes,” Bobbi said. She has some underlying health issues and is being very cautious during the pandemic. “I won’t let anybody in my house. But I have done adoptions from my yard. You just have to be careful.”
I’d started to look for dogs to adopt on a cellphone app in between crying fits over not being able to see my family for a year or more. Fewer dogs were listed every day. Shelters and rescue organizations were shutting down. “Governor’s orders,” their websites said. Experts predict it may be 18 months before there’s a semblance of a return to normal. We may be just at the beginning of this.
In the animal shelter’s driveway, I look away from the broad shoulders of the policeman climbing out of the red truck. I run my hands along Bonni’s back. Tufts of undercoat loosen, drift on the wind, clump on wet pavement.
When I look up again, the officer is still standing at the entrance to the drive. His gaze bores straight ahead, piercing the air above me and Bonni, above two parked cars. Behind the cars, mesh wire outlines kennel runs.
The first is empty. In the second, a German shepherd paces, turns, vaults up against the shelter wall. Pace, turn, bounce. Repeat. In midjump, she yelps, looks out across the fences, her eyes dark, frantic.
“She looks young,” the policeman says.
“Yes,” Bobbi says evenly. “Yes, she does.”
Bonni nudges my hand. I resume scratching her, then turn to look up at the policeman’s face.
“Can I?” he says. “I mean, do you ...?”
“We can’t let you inside,” Bobbi says.
He looks crestfallen. “Yes. Of course.”
“But,” Bobbi says, slowly, “if you fill out an application, I can bring her out to meet you.”
The young man’s face lights up.
“Thank you,” he says. His eyes track the dog.
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“She’ll need a lot of work,” Bobbi says.
“Yes,” he says, barely breathing, his gaze glued to the dog. “Yes.”


csmonitor--2020-09-23--Why does Germany make so little room for working moms?

“ When it comes to gender equality and women in the work market [ Germany ] is miles away from the situation in France , northern Italy , not to mention Scandinavian countries , ” says Barbara Vinken , author of “ The German Mother : The Long Shadow of a Myth.
” Germany continues to foster an “ asymmetrical division of labor ” that consigns women to a path of dependence and poverty , says Ute Klammer of the Institute for Work , Skills and Training at the University of Duisburg-Essen .
Thus it lags behind most advanced industrialized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gap , women in top positions , and gender equality .
Most women in Germany work “ on the side , ” often taking low-paid part-time work , or “ mini-jobs , ” precarious positions with no social coverage created in 2002 to jump-start the economy .
Those “ women ’ s jobs ” may facilitate their return after having children , but dampen their career prospects .
The COVID-19 pandemic and the change it has brought to work habits has hit mothers particularly hard around the globe .
But in Germany , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is at the vanguard of progressive policies on many fronts , including health care , business , and governance , remains remarkably conservative when it comes to its views on motherhood and women in the workplace .
It was about six years ago , after the birth of her second child , that Felicitas Sochor quietly began to worry about being called a Rabenmutter .
Ms. Sochor had long dreamed of starting a cafe .
But even if she could balance the work commitment that would require with the needs of her two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be seen as the taboo of leaving her children to “ fly off to work ” as a Rabenmutter , or raven mother .
She settled for an administrative job at a youth center in order to care for her children in the afternoon , with her husband as “ the real breadwinner.
” But when the pandemic upended her life and shut down the schools , and her husband , working from home , felt it was natural she should take over the child care , she rebelled .
“ Why do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” she says .
“ I said , ‘ This isn ’ t my corona !
’ ” The COVID-19 pandemic and the change it has brought to work habits has hit mothers particularly hard around the globe .
But in Germany , it has revealed that a country that is at the vanguard of progressive policies on many fronts , including health care , business , and governance , remains remarkably conservative when it comes to its views on motherhood and women in the workplace .
“ When it comes to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ market [ Germany ] is miles away from the situation in France , northern Italy , not to mention Scandinavian countries , ” says Barbara Vinken , a professor at the University of Munich and author of “ The German Mother : The Long Shadow of a Myth.
” An old view of motherhood The German pandemic response is rooted in “ retraditionalization ” schemes that prevailed in the postwar 1950s , the heyday of patriarchal Germany .
