csmonitor--2020-07-20--A first for the Arab world: UAE spacecraft en route to Mars

A United Arab Emirates spacecraft rocketed into blue skies from a Japanese launch center Monday at the start of a seven-month journey to Mars on the Arab world ’ s first interplanetary mission .
The liftoff of the Mars orbiter named Amal , or Hope , starts a rush to fly to Earth ’ s neighbor that is scheduled to be followed in the next few days by China and the United States .
At the space center in Dubai , people watching were transfixed by the liftoff , then cheered and clapped , with one woman offering a celebratory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off from the Tanegashima Space Center aboard a Mitsubishi Heavy Industries ’ H-IIA rocket on time at 6:58 a.m. after being delayed five days by bad weather .
Mitsubishi later said the probe successfully separated from the rocket and was now on its solo journey to Mars .
The probe was sending signals that would be analyzed later but everything appeared good for now , Omran Sharaf , the UAE Mars mission director told journalists in Dubai about an hour and a half after liftoff .
Amal is set to reach Mars in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ celebrates 50 years since the country ’ s formation .
In September that year , Amal will start transmitting Martian atmospheric data , which will be made available to the international scientific community , Mr. Sharaf said .
“ The UAE is now a member of the club and we will learn more and we will engage more and we ’ ll continue developing our space exploration program , ” UAE Space Agency chief Mohammed Al Ahbabi told a joint online news conference from Tanegashima .
At Mohammed bin Rashid Space Center in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the liftoff .
As its stages separated , a cheer went out from men seated on the floor .
They began clapping , one using his face mask , worn due to the coronavirus pandemic , to wipe away a tear .
“ It was great to see everything going according to schedule today .
It looks like things are all on track .
It ’ s a huge step in terms of space exploration to have a nation like the UAE taking that giant leap to send a spacecraft to Mars , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ astronomer-at-large .
“ Being on route to a planet like Mars is an exceptional achievement.
” A newcomer in space development , the UAE has successfully put three Earth observation satellites into orbit .
Two were developed by South Korea and launched by Russia , and a third – its own – was launched by Japan .
A successful mission to Mars would be a major step for the oil-dependent economy seeking a future in space , coming less than a year after the launch of the first UAE astronaut , Hazzaa Ali @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the International Space Station last fall .
The UAE has set a goal to build a human colony on Mars by 2117 .
“ It sends a very strong message to the Arab youth that if the UAE is able to reach Mars in less than 50 years , they could do much more , ” Mr. Sharaf told The Associated Press on Sunday as his colleagues prepared for the launch .
The Emiratis also acknowledged it represented a step forward for the Arab world , the home of mathematicians and scientists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that have gripped wide swathes of it in recent times .
“ So the region has been going through tough times in the past decades , if not centuries , ” Mr. Sharaf said .
“ Now we have the case of the UAE , a country that ’ s moving forward with its plans , looking at the future and the future of the region also.
” For its first Mars mission , the UAE chose partners instead of doing it all on its own .
“ Developing a spacecraft is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Junya Terazono , an astronomer at Aizu University .
Emirati scientists worked with researchers at the University of Colorado Boulder , University of California , Berkeley , and Arizona State University .
The spacecraft was assembled at Boulder and transported to Japan as the two countries looked to expand their ties with the rich and politically stable Middle Eastern nation .
The Amal spacecraft , along with its launch , cost $ 200 million , according to Mr. Sharaf .
Operation costs at Mars have yet to be divulged .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ small car , carries three instruments to study the upper atmosphere and monitor climate change while circling the red planet for at least two years .
It is set to follow up on NASA ’ s Maven orbiter sent to Mars in 2014 to study how the planet went from a warm , wet world that may have harbored microbial life during its first billion years , to the cold , barren place of today .
Amal also plans to send back images of weather changes .
Japan has long collaborated with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ space technology , and the resource-poor country has traditionally kept friendly ties with Middle Eastern countries .
Japan 's launch services are known for accuracy and an on-time record , but the providers are working to cut costs to be more internationally competitive .
Two other Mars missions are planned in coming days .
China aims to explore the Martian surface with an orbiter and rover and to search for water and ice with a launch expected around Thursday .
The U.S. plans to send a rover named Perseverance to search for signs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soil samples for return to Earth .
Liftoff is targeted for July 30 .
Japan has its own Mars mission planned in 2024 .
It plans to send spacecraft to the Martian moon Phobos to collect samples to bring back to Earth in 2029 .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Malak Harb and Jon Gambrell in Dubai , United Arab Emirates , contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @

A United Arab Emirates spacecraft rocketed into blue skies from a Japanese launch center Monday at the start of a seven-month journey to Mars on the Arab world’s first interplanetary mission.
The liftoff of the Mars orbiter named Amal, or Hope, starts a rush to fly to Earth’s neighbor that is scheduled to be followed in the next few days by China and the United States.
At the space center in Dubai, people watching were transfixed by the liftoff, then cheered and clapped, with one woman offering a celebratory cry common for weddings.
Amal blasted off from the Tanegashima Space Center aboard a Mitsubishi Heavy Industries’ H-IIA rocket on time at 6:58 a.m. after being delayed five days by bad weather.
Mitsubishi later said the probe successfully separated from the rocket and was now on its solo journey to Mars.
The probe was sending signals that would be analyzed later but everything appeared good for now, Omran Sharaf, the UAE Mars mission director told journalists in Dubai about an hour and a half after liftoff.
Amal is set to reach Mars in February 2021, the year the UAE celebrates 50 years since the country’s formation. In September that year, Amal will start transmitting Martian atmospheric data, which will be made available to the international scientific community, Mr. Sharaf said.
“The UAE is now a member of the club and we will learn more and we will engage more and we’ll continue developing our space exploration program,” UAE Space Agency chief Mohammed Al Ahbabi told a joint online news conference from Tanegashima.
At Mohammed bin Rashid Space Center in Dubai, Emirati men and women watched the liftoff. As its stages separated, a cheer went out from men seated on the floor. They began clapping, one using his face mask, worn due to the coronavirus pandemic, to wipe away a tear.
“It was great to see everything going according to schedule today. It looks like things are all on track. It’s a huge step in terms of space exploration to have a nation like the UAE taking that giant leap to send a spacecraft to Mars,” said Fred Watson, Australia's astronomer-at-large. “Being on route to a planet like Mars is an exceptional achievement.”
A newcomer in space development, the UAE has successfully put three Earth observation satellites into orbit. Two were developed by South Korea and launched by Russia, and a third – its own – was launched by Japan.
A successful mission to Mars would be a major step for the oil-dependent economy seeking a future in space, coming less than a year after the launch of the first UAE astronaut, Hazzaa Ali Almansoori. He spent over a week at the International Space Station last fall.
The UAE has set a goal to build a human colony on Mars by 2117.
“It sends a very strong message to the Arab youth that if the UAE is able to reach Mars in less than 50 years, they could do much more,” Mr. Sharaf told The Associated Press on Sunday as his colleagues prepared for the launch.
The Emiratis also acknowledged it represented a step forward for the Arab world, the home of mathematicians and scientists for centuries before the wars and chaos that have gripped wide swathes of it in recent times.
“So the region has been going through tough times in the past decades, if not centuries,” Mr. Sharaf said. “Now we have the case of the UAE, a country that’s moving forward with its plans, looking at the future and the future of the region also.”
For its first Mars mission, the UAE chose partners instead of doing it all on its own.
“Developing a spacecraft is not easy even if there is ample funding,” said Junya Terazono, an astronomer at Aizu University.
Emirati scientists worked with researchers at the University of Colorado Boulder, University of California, Berkeley, and Arizona State University. The spacecraft was assembled at Boulder and transported to Japan as the two countries looked to expand their ties with the rich and politically stable Middle Eastern nation.
The Amal spacecraft, along with its launch, cost $200 million, according to Mr. Sharaf. Operation costs at Mars have yet to be divulged.
Amal, about the size of a small car, carries three instruments to study the upper atmosphere and monitor climate change while circling the red planet for at least two years. It is set to follow up on NASA’s Maven orbiter sent to Mars in 2014 to study how the planet went from a warm, wet world that may have harbored microbial life during its first billion years, to the cold, barren place of today. Amal also plans to send back images of weather changes.
Japan has long collaborated with the U.S. and other partners in defense and space technology, and the resource-poor country has traditionally kept friendly ties with Middle Eastern countries. Japan's launch services are known for accuracy and an on-time record, but the providers are working to cut costs to be more internationally competitive.
Two other Mars missions are planned in coming days. China aims to explore the Martian surface with an orbiter and rover and to search for water and ice with a launch expected around Thursday. The U.S. plans to send a rover named Perseverance to search for signs of ancient life and collect rock and soil samples for return to Earth. Liftoff is targeted for July 30.
Japan has its own Mars mission planned in 2024. It plans to send spacecraft to the Martian moon Phobos to collect samples to bring back to Earth in 2029.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Malak Harb and Jon Gambrell in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed to this report.
