csmonitor--2020-09-04--Convenience or dystopia? Work-from-home blend is here to stay.

“ It ’ s too early to tell how that will evolve , ” says management expert Jeff Greenhaus .
But “ people are going to look back in history at 2020 and it is going to be a watershed moment of how work and family are structured.
” Women , who do the bulk of housework and child care , are bearing the brunt of the new work-at-home paradigm .
Will families figure out new ways of integrating work and family ?
Will companies help their workers adapt – or force them to work longer hours ?
Before the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked at least part of the week from home ; by April , half were working full time there .
That jump makes 2020 potentially pivotal .
Many employees are happy to ditch the daily commute , and many companies are looking at paring back office space .
That means homes will become family and work centers , where families juggle multiple responsibilities and work-life balance faces new challenges .
The work-from-home phenomenon has been on the rise since at least the 1970s , when a NASA engineer coined the term “ telecommuting.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s taken a huge leap .
This summer , in preparation for an important Zoom teleconference meeting , Ben Snyder put his toddler down early for a nap , hoping he ’ d sleep through the event .
He didn ’ t .
Instead , five minutes into it , his son burst into the room , asking , “ Daddy , what are you doing ?
” “ It was embarrassing , ” says the sociology professor at Williams College , who is working from home for the first time .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ Oh yeah , we know what it is.
’ ” It ’ s a scene that ’ s been repeated over and over in the spring and summer of coronavirus .
Homes once empty during the workday as two-earner families dropped off their children to school or preschool are suddenly bursting with activity as families juggle multiple responsibilities , from inboxes to remote learning .
And any semblance of work-life balance has flown out the window .
On the eve of Labor Day weekend , specialists like Professor Snyder who study the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans : Adapt , because the challenge won ’ t end with the pandemic .
The United States appears to be at one of those tipping points where the old ways of dividing work and family , office time and leisure , are giving way to a new and uncertain era .
“ It ’ s too early to tell how that will evolve , ” says Jeff Greenhaus , professor emeritus of management at Drexel University in Philadelphia .
But “ people are going to look back in history at 2020 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment of how work and family are structured.
” The stress on family life has flared into public discussion everywhere from parent groups to labor unions .
In response to a question at a Monitor-hosted breakfast with reporters this week , AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka called for “ better child care options for people that work ... and a different flexibility in the workplace.
” Of course , the work-from-home phenomenon is hardly new , stretching back to pre-civilization humans who planted crops outside their dwellings .
In its latest incarnation , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s been on the rise since at least the 1970s , when a NASA engineer coined the term “ telecommuting ” to describe his remote work .
Before the pandemic , an estimated 15 % of employees were working from home part of or all the time .
By April , according to one study , just under half of U.S. employees were working exclusively from home .
Less stress in the car ... more at home It is that sudden jump that makes 2020 potentially pivotal .
Evidence is piling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going back , because the new normal has attractions for both .
Many workers like not having to drive to an office every day , saving them , on average , just under an hour each day in commuting time , according to the U.S. Census Bureau .
Two-thirds of U.S. workers surveyed in July told tax-and-audit firm KPMG that they wanted to work from home at least some of the time and reported higher satisfaction and engagement with their employer .
Some managers , meanwhile , see a bump in productivity or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office space .
As early as April , a survey by research and advisory firm Gartner found that three-fourths of chief financial officers expected to make at least some of their employees full-time remote .
In July , the Partnership for New York City found that some 1 in 4 financial and professional services companies planned to reduce their office space by at least 20 % .
But remote workers also report they ’ re working longer hours and have more stress .
The same KPMG survey that found workers want to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them said the demands of work had gone up .
Just under half said their mental health had declined .
“ You feel like you ’ re digging a hole that you will never be able to get out of , ” says Heather Williams , a senior policy researcher at RAND Corp. and mother to a 3-year-old daughter who didn ’ t attend preschool this summer .
“ What people didn ’ t understand is that I have few uninterrupted blocks of time in my day – the blocks of time that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think.
” So when a manager scheduled an online meeting just to check in with everyone , that represented a major commitment of precious time , she adds .
Women bear the biggest burden of the new work-at-home paradigm .
For all the talk about gender equality in housework and child care , the research still shows women responsible for the bulk of it , says Bobbi Thomason , assistant professor of applied behavioral science at Pepperdine University ’ s business school in Malibu , California .
A study published in March found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wives were spending nearly twice as many hours on child care as their husbands .
With many school districts now going to hybrid or all-virtual classes this fall , the added chore of supervising children ’ s education at home is stretching many mothers to the limit .
Professor Thomason sees it in the decline of submissions to academic journals by female professors .
Ms. Williams sees it in the shift to part-time status by many top-performing female colleagues .
( The two co-wrote a Harvard Business Review article in April on what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic . )
Traditionally , the move to part-time work holds back careers .
The burden is especially difficult for minority women , Professor Thomason adds .
“ Black women are more likely to be the breadwinner in their homes and more likely than white women to be the head of households.
” The strains on families extend to the millions of workers who must be on-site to do their job – from firefighters to factory workers – and who are tapping grandparents or other helpers to monitor stuck-at-home children .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ horde of teleworkers who , in the coming months and beyond , could be crucial in setting the tone for the era and pushing it toward a more integrated and satisfying life rather than a 24/7 working dystopia .
“ For managers who have been reared in an environment where they ’ ve been able to see people , to ensure that people are at their tasks , it ’ s a whole new world , ” says Stew Friedman , author of the 2008 book “ Total Leadership ” and an organizational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Wharton School .
It ’ s new for families , too .
“ The home is no longer just a place to do all those things with your family .
It ’ s also a place where you work and supervise your children ’ s education .
That requires that people who are living together develop new models about how to communicate with each other in terms of what they need to do.
” Will families figure it out ?
Will companies and managers address the new challenges for their homebound workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offering resources for the home office , and perhaps most importantly , giving extra time off for their stressed employees ?
Or will they stick to traditional office norms while at the same time forcing workers to work from home full time ?
“ If it plays out the way most social developments play out , the best parts of working from home – those privileges – will be laid out for workers who are elite workers , ” says Professor Snyder of Williams .
“ And less appealing types of remote work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are struggling economically.
” “ When most people talk about inequality , they talk about inequality of wealth , ” said Mr. Trumka of the AFL-CIO labor federation Thursday .
( It was the first Monitor breakfast ever conducted through Zoom . )
“ But there are two other inequalities that they don ’ t talk about that are equally important .
One is inequality of opportunity and we ’ re beginning to talk about that now with structural racism .
...
But the one that we don ’ t talk about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Corporations are too strong and they get stronger all the time .
... You can never correct inequality of wealth or inequality of opportunity until you correct inequality of power.
” Organized labor can readjust power at the negotiating table , although it ’ s not clear how well unions , which typically represent on-site workers , can organize the work-at-home force , even if it does become disgruntled .