Partly as a repudiation to both Nazi ideology , when women were expected to reproduce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Germany , where mothers routinely left their children in state nurseries , West Germany re-embraced an insular vision of motherhood .
In a Germany morally decimated by the Holocaust , the nuclear family emerged as the heart of its reconstruction .
While France in the decades after the war built an extensive network of day care and after-school centers , allowing French mothers to enter the labor force in droves , it was mostly men who fueled the “ German economic miracle.
” Under the 14-year Christian Democratic tenure of West Germany ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mothers were seen as the sole guarantors of their offsprings ’ happiness .
Preschools were rare , and schools ended at midday .
Schoolchildren coming to an empty home for lunch because their mothers were working were disparaged as Schlüsselkinder , or latchkey kids .
Although the stigma no longer openly exists , many in Germany still implicitly frown upon mothers who work .
Real change came when , concerned about the economic impact of sinking birthrates , Dr. Ursula von der Leyen , Chancellor Angela Merkel ’ s first family minister and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ took a battery of steps to encourage women to combine work and family .
Dr. von der Leyen , a physician and mother of seven , multiplied child care options and focused on gender equality measures .
But her milestone came in 2007 when , defying the most conservative Bavarian wing of her party , she pushed through a 14-month shared Swedish-style parental leave , with two optional months reserved for the father .
Tax money would now explicitly encourage mothers to go back to work .
Yet the pandemic has shown how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ While we were slowly heading toward a fairer division of tasks , the slightest shock and everything collapses , ” says Ute Klammer , the director of the Institute for Work , Skills and Training at the University of Duisburg-Essen , who wrote Germany ’ s first report on gender equality in 2011 .
Today most women in Germany work “ on the side , ” often taking low-paid part-time work , or “ mini-jobs , ” precarious positions with no social coverage created in 2002 to jump-start the economy .
Those “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their return after having children , but dampen their career prospects .
Germany continues to foster an “ asymmetrical division of labor ” that consigns women to a path of dependence and poverty , Professor Klammer says .
Thus the economic powerhouse Germany lags behind most advanced industrialized economies in terms of the gender pay gap , women in top positions , and gender equality , according to recent studies by the German Institute for Economic Research in Berlin .
Attitudes toward gender roles , and the entrenched view that women should stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have failed to adapt to a changing society .
Women who divorce can no longer count on the generous family allowances from their ex-spouses that , in the past , might have reduced the incentive for them to work .
But while divorce rates are rising and women are increasingly expected to stand on their own feet , many are ill-prepared to reenter the workforce to provide for the family and start contributing to a pension after the birth of a child .
The result ?
Poverty rates among older women in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a joint tax rate that reinforces the patriarchal “ one breadwinner ” models where one partner – usually the wife – stays at home or works part time , in that generous tax breaks are given to the higher earner , usually the husband .
“ We women have to fight all the time ” One early summer evening , a group of women gathered as part of a women ’ s initiative called FrauenWelten , or “ Women ’ s Worlds.
” It was , via Zoom , their way to cope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has wreaked havoc on their careers and family plans .
“ There is so much anger , so much disappointment , ” said group moderator Lena Stenger , a banking executive turned entrepreneur with two children .
She created FrauenWelten with Frankfurt mother Arnika Senft “ to help women navigate through the road of career and motherhood ” and help them “ overcome the feeling of being torn inherent to being a mother that is universal but extreme in Germany.
” “ We women in Germany have to fight all the time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with others , your family , yourself , ” says Ms. Stenger , an exception of sorts in a country where women hold only 2 % of the top corporate jobs and mothers with top jobs are even rarer .
The government has stepped up efforts to change that .
In July the Bundestag approved a new plan for fighting gender inequality that includes more boardroom quotas .
And a push to abolish precarious “ mini-jobs ” is gaining momentum .
But the real pushback – to change mentalities – is coming from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the only tenure-track professor with children in her department at Leuphana University of Lüneburg .
Since the start of the pandemic , the number of young female professors coming to her for advice has been rising steadily , she says .
And earlier this year , Dalia LaChance , the founder of online furniture company Westwing in Munich , launched # Stayonboard , a lobbying group aimed to help female board-level executives keep their jobs after taking maternity leaves .
For Ms. Stenger , her biggest barrier to reaching the top of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bias – and sexist attitudes – against talented women , she says .