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csmonitor--2020-07-20--EU leaders face choice: Build unity or present ‘a weak Europe’

Weary and bleary , European Union leaders on Monday geared up for a fourth day of fighting over an unprecedented $ 2.1 trillion EU budget and coronavirus recovery fund , barely recovered from a weekend of walkouts , fists slamming into tables , and insults .
With a brilliant sun warming the negotiating sundeck at the Europa summit center early Monday , there finally was a glimmer of hope that the talks to help the continent emerge from the pandemic through an unprecedented economic aid package aren ’ t doomed after all .
It took a heart-tugging dinner speech by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not failing their union , French President Emmanuel Macron slamming his fist in anger into the table , and a new set of budgetary numbers to send this already epic summit onward .
“ There were extremely tense moments .
And there will be more that no doubt will still be difficult .
But on content , things have moved forward , ” said Mr. Macron , stressing his continued partnership with German Chancellor Angela Merkel .
Without Franco-German agreement , the EU has never taken momentous steps .
“ An extraordinary situation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said as the leaders were heading into one of the bloc ’ s longest summits ever .
It was planned as a two-day summit scheduled to have ended Saturday , but deep ideological differences between the 27 leaders forced the talks into two extra days .
Overall , spirits had picked up since the talks reached rock bottom Sunday night .
“ It looks more hopeful than when I thought during the night : ‘ It ’ s over , ’ ” said Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte , the target of much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Mr. Rutte , defending the cause of a group of five wealthy northern nations – the Netherlands , Austria , Finland , Sweden , and Denmark – sought to limit costs and impose strict reform guarantees on any rescue plan for needy nations .
He came under criticism from Mr. Macron , Italy , and Hungary , whose Prime Minister Viktor Orban asked why the Dutchman had such “ hate ” toward him .
Mr. Rutte took it in stride .
“ We are not here because we are going to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party later .
We are here because we do business for our own country .
We are all pros , ” he said .
On Sunday night , after three days of fruitless talks and with hope dimming , Mr. Michel implored leaders to overcome their fundamental divisions and agree on the budget and recovery fund .
“ Are the 27 EU leaders capable of building European unity and trust or , because of a deep rift , will we present ourselves as a weak Europe , undermined by distrust , ” he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we succeed in getting a deal and that the European media can headline tomorrow that the EU succeeded in a Mission Impossible , ” Mr. Michel said .
The pandemic has sent the EU into a tailspin , killing around 135,000 of its citizens and plunging its economy into an estimated contraction of 8.3 % this year .
The bloc ’ s executive has proposed a 750 billion-euro coronavirus fund , partly based on common borrowing , to be sent as loans and grants to the countries hit hardest by the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seven-year 1 trillion-euro EU budget that leaders had been haggling over for months even before the pandemic hit .
Even with Mr. Macron and Ms. Merkel negotiating as the closest of partners , the traditionally powerful Franco-German alliance could not get the quarreling nations in line .
At their dinner table Sunday night , the leaders mulled a proposal from the five wealthy northern nations that suggested a coronavirus recovery fund with 350 billion euros of grants and the same amount again in loans .
The five EU nations – nicknamed “ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grants at all , while the EU executive had proposed 500 billion euros .
The latest compromise proposal stands at 390 billion euros in grants .
All nations in principle agree they need to band together but the five richer countries in the north , led by the Netherlands , want strict controls on spending , while struggling southern nations like Spain and Italy say those conditions should be kept to a minimum .
The five have been pushing for labor market and pension reforms to be linked to EU handouts and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ monitor and , if necessary , halt projects that are being paid for by the recovery fund .
“ He can ’ t ask us to do specific reforms , ” Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte said .
Mr. Rutte and others also wants a link to be made between the handout of EU funds and the rule of law – a connection aimed at Poland and Hungary , countries with right-wing populist governments that many in the EU think are sliding away from democratic rule .
This story was reported by The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Weary and bleary, European Union leaders on Monday geared up for a fourth day of fighting over an unprecedented $2.1 trillion EU budget and coronavirus recovery fund, barely recovered from a weekend of walkouts, fists slamming into tables, and insults.
With a brilliant sun warming the negotiating sundeck at the Europa summit center early Monday, there finally was a glimmer of hope that the talks to help the continent emerge from the pandemic through an unprecedented economic aid package aren’t doomed after all.
It took a heart-tugging dinner speech by European Council President Charles Michel about leaders not failing their union, French President Emmanuel Macron slamming his fist in anger into the table, and a new set of budgetary numbers to send this already epic summit onward.
“There were extremely tense moments. And there will be more that no doubt will still be difficult. But on content, things have moved forward,” said Mr. Macron, stressing his continued partnership with German Chancellor Angela Merkel. Without Franco-German agreement, the EU has never taken momentous steps.
“An extraordinary situation demands extraordinary efforts,” Ms. Merkel said as the leaders were heading into one of the bloc’s longest summits ever. It was planned as a two-day summit scheduled to have ended Saturday, but deep ideological differences between the 27 leaders forced the talks into two extra days.
Overall, spirits had picked up since the talks reached rock bottom Sunday night.
“It looks more hopeful than when I thought during the night: ‘It’s over,’” said Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte, the target of much of criticism for keeping a compromise impossible.
Mr. Rutte, defending the cause of a group of five wealthy northern nations – the Netherlands, Austria, Finland, Sweden, and Denmark – sought to limit costs and impose strict reform guarantees on any rescue plan for needy nations. He came under criticism from Mr. Macron, Italy, and Hungary, whose Prime Minister Viktor Orban asked why the Dutchman had such “hate” toward him.
Mr. Rutte took it in stride.
“We are not here because we are going to be visitors at each other’s birthday party later. We are here because we do business for our own country. We are all pros,” he said.
On Sunday night, after three days of fruitless talks and with hope dimming, Mr. Michel implored leaders to overcome their fundamental divisions and agree on the budget and recovery fund.
“Are the 27 EU leaders capable of building European unity and trust or, because of a deep rift, will we present ourselves as a weak Europe, undermined by distrust,” he asked the leaders.
“I wish that we succeed in getting a deal and that the European media can headline tomorrow that the EU succeeded in a Mission Impossible,” Mr. Michel said.
The pandemic has sent the EU into a tailspin, killing around 135,000 of its citizens and plunging its economy into an estimated contraction of 8.3% this year.
The bloc’s executive has proposed a 750 billion-euro coronavirus fund, partly based on common borrowing, to be sent as loans and grants to the countries hit hardest by the pandemic. That comes on top of the seven-year 1 trillion-euro EU budget that leaders had been haggling over for months even before the pandemic hit.
Even with Mr. Macron and Ms. Merkel negotiating as the closest of partners, the traditionally powerful Franco-German alliance could not get the quarreling nations in line.
At their dinner table Sunday night, the leaders mulled a proposal from the five wealthy northern nations that suggested a coronavirus recovery fund with 350 billion euros of grants and the same amount again in loans. The five EU nations – nicknamed “the frugals” – had long opposed any grants at all, while the EU executive had proposed 500 billion euros.
The latest compromise proposal stands at 390 billion euros in grants.
All nations in principle agree they need to band together but the five richer countries in the north, led by the Netherlands, want strict controls on spending, while struggling southern nations like Spain and Italy say those conditions should be kept to a minimum. The five have been pushing for labor market and pension reforms to be linked to EU handouts and a “brake” enabling EU nations to monitor and, if necessary, halt projects that are being paid for by the recovery fund.
“He can’t ask us to do specific reforms,” Italian Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte said.
Mr. Rutte and others also wants a link to be made between the handout of EU funds and the rule of law – a connection aimed at Poland and Hungary, countries with right-wing populist governments that many in the EU think are sliding away from democratic rule.
That drew Mr. Orban’s anger.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-20--Black lives matter at work, too, strikers say across US cities

Organizers of a national workers strike say tens of thousands are set to walk off the job Monday in more than two dozen U.S. cities to protest systemic racism and economic inequality that has only worsened during the coronavirus pandemic .
Dubbed the `` Strike for Black Lives , '' labor unions , along with social and racial justice organizations from New York City to Los Angeles , will participate in a range of planned actions .
Where work stoppages are not possible for a full day , participants will either picket during a lunch break or observe moments of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police violence , organizers said .
`` We are ... building a country where Black lives matter in every aspect of society – including in the workplace , '' said Ash-Lee Henderson , an organizer with the Movement for Black Lives , a coalition of over 150 organizations that make up the Black Lives Matter movement .
`` The Strike for Black Lives is a moment of reckoning for corporations that have long ignored the concerns of their Black workforce and denied them better working conditions , living wages , and healthcare , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also co-executive director of the Tennessee-based Highlander Research and Education Center .
Among the strikers will be essential workers : nursing home employees , janitors , and delivery men and women .
Fast food , ride-share , and airport workers are also expected to take part in planned events .