“ Compassion is what seems to me is what ’ s needed more than anything , ” says Professor Friedman of Wharton .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ work is all about : how you can make change happen that ’ s good for you and the people around you .
That requires that you see the world through their eyes.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our pandemic coverage is free .
No paywall .

“It’s too early to tell how that will evolve,” says management expert Jeff Greenhaus. But “people are going to look back in history at 2020 and it is going to be a watershed moment of how work and family are structured.”
Women, who do the bulk of housework and child care, are bearing the brunt of the new work-at-home paradigm. Will families figure out new ways of integrating work and family? Will companies help their workers adapt – or force them to work longer hours?
The pandemic prompted a massive shift toward working from home – and early indicators suggest the trend will persist beyond the pandemic. The result is a blend of at-home activities that could redefine work-life balance.
Before the pandemic, about 15% of employees worked at least part of the week from home; by April, half were working full time there. That jump makes 2020 potentially pivotal. Many employees are happy to ditch the daily commute, and many companies are looking at paring back office space. That means homes will become family and work centers, where families juggle multiple responsibilities and work-life balance faces new challenges.
The work-from-home phenomenon has been on the rise since at least the 1970s, when a NASA engineer coined the term “telecommuting.” But this year, it’s taken a huge leap.
This summer, in preparation for an important Zoom teleconference meeting, Ben Snyder put his toddler down early for a nap, hoping he’d sleep through the event. He didn’t.
Instead, five minutes into it, his son burst into the room, asking, “Daddy, what are you doing?”
“It was embarrassing,” says the sociology professor at Williams College, who is working from home for the first time. But “everyone at this point is, ‘Oh yeah, we know what it is.’”
Why We Wrote This The pandemic prompted a massive shift toward working from home – and early indicators suggest the trend will persist beyond the pandemic. The result is a blend of at-home activities that could redefine work-life balance.
It’s a scene that’s been repeated over and over in the spring and summer of coronavirus. Homes once empty during the workday as two-earner families dropped off their children to school or preschool are suddenly bursting with activity as families juggle multiple responsibilities, from inboxes to remote learning. And any semblance of work-life balance has flown out the window.
On the eve of Labor Day weekend, specialists like Professor Snyder who study the evolution of work have a message for Americans: Adapt, because the challenge won’t end with the pandemic. The United States appears to be at one of those tipping points where the old ways of dividing work and family, office time and leisure, are giving way to a new and uncertain era.
“It’s too early to tell how that will evolve,” says Jeff Greenhaus, professor emeritus of management at Drexel University in Philadelphia. But “people are going to look back in history at 2020 and it is going to be a watershed moment of how work and family are structured.”
The stress on family life has flared into public discussion everywhere from parent groups to labor unions. In response to a question at a Monitor-hosted breakfast with reporters this week, AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka called for “better child care options for people that work ... and a different flexibility in the workplace.”
Of course, the work-from-home phenomenon is hardly new, stretching back to pre-civilization humans who planted crops outside their dwellings. In its latest incarnation, as a backlash to the modern office, it’s been on the rise since at least the 1970s, when a NASA engineer coined the term “telecommuting” to describe his remote work. Before the pandemic, an estimated 15% of employees were working from home part of or all the time. By April, according to one study, just under half of U.S. employees were working exclusively from home.
Less stress in the car ... more at home
It is that sudden jump that makes 2020 potentially pivotal. Evidence is piling up that employees and companies are not going back, because the new normal has attractions for both.
Many workers like not having to drive to an office every day, saving them, on average, just under an hour each day in commuting time, according to the U.S. Census Bureau. Two-thirds of U.S. workers surveyed in July told tax-and-audit firm KPMG that they wanted to work from home at least some of the time and reported higher satisfaction and engagement with their employer. Some managers, meanwhile, see a bump in productivity or the opportunity to cut costs by reducing office space.
Michael Bonfigli /The Christian Science Monitor/File View caption Hide caption AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka speaks to reporters at a Monitor breakfast in Washington on Aug. 1, 2018. In a virtual breakfast held this week, just before Labor Day weekend, he said an "inequality of power" between workers and employers needs to be addressed.
As early as April, a survey by research and advisory firm Gartner found that three-fourths of chief financial officers expected to make at least some of their employees full-time remote. In July, the Partnership for New York City found that some 1 in 4 financial and professional services companies planned to reduce their office space by at least 20%.
But remote workers also report they’re working longer hours and have more stress. The same KPMG survey that found workers want to work from home also found that three-quarters of them said the demands of work had gone up. Just under half said their mental health had declined.
“You feel like you’re digging a hole that you will never be able to get out of,” says Heather Williams, a senior policy researcher at RAND Corp. and mother to a 3-year-old daughter who didn’t attend preschool this summer. “What people didn’t understand is that I have few uninterrupted blocks of time in my day – the blocks of time that I might need to be able to think.” So when a manager scheduled an online meeting just to check in with everyone, that represented a major commitment of precious time, she adds.
Women shouldering the load
Women bear the biggest burden of the new work-at-home paradigm. For all the talk about gender equality in housework and child care, the research still shows women responsible for the bulk of it, says Bobbi Thomason, assistant professor of applied behavioral science at Pepperdine University’s business school in Malibu, California. A study published in March found that, prior to the pandemic, wives were spending nearly twice as many hours on child care as their husbands. With many school districts now going to hybrid or all-virtual classes this fall, the added chore of supervising children’s education at home is stretching many mothers to the limit.
Professor Thomason sees it in the decline of submissions to academic journals by female professors. Ms. Williams sees it in the shift to part-time status by many top-performing female colleagues. (The two co-wrote a Harvard Business Review article in April on what the work-life balance would look like after the pandemic.) Traditionally, the move to part-time work holds back careers.
The burden is especially difficult for minority women, Professor Thomason adds. “Black women are more likely to be the breadwinner in their homes and more likely than white women to be the head of households.”
The strains on families extend to the millions of workers who must be on-site to do their job – from firefighters to factory workers – and who are tapping grandparents or other helpers to monitor stuck-at-home children.
But experts say it’s the new horde of teleworkers who, in the coming months and beyond, could be crucial in setting the tone for the era and pushing it toward a more integrated and satisfying life rather than a 24/7 working dystopia.
“For managers who have been reared in an environment where they’ve been able to see people, to ensure that people are at their tasks, it’s a whole new world,” says Stew Friedman, author of the 2008 book “Total Leadership” and an organizational psychologist at the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School. It’s new for families, too. “The home is no longer just a place to do all those things with your family. It’s also a place where you work and supervise your children’s education. That requires that people who are living together develop new models about how to communicate with each other in terms of what they need to do.”
Workers on unequal footing with employers?
Will families figure it out? Will companies and managers address the new challenges for their homebound workers, allowing flextime during the day, offering resources for the home office, and perhaps most importantly, giving extra time off for their stressed employees? Or will they stick to traditional office norms while at the same time forcing workers to work from home full time?