It wasn ’ t until she created her own company with her husband that she found peace with herself .
With FrauenWelten , she wants to help women overcome the hurdles she experienced .
And she provides hands-on tips on how to become business angels and create startups , two fields she feels German women are grossly underrepresented in .
“ We need more women who create , who invest.
” “ This is the culture I was born in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Germany , it is deeply ingrained in society.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

“When it comes to gender equality and women in the work market [Germany] is miles away from the situation in France, northern Italy, not to mention Scandinavian countries,” says Barbara Vinken, author of “The German Mother: The Long Shadow of a Myth.”
Germany continues to foster an “asymmetrical division of labor” that consigns women to a path of dependence and poverty, says Ute Klammer of the Institute for Work, Skills and Training at the University of Duisburg-Essen. Thus it lags behind most advanced industrialized economies in terms of the gender pay gap, women in top positions, and gender equality.
Germany has a reputation for being at the vanguard of modern business and human rights. But when it comes to working mothers, German society retains a conservative view that keeps women from economic success.
Most women in Germany work “on the side,” often taking low-paid part-time work, or “mini-jobs,” precarious positions with no social coverage created in 2002 to jump-start the economy. Those “women’s jobs” may facilitate their return after having children, but dampen their career prospects.
The COVID-19 pandemic and the change it has brought to work habits has hit mothers particularly hard around the globe. But in Germany, it has revealed that a country that is at the vanguard of progressive policies on many fronts, including health care, business, and governance, remains remarkably conservative when it comes to its views on motherhood and women in the workplace.
It was about six years ago, after the birth of her second child, that Felicitas Sochor quietly began to worry about being called a Rabenmutter.
Ms. Sochor had long dreamed of starting a cafe. But even if she could balance the work commitment that would require with the needs of her two young children, that split time could be seen as the taboo of leaving her children to “fly off to work” as a Rabenmutter, or raven mother.
She settled for an administrative job at a youth center in order to care for her children in the afternoon, with her husband as “the real breadwinner.” But when the pandemic upended her life and shut down the schools, and her husband, working from home, felt it was natural she should take over the child care, she rebelled. “Why do I have to be responsible for everything?” she says. “I said, ‘This isn’t my corona!’”
Why We Wrote This Germany has a reputation for being at the vanguard of modern business and human rights. But when it comes to working mothers, German society retains a conservative view that keeps women from economic success.
The COVID-19 pandemic and the change it has brought to work habits has hit mothers particularly hard around the globe. But in Germany, it has revealed that a country that is at the vanguard of progressive policies on many fronts, including health care, business, and governance, remains remarkably conservative when it comes to its views on motherhood and women in the workplace.
“When it comes to gender equality and women in the work market [Germany] is miles away from the situation in France, northern Italy, not to mention Scandinavian countries,” says Barbara Vinken, a professor at the University of Munich and author of “The German Mother: The Long Shadow of a Myth.”
An old view of motherhood
The German pandemic response is rooted in “retraditionalization” schemes that prevailed in the postwar 1950s, the heyday of patriarchal Germany. Partly as a repudiation to both Nazi ideology, when women were expected to reproduce for the Führer, and socialistic East Germany, where mothers routinely left their children in state nurseries, West Germany re-embraced an insular vision of motherhood. In a Germany morally decimated by the Holocaust, the nuclear family emerged as the heart of its reconstruction.
While France in the decades after the war built an extensive network of day care and after-school centers, allowing French mothers to enter the labor force in droves, it was mostly men who fueled the “German economic miracle.” Under the 14-year Christian Democratic tenure of West Germany’s first chancellor, Konrad Adenauer, mothers were seen as the sole guarantors of their offsprings’ happiness. Preschools were rare, and schools ended at midday. Schoolchildren coming to an empty home for lunch because their mothers were working were disparaged as Schlüsselkinder, or latchkey kids. Although the stigma no longer openly exists, many in Germany still implicitly frown upon mothers who work.
Real change came when, concerned about the economic impact of sinking birthrates, Dr. Ursula von der Leyen, Chancellor Angela Merkel’s first family minister and now head of the European Commission, took a battery of steps to encourage women to combine work and family. Dr. von der Leyen, a physician and mother of seven, multiplied child care options and focused on gender equality measures.