The strike continues an ongoing global reckoning on race and police brutality set off by the death of George Floyd , a Black man who died at the hands of Minneapolis police in late May .
At noon in each U.S. time zone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take a knee for about eight minutes – the amount of time prosecutors say a white police officer held his knee on Mr. Floyd 's neck .
Strikers are demanding sweeping action by corporations and government to confront systemic racism and economic inequality that limits mobility and career advancement for many Black and Hispanic workers , who make up a disproportionate number of those earning less than a living wage .
Specifically , they are calling on corporate leaders and elected government officials to use executive and legislative power to guarantee people of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ includes raising wages and allowing workers to unionize to negotiate better health care , sick leave , and child care support .
When the strike was announced on July 8 , partnering unions included the Service Employees International Union , the International Brotherhood of Teamsters , the American Federation of Teachers , United Farm Workers , and the Fight for $ 15 and a Union .
Several more worker collectives have since joined , along with social and racial justice groups .
In Manhattan , essential workers will gather outside of the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Donald Trump pass and sign the HEROES Act .
The House-passed legislation provides protective equipment , essential pay , and extended unemployment benefits to workers who have not had the option of working from home during the coronavirus pandemic .
Organizers said New York Sen. Chuck Schumer is expected to rally with workers .
Strikers in Minneapolis , where Mr. Floyd was killed on May 25 , will include nursing home and airport workers demanding a $ 15-per-hour minimum wage , organizers said .
In Missouri , participants will rally at McDonald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a key landmark in the protest movement sparked by the death of Michael Brown , a Black teenager who was killed by police in 2014 .
The Ferguson strikers will also march to a memorial site located on the spot where Michael Brown was shot and killed .
Organizers said many strikers are taking particular aim at corporations such as Walmart and McDonald 's , which they say should be held accountable for widespread mistreatment and exploitation of hourly workers of color .
In the wake of Floyd protests , McDonald 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police violence and vigilante attacks .
On Friday , a group of McDonald 's workers filed a federal lawsuit against the corporation in Florida , alleging that managers at a corporate-run store in Lakeland subjected them to a `` racially hostile work environment '' and also had mistreated Black customers .
The workers alleged that after they reported their concerns to corporate leaders , their managers retaliated by slashing their hours and changing their work responsibilities .
`` McDonald 's , if you really believe Black lives matter , it 's time to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with real action : treat your Black employees like our lives matter , '' said Faith Booker , a Black plaintiff in the lawsuit who also plans to join strikers on Monday .
In a statement emailed to the AP , McDonald 's said it was taking the claims in the lawsuit `` seriously . ''
`` We stand with Black communities across the globe in our commitment to address unacceptable racial injustices and are disappointed that these allegations do not reflect the high standards we hold ourselves accountable to every day across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the statement reads .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Organizers of a national workers strike say tens of thousands are set to walk off the job Monday in more than two dozen U.S. cities to protest systemic racism and economic inequality that has only worsened during the coronavirus pandemic.
Dubbed the "Strike for Black Lives," labor unions, along with social and racial justice organizations from New York City to Los Angeles, will participate in a range of planned actions. Where work stoppages are not possible for a full day, participants will either picket during a lunch break or observe moments of silence to honor Black lives lost to police violence, organizers said.
"We are ... building a country where Black lives matter in every aspect of society – including in the workplace," said Ash-Lee Henderson, an organizer with the Movement for Black Lives, a coalition of over 150 organizations that make up the Black Lives Matter movement.
"The Strike for Black Lives is a moment of reckoning for corporations that have long ignored the concerns of their Black workforce and denied them better working conditions, living wages, and healthcare," said Ms. Henderson, who is also co-executive director of the Tennessee-based Highlander Research and Education Center.
Among the strikers will be essential workers: nursing home employees, janitors, and delivery men and women. Fast food, ride-share, and airport workers are also expected to take part in planned events.
The strike continues an ongoing global reckoning on race and police brutality set off by the death of George Floyd, a Black man who died at the hands of Minneapolis police in late May. At noon in each U.S. time zone on Monday, workers are expected to take a knee for about eight minutes – the amount of time prosecutors say a white police officer held his knee on Mr. Floyd's neck.
Strikers are demanding sweeping action by corporations and government to confront systemic racism and economic inequality that limits mobility and career advancement for many Black and Hispanic workers, who make up a disproportionate number of those earning less than a living wage.
Specifically, they are calling on corporate leaders and elected government officials to use executive and legislative power to guarantee people of all races can thrive. That demand includes raising wages and allowing workers to unionize to negotiate better health care, sick leave, and child care support.
When the strike was announced on July 8, partnering unions included the Service Employees International Union, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, the American Federation of Teachers, United Farm Workers, and the Fight for $15 and a Union. Several more worker collectives have since joined, along with social and racial justice groups.
In Manhattan, essential workers will gather outside of the Trump International Hotel to demand the Senate and President Donald Trump pass and sign the HEROES Act. The House-passed legislation provides protective equipment, essential pay, and extended unemployment benefits to workers who have not had the option of working from home during the coronavirus pandemic. Organizers said New York Sen. Chuck Schumer is expected to rally with workers.
Strikers in Minneapolis, where Mr. Floyd was killed on May 25, will include nursing home and airport workers demanding a $15-per-hour minimum wage, organizers said. In Missouri, participants will rally at McDonald's locations in St. Louis and Ferguson, a key landmark in the protest movement sparked by the death of Michael Brown, a Black teenager who was killed by police in 2014. The Ferguson strikers will also march to a memorial site located on the spot where Michael Brown was shot and killed.
Organizers said many strikers are taking particular aim at corporations such as Walmart and McDonald's, which they say should be held accountable for widespread mistreatment and exploitation of hourly workers of color. In the wake of Floyd protests, McDonald's expressed its support for Black victims of police violence and vigilante attacks.
On Friday, a group of McDonald's workers filed a federal lawsuit against the corporation in Florida, alleging that managers at a corporate-run store in Lakeland subjected them to a "racially hostile work environment" and also had mistreated Black customers. The workers alleged that after they reported their concerns to corporate leaders, their managers retaliated by slashing their hours and changing their work responsibilities.
"McDonald's, if you really believe Black lives matter, it's time to stop with the lip service and start with real action: treat your Black employees like our lives matter," said Faith Booker, a Black plaintiff in the lawsuit who also plans to join strikers on Monday.
In a statement emailed to the AP, McDonald's said it was taking the claims in the lawsuit "seriously."
"We stand with Black communities across the globe in our commitment to address unacceptable racial injustices and are disappointed that these allegations do not reflect the high standards we hold ourselves accountable to every day across all areas of our business," the statement reads.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-20--To help his country fight COVID-19, a doctor fights misinformation

Their approach is simple , Dr. Niaoné says : listening to people ’ s concerns , analyzing their understandings , and working out how they can protect themselves , in a way that makes sense for their everyday lives .
But there is a long way to go .
He gathered hundreds of volunteers , who set out to crowded places like the Grand Marché , the capital city ’ s largest market : a two-storied African futurist brick structure , made up of alleyways choked with electronic goods , glittering with imitation gold rings and chains , and crammed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since the first cases were detected in Burkina Faso – a West African nation battling a jihadist insurgency , where literacy rates are low – Dr. Niaoné knew that citizens would have to go door to door to outpace the misinformation circulating on social media .
During the COVID-19 pandemic , more than ever , his work involves searching for a way of speaking about health with people who may have limited literacy , scientific knowledge , and financial means .
“ I will come to the community and look at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know where they stand , it 's easier to design the intervention , ” he says .
Moumini Niaoné is a doctor and public health specialist in Burkina Faso .
But often , he feels like a translator .
Moumini Niaoné , a doctor and public health specialist , bounds into a radio studio in Ouagadougou and takes position behind a microphone , 6 feet from the show ’ s host .
He draws down his white mask accented with gray stripes , matching his African tunic , to make himself more audible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus questions from the public .
The host fires off a true-or-false , aimed at the false information circulating the city .
“ After the lifting of the curfew and restrictions people can cuddle and kiss , ” she says .
Dr. Niaoné smiles .
“ False , ” he says .
“ We must beware of a second wave that could worsen the epidemic.
” Two translators conveying his words into Fulfude and Gourmantché , two of the nation ’ s many languages , struggle to find a word for “ kiss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ literal translation .
They settle on “ saying hello with your mouth.
” For Dr. Niaoné , a former Fulbright scholar who completed his master ’ s at the University of Indiana , his own work is not dissimilar to translation : It involves searching for a way of speaking about health and illness with people who may have limited literacy , scientific knowledge , and financial means .
“ I will come to the community and look at the problem from their eyes .
When I know where they stand , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he says .
While training in Ouagadougou , the capital of Burkina Faso , Dr. Niaoné remembers seeing the high cost of patients ’ poverty and lack of basic medical knowledge , as he witnessed deaths from preventable or easily treatable diseases .