“If it plays out the way most social developments play out, the best parts of working from home – those privileges – will be laid out for workers who are elite workers,” says Professor Snyder of Williams. “And less appealing types of remote work will be likely to land on those who are struggling economically.”
“When most people talk about inequality, they talk about inequality of wealth,” said Mr. Trumka of the AFL-CIO labor federation Thursday. (It was the first Monitor breakfast ever conducted through Zoom.) “But there are two other inequalities that they don’t talk about that are equally important. One is inequality of opportunity and we’re beginning to talk about that now with structural racism. ... But the one that we don’t talk about so much is inequality of power. Corporations are too strong and they get stronger all the time. ... You can never correct inequality of wealth or inequality of opportunity until you correct inequality of power.”
Organized labor can readjust power at the negotiating table, although it’s not clear how well unions, which typically represent on-site workers, can organize the work-at-home force, even if it does become disgruntled.
“Compassion is what seems to me is what’s needed more than anything,” says Professor Friedman of Wharton. “That’s what 'Total Leadership' is all about: how you can make change happen that’s good for you and the people around you. That requires that you see the world through their eyes.” [Editor's note: The quote was changed to make direct reference to Mr. Friedman's book.]
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our pandemic coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-09-04--Even without Mushu, Disney ups remake game with ‘Mulan’

After months in limbo , the live-action “ Mulan ” claims its place as the best Disney remake to date .
With so much riding on its success , “ Mulan ” dared to be different , honoring not one but two source materials – the beloved 1998 animated film and the Chinese folk song “ Ballad of Mulan ” – and creating an entertaining movie that stands on its own .
The story will be familiar to fans : When her weakened father , Hua Zhou ( played by Tzi Ma ) , is called to serve in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) disguises herself as a man and joins the imperial army in his place .
If discovered , she faces the death penalty .
She steals his armor and sword , which in this telling has three words inscribed on the blade : loyal , brave , and true .
This becomes the film ’ s guiding mantra , as Mulan tries to embody these values in a society that makes no room for a female warrior .
The film is a visual masterpiece .
Shot in New Zealand , it is full @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to finish .
Every costume , set , and even prop is beautifully crafted , transporting viewers into a highly saturated version of sixth-century China .
In battle , canons and sword fights play second fiddle to beautifully choreographed martial arts .
Characters run sideways along walls , flip head-over-heals on horseback , and dodge arrows a la “ The Matrix , ” with all the dramatic , slow-motion shots you ’ d expect from a classic martial arts movie .
It ’ s thrilling to watch , and an impressive accomplishment for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shot-for-shot fidelity to the animated classic will inevitably disappoint some viewers .
There is no Mushu , Shang , or sassy grandma .
A training montage scored by an instrumental version of “ Reflection , ” the hit song from the original film , is an ultimately underwhelming nod to the 90s movie .
But that ’ s OK – unlike her animated counterpart , this Mulan is already a skilled fighter , a natural master of chi , the energy connecting all living things .
It ’ s a quality that is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The most rewarding change is the villains ; instead of the one-dimensional Huns , this movie sticks to the original legend by centering on a vengeful nomadic group known as the Rourans .
The Rourans are assisted by enslaved witch Xian Lang , played brilliantly by Gong Li .
In a parallel to Mulan ’ s chi , Xian Lang ’ s gifts are feared by men .
Like a sheep in wolf ’ s clothing , Xian Lang is an interesting mix of enemy and ally .
When she and Mulan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sees right through Mulan ’ s disguise .
“ Your deceit weakens you , ” she tells her , which inspires Mulan to reveal her identity , helping chip away at that question about loyalty , bravery , and truth .
Still , the film is far from perfect .
A couple of the fight scenes felt hastily cut , attempts at humor rarely land , and , strangely , I don ’ t recall a single drop of blood in the entire movie .
Most distracting for me was the ham-handed bird @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multicolored , computer-generated phoenix that acts as a sort of spirit guide , frequently swooping in and yanking attention away from the breathtaking cinematography .
Xian Lang also transforms herself into a hawk or flock of crows often .
All together , these effects felt a bit overdone .
The opposite is true for the lead actress .
While her co-stars were busy emoting , Liu kept Mulan ’ s face too restrained .
There ’ s nothing wrong with taking a subtle route , but with every other element of this film @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was jarring to have the main character maintain such a neutral facade .
Ultimately , the most moving scenes revolve around family , particularly those between Mulan and her father .
This movie takes time to develop their relationship , offering viewers insight into the pain of raising a child in a world that simply is not built for her .
As the narrator , Hua Zhou puts these family relationships front and center , securing the movie ’ s status as a timeless retelling of the female warrior folktale .
And his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Mulan ” fans and new viewers alike : “ There have been many tales of the great warrior Mulan .
...
This one is mine.
” “ Mulan ” is available for streaming on Disney+ .

After months in limbo, the live-action “Mulan” claims its place as the best Disney remake to date. With so much riding on its success, “Mulan” dared to be different, honoring not one but two source materials – the beloved 1998 animated film and the Chinese folk song “Ballad of Mulan” – and creating an entertaining movie that stands on its own.
The story will be familiar to fans: When her weakened father, Hua Zhou (played by Tzi Ma), is called to serve in a second war, Mulan (Liu Yifei) disguises herself as a man and joins the imperial army in his place. If discovered, she faces the death penalty. She steals his armor and sword, which in this telling has three words inscribed on the blade: loyal, brave, and true. This becomes the film’s guiding mantra, as Mulan tries to embody these values in a society that makes no room for a female warrior.
The film is a visual masterpiece. Shot in New Zealand, it is full of rich colors and textures from start to finish. Every costume, set, and even prop is beautifully crafted, transporting viewers into a highly saturated version of sixth-century China. In battle, cannons and sword fights play second fiddle to beautifully choreographed martial arts. Characters run sideways along walls, flip head-over-heals on horseback, and dodge arrows à la “The Matrix,” with all the dramatic, slow-motion shots you’d expect from a classic martial arts movie. It’s thrilling to watch, and an impressive accomplishment for director Niki Caro.
Why We Wrote This In 1998, the animated film “Mulan” offered a generation of young girls a new kind of role model, one who defied gender norms and expectations. Disney’s live-action remake stumbles in spots but holds true to that legacy of empowerment.
The lack of shot-for-shot fidelity to the animated classic will inevitably disappoint some viewers. There is no Mushu, Shang, or sassy grandma. A training montage scored by an instrumental version of “Reflection,” the hit song from the original film, is an ultimately underwhelming nod to the 90s movie. But that’s OK – unlike her animated counterpart, this Mulan is already a skilled fighter, a natural master of chi, the energy connecting all living things. It’s a quality that is demonized in women and celebrated in men.
