csmonitor--2020-08-06--Trump’s environmental rollbacks: A four-year tide of regulatory change

“ They ’ re advancing these regulatory changes that create more flexibility , ” says Caitlin McCoy , a staff attorney at Harvard Law School ’ s environmental and energy law program .
“ But in the process they ’ re trying to ... reduce EPA ’ s authority well into the future to ever try to come back under a new administration.
” Some legal experts say that the changes , while often resting on shaky scientific ground , could in some cases leave a lasting legacy – undermining the leeway of future environmental policymakers to set a different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ controversy , with many Americans disagreeing with moves that have been particularly sweeping in the arena of environmental policy .
More than 100 rollbacks have been launched over issues as diverse as toxic substances , energy extraction , and Environmental Protection Agency ( EPA ) efforts to combat climate change .
The graphics with this story explore the trends ( click the “ deep read ” to see them all ) .
Days after entering office , President Donald Trump made a promise : He would eliminate two rules for every one signed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has sought to make good on that pledge and more – touting his reversal of a “ regulatory assault ” on the economy and individual liberty .
Days after entering office , President Donald Trump made a promise : He would eliminate two rules for every one signed into existence .
Since then , he has sought to make good on that pledge and more – touting his reversal of a “ regulatory assault ” on the economy at a White House event on July 16 , saying , “ The American people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives.
” Although many Americans have praised the president ’ s deregulation efforts , many disagree with a loosening of rules that has been particularly sweeping in the arena of environmental policy .
As the graphics with this story illustrate , more than 100 rollbacks have been launched , over issues as diverse as toxic substances , energy extraction , and Environmental Protection Agency ( EPA ) efforts to combat climate change .
Some legal experts say that the changes , despite often resting on shaky scientific ground , could in some cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leeway of future environmental policymakers to set a different course .
“ They ’ re advancing these regulatory changes that create more flexibility , but in the process they ’ re trying to ... reduce EPA ’ s authority well into the future to ever try to come back under a new administration , ” says Caitlin McCoy , a staff attorney at the Harvard Law School ’ s environmental and energy law program .
When the EPA replaced the Obama-era Clean Power Plan with the Affordable Clean Energy rule last June , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Mr. Trump ’ s deregulatory project .
It also finalized a narrower meaning for the phrase “ best system of emissions reductions ” for the country ’ s power plants .
The administration ’ s new legal interpretation could be tricky to undo , says Ms. McCoy .
If elected president , Joe Biden would “ have to confront the fact that , a year earlier , the same agency said they didn ’ t have that authority ” to mandate cleaner electricity , she says .
Administrations may change , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s the EPA , and it ’ s supposed to have a certain amount of consistency all the way through.
” Other experts have questioned the analyses used to justify these rollbacks .
The Government Accountability Office recently released a report detailing how the EPA and other agencies have dramatically understated the “ social cost of carbon , ” the costs to society of greenhouse gas emissions that spur climate change .
The EPA ’ s own scientists disavowed arguments justifying another major Trump rollback , the Safer Affordable Fuel-Efficient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change , replacing Obama-era fuel economy targets for new cars , is projected to add emissions equal to an extra 5 million cars on the road by 2025 alone , according to federal forecasts .
A typical car today emits about 4.6 metric tons of carbon dioxide per year .
In some cases , Trump administration efforts are hitting delays and possibly brick walls .
The Administrative Procedure Act requires that a new rule must have a “ reasoned explanation ” for it to be sound – or withstand a lawsuit , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Policy Integrity at New York University School of Law .
“ The facts show that [ SAFE ] is harmful , ” says Ms. Davis Noll .
“ And so [ the EPA ] is doing shoddy stuff monkeying with the numbers to try to get away from that conclusion.
” If some Trump moves leave a lasting mark , in other cases the president ’ s actions could face reversals – notably in cases where his policies lack strong economic or scientific footing .
“ I think most presidents want some kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says , and in her view “ that ’ s what he hasn ’ t managed to accomplish .
”

“They’re advancing these regulatory changes that create more flexibility,” says Caitlin McCoy, a staff attorney at Harvard Law School’s environmental and energy law program. “But in the process they’re trying to ... reduce EPA’s authority well into the future to ever try to come back under a new administration.”
Some legal experts say that the changes, while often resting on shaky scientific ground, could in some cases leave a lasting legacy – undermining the leeway of future environmental policymakers to set a different course.
The trend of government regulation is perennially one of rising volume. The Trump administration is trying mightily to bend that curve downward – resulting in clashes over economic liberty and protecting Earth’s climate.
But it has come with controversy, with many Americans disagreeing with moves that have been particularly sweeping in the arena of environmental policy. More than 100 rollbacks have been launched over issues as diverse as toxic substances, energy extraction, and Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) efforts to combat climate change. The graphics with this story explore the trends (click the “deep read” to see them all).
Days after entering office, President Donald Trump made a promise: He would eliminate two rules for every one signed into existence. Since then, he has sought to make good on that pledge and more – touting his reversal of a “regulatory assault” on the economy and individual liberty.
Days after entering office, President Donald Trump made a promise: He would eliminate two rules for every one signed into existence.
Since then, he has sought to make good on that pledge and more – touting his reversal of a “regulatory assault” on the economy at a White House event on July 16, saying, “The American people know best how to run their own lives.”
Although many Americans have praised the president’s deregulation efforts, many disagree with a loosening of rules that has been particularly sweeping in the arena of environmental policy. As the graphics with this story illustrate, more than 100 rollbacks have been launched, over issues as diverse as toxic substances, energy extraction, and Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) efforts to combat climate change.
Why We Wrote This The trend of government regulation is perennially one of rising volume. The Trump administration is trying mightily to bend that curve downward – resulting in clashes over economic liberty and protecting Earth’s climate.
Some legal experts say that the changes, despite often resting on shaky scientific ground, could in some cases leave a lasting legacy – undermining the leeway of future environmental policymakers to set a different course.
“They’re advancing these regulatory changes that create more flexibility, but in the process they’re trying to ... reduce EPA’s authority well into the future to ever try to come back under a new administration,” says Caitlin McCoy, a staff attorney at the Harvard Law School’s environmental and energy law program.
SOURCE: Chart 1: Keith Belton and John Graham of Indiana University (published by Cato Institute), Chart 2: National Highway Traffic Safety Administration (with Environmental Protection Agency and Department of Energy) | Timmy Broderick, Correspondent; Mark Trumbull and Jacob Turcotte/Staff
When the EPA replaced the Obama-era Clean Power Plan with the Affordable Clean Energy rule last June, it not only marked a momentous win for Mr. Trump’s deregulatory project. It also finalized a narrower meaning for the phrase “best system of emissions reductions” for the country’s power plants. The administration’s new legal interpretation could be tricky to undo, says Ms. McCoy.
If elected president, Joe Biden would “have to confront the fact that, a year earlier, the same agency said they didn’t have that authority” to mandate cleaner electricity, she says. Administrations may change, “but through the lens of administrative law, it’s the EPA, and it’s supposed to have a certain amount of consistency all the way through.”
SOURCE: Columbia University Law School’s Sabin Center deregulation tracker | Timmy Broderick, Correspondent; Mark Trumbull and Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Other experts have questioned the analyses used to justify these rollbacks. The Government Accountability Office recently released a report detailing how the EPA and other agencies have dramatically understated the “social cost of carbon,” the costs to society of greenhouse gas emissions that spur climate change. The EPA’s own scientists disavowed arguments justifying another major Trump rollback, the Safer Affordable Fuel-Efficient (SAFE) Vehicles rule. The change, replacing Obama-era fuel economy targets for new cars, is projected to add emissions equal to an extra 5 million cars on the road by 2025 alone, according to federal forecasts. A typical car today emits about 4.6 metric tons of carbon dioxide per year.
SOURCE: Pew Research Center | Timmy Broderick, Correspondent; Mark Trumbull and Jacob Turcotte/Staff
In some cases, Trump administration efforts are hitting delays and possibly brick walls. The Administrative Procedure Act requires that a new rule must have a “reasoned explanation” for it to be sound – or withstand a lawsuit, says Bethany Davis Noll of the Institute for Policy Integrity at New York University School of Law.
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“The facts show that [SAFE] is harmful,” says Ms. Davis Noll. “And so [the EPA] is doing shoddy stuff monkeying with the numbers to try to get away from that conclusion.”
If some Trump moves leave a lasting mark, in other cases the president’s actions could face reversals – notably in cases where his policies lack strong economic or scientific footing. “I think most presidents want some kind of legacy,” Ms. Davis Noll says, and in her view “that’s what he hasn’t managed to accomplish.”