Watching a patient come back “ two weeks or two months or one year later with the same disease or with another sickness , related to the same risk factor , ” he recalls , “ it ’ s like no , you are doing nothing.
” He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public messaging could play in saving people ’ s lives – and the novel coronavirus is no exception .
Since March 9 , when the first cases were detected in Burkina Faso – a West African nation battling a jihadist insurgency , where literacy rates are low – Dr. Niaoné knew that citizens would have to go door to door to outpace the misinformation circulating on social media .
He put out a call for volunteers on his Facebook page and WhatsApp , made an announcement on the radio , and soon gathered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among them his own medical students at the University of Ouagadougou .
Next , he took to the airwaves in a popular show called “ Allô Docteur , ” where ordinary Burkinabés would call in and ask questions about the virus : from whether it was invented by the government or a laboratory , to how someone could be asymptomatic .
In many Burkinabés ’ understanding , “ someone is only sick when they are in a bed , ” Dr. Niaoné explains .
He and his volunteers set out to places where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Grand Marché , the city ’ s largest market : a two-storied African futurist brick structure , made up of alleyways choked with electronic goods , glittering with imitation gold rings and chains , and crammed with stacks of batik and indigo fabrics , plastic buckets , and chairs .
His teams stood at entrances in fluorescent orange vests , making sure customers and sellers washed their hands and put on masks , before taking their temperature .
They wore handmade masks of bright-patterned , hand-woven fabrics that tied at the back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many conversations with people who said they found the elastic bands that hooked onto their ears uncomfortable .
The doctor carefully wove through the alleyways of the Grand Marché , and in a soft-spoken voice advised marketeers to put their masks on and stay behind social distancing lines .
They obliged , but he complained of the lax enforcement around him , and offered a cynical explanation : “ It is an election year.
” Although the doctor serves on the government ’ s departments of medical emergencies and logistics , he is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to criticize leaders , though public dissent remains limited .
A few weeks later they moved on to a rapidly growing , low-income community on the outskirts of Ouagadougou known as Nioko II , where their work is especially key .
The local chief – or naaba , in the culture of the Mossi , the largest ethnic group in Burkina Faso – met Dr. Niaoné in a palaver hut outside his walled house , adorned with a large faded painting of himself surrounded by key advisers .
As community members wheeled in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local water depot a short distance away , Dr. Niaoné knelt , as is custom , and presented the naaba with a plastic jerrycan full of handmade soap .
Here and everywhere , Dr. Niaoné says , his strategy is simple : listening to people ’ s concerns , documenting and analyzing their understandings , and working out how they can protect themselves , in a way that makes sense for their everyday lives .
Then comes identifying and mobilizing leaders , like the naaba .
Those include “ legal ” leaders and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legitimate ” ones : people who have earned trust and recognition , regardless of official status , and could be trained to form their own groups and continue the work .
“ We need to get communities involved from the beginning .
When we saw people fighting to open the mosques , it ’ s because the religious leaders weren ’ t involved in the response , ” he says .
For Dr. Niaoné , it soon became clear that residents in Nioko II felt only wealthy people were affected .
“ They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to wear [ masks ] because I don ’ t go to Ouaga 2000 , ’ ” he says , referring to a suburb where embassy staff and the Burkinabé elite live .
And with high levels of distrust toward the political establishment , many thought the pandemic was a government ploy to make money .
The team mapped the community and identified potential hot spots : water depots , bars , marketplaces , churches , mosques , and places men gathered to play cards and drink tea .
Student volunteers – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law and medicine – visited four hours a day , three times a week , working out who leaders were and educating them about the virus .
After a long Saturday morning out on the field , Dr. Niaoné ’ s team members come back to the tree where they ’ ve parked their scooters .
Dr. Niaoné speaks to a woman selling a fried doughnut-like snack called bourmassa and asks her why she isn ’ t wearing a mask .
“ It ’ s too hot ; I can ’ t breathe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sitting outside a health clinic said he wouldn ’ t wear a mask because the pandemic was brought about by the “ will of God , ” and high infection rates in the U.S. and Europe .
Rashida Ouédraogo , a pharmacy student working with Dr. Niaoné ’ s team , says their work “ has helped people understand , ” though “ there are people who will never believe because they haven ’ t seen cases with their own eyes.
” But there is still a long way to go .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soap and masks to people without means to purchase them themselves , she adds .
As West African nations prepare to open their borders , Dr. Niaoné is nervous that people have become too relaxed .
Government measures have decreased , but for him the fight against COVID-19 has only just begun .
With a presidential election in November , he is concerned health measures will be sidelined .
“ It is like in the United States – if the leadership doesn ’ t show the right behavior , people will not take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We need to give communities finances and support so that they can work to prevent the disease themselves .
We need stronger civil society actors doing what I ’ m doing .
We need people who trust what we tell them .
”

Their approach is simple, Dr. Niaoné says: listening to people’s concerns, analyzing their understandings, and working out how they can protect themselves, in a way that makes sense for their everyday lives. But there is a long way to go.
He gathered hundreds of volunteers, who set out to crowded places like the Grand Marché, the capital city’s largest market: a two-storied African futurist brick structure, made up of alleyways choked with electronic goods, glittering with imitation gold rings and chains, and crammed with fabrics, buckets, and chairs.
Since the first cases were detected in Burkina Faso – a West African nation battling a jihadist insurgency, where literacy rates are low – Dr. Niaoné knew that citizens would have to go door to door to outpace the misinformation circulating on social media.
When it comes to public communications, especially in a crisis like COVID-19, sharing information is only half the battle. First comes figuring out what information people really need – and that means careful listening.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, more than ever, his work involves searching for a way of speaking about health with people who may have limited literacy, scientific knowledge, and financial means. “I will come to the community and look at the problem from their eyes. When I know where they stand, it's easier to design the intervention,” he says.
Moumini Niaoné is a doctor and public health specialist in Burkina Faso. But often, he feels like a translator.
Moumini Niaoné, a doctor and public health specialist, bounds into a radio studio in Ouagadougou and takes position behind a microphone, 6 feet from the show’s host. He draws down his white mask accented with gray stripes, matching his African tunic, to make himself more audible. He’s ready to field coronavirus questions from the public.
The host fires off a true-or-false, aimed at the false information circulating the city.
“After the lifting of the curfew and restrictions people can cuddle and kiss,” she says.
Why We Wrote This When it comes to public communications, especially in a crisis like COVID-19, sharing information is only half the battle. First comes figuring out what information people really need – and that means careful listening.
Dr. Niaoné smiles. “False,” he says. “We must beware of a second wave that could worsen the epidemic.”
Two translators conveying his words into Fulfude and Gourmantché, two of the nation’s many languages, struggle to find a word for “kiss,” for which there is no literal translation. They settle on “saying hello with your mouth.”
For Dr. Niaoné, a former Fulbright scholar who completed his master’s at the University of Indiana, his own work is not dissimilar to translation: It involves searching for a way of speaking about health and illness with people who may have limited literacy, scientific knowledge, and financial means. “I will come to the community and look at the problem from their eyes. When I know where they stand, it’s easier to design the intervention,” he says.
While training in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, Dr. Niaoné remembers seeing the high cost of patients’ poverty and lack of basic medical knowledge, as he witnessed deaths from preventable or easily treatable diseases. Watching a patient come back “two weeks or two months or one year later with the same disease or with another sickness, related to the same risk factor,” he recalls, “it’s like no, you are doing nothing.”
He saw the role that careful listening and public messaging could play in saving people’s lives – and the novel coronavirus is no exception.
“Allô Docteur”
Since March 9, when the first cases were detected in Burkina Faso – a West African nation battling a jihadist insurgency, where literacy rates are low – Dr. Niaoné knew that citizens would have to go door to door to outpace the misinformation circulating on social media. He put out a call for volunteers on his Facebook page and WhatsApp, made an announcement on the radio, and soon gathered hundreds of volunteers across the country, among them his own medical students at the University of Ouagadougou.
Clair MacDougall View caption Hide caption Dr. Moumini Niaoné debriefs students and volunteers after they finished their final day of outreach and awareness-raising in the community of Nioko II on the outskirts of Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso.
Next, he took to the airwaves in a popular show called “Allô Docteur,” where ordinary Burkinabés would call in and ask questions about the virus: from whether it was invented by the government or a laboratory, to how someone could be asymptomatic. In many Burkinabés’ understanding, “someone is only sick when they are in a bed,” Dr. Niaoné explains.
He and his volunteers set out to places where the virus could easily spread, like the Grand Marché, the city’s largest market: a two-storied African futurist brick structure, made up of alleyways choked with electronic goods, glittering with imitation gold rings and chains, and crammed with stacks of batik and indigo fabrics, plastic buckets, and chairs.
His teams stood at entrances in fluorescent orange vests, making sure customers and sellers washed their hands and put on masks, before taking their temperature. They wore handmade masks of bright-patterned, hand-woven fabrics that tied at the back – based on Dr. Niaoné’s many conversations with people who said they found the elastic bands that hooked onto their ears uncomfortable.