The most rewarding change is the villains; instead of the one-dimensional Huns, this movie sticks to the original legend by centering on a vengeful nomadic group known as the Rourans. The Rourans are assisted by enslaved witch Xian Lang, played brilliantly by Gong Li. In a parallel to Mulan’s chi, Xian Lang’s gifts are feared by men.
Like a sheep in wolf’s clothing, Xian Lang is an interesting mix of enemy and ally. When she and Mulan first meet on the battlefield, she sees right through Mulan’s disguise. “Your deceit weakens you,” she tells her, which inspires Mulan to reveal her identity, helping chip away at that question about loyalty, bravery, and truth.
Still, the film is far from perfect. A couple of the fight scenes felt hastily cut, attempts at humor rarely land, and, strangely, I don’t recall a single drop of blood in the entire movie. Most distracting for me was the ham-handed bird imagery. Mulan is followed by a multicolored, computer-generated phoenix that acts as a sort of spirit guide, frequently swooping in and yanking attention away from the breathtaking cinematography. Xian Lang also transforms herself into a hawk or flock of crows often. All together, these effects felt a bit overdone.
The opposite is true for the lead actress. While her co-stars were busy emoting, Liu kept Mulan’s face too restrained. There’s nothing wrong with taking a subtle route, but with every other element of this film being so over the top, it was jarring to have the main character maintain such a neutral facade.
Ultimately, the most moving scenes revolve around family, particularly those between Mulan and her father. This movie takes time to develop their relationship, offering viewers insight into the pain of raising a child in a world that simply is not built for her. As the narrator, Hua Zhou puts these family relationships front and center, securing the movie’s status as a timeless retelling of the female warrior folktale.
And his opening words are a good reminder for “Mulan” fans and new viewers alike: “There have been many tales of the great warrior Mulan. ... This one is mine.”
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“Mulan” is available for streaming on Disney+.
Editor's note: While reportedly much of "Mulan" was shot in New Zealand, in its opening weekend, filmmakers revealed that some research was done in Xinjiang in China, and authorities in the region were also thanked in the credits. That is controversial because of human rights concerns about the treatment of the Uyghur population there. Claims that the movie was filmed in the region have followed. Disney had not commented as of Sept. 9.


csmonitor--2020-09-04--Why Pennsylvania is ground zero for mail-in voting debate

“ We were learning on the fly from February to June , ” says Jeff Greenburg , the director of elections in Mercer County until August , when he stepped down to work for The National Vote at Home Institute .
“ I really think Pennsylvania is in a better position now .
... We have a much better chance of succeeding because we now know what to do.
” No one wants to be the Florida of 2020 – with the country waiting on one state for weeks to learn the results of a contested presidential election .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and organizations are doing their best to ensure that their state escapes that fate .
They ’ re working around the clock for a fair , safe , and secure election – with clear and prompt results .
As states race to prepare for a high-stakes presidential election amid a pandemic , Pennsylvania is coming under particular scrutiny .
Leading up to this year ’ s June primary , the state enacted its most sweeping electoral legislation in 80 years and overhauled voting systems in all 67 counties .
Then the pandemic hit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots .
It took two weeks to certify all the races and more than 37,000 absentee ballots were rejected – not far off from the 44,292 votes by which Donald Trump won the state in 2016 .
The phone is ringing nonstop in Pennsylvania ’ s Lycoming County .
“ Why did my wife , who died in 2011 , get an application for an absentee ballot with her name and address already filled in ?
” It ’ s the last category that drives county election director Forrest Lehman and his staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an apparent bid to boost voter participation , are sending out a tsunami of pre-filled ballot applications based on voter data that is years out of date .
And they have Mr. Lehman ’ s name on the return label .
“ Their first reaction is to call us and ask , ‘ What kind of Mickey Mouse operation are you running ?
’ ” he says , comparing it to a denial of service attack , which disables a website by flooding it with traffic .
“ We can ’ t get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just piling up while we answer questions.
” Across the country , as states are racing to prepare for holding a high-stakes presidential election amid a pandemic , swing states are coming under particular scrutiny .
The tighter the race , the more possible it is that the election could be tipped by a relatively small number of voters who are unable to vote or whose ballots are delayed or disqualified .
With a disproportionate number of mailed votes coming from Democrats and studies showing that minority voters experience higher rates of disqualification @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race to the Republicans .
Even among the swing states for whom widespread voting by mail is uncharted territory , Pennsylvania stands out .
Leading up to this year ’ s June primary , the state enacted its most sweeping legislation on election administration in 80 years and overhauled voting systems in all 67 counties .
Then the pandemic hit , driving a 17-fold increase in mail-in ballots , overwhelming local election officials .
It took two weeks to certify all the races and more than 37,000 absentee ballots were rejected – not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which Donald Trump won the state in 2016 , propelling him to the White House .
New polls show Mr. Biden ’ s lead shrinking to less than the margin of error , indicating a statistical tie with two months to go .
No one wants to be the Florida of 2020 – the one state that the country is waiting on for weeks to determine the results of a contested presidential election .
In Pennsylvania , a wide array of officials from local election directors like Mr. Lehman up to Democratic state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar and the Republican-led legislature are working around the clock to ensure that Pennsylvania ’ s vote is fair , safe , and secure – with clear and prompt results .
While Pennsylvania ’ s June primary raised concerns about the state ’ s ability to handle a greater influx of mailed ballots , some say it may in fact have helped build the state ’ s electoral muscles for a heavier lift this fall .
“ We were learning on the fly from February to June , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections in Mercer County until August , when he stepped down to work for The National Vote at Home Institute .
“ I really think Pennsylvania is in a better position now .
... To me we have a much better chance of succeeding because we now know what to do.
” Pennsylvania was the first state to extend absentee voting to soldiers , before the deployment of thousands of troops to the Civil War caused other states to follow suit during the 1864 presidential election .
Last fall , the state expanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act 77 , which introduced “ no-excuse ” absentee voting , created a 50-day window for voting by mail , and extended the deadline for registering and submitting one ’ s ballot .
When the pandemic hit , the state was better prepared to accommodate voters concerned about voting in person .
But it also accelerated implementation , taxing election staff and raising concerns about everything from denying people the opportunity to vote to diluting legitimate votes through uneven interpretation of election laws and policies among the counties .
The challenge is how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the safety of voters and the security of the voting process , and there are partisan differences over how to strike the right balance .
Following Pennsylvania ’ s primary , the Trump campaign and Republican National Committee ( RNC ) launched a lawsuit demanding a uniform interpretation of the state ’ s election code to guard against abuse and fraud , including through unattended ballot drop boxes that were used in more than a dozen counties .
“ Our right to vote is one of the most important , if not the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Republican Rep .
Guy Reschenthaler , a plaintiff in the case who served with the Navy in Iraq and says he was proud to fight to protect the right of everyone to vote , regardless of political leaning .
In an emailed response to questions , he says a consistent application of the law is the key to ensuring a fair and equal election .