csmonitor--2020-08-06--Lebanon’s post-blast embrace of reform

Lebanon’s post-blast embrace of reform

Most of Lebanon ’ s 6 million citizens were not directly harmed by Tuesday ’ s horrific blast in the capital , Beirut .
Yet many responded as if they were .
The causes for the disaster are so deep in society and government – a culture of corruption , negligence , and militarized sectarianism – that thousands of Lebanese rushed to aid the victims , clean the streets , and care for the nearly 300,000 homeless people .
Their outpouring of compassion was a way to start a clamor to hold officials to account and also reform a broken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mode after a large and preventable tragedy .
The Soviet Union collapsed in part because of rising public mistrust after the Chernobyl nuclear accident .
South Korea entered a period of reform after a 2014 ferry disaster killed 302 people , including 250 students .
In Mexico , earthquakes in 1985 and in 2017 helped expose widespread corruption and led to major advances in democracy .
In Romania , a tragic nightclub fire in 2015 led to anti-corruption reform .
In Lebanon , people already do not trust the official inquiry into why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a port warehouse for six years .
Many are calling for an international investigation .
French President Emmanuel Macron visited Beirut Thursday and said he delivered “ home truths ” to the country ’ s leaders .
The age of smartphones and social media may have altered how people view disasters .
Information and images about an incident flow more widely and quickly .
A consensus on responsibility and reform is easier to achieve .
This is why China ’ s autocratic leaders so quickly suppressed information about the origins of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in countering it .
Perhaps a good example of modern reactions to mass tragedy was the 2013 collapse of an eight-story building in Bangladesh that killed more than 1,000 .
The international exposure of shoddy construction led to unusually swift reforms in safety standards .
The world is learning how to hold leaders to account and to demand basic reforms .
In a study by law professor Denis Binder of Chapman University , criminal prosecutions after non-terrorist disasters increased by 317 % in the first 16 years of this century compared with similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His study also found South Korea to be the most proactive in reforming itself after major incidents , such as the ferry sinking as well as collapses of bridges and buildings .
He says humanity has entered a “ new culture of vigorous enforcement.
” Is Lebanon now adopting this culture , one that rests on a foundation of equality , transparency , and freedom ?
If the quick embrace of the blast ’ s victims by the Lebanese is any sign , the country is on a path of reform .

Most of Lebanon’s 6 million citizens were not directly harmed by Tuesday’s horrific blast in the capital, Beirut. Yet many responded as if they were. The causes for the disaster are so deep in society and government – a culture of corruption, negligence, and militarized sectarianism – that thousands of Lebanese rushed to aid the victims, clean the streets, and care for the nearly 300,000 homeless people. Their outpouring of compassion was a way to start a clamor to hold officials to account and also reform a broken democracy.
Nations often go into soul-searching mode after a large and preventable tragedy. The Soviet Union collapsed in part because of rising public mistrust after the Chernobyl nuclear accident. South Korea entered a period of reform after a 2014 ferry disaster killed 302 people, including 250 students. In Mexico, earthquakes in 1985 and in 2017 helped expose widespread corruption and led to major advances in democracy. In Romania, a tragic nightclub fire in 2015 led to anti-corruption reform.
In Lebanon, people already do not trust the official inquiry into why tons of an explosive chemical were left in a port warehouse for six years. Many are calling for an international investigation. French President Emmanuel Macron visited Beirut Thursday and said he delivered “home truths” to the country’s leaders.
The age of smartphones and social media may have altered how people view disasters. Information and images about an incident flow more widely and quickly. A consensus on responsibility and reform is easier to achieve. This is why China’s autocratic leaders so quickly suppressed information about the origins of the coronavirus in Wuhan and the early mistakes in countering it.
Perhaps a good example of modern reactions to mass tragedy was the 2013 collapse of an eight-story building in Bangladesh that killed more than 1,000. The international exposure of shoddy construction led to unusually swift reforms in safety standards.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The world is learning how to hold leaders to account and to demand basic reforms. In a study by law professor Denis Binder of Chapman University, criminal prosecutions after non-terrorist disasters increased by 317% in the first 16 years of this century compared with similar prosecutions for all of the 20th century. His study also found South Korea to be the most proactive in reforming itself after major incidents, such as the ferry sinking as well as collapses of bridges and buildings.
He says humanity has entered a “new culture of vigorous enforcement.” Is Lebanon now adopting this culture, one that rests on a foundation of equality, transparency, and freedom? If the quick embrace of the blast’s victims by the Lebanese is any sign, the country is on a path of reform.