The doctor carefully wove through the alleyways of the Grand Marché, and in a soft-spoken voice advised marketeers to put their masks on and stay behind social distancing lines. They obliged, but he complained of the lax enforcement around him, and offered a cynical explanation: “It is an election year.” Although the doctor serves on the government’s departments of medical emergencies and logistics, he is of a younger generation of professionals unafraid to criticize leaders, though public dissent remains limited.
Partners in prevention
A few weeks later they moved on to a rapidly growing, low-income community on the outskirts of Ouagadougou known as Nioko II, where their work is especially key. The local chief – or naaba, in the culture of the Mossi, the largest ethnic group in Burkina Faso – met Dr. Niaoné in a palaver hut outside his walled house, adorned with a large faded painting of himself surrounded by key advisers. As community members wheeled in heavy metal barrels and clustered around a local water depot a short distance away, Dr. Niaoné knelt, as is custom, and presented the naaba with a plastic jerrycan full of handmade soap.
Here and everywhere, Dr. Niaoné says, his strategy is simple: listening to people’s concerns, documenting and analyzing their understandings, and working out how they can protect themselves, in a way that makes sense for their everyday lives. Then comes identifying and mobilizing leaders, like the naaba. Those include “legal” leaders and, as he calls them, “legitimate” ones: people who have earned trust and recognition, regardless of official status, and could be trained to form their own groups and continue the work.
“We need to get communities involved from the beginning. When we saw people fighting to open the mosques, it’s because the religious leaders weren’t involved in the response,” he says.
For Dr. Niaoné, it soon became clear that residents in Nioko II felt only wealthy people were affected. “They said, ‘I’m not going to wear [masks] because I don’t go to Ouaga 2000,’” he says, referring to a suburb where embassy staff and the Burkinabé elite live. And with high levels of distrust toward the political establishment, many thought the pandemic was a government ploy to make money.
The team mapped the community and identified potential hot spots: water depots, bars, marketplaces, churches, mosques, and places men gathered to play cards and drink tea. Student volunteers – studying everything from economics and sociology to law and medicine – visited four hours a day, three times a week, working out who leaders were and educating them about the virus.
After a long Saturday morning out on the field, Dr. Niaoné’s team members come back to the tree where they’ve parked their scooters. Dr. Niaoné speaks to a woman selling a fried doughnut-like snack called bourmassa and asks her why she isn’t wearing a mask. “It’s too hot; I can’t breathe,” she says. A man sitting outside a health clinic said he wouldn’t wear a mask because the pandemic was brought about by the “will of God,” and high infection rates in the U.S. and Europe.
Rashida Ouédraogo, a pharmacy student working with Dr. Niaoné’s team, says their work “has helped people understand,” though “there are people who will never believe because they haven’t seen cases with their own eyes.” But there is still a long way to go. The government and other groups needed to give soap and masks to people without means to purchase them themselves, she adds.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
As West African nations prepare to open their borders, Dr. Niaoné is nervous that people have become too relaxed. Government measures have decreased, but for him the fight against COVID-19 has only just begun. With a presidential election in November, he is concerned health measures will be sidelined.
“It is like in the United States – if the leadership doesn’t show the right behavior, people will not take the right measures,” he says. “We need to give communities finances and support so that they can work to prevent the disease themselves. We need stronger civil society actors doing what I’m doing. We need people who trust what we tell them.”


csmonitor--2020-07-21--Protecting the innocent – from Bosnia to China

On Monday , the United States took action to protect a minority in China from mass detention and forced labor .
It barred 11 Chinese companies from buying American technology without a special license , citing their complicity in China ’ s campaign against its Muslim minority .
The action is commendable on its own .
It aims to end what many regard as a slow genocide of 1 million or more members of a religious group .
Yet on a grander scale , it helps revive a fading ideal in global affairs : the responsibility to prevent mass atrocities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world leaders commemorated the 25th anniversary of the worst atrocity in Europe since the Holocaust .
In July 1995 , more than 8,000 Muslim men and boys in the Bosnian town of Srebrenica were slaughtered by Serbian forces over 11 days .
The world ’ s reluctance to intervene , along with its indifference during Rwanda ’ s genocide a year earlier , led the United Nations to later endorse the idea of collective intervention in any country experiencing large-scale killing .
Western countries have struggled , however , in applying this principle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights violations .
The 2011 NATO intervention in Libya to protect an entire city left that country in tatters .
But the world largely stood by as Syria used chemical weapons on its own people .
And it has done little to end abuses in Myanmar against a Muslim minority , the Rohingya .
Stopping China ’ s ruthless campaign against the Uyghurs and other Muslim groups in the Xinjiang region may be one of the biggest challenges .
Invasion is not an option .
The U.S. is left with sanctions and highlighting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forced abortions – in international forums .
Yet the legacy of the Srebrenica massacre hangs over the West ’ s response to China .
The fact that such a mass killing took place in Europe 50 years after World War II – and despite attempts to curb ethnic and religious nationalism on the Continent – was a shock .
With Bosnia still suffering political tensions between Muslims , Serbs , and Croats , world leaders are frequently reminded of the work needed to protect minorities .
“ We can not let up in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , ” said U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres on the anniversary .
To the world ’ s credit , the two main leaders of the Srebrenica massacre have been convicted and sentenced in an international court .
Bosnia ’ s politicians are nudged and cajoled by European and American diplomats .
The global embrace of the idea that innocent lives must be protected may have weakened .
But as the Chinese government further tries to destroy the Uyghur people , the world – or at least the U.S. – has put a fresh @ @ @ @ @ @

On Monday, the United States took action to protect a minority in China from mass detention and forced labor. It barred 11 Chinese companies from buying American technology without a special license, citing their complicity in China’s campaign against its Muslim minority. The action is commendable on its own. It aims to end what many regard as a slow genocide of 1 million or more members of a religious group. Yet on a grander scale, it helps revive a fading ideal in global affairs: the responsibility to prevent mass atrocities.
The U.S. action comes as many world leaders commemorated the 25th anniversary of the worst atrocity in Europe since the Holocaust. In July 1995, more than 8,000 Muslim men and boys in the Bosnian town of Srebrenica were slaughtered by Serbian forces over 11 days. The world’s reluctance to intervene, along with its indifference during Rwanda’s genocide a year earlier, led the United Nations to later endorse the idea of collective intervention in any country experiencing large-scale killing.
Western countries have struggled, however, in applying this principle of protecting innocent civilians from gross human rights violations. The 2011 NATO intervention in Libya to protect an entire city left that country in tatters. But the world largely stood by as Syria used chemical weapons on its own people. And it has done little to end abuses in Myanmar against a Muslim minority, the Rohingya.
Stopping China’s ruthless campaign against the Uyghurs and other Muslim groups in the Xinjiang region may be one of the biggest challenges. Invasion is not an option. The U.S. is left with sanctions and highlighting China’s atrocities – such as forced abortions – in international forums.
Yet the legacy of the Srebrenica massacre hangs over the West’s response to China. The fact that such a mass killing took place in Europe 50 years after World War II – and despite attempts to curb ethnic and religious nationalism on the Continent – was a shock. With Bosnia still suffering political tensions between Muslims, Serbs, and Croats, world leaders are frequently reminded of the work needed to protect minorities. “We cannot let up in working towards genuine reconciliation [in Bosnia],” said U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres on the anniversary.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
To the world’s credit, the two main leaders of the Srebrenica massacre have been convicted and sentenced in an international court. Bosnia’s politicians are nudged and cajoled by European and American diplomats.
The global embrace of the idea that innocent lives must be protected may have weakened. But as the Chinese government further tries to destroy the Uyghur people, the world – or at least the U.S. – has put a fresh spotlight on a humanitarian principle.


csmonitor--2020-07-21--This Georgia city beat back COVID-19. It wishes states would pay attention.

“ I think we are in a good position ... because of the way that we came together , ” says Commissioner Young .
It ’ s unfortunate that states such as Texas , Florida , and Arizona largely didn ’ t heed the important lessons taught by Albany and other concentrated outbreaks , says city commissioner Demetrius Young .
Those include : Simple health measures can corral COVID-19 spread , and humility is important .
The coronavirus doesn ’ t know red states from blue , Mr. Young points out .
During a visit , Georgia Public Health Commissioner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response .
She said that the city “ already knows the lessons we want everyone to follow through the state.
” At one point , Dougherty County had the fourth-highest infection rate in the world .
But citizens banded together across racial lines , adopted preventive measures , and beat back the virus , say local leaders .
The small city of 75,000 people developed one of the most intense outbreaks of the coronavirus in the United States in the pandemic ’ s early days .
Cases linked to several funerals held in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overwhelmed Albany ’ s health care capacity , in one of the first known instances of a “ super-spreader ” event in the country .