“ Treating certain areas of the commonwealth differently is an inherent risk to the integrity of our important tradition of making sure every vote counts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Many Democrats are also worried about every vote counting , particularly when it comes to minority voters .
A lawsuit brought by the League of Women Voters demands that Pennsylvania establish a standardized procedure for verifying voter signatures and to join 17 other states that allow voters whose mailed ballots are invalidated for mismatched signatures to be notified and given a chance to “ cure ” their ballots by verifying their identity .
The case notes that county staff untrained in handwriting analysis are often the ones to throw out ballots based on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affect voters who are disabled , elderly , or less educated .
The suit cites a study that found that laypeople misidentify genuine signatures as inauthentic 26 % of the time .
Another issue that disproportionately affected minority voters in Pennsylvania ’ s primary was the consolidation of polling places , driven in part by polling worker shortages during the pandemic .
The two most populous counties – Philadelphia and Allegheny , which includes Pittsburgh – downsized from 2,100 polling stations to fewer than 500 , leading to long lines .
African Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s population and nearly a quarter of Pittsburgh ’ s .
“ I think absolutely this is intentional , ” says Celina Stewart , senior director of advocacy and litigation for the League of Women Voters .
“ It ’ s a voter suppression tactic.
” “ Voter suppression hasn ’ t gone away , ” she adds .
“ Voter suppression just changes its face based on what ’ s going on.
” Esther Bush , president and CEO of the Urban League of Greater Pittsburgh , which is also party to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cites many previous hurdles Black voters have had to overcome – including election officials in the South asking Black voters to guess the number of jellybeans in a jar , and only allowing them to vote if they guessed correctly .
Now , amid national protests over racial injustice , a pandemic that has disproportionately affected Black communities , and an unusual election season that has stirred concerns about Black voters ’ voices being heard , someone asked Ms. Bush recently , “ What else can Black people take ?
What else is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ And I said , if you look at our history , we have handled and managed all of the unfairness that has been put on our shoulders , ” says Ms. Bush , whose organization is working with partners to get out the vote in Pittsburgh .
“ We will get through this as well.
” One option to support Black voters and others looking to avoid long lines , close contact , or mail delays is installing secure ballot drop boxes , which are bolted to the ground and routinely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ... make voting as accessible as possible , ” including by using drop boxes , Ms. Boockvar , Pennsylvania 's secretary of state , said in an interview .
“ Do I have the authority to mandate that ?
I don ’ t at this time.
” So it ’ s up to each county to decide whether to use them , how many to deploy , where to place them , and how to monitor them and establish a chain of custody .
Amber McReynolds , CEO for The National Vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of elections for Denver , says the best practice is to have a bipartisan team that ’ s specifically trained on emptying the boxes and does so on a regular schedule , putting the ballots into sealed boxes and maintaining a chain of custody .
Erie County was one of more than a dozen Pennsylvania counties to utilize the drop box option , installing one at the courthouse where there was lighting and 24-hour surveillance .
Chief Clerk Doug Smith says the county was expecting about 8,000 people to vote absentee .
Instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and about 5,000 ballots came via that single drop box .
Now the use of drop boxes is up in the air due to the Trump lawsuit , which has been suspended until early October pending related litigation on the state level .
The state ’ s election code requires that each voter deliver his or her own ballot , and the Trump lawsuit argues that unattended drop boxes contravene that provision , since it ’ s impossible to verify who dropped off the ballots .
Local election officials also worry that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ballots damaged – an irretrievable loss even if the boxes are under constant surveillance and the culprit is identified .
As for concerns about fraud , the number of proven instances remains extremely small and the plaintiffs in the Trump lawsuit were not able to produce any examples from this year ’ s primary when asked by the federal judge overseeing the case .
However , the suit cited examples from the past , including a 1993 special election in Philadelphia that was closely scrutinized because it determined which party would control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found “ massive absentee ballot fraud , deception , intimidation , harassment and forgery ” on the part of the victorious Democratic candidate , who was forced to relinquish his seat to his Republican opponent .
According to a front-page article in The New York Times , two of the three members of the Board of Elections – both Democrats – “ testified that they were aware of the voter fraud , had intentionally failed to enforce the election law and had later tried to conceal their activities by hurriedly certifying the Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ RNC and Trump campaign continue our fight to protect ballot security and reduce chances for fraud and administrative chaos in November by ensuring campaigns can fairly monitor the casting , collecting and counting of votes , ” says Mandi Merritt , national press secretary for the Republican National Committee , in an email .
“ All voters , regardless of political stripes , deserve to have confidence in their elections system and this lawsuit seeks to restore that integrity.
” Democrats accuse Mr. Trump of making unsubstantiated claims about the potential for widespread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the election , and prepare the ground for contesting the results if he doesn ’ t win .
“ The Biden campaign will fight for every Pennsylvanian to make their voice heard this fall , and we ’ re making sure voters know all of their options to vote : whether it ’ s by dropping their ballot off at a secure dropbox , voting by mail , or safely in-person , ” says Michael Feldman , Pennsylvania communications director for the Biden campaign , in an email to the Monitor .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the greatest challenge leading up to November is the misinformation and disinformation around the voting process .
To that end , Pennsylvania has just started a postcard campaign , informing registered voters of their right to vote by mail or in person and pointing them to VotesPA.com , the official hub for election information .
In addition , a state interagency group that includes everyone from the police to the inspector general to the Department of State is working to combat false information on social media , and ensure that counties have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well .
Similar initiatives are in place in the cybersecurity domain .
“ One of the reasons why I ’ m really proud and confident in Pennsylvania ’ s election security and preparedness for the November election is because of the strength of those collaborations , ” says Secretary Boockvar .
In the June primary , 1.5 million Pennsylvanians cast their ballot by mail and it took two weeks to certify all the elections .
In at least one race , the apparent winner on election night ended up losing .
Some are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential election .
With far more Democrats planning to vote by mail than Republicans – 52 % compared to 10 % , according to a Franklin & Marshall College poll – that could create a “ blue shift ” after polls close and mailed ballots are counted .
“ In a primary , in a [ state government ] office , it ’ s an inconvenience – it ’ s not the end of the world , ” says Dave Reed , former Republican majority leader in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cross-partisan coalition working to ensure a safe and secure election .
“ When you ’ re talking about who ’ s going to be the next president of the United States , we have to be thorough and prompt.
” Secretary Boockvar says she ’ s expecting about 3 million people to vote by mail in November .
A new bill put forward by the GOP-led state Senate incorporates a number of recommendations her office made in an August report on the primary , one of which would be to facilitate quicker results @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opening mailed ballots and preparing them for scanning prior to Election Day .
Current state law prohibits doing so before 7 a.m. on Election Day .
The bill would also allow voters to request ballots earlier and “ cure ” their ballots in case of a signature mismatch – a practice used in 17 other states by which voters whose ballots were invalidated are notified and given a chance to verify their authenticity .