But her milestone came in 2007 when, defying the most conservative Bavarian wing of her party, she pushed through a 14-month shared Swedish-style parental leave, with two optional months reserved for the father. Tax money would now explicitly encourage mothers to go back to work.
Yet the pandemic has shown how fragile the evolution had been. “While we were slowly heading toward a fairer division of tasks, the slightest shock and everything collapses,” says Ute Klammer, the director of the Institute for Work, Skills and Training at the University of Duisburg-Essen, who wrote Germany’s first report on gender equality in 2011.
Mothers in the workplace
Today most women in Germany work “on the side,” often taking low-paid part-time work, or “mini-jobs,” precarious positions with no social coverage created in 2002 to jump-start the economy. Those “women’s jobs” may facilitate their return after having children, but dampen their career prospects.
Isabelle de Pommereau View caption Hide caption Lena Stenger is a banking executive turned entrepreneur with two children, Flora and Hugo, shown here in their Frankfurt home. As such, she was an exception of sorts in a country where top executive jobs are rarely held by women and even less frequently by mothers.
Germany continues to foster an “asymmetrical division of labor” that consigns women to a path of dependence and poverty, Professor Klammer says. Thus the economic powerhouse Germany lags behind most advanced industrialized economies in terms of the gender pay gap, women in top positions, and gender equality, according to recent studies by the German Institute for Economic Research in Berlin.
Attitudes toward gender roles, and the entrenched view that women should stay at home to care for their children, have failed to adapt to a changing society. Women who divorce can no longer count on the generous family allowances from their ex-spouses that, in the past, might have reduced the incentive for them to work. But while divorce rates are rising and women are increasingly expected to stand on their own feet, many are ill-prepared to reenter the workforce to provide for the family and start contributing to a pension after the birth of a child. The result? Poverty rates among older women in Germany keep increasing.
Married couples pay a joint tax rate that reinforces the patriarchal “one breadwinner” models where one partner – usually the wife – stays at home or works part time, in that generous tax breaks are given to the higher earner, usually the husband.
“We women have to fight all the time”
One early summer evening, a group of women gathered as part of a women’s initiative called FrauenWelten, or “Women’s Worlds.” It was, via Zoom, their way to cope with the ramifications of a crisis that has wreaked havoc on their careers and family plans.
“There is so much anger, so much disappointment,” said group moderator Lena Stenger, a banking executive turned entrepreneur with two children. She created FrauenWelten with Frankfurt mother Arnika Senft “to help women navigate through the road of career and motherhood” and help them “overcome the feeling of being torn inherent to being a mother that is universal but extreme in Germany.”
“We women in Germany have to fight all the time, to constantly justify our life choices, with others, your family, yourself,” says Ms. Stenger, an exception of sorts in a country where women hold only 2% of the top corporate jobs and mothers with top jobs are even rarer.
The government has stepped up efforts to change that. In July the Bundestag approved a new plan for fighting gender inequality that includes more boardroom quotas. And a push to abolish precarious “mini-jobs” is gaining momentum. But the real pushback – to change mentalities – is coming from women like Ms. Stenger.
Vicky Temperton is the only tenure-track professor with children in her department at Leuphana University of Lüneburg. Since the start of the pandemic, the number of young female professors coming to her for advice has been rising steadily, she says. And earlier this year, Dalia LaChance, the founder of online furniture company Westwing in Munich, launched #Stayonboard, a lobbying group aimed to help female board-level executives keep their jobs after taking maternity leaves.
For Ms. Stenger, her biggest barrier to reaching the top of the banking world was the deep cultural bias – and sexist attitudes – against talented women, she says. It wasn’t until she created her own company with her husband that she found peace with herself.
With FrauenWelten, she wants to help women overcome the hurdles she experienced. And she provides hands-on tips on how to become business angels and create startups, two fields she feels German women are grossly underrepresented in. “We need more women who create, who invest.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“This is the culture I was born in,” Ms. Stenger says. “In Germany, it is deeply ingrained in society.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--Will Supreme Court fight help or hurt Trump with women? Likely both.

“ If he picks a woman who is deeply conservative , which he will , ” says Debbie Walsh , director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University , “ that is not going to make women who are uncomfortable or worse with his positions on a host of issues feel like he ’ s a champion for women.