Four months ago , Albany , Georgia , was rocked by COVID-19 .
The small city of 75,000 people – and surrounding Dougherty County , a rural area in the state ’ s southwest – developed one of the most intense outbreaks of coronavirus in the U.S. in the pandemic ’ s early days .
Cases linked to several local funerals held in late February and early March @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capacity , in one of the first known instances of a “ super-spreader ” event in the country .
At one point , Dougherty County had the fourth-highest infection rate in the world .
National Guard medical teams descended on the area to aid in what became a Southern equivalent of New York City ’ s epic fight .
Over 150 people died .
But citizens banded together across racial lines , adopted preventive measures , and beat back the virus , say local leaders .
The county ’ s rolling number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 55 in late March to about 3 in late June .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Cases have ticked up some lately as Georgia ’ s state outbreak has worsened .
They ’ re still far below March ’ s highs , however .
And Demetrius Young , an Albany City commissioner , believes that having lived through one out-of-control outbreak , area citizens will be better prepared to rally together and prevent another .
“ Right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ probably more of a surge than any other place that didn ’ t get hit like we did , ” says Mr. Young , whose mother , Mary Young-Cummins , was a political legend in the region .
It ’ s unfortunate that states such as Texas , Florida , and Arizona , largely didn ’ t heed the important lessons taught by Albany and other concentrated outbreaks , he says .
Those include : simple health measures can corral COVID-19 spread , and humility is important .
Don ’ t think you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus only affects other kinds of people , in other cities , in far-away states .
The singularly American failure to contain the virus and reopen its economy can in part be traced to America ’ s reluctance to learn from its own experience , and to distrust rooted in politicization .
But coronavirus doesn ’ t know red states from blue , Mr. Young points out .
“ People kind of thought , ‘ Well , that ’ s happening over here but not happening over here.
’ But the way this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still going to reach you , ” says Mr. Young .
“ It is going to find its way there .
That ’ s the nature of it.
” The birthplace of the Albany Movement , a desegregation and voters ’ rights coalition founded in 1961 that set the stage for the Rev .
Martin Luther King , Jr. ’ s , later protests , Albany is a majority-black city , largely segregated , where power and wealth is still concentrated in the white community .
It is part of the Black Belt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington to refer to the fertile crescent of land running through 11 Southern states .
Today , 32 % of residents live in poverty – compared with 12 % nationally .
Like so many cities and towns across the U.S. , its neighborhoods range from the neat , gated streets of the northern suburbs , to the disinvestment and decay of a southeastern area of the city known as Darkside .
And when the virus hit , the Black population – beset by chronic economic and health disparities , including lack of access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ninety percent of those who died in Albany were Black .
At the time of the initial outbreaks , much of the city ’ s political structure , including its mayor , were somewhat dismayed at the public health information coming from the level of the state , says Mr. Young .
But when cases rose sharply in March only the need for a concerted community-wide response mattered .
“ We were suddenly in a situation that demanded drastic measures , ” he says .
Michael Fowler is a local pastor who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the height of the outbreak he “ had the toughest job in the country , ” according to Governor Kemp .
One thing Dr. Fowler says he learned from that experience was to move fast .
“ I think we jumped on it by offering daily information about modes of transmission and death rates , and we said people have to stand together , and many of them did come together , ” he says .
They learned that the entire community needs to adopt simple prevention measures to beat back the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It can ’ t just be a few people wearing masks , ” he says .
During a visit two weeks ago to Albany , Georgia Public Health Commissioner Kathleen Toomey praised the community ’ s response to its initial outbreak .
She said that the city “ already knows the lessons we want everyone to follow through the state.
” The state may need to pay attention to Albany ’ s example because coronavirus cases in Georgia have swung sharply upward since the end of May .
On June 1 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new cases was 620 .
On July 20 , it was 2,979 .
To Albany ’ s political leaders this surge means they can ’ t rest on their laurels .
They ’ ve fought one big battle but the war isn ’ t over .
“ I think we keep doing what we ’ re doing , ” says Dr. Fowler .
“ There might be another surge , or a new virus .
We ’ ve got to learn to live with it.
” Right now , Georgia politics is riven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a conservative Republican , and Atlanta ’ s Democratic mayor , Keisha Lance Bottoms , over masks and other preventive measures .
On July 10 , Mayor Bottoms – a potential vice-presidential pick for presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden – issued an ordinance returning Atlanta to phase 1 of its reopening .
Among other things the ordinance mandated the wearing of face masks in public .
Governor Kemp has filed suit and is requesting an injunction that would bar Ms .
Bottoms from enforcing her order , or talking about her alleged authority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities are barred from issuing coronavirus rules that are more restrictive than those promulgated by the governor , according to the suit .
Albany , which has a white mayor , has not tried to override the governor on masks .
But it doesn ’ t have to , says Commissioner Young .
“ It was so bad here that we don ’ t need a mandatory thing , ” says Mr. Young .
“ Everybody is masking up pretty well .
The businesses responded .
We were in a good position where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic firsthand , local restaurateurs have gone beyond state standards and designed a set of local standards and restrained openings .
During the initial surge local nonprofits popped up to procure personal protective equipment so small business owners could find and afford protections for their staff and customers .
( Eventually , local government stepped in with grants to help pay for those supplies . )
Mr. Young has said Governor Kemp should not intervene with local governments on the choices they make to protect their communities , and that if things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might be beneficial .
But he adds that he realizes that there are strong feelings on the mask issue , on both sides .
“ And you have to factor that in , ” he says .
Albany ’ s experience will help it deal with the continued pandemic , according to Mr. Young .
He says the COVID-19 surge also highlighted racial and economic disparities in the area , since the Black community was hit so hard .
The city council has begun a plan to improve health outcomes across the region @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defenses .
“ I think we are in a good position ... because of the way that we came together .
And I also think things are very hopeful ... in terms of what this virus has exposed , ” says Commissioner Young .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“I think we are in a good position ... because of the way that we came together,” says Commissioner Young.
It’s unfortunate that states such as Texas, Florida, and Arizona largely didn’t heed the important lessons taught by Albany and other concentrated outbreaks, says city commissioner Demetrius Young. Those include: Simple health measures can corral COVID-19 spread, and humility is important. The coronavirus doesn’t know red states from blue, Mr. Young points out.
During a visit, Georgia Public Health Commissioner Kathleen Toomey praised the community’s response. She said that the city “already knows the lessons we want everyone to follow through the state.”
At one point, Dougherty County had the fourth-highest infection rate in the world. But citizens banded together across racial lines, adopted preventive measures, and beat back the virus, say local leaders.
Residents of rural Albany, Georgia, united to save their city from COVID-19. They say they have lessons for other Americans: Don’t think you’re immune, or that the virus only affects other kinds of people, in other cities, in faraway states.
The small city of 75,000 people developed one of the most intense outbreaks of the coronavirus in the United States in the pandemic’s early days. Cases linked to several funerals held in late February and early March spread and overwhelmed Albany’s health care capacity, in one of the first known instances of a “super-spreader” event in the country.
Four months ago, Albany, Georgia, was rocked by COVID-19.
The small city of 75,000 people – and surrounding Dougherty County, a rural area in the state’s southwest – developed one of the most intense outbreaks of coronavirus in the U.S. in the pandemic’s early days. Cases linked to several local funerals held in late February and early March spread and overwhelmed Albany’s health-care capacity, in one of the first known instances of a “super-spreader” event in the country.
At one point, Dougherty County had the fourth-highest infection rate in the world. National Guard medical teams descended on the area to aid in what became a Southern equivalent of New York City’s epic fight. Over 150 people died.
Why We Wrote This Residents of rural Albany, Georgia, united to save their city from COVID-19. They say they have lessons for other Americans: Don’t think you’re immune, or that the virus only affects other kinds of people, in other cities, in faraway states.
But citizens banded together across racial lines, adopted preventive measures, and beat back the virus, say local leaders. The county’s rolling number of daily average cases dropped from a peak of 55 in late March to about 3 in late June.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Cases have ticked up some lately as Georgia’s state outbreak has worsened. They’re still far below March’s highs, however. And Demetrius Young, an Albany City commissioner, believes that having lived through one out-of-control outbreak, area citizens will be better prepared to rally together and prevent another.
“Right now, we are poised to handle probably more of a surge than any other place that didn’t get hit like we did,” says Mr. Young, whose mother, Mary Young-Cummins, was a political legend in the region.
It’s unfortunate that states such as Texas, Florida, and Arizona, largely didn’t heed the important lessons taught by Albany and other concentrated outbreaks, he says. Those include: simple health measures can corral COVID-19 spread, and humility is important. Don’t think you’re immune, and that the virus only affects other kinds of people, in other cities, in far-away states.
The singularly American failure to contain the virus and reopen its economy can in part be traced to America’s reluctance to learn from its own experience, and to distrust rooted in politicization. But coronavirus doesn’t know red states from blue, Mr. Young points out.