csmonitor--2020-08-06--Black women run for office in historic numbers

The little girl ran up to her , wide-eyed and giddy .
`` Are you Charisse Davis ? ''
the fourth grader asked .
Ms. Davis was stunned .
A former kindergarten teacher and librarian , she was more accustomed to shuttling her two sons to basketball practice than being seen as a local celebrity .
But she had been elected the only Black woman on the Cobb County School Board , gaining office in a once conservative suburban community where people who look like her rarely held positions of power .
Something had changed in this place , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I love your hair – your hair looks like my hair , '' the girl squealed , calling friends over .
It was a moment both innocent and revealing : Not just a child seeing herself in an elected leader , but also a reflection of the rapidly building power of Black women .
It 's a momentous change that could make history on a national ticket and determine the outcome of the presidential race .
Black women have long been the heart of the Democratic Party and among the party 's most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters showed the highest participation rate of any group in the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections , according to Reuters .
But for decades , that allegiance did n't translate to their own political rise .
There have been zero Black female governors , just two senators , and several dozen congresswomen .
And the people representing them instead have not met their needs : Disparities , sometimes deadly ones , persist in health care , policing , education , and economics .
Now Black women are mobilized and demanding an overdue return @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several years and across America , Black women ran and won elections in historic numbers , from Congress to county school boards .
`` We need to have more people , average , everyday American citizens who are there fighting for average , everyday American citizens , '' said Kimberly Walker , a veteran and former corrections officer from Florida running for Congress , according to Reuters .
Just two years ago , five Black women were elected to Congress , four of them in majority-white districts , according to the Higher Heights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And at least 122 Black or multi-racial Black women filed to run for congressional seats in this year 's election ; this figure has increased steadily since 2012 , when it was 48 , according to the Center for American Women and Politics ( CAWP ) in a Reuters report .
`` People are becoming more comfortable with seeing different kinds of people in Congress .
You do n't know what it looks like to have powerful Black women in Congress until you see powerful Black women in Congress , '' said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorney who is running in the Democratic primary for a Florida congressional seat , to Reuters .
Now Joe Biden has pledged to pick a woman as his running mate , and at least six of the contenders are Black – including California Rep. Karen Bass , who said , `` I think what we 're looking for is representation , acknowledgement , inclusion . ''
And on Tuesday , Black Lives Matter activist Cori Bush made a stunning congressional primary win over longtime Rep. William Lacy Clay in a heavily Democratic St. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place in once unlikely places , suburban counties in the South .
Places like Cobb , a rambling expanse of strip malls and subdivisions just north of Atlanta that doubled in population midway through the last century as white people fled the city .
Then , slowly , families of color followed , also seeking bigger yards and better schools .
The year Ms. Davis was born , 1980 , Cobb County was 4.5 % African American .
Now it 's more than 27 % Black and 13 % Hispanic .
Its politics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 Hillary Clinton was the first Democratic presidential candidate to eke out a win in Cobb County since Jimmy Carter , a Georgian , in 1976 .
President Donald Trump 's presidency , which has fueled racial divisions and appealed to white grievance , unleashed for some here an overwhelming urgency .
Black women added their names to down-ticket ballots ; they are canvassing , knocking on doors .
These advocates emphasize that Mr. Trump 's administration has failed to contain the coronavirus that has killed more than 154,000 Americans , a disproportionate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has responded to mass demonstrations over police violence by calling protesters thugs and encouraging law enforcement to beat them back with force .
When Stacey Abrams , a Black progressive Democrat , ran for governor in 2018 , she focused her campaign on women of color .
In that election , more than 51,000 Black women in Cobb County cast ballots – 20,000 more than voted in midterm elections four year earlier .
`` Given how directly Black women have been impacted by the incompetence and the malfeasance of the Trump administration , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the forefront , not only giving rise to voter turnout , but also shaping the conversations that we will be having in this election season , '' said Ms. Abrams , whose name has also been widely circulated as a possible Biden running mate .
`` It has been a sea change in how vital our voices have been . ''
In Cobb County , Ms. Davis looked at the school board members , saw no Black women , so she ran and won .
Meanwhile , for the first time a Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's young Republicans .
Two joined the Superior Court bench .
A teenager ran for class president , and she won , too .
Black women can meet this moment in a way no one else can , they say : The world watched the video of George Floyd begging for his mother as he was dying under a police officer 's knee .
Ms. Davis ' sons , 10 and 14 years old , asked her : Why wo n't the officer just let him get up ?
When she looks at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ babies .
But the older boy is now taller than she is .
He likes hoodies .
She worries a stranger might see him as a menace , not a boy whose mother still has to remind him to floss his teeth .
`` That is the reality of being a Black mother in this country , '' she said .
Although they make up about 7.5 % of the electorate , less than 2 % of statewide elected executive offices were held by Black women as of November 2019 .
They account @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elected to statewide executive offices , Congress , and state legislatures , according to the Higher Heights survey .
And in Cobb County , Ms. Davis gets messages after school board meetings : `` People like you are the problem , '' one said .
`` She 's a racist , '' a man wrote .
Another described her as `` defiant , '' and said he had his son watch school board meetings `` to see how he should n't behave . ''
She hears : You do n't belong there .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ rocking the boat , and all of those things are the way that they are by design , '' she said , and added that one of the high schools in the district she represents is named after a Confederate officer .
`` That is what the country is built on , that is racism , that is systemic racism , that is white supremacy .
It 's all these things we do n't talk about .
But if not now , when ? ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The little girl ran up to her, wide-eyed and giddy.
"Are you Charisse Davis?" the fourth grader asked.
Ms. Davis was stunned. A former kindergarten teacher and librarian, she was more accustomed to shuttling her two sons to basketball practice than being seen as a local celebrity. But she had been elected the only Black woman on the Cobb County School Board, gaining office in a once conservative suburban community where people who look like her rarely held positions of power.
Something had changed in this place, and something had changed in her.
"I love your hair – your hair looks like my hair," the girl squealed, calling friends over.
It was a moment both innocent and revealing: Not just a child seeing herself in an elected leader, but also a reflection of the rapidly building power of Black women. It's a momentous change that could make history on a national ticket and determine the outcome of the presidential race.
Black women have long been the heart of the Democratic Party and among the party's most reliable and loyal voters. Black women voters showed the highest participation rate of any group in the 2008 and 2012 presidential elections, according to Reuters. But for decades, that allegiance didn't translate to their own political rise. There have been zero Black female governors, just two senators, and several dozen congresswomen. And the people representing them instead have not met their needs: Disparities, sometimes deadly ones, persist in health care, policing, education, and economics.
Now Black women are mobilized and demanding an overdue return on their investment. Over the last several years and across America, Black women ran and won elections in historic numbers, from Congress to county school boards.
"We need to have more people, average, everyday American citizens who are there fighting for average, everyday American citizens," said Kimberly Walker, a veteran and former corrections officer from Florida running for Congress, according to Reuters.
Just two years ago, five Black women were elected to Congress, four of them in majority-white districts, according to the Higher Heights Black Women in American Politics 2019 survey.
And at least 122 Black or multi-racial Black women filed to run for congressional seats in this year's election; this figure has increased steadily since 2012, when it was 48, according to the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) in a Reuters report.
"People are becoming more comfortable with seeing different kinds of people in Congress. You don't know what it looks like to have powerful Black women in Congress until you see powerful Black women in Congress," said Pam Keith, a Navy veteran and attorney who is running in the Democratic primary for a Florida congressional seat, to Reuters.
Now Joe Biden has pledged to pick a woman as his running mate, and at least six of the contenders are Black – including California Rep. Karen Bass, who said, "I think what we're looking for is representation, acknowledgement, inclusion." And on Tuesday, Black Lives Matter activist Cori Bush made a stunning congressional primary win over longtime Rep. William Lacy Clay in a heavily Democratic St. Louis-area district.
This transformation is taking place in once unlikely places, suburban counties in the South. Places like Cobb, a rambling expanse of strip malls and subdivisions just north of Atlanta that doubled in population midway through the last century as white people fled the city.
Then, slowly, families of color followed, also seeking bigger yards and better schools.
The year Ms. Davis was born, 1980, Cobb County was 4.5% African American. Now it's more than 27% Black and 13% Hispanic. Its politics caught up with its demographics: In 2016 Hillary Clinton was the first Democratic presidential candidate to eke out a win in Cobb County since Jimmy Carter, a Georgian, in 1976.
President Donald Trump's presidency, which has fueled racial divisions and appealed to white grievance, unleashed for some here an overwhelming urgency. Black women added their names to down-ticket ballots; they are canvassing, knocking on doors.
These advocates emphasize that Mr. Trump's administration has failed to contain the coronavirus that has killed more than 154,000 Americans, a disproportionate share of them African Americans. He has responded to mass demonstrations over police violence by calling protesters thugs and encouraging law enforcement to beat them back with force.
When Stacey Abrams, a Black progressive Democrat, ran for governor in 2018, she focused her campaign on women of color. In that election, more than 51,000 Black women in Cobb County cast ballots – 20,000 more than voted in midterm elections four year earlier.
Although Ms. Abrams lost narrowly statewide, she won Cobb County handily.
"Given how directly Black women have been impacted by the incompetence and the malfeasance of the Trump administration, Black women are going to be at the forefront, not only giving rise to voter turnout, but also shaping the conversations that we will be having in this election season," said Ms. Abrams, whose name has also been widely circulated as a possible Biden running mate. "It has been a sea change in how vital our voices have been."
In Cobb County, Ms. Davis looked at the school board members, saw no Black women, so she ran and won. Meanwhile, for the first time a Black woman became the chair of the county's young Republicans. Two joined the Superior Court bench. A teenager ran for class president, and she won, too.
Black women can meet this moment in a way no one else can, they say: The world watched the video of George Floyd begging for his mother as he was dying under a police officer's knee.
Ms. Davis' sons, 10 and 14 years old, asked her: Why won't the officer just let him get up?
When she looks at her own sons, she sees her babies. But the older boy is now taller than she is. He likes hoodies. She worries a stranger might see him as a menace, not a boy whose mother still has to remind him to floss his teeth.
"That is the reality of being a Black mother in this country," she said.
But despite progress, Black women remain underrepresented.
Although they make up about 7.5% of the electorate, less than 2% of statewide elected executive offices were held by Black women as of November 2019. They account for less than 5% of officeholders elected to statewide executive offices, Congress, and state legislatures, according to the Higher Heights survey.
And in Cobb County, Ms. Davis gets messages after school board meetings: "People like you are the problem," one said. "She's a racist," a man wrote. Another described her as "defiant," and said he had his son watch school board meetings "to see how he shouldn't behave."
She hears: You don't belong there.
"You are dismantling the machine, rocking the boat, and all of those things are the way that they are by design," she said, and added that one of the high schools in the district she represents is named after a Confederate officer.
"That is what the country is built on, that is racism, that is systemic racism, that is white supremacy. It's all these things we don't talk about. But if not now, when?"
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Material from Reuters was used in this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-06--Hiroshima 75 years later: Survivors still fight for A-bomb ban