” Yet in 2016 , voters with mostly pro-abortion-rights attitudes actually made up more than a fifth of Mr. Trump ’ s support in key battleground states , according to David Wasserman of the nonpartisan Cook Political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may react negatively to Mr. Trump ’ s likely pick .
Some political observers speculate that President Donald Trump may win over some so-called Never Trump Republicans by nominating a conservative woman to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
Conservative women who didn ’ t vote for Mr. Trump four years ago because they found him personally offensive “ can potentially be brought back into the fold , ” says Jennifer Braceras , director of the conservative and libertarian Independent Women ’ s Law Center , which takes no position on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Supreme Court seat that could tilt the court further to the right for years to come , the women ’ s vote is once again front and center – particularly in suburban parts of battleground states .
President Donald Trump knows he has a woman problem .
It was evident during last month ’ s Republican National Convention , when female speaker after female speaker presented a caring and empathetic picture of the president , in contrast to his public persona and policies that have alienated some women .
It has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg , and President Trump ’ s pledge to nominate a woman to succeed her .
The announcement is slated for Saturday .
It ’ s been in evidence , frankly , since the start of Mr. Trump ’ s presidency , which he won with 53 % of men ’ s votes but just 42 % of women voters .
Polls show the gender gap has only widened over the past four years .
And the president ’ s recent references to “ suburban housewives , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to women on the issue of urban unrest , may not be helping .
Now , amid a high-stakes battle for a Supreme Court seat that could tilt the court further to the right for years to come , and with the Nov. 3 election just 41 days away , the women ’ s vote is front and center – particularly in suburban parts of battleground states .
But for all the last-minute efforts by the president to woo women , in the end nothing is likely to alter the larger dynamic : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favored Democrats for president by larger margins than men , a phenomenon that has become turbo-charged by Mr. Trump ’ s controversial style .
“ At this point , the gender gap is completely baked in , ” says Debbie Walsh , director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University .
“ If he picks a woman who is deeply conservative , which he will , ” Ms. Walsh adds , “ that is not going to make women who are uncomfortable , or worse , with his positions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s a champion for women.
” Those issues include the president ’ s handling of immigration , family separation on the U.S.-Mexico border , and more recently , the pandemic .
Mr. Trump also faces the possibility that replacing Justice Ginsburg with a conservative woman could cost him votes : the subset of Trump voters from 2016 who might be motivated to vote for his Democratic rival , Joe Biden , now that the future of abortion rights could be headed for the Supreme Court .
Survey data from 2016 shows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with mostly pro-abortion-rights attitudes made up more than a fifth of Mr. Trump ’ s support in key battleground states , including Pennsylvania , Michigan , and Iowa , according to David Wasserman of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report .
He cites data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study at Harvard University .
Nationwide , Mr. Wasserman notes , 22 % of Trump voters “ leaned pro-choice ” and another 13 % held mixed views .
Dreama Clark , a retired professor of nursing in Toano , Virginia , calls herself economically conservative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pro-choice.
” She voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 , but soured on him over his persona and his handling of the pandemic .
Justice Ginsburg ’ s death has only reinforced Ms. Clark ’ s plan to vote for Mr. Biden – but she ’ s not sanguine about the future , including what she sees as an erosion of America ’ s separation-of-powers system and a judiciary that is becoming increasingly political .
“ If Trump wins , I worry about the country , ” she says .
“ If Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Even some voters who call themselves “ pro-life ” had already turned against Mr. Trump before the death of Justice Ginsburg , and now say they are all the more motivated to vote for Mr. Biden .
“ I feel as passionate as ever about defeating Donald Trump , ” says Sandy from suburban Des Moines , Iowa , who asked that her last name not be used .
She attends an evangelical church , opposes abortion , and voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 , but objects to his behavior and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good are conservative judges if we still have a country where we hate each other so much and can ’ t get along , ” she says .
Still , some political observers say Mr. Trump may pick up support over his promised nomination of a conservative woman justice .
“ It may help him with undecided voters , and it may help him with so-called Never Trump conservative women , of which there are many , ” says Jennifer Braceras , director of the conservative and libertarian Independent Women ’ s Law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abortion .
Some conservative women didn ’ t vote for Mr. Trump four years ago , because they found him personally offensive , and “ really don ’ t want to vote for him this time , ” Ms. Braceras says .