“People kind of thought, ‘Well, that’s happening over here but not happening over here.’ But the way this virus works is that the water is still going to reach you,” says Mr. Young. “It is going to find its way there. That’s the nature of it.”
Birthplace of a movement
The birthplace of the Albany Movement, a desegregation and voters’ rights coalition founded in 1961 that set the stage for the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr.’s, later protests, Albany is a majority-black city, largely segregated, where power and wealth is still concentrated in the white community.
It is part of the Black Belt, a term popularized by Booker T. Washington to refer to the fertile crescent of land running through 11 Southern states. Today, 32% of residents live in poverty – compared with 12% nationally. Like so many cities and towns across the U.S., its neighborhoods range from the neat, gated streets of the northern suburbs, to the disinvestment and decay of a southeastern area of the city known as Darkside.
And when the virus hit, the Black population – beset by chronic economic and health disparities, including lack of access to health care – suffered the most. Ninety percent of those who died in Albany were Black.
At the time of the initial outbreaks, much of the city’s political structure, including its mayor, were somewhat dismayed at the public health information coming from the level of the state, says Mr. Young.
But when cases rose sharply in March only the need for a concerted community-wide response mattered.
“We were suddenly in a situation that demanded drastic measures,” he says.
Michael Fowler is a local pastor who also serves as county coroner. At the height of the outbreak he “had the toughest job in the country,” according to Governor Kemp.
One thing Dr. Fowler says he learned from that experience was to move fast.
“I think we jumped on it by offering daily information about modes of transmission and death rates, and we said people have to stand together, and many of them did come together,” he says.
They learned that the entire community needs to adopt simple prevention measures to beat back the virus and send the case curve downward.
“It can’t just be a few people wearing masks,” he says.
During a visit two weeks ago to Albany, Georgia Public Health Commissioner Kathleen Toomey praised the community’s response to its initial outbreak. She said that the city “already knows the lessons we want everyone to follow through the state.”
The state may need to pay attention to Albany’s example because coronavirus cases in Georgia have swung sharply upward since the end of May.
On June 1, Georgia’s seven-day rolling average of new cases was 620. On July 20, it was 2,979.
To Albany’s political leaders this surge means they can’t rest on their laurels. They’ve fought one big battle but the war isn’t over.
“I think we keep doing what we’re doing,” says Dr. Fowler. “There might be another surge, or a new virus. We’ve got to learn to live with it.”
“People took it seriously”
Right now, Georgia politics is riven by a dispute between Governor Kemp, a conservative Republican, and Atlanta’s Democratic mayor, Keisha Lance Bottoms, over masks and other preventive measures.
On July 10, Mayor Bottoms – a potential vice-presidential pick for presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden – issued an ordinance returning Atlanta to phase 1 of its reopening. Among other things the ordinance mandated the wearing of face masks in public.
Governor Kemp has filed suit and is requesting an injunction that would bar Ms. Bottoms from enforcing her order, or talking about her alleged authority to do so. Georgia’s cities are barred from issuing coronavirus rules that are more restrictive than those promulgated by the governor, according to the suit.
Albany, which has a white mayor, has not tried to override the governor on masks. But it doesn’t have to, says Commissioner Young.
“It was so bad here that we don’t need a mandatory thing,” says Mr. Young. “Everybody is masking up pretty well. The businesses responded. We were in a good position where people took it seriously.”
Having experienced the pandemic firsthand, local restaurateurs have gone beyond state standards and designed a set of local standards and restrained openings. During the initial surge local nonprofits popped up to procure personal protective equipment so small business owners could find and afford protections for their staff and customers. (Eventually, local government stepped in with grants to help pay for those supplies.)
Mr. Young has said Governor Kemp should not intervene with local governments on the choices they make to protect their communities, and that if things really get worse, a mask mandate might be beneficial. But he adds that he realizes that there are strong feelings on the mask issue, on both sides.
“And you have to factor that in,” he says.
Albany’s experience will help it deal with the continued pandemic, according to Mr. Young. He says the COVID-19 surge also highlighted racial and economic disparities in the area, since the Black community was hit so hard. The city council has begun a plan to improve health outcomes across the region, in part to improve community pandemic defenses.
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“I think we are in a good position ... because of the way that we came together. And I also think things are very hopeful ... in terms of what this virus has exposed,” says Commissioner Young.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-07-21--With Little Free Pantries, neighbors feed neighbors in need

“ It takes all of us to make this work , ” she says .
“ It ’ s only together that we do it .
... We all need each other.
” Today there are hundreds in the U.S. as well as an estimated 3,000 pantries worldwide in countries like Canada , Australia , the Netherlands , and Thailand .
With a microloan of $ 250 , Ms. McClard installed the first Little Free Pantry on the grounds of her church in May 2016 .
Within months , more than 100 pantries had sprung up across the country .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pantry was born , a free-standing cabinet with shelves and a door , mounted on a post .
It ’ s filled with nonperishable food and personal hygiene products .
Anyone can put up a pantry , take from the pantry , and donate to the pantry .
It was during one of her regular runs that Jessica McClard noticed the first Little Free Library in her hometown of Fayetteville , Arkansas .
The homemade book exchange boxes had been proliferating all over the country .
She became fascinated with them , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insecurity into a similar project .
Jessica McClard is an avid runner and reader .
It was during her runs that she noticed the first Little Free Library in her hometown of Fayetteville , Arkansas .
The homemade book exchange boxes had been proliferating all over the country .
Soon there were four such libraries within walking distance of her home , situated in her middle-class neighborhood in a college town .
She became fascinated with the Little Free Libraries and thought a lot about why she was drawn to them .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be neighborly again , ” she says .
“ And that is something that some of us really , really want .
If that ’ s the case , and it ’ s as much about the space as the books , then anything might go inside it.
” It didn ’ t take her long to figure out exactly what she wanted to put inside such a space .
Ms. McClard has a long-standing interest in poverty justice and a keen awareness of the prevalence of food insecurity in Northwest Arkansas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circle at the elementary school her two daughters attended , helping provide food to students in need .
“ All of those things clicked , ” she says .
“ I knew what I was going to do.
” Thus the idea for the Little Free Pantry was born .
The concept couldn ’ t be simpler .
A Little Free Pantry can take many forms , but typically it ’ s a free-standing cabinet with shelves and a door , mounted on a post .
It ’ s filled with nonperishable food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put up a pantry , anyone can take from the pantry , and anyone can donate to the pantry .
With a microloan of $ 250 , Ms. McClard installed the first Little Free Pantry on the grounds of her church in Fayetteville in May 2016 .
Things moved quickly from there .
She created a Facebook page for the project and within a few days her story was picked up by the local media .
Two weeks later , someone unknown to Ms. McClard put up a second pantry in another part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popped up 300 miles away in Ardmore , Oklahoma .
Within months , more than 100 pantries had sprung up across the country and the concept had gone international , with a Little Free Pantry reported in New Zealand .
“ I really had no idea how fast it would happen , ” Ms. McClard says .
“ I hoped that people would take the concept and run with it , and that ’ s exactly what happened.
” Today there are hundreds of pantries in the U.S. as well as in countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Netherlands , and Thailand .
Ms. McClard estimates there are more than 3,000 pantries worldwide , though the exact number is impossible to know .
She attributes the popularity and rapid expansion of the mini pantries to a number of factors .
The Little Free Libraries , which started in 2009 , primed many people to the concept of a public space where neighbors connect with neighbors , anonymously and with little organization .
“ It ’ s not a difficult project to execute , ” she says , “ but it also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s an easy way for a lot of people to give back to their communities .
For a lot of people , it ’ s difficult to write a $ 25 check , but when they get paid , they might pick up an extra can of green beans and put it in the mini pantry .
That happens all the time.
” Ms. McClard ’ s pantry is entirely open source .
There are no schedules or sign-up sheets .
Friends and community members stock the pantry when they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and networks of pantries are more organized .
While her pantry has always been active , she has seen a spike over the past few months , both in how often it is emptied and in the number of new pantries opening up worldwide .
“ COVID has people looking to do something and this is something that people can do , ” she says .
“ Social distance is built in , so you really don ’ t need to be close to someone to help through these spaces .
I feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ We all need each other ” Gretchen Davis started a mini pantry in Columbus , Ohio , in 2018 , impelled by a desire to create a volunteer opportunity for her four children .
In 2 1/2 years , the Columbus Blessing Boxes Project has expanded to 60 mini pantries covering much of central Ohio .
“ Jessica ’ s idea to put out a food pantry to help those in need – no questions asked , no signing up , a place anyone can go whenever it ’ s convenient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ms. Davis says .
“ People are sometimes reluctant to ask for help , ” she adds , noting that the mini pantries break the traditional provider-client relationship model .
Mini pantries are not intended to take the place of food banks , which are far larger and have the capacity to serve much greater numbers of people .