Survivors of the world ’ s first atomic bombing gathered in diminished numbers near an iconic , blasted dome Thursday to mark the attack ’ s 75th anniversary , many of them urging the world , and their own government , to do more to ban nuclear weapons .
An upsurge of coronavirus cases in Japan meant a much smaller than normal turnout , but the bombing survivors ’ message was more urgent than ever .
As their numbers dwindle – their average age is about 83 – many nations have bolstered or maintained their nuclear arsenals , and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weapons ban treaty .
Amid cries of Japanese government hypocrisy , survivors , their relatives , and officials marked the 8:15 a.m. blast anniversary with a minute of silence .
The United States dropped the world ’ s first atomic bomb on Hiroshima on Aug. 6 , 1945 , destroying the city and killing 140,000 people .
It dropped a second bomb three days later on Nagasaki , killing another 70,000 .
Japan surrendered Aug. 15 , ending World War II and its nearly half-century of aggression in Asia .
But the decades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Cold War and a nuclear standoff among nations that continues to this day .
Amid the solemn remembrances at Hiroshima ’ s peace park , Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was confronted Thursday by six members of survivors ’ groups over the treaty .
“ Could you please respond to our request to sign the Nuclear Weapons Prohibition Treaty ?
” Tomoyuki Mimaki , a member of a major survivors ’ group , Hidankyo , implored Mr. Abe .
“ The milestone 75th anniversary of the atomic bombing is a chance [ to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insisted on Japan ’ s policy not to sign the treaty , vaguely citing a “ different approach , ” though he added that the government shares the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons .
“ Abe ’ s actions don ’ t seem to match his words , ” said Manabu Iwasa , who came to the park to pray for his father , a bombing survivor who died in March .
“ Japan apparently sides with the United States , but it should make more efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not much we individuals can do.
” Even though Tokyo renounces its own possession , production , or hosting of nuclear weapons , Japan is a top U.S. ally , hosts 50,000 American troops , and is protected by the U.S. nuclear umbrella .
This complicates the push to get Tokyo to sign the treaty adopted in 2017 , especially as it steps up its military role amid North Korea ’ s continuing pursuit of a stronger nuclear program .
Mr. Abe , in his speech at the ceremony , said a nuclear-free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it has to start with dialogue .
“ Japan ’ s position is to serve as a bridge between different sides and patiently promote their dialogue and actions to achieve a world without nuclear weapons , ” Abe said .
Earlier , Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui urged world leaders to more seriously commit to nuclear disarmament , pointing out Japan ’ s failures .
“ I ask the Japanese government to heed the appeal of the [ bombing survivors ] to sign , ratify , and become a party to the Treaty on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Matsui said in his peace declaration .
“ As the only nation to suffer a nuclear attack , Japan must persuade the global public to unite with the spirit of Hiroshima.
” Thursday ’ s peace ceremony at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park was scaled down because of the coronavirus pandemic .
The fewer than 1,000 attendees was one-tenth of those attending in past years .
Some survivors and their relatives prayed at the park ’ s cenotaph before the ceremony .
The registry of the atomic bombing victims is stored at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Let all the souls here rest in peace , for we shall not repeat the mistake.
” ” The only way to totally eliminate nuclear risk is to totally eliminate nuclear weapons , ” U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres said in a video message from New York for the occasion .
Mr. Guterres ’ expected visit to Hiroshima had to be canceled because of the coronavirus .
“ Seventy-five years is far too long not to have learned that the possession of nuclear weapons diminishes , rather than reinforces , security , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a world without nuclear weapons seems to be slipping further from our grasp.
” An aging group of survivors , known as hibakusha , feel a growing urgency to tell their stories , in hopes of reaching a younger generation .
Many peace events , including their talks , leading up to the anniversary were canceled because of the coronavirus , but some survivors have teamed with students or pacifist groups to speak at online events , sometimes connecting with international audiences .
The bombing ’ s survivors lamented the slow progress of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they said was the Japanese government ’ s reluctance to help and listen to those who suffered .
They want world leaders , especially those from nuclear-weapons states , to visit Hiroshima and see the reality of the atomic bombing .
Pope Francis sent a message to organizers of the anniversary commemoration , recalling that he had prayed at the Hiroshima peace memorial during his 2019 visit to Japan and met with bombing survivors .
He repeated what he said Nov. 24 at the peace memorial : “ The use of atomic energy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as the possessing of nuclear weapons is immoral.
” The Holy See was among the first countries to sign and ratify the U.N. nuclear prohibition treaty .
Keiko Ogura , who survived the atomic bombing at age 8 , said she wants non-nuclear states to pressure Japan into signing the treaty .
“ Many survivors are offended by the prime minister of this country because he does not sign the nuclear weapons prohibition treaty , ” she said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Survivors of the world’s first atomic bombing gathered in diminished numbers near an iconic, blasted dome Thursday to mark the attack’s 75th anniversary, many of them urging the world, and their own government, to do more to ban nuclear weapons.
An upsurge of coronavirus cases in Japan meant a much smaller than normal turnout, but the bombing survivors’ message was more urgent than ever. As their numbers dwindle – their average age is about 83 – many nations have bolstered or maintained their nuclear arsenals, and their own government refuses to sign a nuclear weapons ban treaty.
Amid cries of Japanese government hypocrisy, survivors, their relatives, and officials marked the 8:15 a.m. blast anniversary with a minute of silence.
The United States dropped the world’s first atomic bomb on Hiroshima on Aug. 6, 1945, destroying the city and killing 140,000 people. It dropped a second bomb three days later on Nagasaki, killing another 70,000. Japan surrendered Aug. 15, ending World War II and its nearly half-century of aggression in Asia.
But the decades since have seen the weapons stockpiling of the Cold War and a nuclear standoff among nations that continues to this day.
Amid the solemn remembrances at Hiroshima’s peace park, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe was confronted Thursday by six members of survivors’ groups over the treaty.
“Could you please respond to our request to sign the Nuclear Weapons Prohibition Treaty?” Tomoyuki Mimaki, a member of a major survivors’ group, Hidankyo, implored Mr. Abe. “The milestone 75th anniversary of the atomic bombing is a chance [to change course].”
Mr. Abe insisted on Japan’s policy not to sign the treaty, vaguely citing a “different approach,” though he added that the government shares the goal of eliminating nuclear weapons.
“Abe’s actions don’t seem to match his words,” said Manabu Iwasa, who came to the park to pray for his father, a bombing survivor who died in March. “Japan apparently sides with the United States, but it should make more efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons. It’s frustrating, but there is not much we individuals can do.”
Even though Tokyo renounces its own possession, production, or hosting of nuclear weapons, Japan is a top U.S. ally, hosts 50,000 American troops, and is protected by the U.S. nuclear umbrella. This complicates the push to get Tokyo to sign the treaty adopted in 2017, especially as it steps up its military role amid North Korea’s continuing pursuit of a stronger nuclear program.
Mr. Abe, in his speech at the ceremony, said a nuclear-free world cannot be achieved overnight and it has to start with dialogue.
“Japan’s position is to serve as a bridge between different sides and patiently promote their dialogue and actions to achieve a world without nuclear weapons,” Abe said.
Earlier, Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui urged world leaders to more seriously commit to nuclear disarmament, pointing out Japan’s failures.
“I ask the Japanese government to heed the appeal of the [bombing survivors] to sign, ratify, and become a party to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons,” Mr. Matsui said in his peace declaration. “As the only nation to suffer a nuclear attack, Japan must persuade the global public to unite with the spirit of Hiroshima.”
Thursday’s peace ceremony at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park was scaled down because of the coronavirus pandemic. The fewer than 1,000 attendees was one-tenth of those attending in past years.
Some survivors and their relatives prayed at the park’s cenotaph before the ceremony. The registry of the atomic bombing victims is stored at the cenotaph, whose inscription reads, “Let all the souls here rest in peace, for we shall not repeat the mistake.”
”The only way to totally eliminate nuclear risk is to totally eliminate nuclear weapons,” U.N. Secretary General Antonio Guterres said in a video message from New York for the occasion. Mr. Guterres’ expected visit to Hiroshima had to be canceled because of the coronavirus.
“Seventy-five years is far too long not to have learned that the possession of nuclear weapons diminishes, rather than reinforces, security,” he said. “Today, a world without nuclear weapons seems to be slipping further from our grasp.”
An aging group of survivors, known as hibakusha, feel a growing urgency to tell their stories, in hopes of reaching a younger generation.
Many peace events, including their talks, leading up to the anniversary were canceled because of the coronavirus, but some survivors have teamed with students or pacifist groups to speak at online events, sometimes connecting with international audiences.
The bombing’s survivors lamented the slow progress of nuclear disarmament and expressed anger over what they said was the Japanese government’s reluctance to help and listen to those who suffered. They want world leaders, especially those from nuclear-weapons states, to visit Hiroshima and see the reality of the atomic bombing.
Pope Francis sent a message to organizers of the anniversary commemoration, recalling that he had prayed at the Hiroshima peace memorial during his 2019 visit to Japan and met with bombing survivors.
He repeated what he said Nov. 24 at the peace memorial: “The use of atomic energy for purposes of war is immoral, just as the possessing of nuclear weapons is immoral.”
The Holy See was among the first countries to sign and ratify the U.N. nuclear prohibition treaty.
Keiko Ogura, who survived the atomic bombing at age 8, said she wants non-nuclear states to pressure Japan into signing the treaty.
“Many survivors are offended by the prime minister of this country because he does not sign the nuclear weapons prohibition treaty,” she said.
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csmonitor--2020-08-06--Can businesses survive second lockdown? Australians wonder.

A bright side for plant nurseries of Melbourne ’ s first pandemic stay-at-home order was that many householders took the time to garden .
But the latest lockdown in Australia ’ s second-largest city is far tougher .
More than 250,000 people were thrown out of work on Thursday .
Those whose jobs are deemed essential need government-issued permits to travel the near-empty streets of a virtual ghost town to get to their jobs .
The rolling restrictions have created confusion and uncertainty in a population navigating Australia ’ s toughest-ever lockdown that makes masks compulsory and imposes an 8 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Collings said the nursery and hardware industries became the surprise winners of the city ’ s original lockdown in March when home improvement became a popular pastime .
“ The first time , everybody went : ‘ Oh my god !
’ and then everything turned out to be fine , ” Mr. Collings said .
“ Gardening was one of the few things you could do at home , so nurseries did well for three or four months ... but it has a totally different feel this time , ” he added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online and collect but can not enter a range of businesses including nurseries .
John van der Horst , who also owns a Melbourne nursery , said the new shopping restrictions had “ changed things dramatically.
” The real economic pain to nurseries is expected to come in September with the Southern Hemisphere spring .
“ Right at the moment [ business ] is slow and might be confusing , but I think that will take a day or so to sort out and things will move on , but clearly the business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through this lockdown , ” Mr. van der Horst said .
Downtown bookshop owner Bill Mort also offers a service known as click-and-collect , in which customers buy at a website then collect from the store since he was forced to close on Thursday .
But there is some uncertainty about whether a desire for a book is reason enough to justify leaving home under the latest pandemic rules .
“ There ’ s a gray area or a question as to whether buying a book is necessary or not and a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ... aspect of this , ” Mr. Mort said .
“ I think there ’ s a fair amount of room for interpretation within these restriction guidelines , ” he added .
The Melbourne lockdown is not only hitting the local economy .
Melbourne usually accounts for a quarter of Australia ’ s economic activity .
Prime Minister Scott Morrison said Thursday that the lockdown , which extends across Victoria state but is less restrictive beyond Melbourne , was expected to cost the national economy up to 9 billion Australian dollars ( $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The government forecasts the lockdown would push up Australia ’ s underlying unemployment – that ’ s what the unemployment rate would be if the government wasn ’ t paying employers to retain staff – from just over 11 % to almost 14 % .
The lockdown and the worsening situation in Victoria compared to the rest of the country – largely free of COVID-19 community spread – is taking a toll on residents ’ welfare .
The contrast between Melbourne and the rest of Australia could hardly be starker .
Victoria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new cases on Wednesday .
Elsewhere in Australia , only 14 new infections were found .
After enduring a second lockdown of four weeks , tougher restrictions have been imposed on Melbourne residents for another six weeks .
Beyond Blue , an independent mental health support organization , reported a 20 % increase in Victorians contacting its coronavirus support service in the past two months .
Around two-thirds of contacts from around Australia now come from Victoria , with isolation and loneliness the main problems .
Community anxiety became apparent on Wednesday when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Victoria ’ s Chief Health Officer Brett Sutton , whose calm demeanor during television interviews on the pandemic have endeared him to many and earned him a type of celebrity status .
Victoria Premier Daniel Andrews was called on Thursday to deny that Mr. Sutton had offered his resignation .
“ He ’ s having three days off .
Nothing more , nothing less , ” Mr. Andrews told reporters .
The premier also urged against panic-buying as he announced reductions in meat production across Victoria from late Friday .
Beef , lamb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by a third because of the virus transmission risks in abattoirs and meat processing plants .
Poultry production will be reduced by 20 % .
“ You may not necessarily be able to get exactly the cut of meat that you want , but you will get what you need , ” Mr. Andrews said .
Butcher Peter Bouchier , who has three retail meat outlets in Melbourne , said he noticed panic-buying start at the weekend following media reports of greater pandemic restrictions looming .
“ The only supply issue is when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everyone buys what they need , everything will be fine , ” Mr. Bouchier said .
“ We don ’ t know until it happens and they lose a third of their production what effect it will have , but if everyone takes it easy – it ’ s only Victoria , it ’ s not New South Wales or South Australia , and a lot of meat comes in from there , ” he added .
For many businesses , including Mr. Mort ’ s bookshop , the economic pain is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the restrictions are relaxed .
His business has relied for five decades on foot traffic on once-busy streets .
Many of his customers now work from home , if they still have jobs .
“ We don ’ t know yet when officer workers and people who work in the C.B.D .
will return , ” Mr. Mort said , referring to the central business district .
“ It ’ ll certainly not be before this lockdown ceases and it may not be for many , many months , ” he added .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