“ The overwhelming and the overriding goal with this [ bill ] is to ensure security of the elections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure that we get timely results on election day or shortly after election day – that we ’ re not looking for weeks afterwards to know what the final results will be , ” says Crystal Clark , general counsel to the Senate Republican caucus .
Such changes would ease the Election Day crunch , but it creates uncertainty right now for local election officials , by holding up the printing of ballots , poll worker training manuals , and other delays .
“ We certainly recognize that there is an urgency with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate Bill 10 , ” says Ms. Clark .
The Senate is scheduled to reconvene on Sept. 8 and Mr. Reed , the former Republican majority leader , says the bill could be wrapped up within a week if the parties stick to key needs .
He ’ s reasonably optimistic Pennsylvania will manage to pull off the election without any major hitches .
After all , it ’ s more of a 20th-century upgrade than a digital revolution , he says .
“ This is not text-your-vote-in , this is not Snapchat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system , ” he says .
But perhaps beyond the legal and logistical challenges is a deeper issue of trust – in the system itself , the people administering it , and even of fellow voters .
“ The challenge is going to be making sure that we as a people – we have to understand and believe that we have a greater purpose than just ourselves , and that we have to do everything we can to exuberate love and concern for our fellow human beings , ” says Kenneth Huston , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also serves as a pastor .
“ Somewhere along the lines we ’ re losing that .
And what ’ s very troubling to me is that people who live in communities in the rural areas , I don ’ t want them to think that because I ’ m a Black civil rights leader , I don ’ t care about them , because I do.
” In more than a dozen interviews for this piece , a wide range of people across the political spectrum emphasized a common desire for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people most well-equipped to ensure that , argues Mr. Lehman of Lycoming County , are the dedicated local election officials across the state .
“ They ’ re probably the best asset this state has to maintain the integrity of election , ” he says .
“ It ’ s not the election code or the 1s and 0s in the software , it ’ s having people of integrity in the positions that matter .
That ’ s how you protect this process .
”

There’s a lot of fear swirling around Election Day and what could go wrong, especially in states that are expected to have a small margin of victory. But look a little closer and there’s a wide range of people working to avert disaster.
“We were learning on the fly from February to June,” says Jeff Greenburg, the director of elections in Mercer County until August, when he stepped down to work for The National Vote at Home Institute. “I really think Pennsylvania is in a better position now. ... We have a much better chance of succeeding because we now know what to do.”
No one wants to be the Florida of 2020 – with the country waiting on one state for weeks to learn the results of a contested presidential election. In Pennsylvania, a wide array of officials and organizations are doing their best to ensure that their state escapes that fate. They’re working around the clock for a fair, safe, and secure election – with clear and prompt results.
As states race to prepare for a high-stakes presidential election amid a pandemic, Pennsylvania is coming under particular scrutiny. Leading up to this year’s June primary, the state enacted its most sweeping electoral legislation in 80 years and overhauled voting systems in all 67 counties. Then the pandemic hit, driving a 17-fold increase in mail-in ballots. It took two weeks to certify all the races and more than 37,000 absentee ballots were rejected – not far off from the 44,292 votes by which Donald Trump won the state in 2016.
The phone is ringing nonstop in Pennsylvania’s Lycoming County.
“Did the November election get delayed?”
“Can I still vote by mail?”
Why We Wrote This There’s a lot of fear swirling around Election Day and what could go wrong, especially in states that are expected to have a small margin of victory. But look a little closer and there’s a wide range of people working to avert disaster.
“Why did my wife, who died in 2011, get an application for an absentee ballot with her name and address already filled in?”
It’s the last category that drives county election director Forrest Lehman and his staff especially batty. Various groups, in an apparent bid to boost voter participation, are sending out a tsunami of pre-filled ballot applications based on voter data that is years out of date. And they have Mr. Lehman’s name on the return label.
“Their first reaction is to call us and ask, ‘What kind of Mickey Mouse operation are you running?’” he says, comparing it to a denial of service attack, which disables a website by flooding it with traffic. “We can’t get anything else done. ... Applications are just piling up while we answer questions.”
Across the country, as states are racing to prepare for holding a high-stakes presidential election amid a pandemic, swing states are coming under particular scrutiny. The tighter the race, the more possible it is that the election could be tipped by a relatively small number of voters who are unable to vote or whose ballots are delayed or disqualified. With a disproportionate number of mailed votes coming from Democrats and studies showing that minority voters experience higher rates of disqualification, such rejections could tip the presidential race to the Republicans.
Even among the swing states for whom widespread voting by mail is uncharted territory, Pennsylvania stands out. Leading up to this year’s June primary, the state enacted its most sweeping legislation on election administration in 80 years and overhauled voting systems in all 67 counties. Then the pandemic hit, driving a 17-fold increase in mail-in ballots, overwhelming local election officials. It took two weeks to certify all the races and more than 37,000 absentee ballots were rejected – not far off from the 44,292 votes by which Donald Trump won the state in 2016, propelling him to the White House. New polls show Mr. Biden’s lead shrinking to less than the margin of error, indicating a statistical tie with two months to go.
No one wants to be the Florida of 2020 – the one state that the country is waiting on for weeks to determine the results of a contested presidential election. In Pennsylvania, a wide array of officials from local election directors like Mr. Lehman up to Democratic state executives like Gov. Tom Wolf and Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar and the Republican-led legislature are working around the clock to ensure that Pennsylvania’s vote is fair, safe, and secure – with clear and prompt results.
While Pennsylvania’s June primary raised concerns about the state’s ability to handle a greater influx of mailed ballots, some say it may in fact have helped build the state’s electoral muscles for a heavier lift this fall.
“We were learning on the fly from February to June,” says Jeff Greenburg, the director of elections in Mercer County until August, when he stepped down to work for The National Vote at Home Institute. “I really think Pennsylvania is in a better position now. ... To me we have a much better chance of succeeding because we now know what to do.”
Alexandra Wimley/Pittsburgh Post-Gazette/AP View caption Hide caption Supporters cheer outside of Mill 19 on the Hazelwood Greenway, where Democratic presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden was speaking inside the building to a small group, Monday, Aug. 31, 2020, in Hazelwood, Pennsylvania.
Maximizing voter access while ensuring a secure vote
Pennsylvania was the first state to extend absentee voting to soldiers, before the deployment of thousands of troops to the Civil War caused other states to follow suit during the 1864 presidential election. Last fall, the state expanded the opportunity for voting by mail through Act 77, which introduced “no-excuse” absentee voting, created a 50-day window for voting by mail, and extended the deadline for registering and submitting one’s ballot.
When the pandemic hit, the state was better prepared to accommodate voters concerned about voting in person. But it also accelerated implementation, taxing election staff and raising concerns about everything from denying people the opportunity to vote to diluting legitimate votes through uneven interpretation of election laws and policies among the counties. The challenge is how best to maximize voter access while ensuring the safety of voters and the security of the voting process, and there are partisan differences over how to strike the right balance.