“ But the courts are very important to them , and they ’ d be thrilled to see a female replacement for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
They can potentially be brought back into the fold.
” There are also Trump voters from 2016 who will be more enthusiastic about voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seat at stake .
Felicia Stafford , a resident of Bedford , New York , who works in advertising sales , calls herself a “ progressive Republican ” who doesn ’ t much like Mr. Trump ’ s personality .
She supports gun control and climate change measures .
But she ’ s also a practicing Catholic and firmly anti-abortion , and thus welcomes a Trump nominee to the court .
Ultimately , then , the Supreme Court confirmation process of Justice Ginsburg ’ s replacement might well energize voters on both sides @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be a wash .
This election is all about who ’ s motivated to turn out .
And if women “ turn out in larger numbers than they did in 2016 or 2018 , then Trump loses , ” says Morley Winograd , a senior fellow at the University of Southern California ’ s Annenberg Center on Communication Leadership and Policy .
The debate will sharpen when Mr. Trump announces his nominee .
The front-runner is believed to be Judge Amy Coney Barrett , who currently serves on the U.S. Court of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a devout Catholic with seven children , she is a favorite of movement conservatives and opponents of abortion rights .
Another prospect is Judge Barbara Lagoa of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit .
Judge Lagoa , a Cuban-American from Florida , is reportedly favored by some Trump political advisers as a way to excite voters in the nation ’ s biggest battleground state , a must-win for Mr. Trump ’ s reelection .
Still , naming a woman to a high-level government position does not , in and of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters , says Lee Epstein , a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis .
But if Mr. Trump is using his high court nominee as an electoral plea to certain demographics , he would certainly not be the first president to do so .
Professor Epstein offers some examples : President Dwight Eisenhower nominated William Brennan to appeal to Northeastern Catholics .
President Richard Nixon nominated Lewis Powell , from Suffolk , Virginia , as a signal to Southerners .
Most relevant to today , President Ronald Reagan nominated Sandra Day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman Supreme Court justice .
President Reagan , whose election in 1980 saw the debut of the gender gap , was eager to appeal to women .
With Justice O ’ Connor , he ended up with someone less ideologically conservative than he would have preferred , owing to the dearth of qualified women at the time .
Today , presidents have more top female talent from whom to choose .
“ Because the judiciary has grown more diverse , presidents no longer face such an either-or , and can check multiple boxes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .

“If he picks a woman who is deeply conservative, which he will,” says Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, “that is not going to make women who are uncomfortable or worse with his positions on a host of issues feel like he’s a champion for women.”
Yet in 2016, voters with mostly pro-abortion-rights attitudes actually made up more than a fifth of Mr. Trump’s support in key battleground states, according to David Wasserman of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. And many of those voters may react negatively to Mr. Trump’s likely pick.
President Trump may get a lift among some conservative women uneasy with his personal style – but could also lose abortion-rights supporters who voted for him in 2016. Either way, a massive partisan gender gap is likely to persist.
Some political observers speculate that President Donald Trump may win over some so-called Never Trump Republicans by nominating a conservative woman to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Conservative women who didn’t vote for Mr. Trump four years ago because they found him personally offensive “can potentially be brought back into the fold,” says Jennifer Braceras, director of the conservative and libertarian Independent Women’s Law Center, which takes no position on abortion.
Amid a high-stakes battle for a Supreme Court seat that could tilt the court further to the right for years to come, the women’s vote is once again front and center – particularly in suburban parts of battleground states.
President Donald Trump knows he has a woman problem.
It was evident during last month’s Republican National Convention, when female speaker after female speaker presented a caring and empathetic picture of the president, in contrast to his public persona and policies that have alienated some women.
It has been evident since the Sept. 18 death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, and President Trump’s pledge to nominate a woman to succeed her. The announcement is slated for Saturday.
Why We Wrote This President Trump may get a lift among some conservative women uneasy with his personal style – but could also lose abortion-rights supporters who voted for him in 2016. Either way, a massive partisan gender gap is likely to persist.
It’s been in evidence, frankly, since the start of Mr. Trump’s presidency, which he won with 53% of men’s votes but just 42% of women voters. Polls show the gender gap has only widened over the past four years. And the president’s recent references to “suburban housewives,” seen by some as a dog whistle to women on the issue of urban unrest, may not be helping.