A bright side for plant nurseries of Melbourne’s first pandemic stay-at-home order was that many householders took the time to garden. But the latest lockdown in Australia’s second-largest city is far tougher.
More than 250,000 people were thrown out of work on Thursday. Those whose jobs are deemed essential need government-issued permits to travel the near-empty streets of a virtual ghost town to get to their jobs.
The rolling restrictions have created confusion and uncertainty in a population navigating Australia’s toughest-ever lockdown that makes masks compulsory and imposes an 8 p.m.-to-5 a.m. curfew.
Melbourne gardener Simon Collings said the nursery and hardware industries became the surprise winners of the city’s original lockdown in March when home improvement became a popular pastime.
“The first time, everybody went: ‘Oh my god!’ and then everything turned out to be fine,” Mr. Collings said.
“Gardening was one of the few things you could do at home, so nurseries did well for three or four months ... but it has a totally different feel this time,” he added.
Customers can order deliveries or buy online and collect but cannot enter a range of businesses including nurseries.
John van der Horst, who also owns a Melbourne nursery, said the new shopping restrictions had “changed things dramatically.” The real economic pain to nurseries is expected to come in September with the Southern Hemisphere spring.
“Right at the moment [business] is slow and might be confusing, but I think that will take a day or so to sort out and things will move on, but clearly the business is not going to be the same through this lockdown,” Mr. van der Horst said.
Downtown bookshop owner Bill Mort also offers a service known as click-and-collect, in which customers buy at a website then collect from the store since he was forced to close on Thursday. But there is some uncertainty about whether a desire for a book is reason enough to justify leaving home under the latest pandemic rules.
“There’s a gray area or a question as to whether buying a book is necessary or not and a number of booksellers are grappling with the click-and-collect ... aspect of this,” Mr. Mort said.
“I think there’s a fair amount of room for interpretation within these restriction guidelines,” he added.
The Melbourne lockdown is not only hitting the local economy. Melbourne usually accounts for a quarter of Australia’s economic activity.
Prime Minister Scott Morrison said Thursday that the lockdown, which extends across Victoria state but is less restrictive beyond Melbourne, was expected to cost the national economy up to 9 billion Australian dollars ($6.5 billion) in the September quarter.
The government forecasts the lockdown would push up Australia’s underlying unemployment – that’s what the unemployment rate would be if the government wasn’t paying employers to retain staff – from just over 11% to almost 14%.
“This is a heavy blow. A heavy blow,” Mr. Morrison said.
The lockdown and the worsening situation in Victoria compared to the rest of the country – largely free of COVID-19 community spread – is taking a toll on residents’ welfare.
The contrast between Melbourne and the rest of Australia could hardly be starker. Victoria set a new daily record of 725 new cases on Wednesday. Elsewhere in Australia, only 14 new infections were found.
After enduring a second lockdown of four weeks, tougher restrictions have been imposed on Melbourne residents for another six weeks.
Beyond Blue, an independent mental health support organization, reported a 20% increase in Victorians contacting its coronavirus support service in the past two months. Around two-thirds of contacts from around Australia now come from Victoria, with isolation and loneliness the main problems.
Community anxiety became apparent on Wednesday when social media spread panicked resignation rumors about Victoria’s Chief Health Officer Brett Sutton, whose calm demeanor during television interviews on the pandemic have endeared him to many and earned him a type of celebrity status.
Victoria Premier Daniel Andrews was called on Thursday to deny that Mr. Sutton had offered his resignation.
“He’s having three days off. Nothing more, nothing less,” Mr. Andrews told reporters.
The premier also urged against panic-buying as he announced reductions in meat production across Victoria from late Friday.
Beef, lamb, and pork production will be reduced by a third because of the virus transmission risks in abattoirs and meat processing plants. Poultry production will be reduced by 20%.
“You may not necessarily be able to get exactly the cut of meat that you want, but you will get what you need,” Mr. Andrews said.
Butcher Peter Bouchier, who has three retail meat outlets in Melbourne, said he noticed panic-buying start at the weekend following media reports of greater pandemic restrictions looming.
“The only supply issue is when people panic-buy and stock up. If everyone buys what they need, everything will be fine,” Mr. Bouchier said.
“We don’t know until it happens and they lose a third of their production what effect it will have, but if everyone takes it easy – it’s only Victoria, it’s not New South Wales or South Australia, and a lot of meat comes in from there,” he added.
For many businesses, including Mr. Mort’s bookshop, the economic pain is not expected to end in six weeks when the restrictions are relaxed.
His business has relied for five decades on foot traffic on once-busy streets. Many of his customers now work from home, if they still have jobs.
“We don’t know yet when officer workers and people who work in the C.B.D. will return,” Mr. Mort said, referring to the central business district.
“It’ll certainly not be before this lockdown ceases and it may not be for many, many months,” he added.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-07--What wasn’t the US telling about Hiroshima? A reporter found out.

In August of 1945 , the world changed when the United States detonated the first atomic bombs in Japan .
The bombings were the “ least abhorrent choice , ” according to then-Secretary of War Henry Lewis Stimson .
They ended the war with Japan .
But the truth was much more complicated .
In “ Fallout : The Hiroshima Cover-up and the Reporter Who Revealed It to the World , ” Lesley M.M .
Blume goes behind the scenes of journalist John Hersey ’ s reporting on Hiroshima , which was published in 1946 in The New Yorker .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Hersey ’ s reporting , but rather a deconstruction of the dynamics among Hersey , his editor William Shawn , and New Yorker founder Harold Ross , that made the article ’ s publication possible .
In 1946 , it was daring for any publication to report on what happened to the victims in Japan .
As Hersey and The New Yorker reported , there was a need to cast a light on what was happening on the ground versus what Americans were hearing from the U.S. government spin machine .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives of 42,000 Hiroshima residents instantly , and left in its wake a litany of deaths and health effects from the radiation .
Hersey ’ s calculations pushed the number of deaths into the hundreds of thousands .
One story that Blume tracks is that of Hersey , who was a young reporter when he tackled this project .
“ Fallout ” could easily read like a historical thriller , painting the story of Hersey ’ s work and his reporting from the victims ’ point of view .
Just as the bombs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so too did the release of Hersey ’ s story , which caused its own explosions .
Blume digs into what happens when the media – which was a much less powerful institution than it is now – exposed the government ’ s cover-up .
Later , Hersey ’ s article would be published as a book on what the bombings meant , and it set the tone of the debate on the future of nuclear warfare .
Remember , too , that this discussion was unfolding long before the 24-hour news cycle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no Facebook or Twitter to highlight Hersey ’ s conversations in Japan with survivors .
In 2020 , there would be blogs , and interviews and insight from pundits as well as the voices of those in Japan who survived .
It is also important to see that the article in The New Yorker will forever be a part of the narrative of war and its casualties .
As a history lover , I find that “ Fallout ” gives powerful insights into the way that a government can weave a story to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also into the fearless reporting about what really happened in Hiroshima .
Blume ’ s tireless reporting gives important context to an understudied slice of U.S. history .
Even 75 years after Hiroshima and Nagasaki , her work and Hersey ’ s writing critique how the bombings have been remembered in American and world history .
Most important , they question whether anything would ever truly justify another nuclear bombing .