Following Pennsylvania’s primary, the Trump campaign and Republican National Committee (RNC) launched a lawsuit demanding a uniform interpretation of the state’s election code to guard against abuse and fraud, including through unattended ballot drop boxes that were used in more than a dozen counties.
“Our right to vote is one of the most important, if not the most important, right bestowed upon us,” says Republican Rep. Guy Reschenthaler, a plaintiff in the case who served with the Navy in Iraq and says he was proud to fight to protect the right of everyone to vote, regardless of political leaning. In an emailed response to questions, he says a consistent application of the law is the key to ensuring a fair and equal election. “Treating certain areas of the commonwealth differently is an inherent risk to the integrity of our important tradition of making sure every vote counts, and every vote counts equally.”
Many Democrats are also worried about every vote counting, particularly when it comes to minority voters. A lawsuit brought by the League of Women Voters demands that Pennsylvania establish a standardized procedure for verifying voter signatures and to join 17 other states that allow voters whose mailed ballots are invalidated for mismatched signatures to be notified and given a chance to “cure” their ballots by verifying their identity.
The case notes that county staff untrained in handwriting analysis are often the ones to throw out ballots based on a signature mismatch, which can disproportionately affect voters who are disabled, elderly, or less educated. The suit cites a study that found that laypeople misidentify genuine signatures as inauthentic 26% of the time.
Another issue that disproportionately affected minority voters in Pennsylvania’s primary was the consolidation of polling places, driven in part by polling worker shortages during the pandemic. The two most populous counties – Philadelphia and Allegheny, which includes Pittsburgh – downsized from 2,100 polling stations to fewer than 500, leading to long lines. African Americans make up nearly half of Philadelphia’s population and nearly a quarter of Pittsburgh’s.
“I think absolutely this is intentional,” says Celina Stewart, senior director of advocacy and litigation for the League of Women Voters. “It’s a voter suppression tactic.”
“Voter suppression hasn’t gone away,” she adds. “Voter suppression just changes its face based on what’s going on.”
The drop box debate
Esther Bush, president and CEO of the Urban League of Greater Pittsburgh, which is also party to the League of Women Voters suit,
cites many previous hurdles Black voters have had to overcome – including election officials in the South asking Black voters to guess the number of jellybeans in a jar, and only allowing them to vote if they guessed correctly.
Now, amid national protests over racial injustice, a pandemic that has disproportionately affected Black communities, and an unusual election season that has stirred concerns about Black voters’ voices being heard, someone asked Ms. Bush recently, “What else can Black people take? What else is America going to put on us?”
“And I said, if you look at our history, we have handled and managed all of the unfairness that has been put on our shoulders,” says Ms. Bush, whose organization is working with partners to get out the vote in Pittsburgh. “We will get through this as well.”
One option to support Black voters and others looking to avoid long lines, close contact, or mail delays is installing secure ballot drop boxes, which are bolted to the ground and routinely emptied.
“We strongly encourage counties to ... make voting as accessible as possible,” including by using drop boxes, Ms. Boockvar, Pennsylvania's secretary of state, said in an interview. “Do I have the authority to mandate that? I don’t at this time.”
So it’s up to each county to decide whether to use them, how many to deploy, where to place them, and how to monitor them and establish a chain of custody. Amber McReynolds, CEO for The National Vote at Home Institute and the former director of elections for Denver, says the best practice is to have a bipartisan team that’s specifically trained on emptying the boxes and does so on a regular schedule, putting the ballots into sealed boxes and maintaining a chain of custody.
Erie County was one of more than a dozen Pennsylvania counties to utilize the drop box option, installing one at the courthouse where there was lighting and 24-hour surveillance. Chief Clerk Doug Smith says the county was expecting about 8,000 people to vote absentee. Instead it was more than triple that, and about 5,000 ballots came via that single drop box.
Now the use of drop boxes is up in the air due to the Trump lawsuit, which has been suspended until early October pending related litigation on the state level.
The state’s election code requires that each voter deliver his or her own ballot, and the Trump lawsuit argues that unattended drop boxes contravene that provision, since it’s impossible to verify who dropped off the ballots. Local election officials also worry that the boxes could become a political target and the ballots damaged – an irretrievable loss even if the boxes are under constant surveillance and the culprit is identified.
As for concerns about fraud, the number of proven instances remains extremely small and the plaintiffs in the Trump lawsuit were not able to produce any examples from this year’s primary when asked by the federal judge overseeing the case. However, the suit cited examples from the past, including a 1993 special election in Philadelphia that was closely scrutinized because it determined which party would control the state legislature. A federal judge found “massive absentee ballot fraud, deception, intimidation, harassment and forgery” on the part of the victorious Democratic candidate, who was forced to relinquish his seat to his Republican opponent. According to a front-page article in The New York Times, two of the three members of the Board of Elections – both Democrats – “testified that they were aware of the voter fraud, had intentionally failed to enforce the election law and had later tried to conceal their activities by hurriedly certifying the Democratic candidate as the winner.”
“The RNC and Trump campaign continue our fight to protect ballot security and reduce chances for fraud and administrative chaos in November by ensuring campaigns can fairly monitor the casting, collecting and counting of votes,” says Mandi Merritt, national press secretary for the Republican National Committee, in an email. “All voters, regardless of political stripes, deserve to have confidence in their elections system and this lawsuit seeks to restore that integrity.”
Democrats accuse Mr. Trump of making unsubstantiated claims about the potential for widespread fraud to sow doubt about the integrity of the election, and prepare the ground for contesting the results if he doesn’t win.
“The Biden campaign will fight for every Pennsylvanian to make their voice heard this fall, and we’re making sure voters know all of their options to vote: whether it’s by dropping their ballot off at a secure dropbox, voting by mail, or safely in-person,” says Michael Feldman, Pennsylvania communications director for the Biden campaign, in an email to the Monitor.
Secretary Boockvar says in an interview that the greatest challenge leading up to November is the misinformation and disinformation around the voting process. To that end, Pennsylvania has just started a postcard campaign, informing registered voters of their right to vote by mail or in person and pointing them to VotesPA.com, the official hub for election information. In addition, a state interagency group that includes everyone from the police to the inspector general to the Department of State is working to combat false information on social media, and ensure that counties have the knowledge and resources to do so as well. Similar initiatives are in place in the cybersecurity domain.
“One of the reasons why I’m really proud and confident in Pennsylvania’s election security and preparedness for the November election is because of the strength of those collaborations,” says Secretary Boockvar.
State legislature proposes last-minute changes
In the June primary, 1.5 million Pennsylvanians cast their ballot by mail and it took two weeks to certify all the elections. In at least one race, the apparent winner on election night ended up losing. Some are concerned that could happen in the November presidential election. With far more Democrats planning to vote by mail than Republicans – 52% compared to 10%, according to a Franklin & Marshall College poll – that could create a “blue shift” after polls close and mailed ballots are counted.