Now, amid a high-stakes battle for a Supreme Court seat that could tilt the court further to the right for years to come, and with the Nov. 3 election just 41 days away, the women’s vote is front and center – particularly in suburban parts of battleground states. But for all the last-minute efforts by the president to woo women, in the end nothing is likely to alter the larger dynamic: that for four decades, women have favored Democrats for president by larger margins than men, a phenomenon that has become turbo-charged by Mr. Trump’s controversial style.
“At this point, the gender gap is completely baked in,” says Debbie Walsh, director of the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University.
Emily Elconin/Reuters View caption Hide caption A woman waves a Trump flag as she takes part in a classic car cruise in support of President Donald Trump and law enforcement in Frankenmuth, Michigan, September 13, 2020.
“If he picks a woman who is deeply conservative, which he will,” Ms. Walsh adds, “that is not going to make women who are uncomfortable, or worse, with his positions on a host of issues feel like he’s a champion for women.”
Those issues include the president’s handling of immigration, family separation on the U.S.-Mexico border, and more recently, the pandemic.
Mr. Trump also faces the possibility that replacing Justice Ginsburg with a conservative woman could cost him votes: the subset of Trump voters from 2016 who might be motivated to vote for his Democratic rival, Joe Biden, now that the future of abortion rights could be headed for the Supreme Court.
Survey data from 2016 shows that voters (women and men) with mostly pro-abortion-rights attitudes made up more than a fifth of Mr. Trump’s support in key battleground states, including Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Iowa, according to David Wasserman of the nonpartisan Cook Political Report. He cites data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study at Harvard University.
Nationwide, Mr. Wasserman notes, 22% of Trump voters “leaned pro-choice” and another 13% held mixed views.
Dreama Clark, a retired professor of nursing in Toano, Virginia, calls herself economically conservative and socially liberal, including being “pro-choice.” She voted for Mr. Trump in 2016, but soured on him over his persona and his handling of the pandemic.
Justice Ginsburg’s death has only reinforced Ms. Clark’s plan to vote for Mr. Biden – but she’s not sanguine about the future, including what she sees as an erosion of America’s separation-of-powers system and a judiciary that is becoming increasingly political.
“If Trump wins, I worry about the country,” she says. “If Trump loses, I worry about the country.”
Even some voters who call themselves “pro-life” had already turned against Mr. Trump before the death of Justice Ginsburg, and now say they are all the more motivated to vote for Mr. Biden.
Alex Brandon/AP View caption Hide caption People pay respects as Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg lies in repose under the portico at the top of the front steps of the U.S. Supreme Court building on Wednesday, Sept. 23, 2020, in Washington. Justice Ginsburg, 87, died on Sept. 18.
“I feel as passionate as ever about defeating Donald Trump,” says Sandy from suburban Des Moines, Iowa, who asked that her last name not be used. She attends an evangelical church, opposes abortion, and voted for Mr. Trump in 2016, but objects to his behavior and language.
“I say, what good are conservative judges if we still have a country where we hate each other so much and can’t get along,” she says.
Energy on both sides
Still, some political observers say Mr. Trump may pick up support over his promised nomination of a conservative woman justice.
“It may help him with undecided voters, and it may help him with so-called Never Trump conservative women, of which there are many,” says Jennifer Braceras, director of the conservative and libertarian Independent Women’s Law Center, which takes no position on abortion.
Some conservative women didn’t vote for Mr. Trump four years ago, because they found him personally offensive, and “really don’t want to vote for him this time,” Ms. Braceras says. “But the courts are very important to them, and they’d be thrilled to see a female replacement for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. They can potentially be brought back into the fold.”
There are also Trump voters from 2016 who will be more enthusiastic about voting for him again with a Supreme Court seat at stake. Felicia Stafford, a resident of Bedford, New York, who works in advertising sales, calls herself a “progressive Republican” who doesn’t much like Mr. Trump’s personality. She supports gun control and climate change measures. But she’s also a practicing Catholic and firmly anti-abortion, and thus welcomes a Trump nominee to the court.
Ultimately, then, the Supreme Court confirmation process of Justice Ginsburg’s replacement might well energize voters on both sides, and so the net political impact could be a wash.
This election is all about who’s motivated to turn out. And if women “turn out in larger numbers than they did in 2016 or 2018, then Trump loses,” says Morley Winograd, a senior fellow at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg Center on Communication Leadership and Policy.