In August of 1945, the world changed when the United States detonated the first atomic bombs in Japan. The bombings were the “least abhorrent choice,” according to then-Secretary of War Henry Lewis Stimson. They ended the war with Japan. But the truth was much more complicated.
In “Fallout: The Hiroshima Cover-up and the Reporter Who Revealed It to the World,” Lesley M.M. Blume goes behind the scenes of journalist John Hersey’s reporting on Hiroshima, which was published in 1946 in The New Yorker. “Fallout” is not a rehashing of Hersey’s reporting, but rather a deconstruction of the dynamics among Hersey, his editor William Shawn, and New Yorker founder Harold Ross, that made the article’s publication possible.
In 1946, it was daring for any publication to report on what happened to the victims in Japan. As Hersey and The New Yorker reported, there was a need to cast a light on what was happening on the ground versus what Americans were hearing from the U.S. government spin machine. We often forget that the bombings took the lives of 42,000 Hiroshima residents instantly, and left in its wake a litany of deaths and health effects from the radiation. Hersey’s calculations pushed the number of deaths into the hundreds of thousands.
One story that Blume tracks is that of Hersey, who was a young reporter when he tackled this project. “Fallout” could easily read like a historical thriller, painting the story of Hersey’s work and his reporting from the victims’ point of view.
Just as the bombs had catastrophic consequences and enormous impact, so too did the release of Hersey’s story, which caused its own explosions. Blume digs into what happens when the media – which was a much less powerful institution than it is now – exposed the government’s cover-up. Later, Hersey’s article would be published as a book on what the bombings meant, and it set the tone of the debate on the future of nuclear warfare.
Remember, too, that this discussion was unfolding long before the 24-hour news cycle and social media existed. There was no Facebook or Twitter to highlight Hersey’s conversations in Japan with survivors. In 2020, there would be blogs, and interviews and insight from pundits as well as the voices of those in Japan who survived.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
It is also important to see that the article in The New Yorker will forever be a part of the narrative of war and its casualties.
As a history lover, I find that “Fallout” gives powerful insights into the way that a government can weave a story to justify the actions it takes, and also into the fearless reporting about what really happened in Hiroshima. Blume’s tireless reporting gives important context to an understudied slice of U.S. history. Even 75 years after Hiroshima and Nagasaki, her work and Hersey’s writing critique how the bombings have been remembered in American and world history. Most important, they question whether anything would ever truly justify another nuclear bombing.


csmonitor--2020-08-07--A bold and wise princess who doesn’t need a prince

We never knew why my father took over storytelling for his three little girls , but we always suspected it was to save us from “ Sleeping Beauty.
” Walt Disney ’ s masterwork hit the big suburban screens in 1959 with a message for girls as vivid as its widescreen Technirama : If you ’ re pretty enough , a prince will rescue you .
In a masterstroke of counterprogramming , my father invented a series of bedtime stories featuring three princesses who happened to be just our ages and even looked like us .
For some reason , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struck .
So , night after night , it was up to the three sisters to save the village , which they always managed to do just about the time that one of us fell asleep .
It did occur to us that this village was either highly unfortunate or its adults incredibly inept that so much fell to these little girls .
We also saw that our parents wanted us to be strong .
These girls didn ’ t need to be rescued .
They were alert , wise , and bold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to carry this storyline into life was not obvious .
The fifth-grade teacher might like you if you raised your hand in class , but what about the boy you hoped would ask you to dance ?
Experience showed that boldness could have a downside .
By the 1970s , there was a cottage industry explaining to women what was holding them back .
We needed mentors , networks , and constant vigilance to manage our careers and break through the invisible “ glass ceiling ” limiting our progress .
But in my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often invisible .
Women were just beginning to be admitted to what had been men-only colleges , and teaching jobs followed .
Some who were not pleased showed it .
I loved to tell my network about the welcome dinner for new graduate students in a vast , candlelit Gothic hall .
I sat next to the dean of the graduate school , whose first words to me were : “ I don ’ t know why the graduate school is now admitting women .
You ’ ll all just get married , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be wasted.
” After a few days to recover , I began telling friends this story and found their laughter and support encouraging .
Soon , I had accumulated many such stories , all hilarious when told from my point of view .
There was the department chair who told me at our first meeting that he used math requirements “ to keep little girls out of the program.
” Or the job interview that opened with the question : “ Isn ’ t it amazing how so many unqualified women are now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for laughs .
Then , one of them hit hard .
A colleague I trusted urged me , soberly , to quit teaching , because “ If you don ’ t leave political science , you will lose everything feminine about you.
” In today ’ s culture , that remark goes straight to laugh line .
But on that day , in that place , something went crash .
I walked back to my rented apartment over a garage convinced that my career was over .
That ’ s usually a time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the mentor .
Nor was it a moment to enlist the network .
Pity or encouragement both seemed intolerable .
In the quiet that followed , I opened a Bible , looking for any thought more inspiring than my own .
Here ’ s the first thing I read : “ How long will thou go about , O thou backsliding daughter ?
for the Lord hath created a new thing in the earth , A woman shall compass a man.
” ( Jeremiah 31:22 ) I had no idea what that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around , so I looked up that verse in another translation : “ How long will you hesitate , O erring daughter ?
Why , the Eternal makes a new thing upon earth ; frail woman becomes manly !
” ( The Bible , James Moffatt Translation ) Then , I laughed .
While losing someone else ’ s idea of femininity might have seemed a great loss , losing frailty surely was not !
The power of that promise sustained me .
I taught political science for seven more years with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , until taking up journalism , which I loved more .
I also learned to stop telling war stories for entertainment , until now , when they may help someone .
What I found was that the weight of these “ funny ” stories accumulates , like the chains dragged around the afterlife by Marley ’ s Ghost .
Over time , it ’ s hard not to come to see yourself as a victim , permanently limited by the thoughts of others .
In effect , I was building my own glass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my telling of the stories eased off , so did my scars and bruises .
Resentment over these past incidents mercifully subsided .
Did the barbs stop ?
No , but they did not linger on in my thought .
Still waiting for a prince ?
Be one .

We never knew why my father took over storytelling for his three little girls, but we always suspected it was to save us from “Sleeping Beauty.” Walt Disney’s masterwork hit the big suburban screens in 1959 with a message for girls as vivid as its widescreen Technirama: If you’re pretty enough, a prince will rescue you.
In a masterstroke of counterprogramming, my father invented a series of bedtime stories featuring three princesses who happened to be just our ages and even looked like us.
For some reason, the grownups were never around when peril struck. So, night after night, it was up to the three sisters to save the village, which they always managed to do just about the time that one of us fell asleep.
It did occur to us that this village was either highly unfortunate or its adults incredibly inept that so much fell to these little girls. We also saw that our parents wanted us to be strong. These girls didn’t need to be rescued. They were alert, wise, and bold. That was enough.
But how to carry this storyline into life was not obvious. The fifth-grade teacher might like you if you raised your hand in class, but what about the boy you hoped would ask you to dance? Experience showed that boldness could have a downside.
By the 1970s, there was a cottage industry explaining to women what was holding them back. We needed mentors, networks, and constant vigilance to manage our careers and break through the invisible “glass ceiling” limiting our progress. But in my early experience, glass ceilings were not often invisible. Women were just beginning to be admitted to what had been men-only colleges, and teaching jobs followed. Some who were not pleased showed it.
I loved to tell my network about the welcome dinner for new graduate students in a vast, candlelit Gothic hall. I sat next to the dean of the graduate school, whose first words to me were: “I don’t know why the graduate school is now admitting women. You’ll all just get married, have babies, and your education will be wasted.”
After a few days to recover, I began telling friends this story and found their laughter and support encouraging. Soon, I had accumulated many such stories, all hilarious when told from my point of view. There was the department chair who told me at our first meeting that he used math requirements “to keep little girls out of the program.” Or the job interview that opened with the question: “Isn’t it amazing how so many unqualified women are now getting job interviews?” All good for laughs.
Then, one of them hit hard. A colleague I trusted urged me, soberly, to quit teaching, because “If you don’t leave political science, you will lose everything feminine about you.” In today’s culture, that remark goes straight to laugh line. But on that day, in that place, something went crash. I walked back to my rented apartment over a garage convinced that my career was over. That’s usually a time to call a mentor, but he was the mentor. Nor was it a moment to enlist the network. Pity or encouragement both seemed intolerable.
In the quiet that followed, I opened a Bible, looking for any thought more inspiring than my own. Here’s the first thing I read: “How long will thou go about, O thou backsliding daughter? for the Lord hath created a new thing in the earth, A woman shall compass a man.” (Jeremiah 31:22)
I had no idea what that meant, but there were other Bibles around, so I looked up that verse in another translation: “How long will you hesitate, O erring daughter? Why, the Eternal makes a new thing upon earth; frail woman becomes manly!” (The Bible, James Moffatt Translation)
Then, I laughed. While losing someone else’s idea of femininity might have seemed a great loss, losing frailty surely was not!
The power of that promise sustained me. I taught political science for seven more years with a great sense of appreciation for the opportunity, until taking up journalism, which I loved more.
I also learned to stop telling war stories for entertainment, until now, when they may help someone. What I found was that the weight of these “funny” stories accumulates, like the chains dragged around the afterlife by Marley’s Ghost. Over time, it’s hard not to come to see yourself as a victim, permanently limited by the thoughts of others. In effect, I was building my own glass ceiling – out of granite.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
When my telling of the stories eased off, so did my scars and bruises. Resentment over these past incidents mercifully subsided. Did the barbs stop? No, but they did not linger on in my thought.
Still waiting for a prince? Be one.