“In a primary, in a [state government] office, it’s an inconvenience – it’s not the end of the world,” says Dave Reed, former Republican majority leader in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives, who now co-chairs VoteSafe PA, a cross-partisan coalition working to ensure a safe and secure election. “When you’re talking about who’s going to be the next president of the United States, we have to be thorough and prompt.”
Secretary Boockvar says she’s expecting about 3 million people to vote by mail in November. A new bill put forward by the GOP-led state Senate incorporates a number of recommendations her office made in an August report on the primary, one of which would be to facilitate quicker results by allowing local election officials to start opening mailed ballots and preparing them for scanning prior to Election Day. Current state law prohibits doing so before 7 a.m. on Election Day.
The bill would also allow voters to request ballots earlier and “cure” their ballots in case of a signature mismatch – a practice used in 17 other states by which voters whose ballots were invalidated are notified and given a chance to verify their authenticity.
“The overwhelming and the overriding goal with this [bill] is to ensure security of the elections, access for voters, and to ensure that we get timely results on election day or shortly after election day – that we’re not looking for weeks afterwards to know what the final results will be,” says Crystal Clark, general counsel to the Senate Republican caucus.
Such changes would ease the Election Day crunch, but it creates uncertainty right now for local election officials, by holding up the printing of ballots, poll worker training manuals, and other delays.
“We certainly recognize that there is an urgency with regard to the changes that are in Senate Bill 10,” says Ms. Clark.
The Senate is scheduled to reconvene on Sept. 8 and Mr. Reed, the former Republican majority leader, says the bill could be wrapped up within a week if the parties stick to key needs. He’s reasonably optimistic Pennsylvania will manage to pull off the election without any major hitches. After all, it’s more of a 20th-century upgrade than a digital revolution, he says.
“This is not text-your-vote-in, this is not Snapchat; we’re using a mail system,” he says.
But perhaps beyond the legal and logistical challenges is a deeper issue of trust – in the system itself, the people administering it, and even of fellow voters.
“The challenge is going to be making sure that we as a people – we have to understand and believe that we have a greater purpose than just ourselves, and that we have to do everything we can to exuberate love and concern for our fellow human beings,” says Kenneth Huston, president of the Pennsylvania state NAACP who also serves as a pastor. “Somewhere along the lines we’re losing that. And what’s very troubling to me is that people who live in communities in the rural areas, I don’t want them to think that because I’m a Black civil rights leader, I don’t care about them, because I do.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In more than a dozen interviews for this piece, a wide range of people across the political spectrum emphasized a common desire for a fair and secure election. And the people most well-equipped to ensure that, argues Mr. Lehman of Lycoming County, are the dedicated local election officials across the state.
“They’re probably the best asset this state has to maintain the integrity of election,” he says. “It’s not the election code or the 1s and 0s in the software, it’s having people of integrity in the positions that matter. That’s how you protect this process.”


csmonitor--2020-09-04--China's rulers face a new type of dissent

Before his death three years ago , Chinese activist Liu Xiaobo left this message for those who would challenge China ’ s communist one-party rule : “ I have no enemies and no hatred.
” To counter the regime ’ s hostility toward freedom and democracy , said the Nobel Peace Prize laureate , one must “ dispel hatred with love.
” An echo of his approach is now playing out among one of China ’ s ethnic minorities , some 4.2 million Mongolians living in the northern region of Inner Mongolia .
This week , an edict from Beijing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ native language in half of their classes .
Instead they would be forced to learn in Mandarin , the official national language of China ’ s ethnic Han majority .
A similar draconian effort to impose Han culture – and also official party dogma – already began against the Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang province in 2017 and the Buddhists of Tibet in 2018 .
While some Mongolians protested in the streets – invoking the legend of Genghis Khan with chants like “ Mongolian brothers , get on your horses !
” – others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 300,000 students did not go to school , leaving classrooms largely empty .
Many teachers also joined the rare boycott , offering to teach children in their homes – in Mongolian .
A few high school students began a hunger strike .
Many Mongolian police who have school-age children refused to go to work so as not to participate in the official crackdown .
“ I want to live by my principles , ” one policeman told the Los Angeles Times .
The more that the country ’ s hard-line leader Xi Jinping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the more the tactics of dissent in China may be shifting toward Mr. Liu ’ s approach .
In Hong Kong , for example , many pro-democracy activists are asserting their rights in creative ways , such as expressing songs without lyrics or holding up posters without words .
The meaning is clear to the millions in Hong Kong who reject authoritarian rule and the imposition of the mainland ’ s Han culture .
In 1989 , during the pro-democracy protests in Beijing ’ s Tiananmen Square , the use of nonviolent tactics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lone man blocking a column of tanks .
Today , many in China are searching for ways that express protest of state violence without hatred .
The threat of state violence is designed to establish a prison in the thinking of people in China .
Breaking out of that prison requires a courageous step away from both hate and fear .

Before his death three years ago, Chinese activist Liu Xiaobo left this message for those who would challenge China’s communist one-party rule: “I have no enemies and no hatred.” To counter the regime’s hostility toward freedom and democracy, said the Nobel Peace Prize laureate, one must “dispel hatred with love.” An echo of his approach is now playing out among one of China’s ethnic minorities, some 4.2 million Mongolians living in the northern region of Inner Mongolia.
This week, an edict from Beijing required Mongolian schoolchildren to stop using their native language in half of their classes. Instead they would be forced to learn in Mandarin, the official national language of China’s ethnic Han majority. A similar draconian effort to impose Han culture – and also official party dogma – already began against the Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang province in 2017 and the Buddhists of Tibet in 2018.
While some Mongolians protested in the streets – invoking the legend of Genghis Khan with chants like “Mongolian brothers, get on your horses!” – others did something almost unheard-of. An estimated 300,000 students did not go to school, leaving classrooms largely empty. Many teachers also joined the rare boycott, offering to teach children in their homes – in Mongolian. A few high school students began a hunger strike.
Many Mongolian police who have school-age children refused to go to work so as not to participate in the official crackdown. “I want to live by my principles,” one policeman told the Los Angeles Times.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The more that the country’s hard-line leader Xi Jinping tries to impose his harsh rule, the more the tactics of dissent in China may be shifting toward Mr. Liu’s approach. In Hong Kong, for example, many pro-democracy activists are asserting their rights in creative ways, such as expressing songs without lyrics or holding up posters without words. The meaning is clear to the millions in Hong Kong who reject authoritarian rule and the imposition of the mainland’s Han culture.
In 1989, during the pro-democracy protests in Beijing’s Tiananmen Square, the use of nonviolent tactics was symbolized by the famous image of a lone man blocking a column of tanks. Today, many in China are searching for ways that express protest of state violence without hatred. The threat of state violence is designed to establish a prison in the thinking of people in China. Breaking out of that prison requires a courageous step away from both hate and fear.