The debate will sharpen when Mr. Trump announces his nominee. The front-runner is believed to be Judge Amy Coney Barrett, who currently serves on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. As a devout Catholic with seven children, she is a favorite of movement conservatives and opponents of abortion rights.
Another prospect is Judge Barbara Lagoa of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit. Judge Lagoa, a Cuban-American from Florida, is reportedly favored by some Trump political advisers as a way to excite voters in the nation’s biggest battleground state, a must-win for Mr. Trump’s reelection.
No guarantee of support
Still, naming a woman to a high-level government position does not, in and of itself, guarantee the support of women voters, says Lee Epstein, a law professor at Washington University in St. Louis.
But if Mr. Trump is using his high court nominee as an electoral plea to certain demographics, he would certainly not be the first president to do so. Professor Epstein offers some examples: President Dwight Eisenhower nominated William Brennan to appeal to Northeastern Catholics. President Richard Nixon nominated Lewis Powell, from Suffolk, Virginia, as a signal to Southerners.
Most relevant to today, President Ronald Reagan nominated Sandra Day O’Connor, as the first woman Supreme Court justice. President Reagan, whose election in 1980 saw the debut of the gender gap, was eager to appeal to women. With Justice O’Connor, he ended up with someone less ideologically conservative than he would have preferred, owing to the dearth of qualified women at the time.
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Today, presidents have more top female talent from whom to choose.
“Because the judiciary has grown more diverse, presidents no longer face such an either-or, and can check multiple boxes in each nomination,” Professor Epstein says.


csmonitor--2020-09-23--We’re ... No. 28? Behind the US slide in global rankings.

From responding to the pandemic to encouraging equality for minorities , the United States is not living up to its billing as the world ’ s superpower .
Its performance on social indicators has been slipping for at least a decade , even though the country has the biggest economy and strongest military .
The U.S. , coming No .
28 out of 163 nations in the latest Social Progress Index , ranks behind its peers in categories such as access to quality health care ( 97 ) , discrimination and violence against minorities ( 100 ) , and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Europe and Asia have dealt more effectively so far with the coronavirus than has the U.S. , whose performance is on par with Brazil .
And in the Social Progress Index , released this month , the U.S. was one of only three nations to post a lower score than in 2011 .
( Brazil and Hungary were the other two . )
The biggest declines were in categories such as personal safety , personal rights , and inclusiveness .
Even the World Happiness Report , an alternative social ranking , suggests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago .
This doesn ’ t mean there aren ’ t bright spots .
The U.S. retains a university system that is the envy of the world and top-notch e-government performance communication .
And it is making progress in various areas , including on some environmental measures .
The pandemic may spur more progress if fewer people have to commute to work .
But the first priority now , policy experts say , is a better public-health response to the pandemic .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paywall .

From responding to the pandemic to encouraging equality for minorities, the United States is not living up to its billing as the world’s superpower. Its performance on social indicators has been slipping for at least a decade, even though the country has the biggest economy and strongest military.
The U.S., coming No. 28 out of 163 nations in the latest Social Progress Index, ranks behind its peers in categories such as access to quality health care (97), discrimination and violence against minorities (100), and even property rights for women (57).
Europe and Asia have dealt more effectively so far with the coronavirus than has the U.S., whose performance is on par with Brazil. And in the Social Progress Index, released this month, the U.S. was one of only three nations to post a lower score than in 2011. (Brazil and Hungary were the other two.)
Why We Wrote This Americans have often declared their nation exceptional. Its many strengths include economic might and world-leading universities. Yet global rankings tell a sobering story of backsliding on social progress.
The biggest declines were in categories such as personal safety, personal rights, and inclusiveness. Even the World Happiness Report, an alternative social ranking, suggests Americans are less content than a decade ago.
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This doesn’t mean there aren’t bright spots. The U.S. retains a university system that is the envy of the world and top-notch e-government performance communication. And it is making progress in various areas, including on some environmental measures. The pandemic may spur more progress if fewer people have to commute to work. But the first priority now, policy experts say, is a better public-health response to the pandemic.
SOURCE: Johns Hopkins / Social Progress Imperative | Laurent Belsie and Karen Norris/Staff
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.