csmonitor--2020-08-07--How ‘success’ of a tough US policy on Iran has benefited China

“ If this strategic partnership ends up baked the way we ’ re hearing it described , it ’ s a huge erosion of Iranian sovereignty and acknowledgment by the Iranians that the current [ economic ] situation has them in truly dire straits , ” says security expert Ilan Berman .
It “ basically says the regime has decided , ‘ We ’ re better off in charge of half the country than losing the whole thing.
’ ” The Trump policy succeeded in the first part , but not in the second .
And now a rising China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is swooping in to rescue Iran ’ s economy , and thwart U.S. diplomacy at the same time .
After recent talks , Beijing and Tehran declared that negotiations on a 25-year strategic partnership would continue , with a goal of finalizing a deal within a few weeks .
Certainly the Trump administration did not set out to drive Iran into China ’ s arms when it developed its “ maximum pressure ” strategy against Tehran .
Its stated purpose was to punish Iran economically until Tehran came back to the negotiating table @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration ’ s view , a better deal on Iran ’ s nuclear program .
With relatively little effort , the Trump administration ’ s “ maximum pressure ” campaign on Iran can be seen as both a resounding success and as an abject failure underscoring the United States ’ receding influence in global affairs .
Now add to the negative side of the U.S. balance sheet a potentially substantial and long-term foothold being provided to a rising China in the Middle East .
No one questions that the two-year-old policy of harsh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ willing to cross the U.S. and do business with Tehran has brought the Iranian economy to the brink of collapse .
That ’ s the policy ’ s “ success.
” But if the administration ’ s goal in imposing that economic misery was to bring Iran back to the negotiating table to reach a “ better ” nuclear deal , as well as to alter Iran ’ s “ malign behavior ” in its neighborhood , the pressure has largely failed .
In announcing the policy in May 2018 , Secretary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basic requirements ” Iran would have to meet to win relief from crushing sanctions and get on a path to a new nuclear deal .
None of the requirements – ranging from no uranium enrichment and no ballistic missile development to curtailing the undermining of Iran ’ s neighbors and an end to threats against Israel – has been met , most experts agree .
Perhaps more important , the U.S. has failed to bring many countries along on its approach toward Iran , revealing its waning influence since it left the multinational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On Thursday Secretary Pompeo announced the departure of his special envoy on Iran , Brian Hook .
Over his more than two years in the envoy role , Mr. Hook tenaciously pursued the strangulating sanctions that formed the backbone of the maximum pressure policy , and had some success in rallying Arab partners to the U.S. cause .
But overall , his departure struck many foreign policy observers as further evidence of the dead end that Iran policy has reached .
Moreover , that waning U.S. influence and ensuing American isolation have opened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and rescue an Iranian economy on the brink with a blockbuster strategic partnership deal that many experts say will provide Beijing with a powerful foothold in the region .
“ Clearly the U.S. maximum pressure strategy has profoundly surprised the Iranians in how successful it has been at choking the Iranian economy – that part of it has worked , ” says Alex Vatanka , director of the Iran program at the Middle East Institute ( MEI ) in Washington .
“ But what it didn ’ t accomplish was bringing the Iranians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new nuclear deal , as the U.S. failed to articulate exactly what it wanted , ” he says .
“ That has alienated everyone , including the friends and allies the U.S. might have brought along , and that has created a widening space between the two sides – and that space has been filled by China.
” China has decided it wants to be more than “ just ” an economic power and seeks to play a larger role in key regions like the Middle East , Mr. Vatanka says .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can exert their power , ” he adds , “ and they have found a major one in Iran.
” Certainly the Trump administration did not set out to drive Iran into China ’ s arms when it developed the maximum pressure strategy .
Nor have the Iranians eagerly embraced Beijing ’ s economic rescue , regional experts say – it ’ s just that the country ’ s leaders , and in particular the supreme leader , Ayatollah Ali Khamenei , have concluded it ’ s either that or risk collapse .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ baked the way we ’ re hearing it described , it ’ s a huge erosion of Iranian sovereignty and acknowledgment by the Iranians that the current [ economic ] situation has them in truly dire straits that can ’ t keep going much longer , ” says Ilan Berman , senior vice president of the American Foreign Policy Council in Washington and an expert in Middle East security .
“ It has them hitching their wagon to [ China ’ s ] Belt and Road initiative in a significant way , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the regime has decided , ‘ We ’ re better off in charge of half the country than losing the whole thing.
’ ” Beijing and Tehran declared after recent talks that negotiations on a 25-year strategic partnership would continue , with a goal of finalizing a deal within a few weeks .
Even as China has been negotiating the new partnership , it has been working to thwart U.S. pressure on the Iranian regime – and to highlight America ’ s deepening isolation from the rest of the world on a number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iran ’ s nuclear program .
At a recent United Nations Security Council session at which the U.S. pressed to extend an Iran arms embargo set to expire in October , China dismissed the American initiative as baseless because the U.S. is no longer a party to the Iran nuclear deal , also known by the acronym JCPOA , which includes the embargo .
“ China opposes the U.S. push for extending the arms embargo in Iran , ” said China ’ s U.N. ambassador , Zhang Jun , at the June 30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the JCPOA , the U.S. is no longer a participant and has no right to trigger a snapback ” to reimpose U.N. sanctions on Iran .
Mr. Pompeo also failed to muster support from European allies on the council , underscoring the lonely American stance on Iran .
Germany , France , and even Britain had hoped to use the JCPOA to rebuild economic ties to Iran and develop Iran ’ s “ historic pivot to Europe , ” Mr. Berman says .
But he says U.S. policy – in particular the secondary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tehran – thwarted European aims and “ forced the Iranians to turn elsewhere.
” That “ elsewhere ” is to some degree Russia , he says , but primarily China .
Indeed Mr. Vatanka of MEI says the China partnership could signal the finalization of Iran ’ s “ protracted divorce process ” from the U.S. and the West more broadly that started with the 1979 Iranian revolution .
After failing on his first go at extending the Iran arms embargo , Secretary Pompeo now says he will try again – and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ necessary action ” to ensure that Iran does not import proscribed arms if the embargo expires .
But in light of the dearth of support for the U.S. position , the likelihood of Mr. Pompeo winning an extension before the October expiration seems virtually nonexistent , most experts say .
As Mr. Berman notes , all the parties involved are “ hedging their bets ” given the proximity of the U.S. presidential election and the possibility that U.S. policy on Iran could shift back to a more traditional diplomatic approach should President Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any case , the Iranian issue has lost much of the “ salience ” it had in Washington just a couple of years ago , says Mr. Vatanka .
It is true that a group of congressional Republican hawks called the Republican Study Committee recently issued a report on the Middle East , with particular attention to Iran ’ s “ rogue activities ” in the region and steps the U.S. should take to counter them .
Those should include even tougher sanctions on Iran ’ s “ vital sectors ” and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as terrorist groups , the group said .
And at a recent appearance by Secretary Pompeo before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee , Democratic Sen. Robert Menendez of New Jersey blasted the Trump administration ’ s Iran policy for leaving Iran closer to acquiring a nuclear weapon than it was when the administration withdrew from the JCPOA .
But for the most part , Washington has redirected its sights to China as its No .
1 adversary , Mr. Vatanka says .
As an example , he points to how “ the China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Senate appearance , which was supposed to focus on Iran .
When it comes to America ’ s biggest threat , Mr. Vatanka says , “ This town has moved on .
”