Since mini pantries are small , they can not stock the quantity and variety of foods that would be available at a food bank , nor are the contents of a mini pantry predictable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Ms. McClard says , adding that many food pantries require recipients to go through means testing , to determine if they are needy enough to receive benefits .
“ There are a lot of people experiencing food insecurity who do not pass a means test , ” Ms. McClard says .
“ Minis are a place people can go when they can ’ t go somewhere else.
” “ I see Little Free Pantries sitting alongside traditional sources of food , ” says Molly Harmon , a chef in Seattle who used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mini pantries last March .
That project has since ballooned to 74 pantries located within a 30 miles radius of the city .
“ Circumstances are different for everyone and they are a nonjudgmental way to get food , ” Ms. Harmon says .
“ They ’ re open 24/7 .
There ’ s no ID required .
It ’ s food by neighbors for neighbors , so the likelihood of finding culturally relevant foods is higher .
And it ’ s an anonymous access point , so anyone can come and get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the respect of much larger hunger relief organizations .
Brenda Shaw is the chief development officer of the Lowcountry Food Bank in Charleston , South Carolina , which services 300 partner agencies in a 9,000 square mile territory .
Last year , the food bank served more than 200,000 people and distributed over 32 million pounds of food .
“ I think [ mini pantries ] certainly address a need , especially for emergency food assistance , ” Ms. Shaw says .
“ If someone can ’ t get to a larger pantry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mini pantries provide our neighbors in need with food immediately , which is a very good and honorable thing to do.
” Ms. McClard maintains a website that offers guidance on topics like building and locating a mini pantry , as well as a map showing the location of many of the pantries .
She is in the process of launching an online marketplace that she expects to be live later this summer , www.pantrygift.org , that supports the mini-pantry movement by allowing people to make tax-deductible donations to individual pantries or pantry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ If it were just me , that box out there would be nothing more than a kind gesture to somebody , ” she says .
“ It takes all of us to make this work .
It ’ s only together that we do it .
I need them .
We all need each other .
”

“It takes all of us to make this work,” she says. “It’s only together that we do it. ... We all need each other.”
Today there are hundreds in the U.S. as well as an estimated 3,000 pantries worldwide in countries like Canada, Australia, the Netherlands, and Thailand.
With a microloan of $250, Ms. McClard installed the first Little Free Pantry on the grounds of her church in May 2016. Within months, more than 100 pantries had sprung up across the country.
Sometimes, charitable acts are contagious. Inspired by Little Free Libraries, an Arkansas woman leveraged that same community-led, grassroots spirit to address food insecurity. Today, thousands of Little Free Pantries help feed those in need.
Thus the idea for the Little Free Pantry was born, a free-standing cabinet with shelves and a door, mounted on a post. It’s filled with nonperishable food and personal hygiene products. Anyone can put up a pantry, take from the pantry, and donate to the pantry.
It was during one of her regular runs that Jessica McClard noticed the first Little Free Library in her hometown of Fayetteville, Arkansas. The homemade book exchange boxes had been proliferating all over the country. She became fascinated with them, and wanted to translate her interest in food insecurity into a similar project.
Jessica McClard is an avid runner and reader.
It was during her runs that she noticed the first Little Free Library in her hometown of Fayetteville, Arkansas. The homemade book exchange boxes had been proliferating all over the country. Soon there were four such libraries within walking distance of her home, situated in her middle-class neighborhood in a college town. She became fascinated with the Little Free Libraries and thought a lot about why she was drawn to them.
“These little free spaces create a place to be neighborly again,” she says. “And that is something that some of us really, really want. If that’s the case, and it’s as much about the space as the books, then anything might go inside it.”
Why We Wrote This Sometimes, charitable acts are contagious. Inspired by Little Free Libraries, an Arkansas woman leveraged that same community-led, grassroots spirit to address food insecurity. Today, thousands of Little Free Pantries help feed those in need.
It didn’t take her long to figure out exactly what she wanted to put inside such a space. Ms. McClard has a long-standing interest in poverty justice and a keen awareness of the prevalence of food insecurity in Northwest Arkansas. She was part of a giving circle at the elementary school her two daughters attended, helping provide food to students in need.
“All of those things clicked,” she says. “I knew what I was going to do.”
Thus the idea for the Little Free Pantry was born.
The concept couldn’t be simpler. A Little Free Pantry can take many forms, but typically it’s a free-standing cabinet with shelves and a door, mounted on a post. It’s filled with nonperishable food and personal hygiene products. Anyone can put up a pantry, anyone can take from the pantry, and anyone can donate to the pantry.
With a microloan of $250, Ms. McClard installed the first Little Free Pantry on the grounds of her church in Fayetteville in May 2016. Things moved quickly from there. She created a Facebook page for the project and within a few days her story was picked up by the local media. Two weeks later, someone unknown to Ms. McClard put up a second pantry in another part of town. Soon a third pantry popped up 300 miles away in Ardmore, Oklahoma. Within months, more than 100 pantries had sprung up across the country and the concept had gone international, with a Little Free Pantry reported in New Zealand.
“I really had no idea how fast it would happen,” Ms. McClard says. “I hoped that people would take the concept and run with it, and that’s exactly what happened.”
A way to give back
Today there are hundreds of pantries in the U.S. as well as in countries such as Canada, Australia, the Netherlands, and Thailand. Ms. McClard estimates there are more than 3,000 pantries worldwide, though the exact number is impossible to know.
She attributes the popularity and rapid expansion of the mini pantries to a number of factors. The Little Free Libraries, which started in 2009, primed many people to the concept of a public space where neighbors connect with neighbors, anonymously and with little organization.
“It’s not a difficult project to execute,” she says, “but it also invites participation without having to execute. It’s an easy way for a lot of people to give back to their communities. For a lot of people, it’s difficult to write a $25 check, but when they get paid, they might pick up an extra can of green beans and put it in the mini pantry. That happens all the time.”
Ms. McClard’s pantry is entirely open source. There are no schedules or sign-up sheets. Friends and community members stock the pantry when they are moved to do so. Other pantries and networks of pantries are more organized.
While her pantry has always been active, she has seen a spike over the past few months, both in how often it is emptied and in the number of new pantries opening up worldwide.
“COVID has people looking to do something and this is something that people can do,” she says. “Social distance is built in, so you really don’t need to be close to someone to help through these spaces. I feel like it’s the mini-pantry moment.”
“We all need each other”
Gretchen Davis started a mini pantry in Columbus, Ohio, in 2018, impelled by a desire to create a volunteer opportunity for her four children. In 2 1/2 years, the Columbus Blessing Boxes Project has expanded to 60 mini pantries covering much of central Ohio.
“Jessica’s idea to put out a food pantry to help those in need – no questions asked, no signing up, a place anyone can go whenever it’s convenient – was a fantastic idea,” Ms. Davis says. “People are sometimes reluctant to ask for help,” she adds, noting that the mini pantries break the traditional provider-client relationship model.
Mini pantries are not intended to take the place of food banks, which are far larger and have the capacity to serve much greater numbers of people. Since mini pantries are small, they cannot stock the quantity and variety of foods that would be available at a food bank, nor are the contents of a mini pantry predictable.
“Minis are a gap-filler,” Ms. McClard says, adding that many food pantries require recipients to go through means testing, to determine if they are needy enough to receive benefits. “There are a lot of people experiencing food insecurity who do not pass a means test,” Ms. McClard says. “Minis are a place people can go when they can’t go somewhere else.”
“I see Little Free Pantries sitting alongside traditional sources of food,” says Molly Harmon, a chef in Seattle who used a microgrant to build and install six mini pantries last March. That project has since ballooned to 74 pantries located within a 30 miles radius of the city.
“Circumstances are different for everyone and they are a nonjudgmental way to get food,” Ms. Harmon says. “They’re open 24/7. There’s no ID required. It’s food by neighbors for neighbors, so the likelihood of finding culturally relevant foods is higher. And it’s an anonymous access point, so anyone can come and get food.”
The mini-pantry movement has earned the respect of much larger hunger relief organizations. Brenda Shaw is the chief development officer of the Lowcountry Food Bank in Charleston, South Carolina, which services 300 partner agencies in a 9,000 square mile territory. Last year, the food bank served more than 200,000 people and distributed over 32 million pounds of food.
“I think [mini pantries] certainly address a need, especially for emergency food assistance,” Ms. Shaw says. “If someone can’t get to a larger pantry or to the food bank itself, mini pantries provide our neighbors in need with food immediately, which is a very good and honorable thing to do.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Ms. McClard maintains a website that offers guidance on topics like building and locating a mini pantry, as well as a map showing the location of many of the pantries. She is in the process of launching an online marketplace that she expects to be live later this summer, www.pantrygift.org, that supports the mini-pantry movement by allowing people to make tax-deductible donations to individual pantries or pantry networks, or to create fundraising campaigns.
“If it were just me, that box out there would be nothing more than a kind gesture to somebody,” she says. “It takes all of us to make this work. It’s only together that we do it. I need them. We all need each other.”