“If this strategic partnership ends up baked the way we’re hearing it described, it’s a huge erosion of Iranian sovereignty and acknowledgment by the Iranians that the current [economic] situation has them in truly dire straits,” says security expert Ilan Berman. It “basically says the regime has decided, ‘We’re better off in charge of half the country than losing the whole thing.’”
The history of national security policy is famous for unintended consequences (e.g., the Iraq War and ISIS). Now add to the list the heavy U.S. pressure on Iran and a Chinese foothold in the Middle East.
The Trump policy succeeded in the first part, but not in the second. And now a rising China, America’s top adversary, is swooping in to rescue Iran’s economy, and thwart U.S. diplomacy at the same time. After recent talks, Beijing and Tehran declared that negotiations on a 25-year strategic partnership would continue, with a goal of finalizing a deal within a few weeks.
Certainly the Trump administration did not set out to drive Iran into China’s arms when it developed its “maximum pressure” strategy against Tehran. Its stated purpose was to punish Iran economically until Tehran came back to the negotiating table to hammer out, in the U.S. administration’s view, a better deal on Iran’s nuclear program.
With relatively little effort, the Trump administration’s “maximum pressure” campaign on Iran can be seen as both a resounding success and as an abject failure underscoring the United States’ receding influence in global affairs.
Now add to the negative side of the U.S. balance sheet a potentially substantial and long-term foothold being provided to a rising China in the Middle East.
No one questions that the two-year-old policy of harsh sanctions targeting both Iran and other countries willing to cross the U.S. and do business with Tehran has brought the Iranian economy to the brink of collapse. That’s the policy’s “success.”
Why We Wrote This The history of national security policy is famous for unintended consequences (e.g., the Iraq War and ISIS). Now add to the list the heavy U.S. pressure on Iran and a Chinese foothold in the Middle East.
But if the administration’s goal in imposing that economic misery was to bring Iran back to the negotiating table to reach a “better” nuclear deal, as well as to alter Iran’s “malign behavior” in its neighborhood, the pressure has largely failed.
In announcing the policy in May 2018, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo listed 12 “very basic requirements” Iran would have to meet to win relief from crushing sanctions and get on a path to a new nuclear deal. None of the requirements – ranging from no uranium enrichment and no ballistic missile development to curtailing the undermining of Iran’s neighbors and an end to threats against Israel – has been met, most experts agree.
Perhaps more important, the U.S. has failed to bring many countries along on its approach toward Iran, revealing its waning influence since it left the multinational 2015 Iran nuclear deal in 2018.
On Thursday Secretary Pompeo announced the departure of his special envoy on Iran, Brian Hook. Over his more than two years in the envoy role, Mr. Hook tenaciously pursued the strangulating sanctions that formed the backbone of the maximum pressure policy, and had some success in rallying Arab partners to the U.S. cause. But overall, his departure struck many foreign policy observers as further evidence of the dead end that Iran policy has reached.
Space “filled by China”
Moreover, that waning U.S. influence and ensuing American isolation have opened the door to China to swoop in and rescue an Iranian economy on the brink with a blockbuster strategic partnership deal that many experts say will provide Beijing with a powerful foothold in the region.
“Clearly the U.S. maximum pressure strategy has profoundly surprised the Iranians in how successful it has been at choking the Iranian economy – that part of it has worked,” says Alex Vatanka, director of the Iran program at the Middle East Institute (MEI) in Washington.
“But what it didn’t accomplish was bringing the Iranians back to the table to negotiate a new nuclear deal, as the U.S. failed to articulate exactly what it wanted,” he says. “That has alienated everyone, including the friends and allies the U.S. might have brought along, and that has created a widening space between the two sides – and that space has been filled by China.”
Noel Celis/AP View caption Hide caption China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi (right) talks to Iran's Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif (left) during a meeting at the Diaoyutai state guesthouse in Beijing on Dec. 31, 2019.
China has decided it wants to be more than “just” an economic power and seeks to play a larger role in key regions like the Middle East, Mr. Vatanka says. “They are looking for vacuums where they can exert their power,” he adds, “and they have found a major one in Iran.”
Certainly the Trump administration did not set out to drive Iran into China’s arms when it developed the maximum pressure strategy. Nor have the Iranians eagerly embraced Beijing’s economic rescue, regional experts say – it’s just that the country’s leaders, and in particular the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, have concluded it’s either that or risk collapse.
“If this strategic partnership ends up baked the way we’re hearing it described, it’s a huge erosion of Iranian sovereignty and acknowledgment by the Iranians that the current [economic] situation has them in truly dire straits that can’t keep going much longer,” says Ilan Berman, senior vice president of the American Foreign Policy Council in Washington and an expert in Middle East security.
“It has them hitching their wagon to [China’s] Belt and Road initiative in a significant way,” he adds, “and basically says the regime has decided, ‘We’re better off in charge of half the country than losing the whole thing.’”
Beijing and Tehran declared after recent talks that negotiations on a 25-year strategic partnership would continue, with a goal of finalizing a deal within a few weeks.
Countering U.S. pressure
Even as China has been negotiating the new partnership, it has been working to thwart U.S. pressure on the Iranian regime – and to highlight America’s deepening isolation from the rest of the world on a number of key international diplomatic matters, including Iran’s nuclear program.
At a recent United Nations Security Council session at which the U.S. pressed to extend an Iran arms embargo set to expire in October, China dismissed the American initiative as baseless because the U.S. is no longer a party to the Iran nuclear deal, also known by the acronym JCPOA, which includes the embargo.
“China opposes the U.S. push for extending the arms embargo in Iran,” said China’s U.N. ambassador, Zhang Jun, at the June 30 Security Council meeting. “Having quit the JCPOA, the U.S. is no longer a participant and has no right to trigger a snapback” to reimpose U.N. sanctions on Iran.
Mr. Pompeo also failed to muster support from European allies on the council, underscoring the lonely American stance on Iran.
Germany, France, and even Britain had hoped to use the JCPOA to rebuild economic ties to Iran and develop Iran’s “historic pivot to Europe,” Mr. Berman says. But he says U.S. policy – in particular the secondary sanctions targeting foreign companies doing business with Tehran – thwarted European aims and “forced the Iranians to turn elsewhere.” That “elsewhere” is to some degree Russia, he says, but primarily China.
Indeed Mr. Vatanka of MEI says the China partnership could signal the finalization of Iran’s “protracted divorce process” from the U.S. and the West more broadly that started with the 1979 Iranian revolution.
After failing on his first go at extending the Iran arms embargo, Secretary Pompeo now says he will try again – and that the U.S. will proceed to take “necessary action” to ensure that Iran does not import proscribed arms if the embargo expires.
But in light of the dearth of support for the U.S. position, the likelihood of Mr. Pompeo winning an extension before the October expiration seems virtually nonexistent, most experts say.
As Mr. Berman notes, all the parties involved are “hedging their bets” given the proximity of the U.S. presidential election and the possibility that U.S. policy on Iran could shift back to a more traditional diplomatic approach should President Donald Trump lose his reelection bid.
Moving on from Iran
In any case, the Iranian issue has lost much of the “salience” it had in Washington just a couple of years ago, says Mr. Vatanka.
It is true that a group of congressional Republican hawks called the Republican Study Committee recently issued a report on the Middle East, with particular attention to Iran’s “rogue activities” in the region and steps the U.S. should take to counter them. Those should include even tougher sanctions on Iran’s “vital sectors” and the designation of Iranian-backed “proxy militias” as terrorist groups, the group said.
And at a recent appearance by Secretary Pompeo before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Democratic Sen. Robert Menendez of New Jersey blasted the Trump administration’s Iran policy for leaving Iran closer to acquiring a nuclear weapon than it was when the administration withdrew from the JCPOA.
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But for the most part, Washington has redirected its sights to China as its No. 1 adversary, Mr. Vatanka says. As an example, he points to how “the China challenge” ended up dominating Mr. Pompeo’s Senate appearance, which was supposed to focus on Iran.
When it comes to America’s biggest threat, Mr. Vatanka says, “This town has moved on.”


csmonitor--2020-08-07--10 inspiring Olympic moments (video)

10 inspiring Olympic moments (video)

Rafaela Silva was born in Cidade de Deus , one of Rio de Janeiro ’ s sprawling favelas .
If it weren ’ t for judo , Ms. Silva might never have left .
She found the sport through a program designed to keep low-income children off the streets .
Judo took Ms. Silva to competitions around the world – from Bangkok to Paris to London .
And then it took her home , where Ms. Silva earned the first of Brazil ’ s seven gold medals at the 2016 Olympic games in Rio .
To a country of more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an inspiration .
It ’ s stories like Ms. Silva ’ s that draw nearly 200 million people to watch the Olympics every four years , says David Wallechinsky , president of the International Society of Olympic Historians .
Sports are about stories , he says , and there is no greater chapter than the Olympics .
Even for the smallest country , “ it ’ s a chance to be part of the world , ” says Mr. Wallechinsky .
Since the modern games began in 1896 , athletes have used them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entire countries could not .
Despite the postponed 2020 Tokyo Games , the Olympic spirit continues , biding its time until athletes can safely assemble .
Until then , Olympic fans can reflect back on those who came before .
This summer , the Monitor did just that .
Here are some of our favorite Olympic moments .
Editor 's note : A previous version of this video included two images that were not verified to be Wilma Rudolph as a child .

Rafaela Silva was born in Cidade de Deus, one of Rio de Janeiro’s sprawling favelas. If it weren’t for judo, Ms. Silva might never have left.
She found the sport through a program designed to keep low-income children off the streets. Judo took Ms. Silva to competitions around the world – from Bangkok to Paris to London.
And then it took her home, where Ms. Silva earned the first of Brazil’s seven gold medals at the 2016 Olympic games in Rio. To a country of more than 200 million, she had become an inspiration.
Why We Wrote This The Olympic Games display athletic prowess and the resiliency of the human spirit. There may be no Summer Games this year, but great Olympic moments are worth revisiting – especially those that broke physical, cultural, and racial barriers.
It’s stories like Ms. Silva’s that draw nearly 200 million people to watch the Olympics every four years, says David Wallechinsky, president of the International Society of Olympic Historians. Sports are about stories, he says, and there is no greater chapter than the Olympics.
Even for the smallest country, “it’s a chance to be part of the world,” says Mr. Wallechinsky.
Since the modern games began in 1896, athletes have used them to break barriers, sometimes doing what entire countries could not.
Despite the postponed 2020 Tokyo Games, the Olympic spirit continues, biding its time until athletes can safely assemble. Until then, Olympic fans can reflect back on those who came before.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This summer, the Monitor did just that. Here are some of our favorite Olympic moments.
Editor's note: A previous version of this video included two images that were not verified to be Wilma Rudolph as a child.