csmonitor--2020-06-23--Protect the vote, or the voter? In African elections, no easy choice.

“ It ’ s the transparency of what you choose in either case , and who has a say in making it happen , ” says Emmaculate Liaga , a visiting researcher at the University of Basel .
In the end , experts say , the most important thing is not necessarily whether or not an election is held , but how the decision is reached in either case .
Across Africa , the stakes are especially high .
On a continent where many health systems are fragile and transfers of power often tenuous , the balance between public health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strike .
Some countries , like Ethiopia , have canceled or pushed back votes – prompting cries of foul play from critics who say it ’ s a pretext to cling to power .
Some , like Benin and Mali , have held elections while attempting to enforce social distancing rules .
And still others , like Malawi – where citizens vote today – have charged ahead full speed , insisting the show must go on .
Across the world , the COVID-19 crisis has introduced a new wrinkle into the already complicated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigning , after all , is built on closeness – handshaking and posing for photos and the show of strength that is a mass rally .
Voting itself often forces people into proximity .
The crowd gathered in Kasungu , stretched down its main street and bunched around a small stage .
Some wore sky-blue skirts and dresses emblazoned with the face of Peter Mutharika , the country ’ s president .
Others waved handkerchiefs or flyers stamped with four ears of corn – the logo of his political party , the Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they jostled for a view of his black SUV .
As it parted the crowd , they cheered and ululated .
Soon he was onstage , promising in a booming voice that his second term would bring a raft of good fortune to this town in central Malawi .
It looks like a scene from another era , before social distancing made gatherings like this a near-impossibility in many parts of the world .
But this rally was filmed in mid-June , as Malawi entered the final run-up to its election – held @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Across the world , the COVID-19 crisis has introduced a new wrinkle into the already complicated business of holding an election .
Traditional campaigning , after all , is built on closeness – handshaking and posing for photos and the show of strength that is a mass rally .
And voting itself often forces people to scrunch together in queues , touching the same polling-place door handles and touch screens and ink pads .
How do you do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could spread a deadly disease ?
Across Africa , the stakes are especially high .
On a continent where many health systems are fragile and transfers of power often tenuous , the balance between public health and democracy has been particularly hard to strike .
In some countries , like Ethiopia , governments have canceled or pushed back elections , often prompting cries of foul play from their opposition , who argue those in power are using the pretext of a pandemic to cling to power .
Some , like Benin and Mali @ @ @ @ @ @ @ line , holding elections while attempting – with mixed success – to enforce rules about masks and social distancing .
And in still others , like Burundi and Malawi , elections have charged forward full speed , ignoring all advice to the contrary , insisting that in democracy the show must go on .
“ The problem is we are in an election period and our colleagues on the other side are also defying the [ country ’ s public health ] guidelines [ prohibiting large gatherings ] .
They are saying something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joseph Chidanti-Malunga , spokesperson for the United Transformation Movement , an opposition party in Malawi .
“ If government itself is not obeying , what ’ s the opposition going to do ?
” The short answer : Hold rallies , shake hands , campaign as normal .
“ Let ’ s all go and vote , ” shouted Lazarus Chakwera , the candidate for the opposition Tonse Alliance , at a mass rally filmed in the town of Karonga on June 10 .
“ We are going to have elections whether someone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bellowed to loud cheers .
Malawi ’ s election was fraught long before COVID-19 arrived on the scene .
The vote was originally held in May of last year , with Dr. Mutharika declared the winner .
But the opposition cried foul , saying that Tipp-Ex correction fluid had been used to alter results from several polling stations , and that others were faked or duplicated .
In February , the country ’ s Constitutional Court nullified the 2019 vote and called for a fresh election – only the second time that a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On March 20 , before Malawi had a single confirmed case of COVID-19 , President Mutharika ordered schools closed and banned gatherings of more than 100 people .
The country ’ s first three confirmed cases were announced on April 2 .
The government then announced a lockdown , but protests erupted , and the High Court ordered it could not be implemented until it included measures to protect poor people .
Today , Malawi has 803 confirmed cases and 11 deaths .
Despite a widespread lack of testing , members of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the significance of the country ’ s outbreak , and the dangers associated with holding an election during it .
Similar attitudes emerged in Burundi ahead of its May 20 national election .
Jean-Claude Karerwa Ndenzako , spokesperson for the country ’ s president , Pierre Nkurunziza , explained to the BBC that Burundi had “ signed a special pact with God ” that would protect it from the coronavirus .
Just before the vote , Burundi ’ s government expelled four World Health Organization representatives coordinating a response to the coronavirus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ – which was won in disputed circumstances by Mr. Nkurunziza ’ s favored successor , Évariste Ndayishimiye – the former president died suddenly .
Officially , the cause was cardiac arrest .
But his wife had already been treated in Kenya for a suspected case of COVID-19 , and diplomats told the Financial Times that they believed Mr. Nkurunziza had likely been infected as well .
For experts , the president ’ s death underscored the dangers of pandemic denial .
Officially the country has only 144 cases and one death , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far higher .
“ Burundi was a huge lesson – that in a basic way you must respect that there is a global public health crisis , ” says Olufunto Akinduro , a senior program officer at the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance who studies African elections .
“ When you deny that , this is what can happen.
” For Mr. Nkurunziza , downplaying the pandemic was part of a tool kit to skew the election in his party ’ s favor that also included the arrest , torture , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights activists , and vote rigging .
“ There is no playbook here to fall back on ” when holding an election during the COVID-19 crisis , says Comfort Ero , program director for Africa at the International Crisis Group .
“ But it is clear that done poorly it can provoke further tensions in already fraught and fragile situations.
” But steamrolling over a public health crisis to hold an election is not the only way governments can use the pandemic to their political advantage , Ms. Ero notes .
Other countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they can not prepare or hold them safely .
These concerns are often well placed , says Ms. Akinduro .
The pandemic , after all , makes even processes like the importation of ballot papers or the presence of international observers far more difficult .
But in some cases , members of the political opposition , as well as human rights defenders , have protested , saying that the delays seem calculated to keep the ruling party in power .
In Ethiopia , for instance , the general election originally scheduled for August @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took power in April 2018 , promising to promote democracy in the rigidly autocratic state .
But ethnic violence had marred the lead-up to the vote , and in late March , shortly after Ethiopia ’ s first cases of coronavirus were confirmed , Mr. Abiy announced the election would be postponed .
In May , he extended that postponement indefinitely , meaning that his government could still be in power when its mandate expires in October .
In Uganda , meanwhile , the government of Yoweri Museveni , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has said it will go ahead with a general election next year – but bar all campaign rallies .
There , like in many African countries , rallies are one of the few ways for opposition candidates to reach many voters , who may not have access to the internet , and whose TV and radio options may be limited to government-controlled stations .
“ Even without a pandemic , the incumbent has the advantage , ” says Ms. Ero .
“ The crucial thing now is to make sure restrictions don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inhibit political space and free speech.
” In the end , experts say , the most important thing is not necessarily whether or not an election is held – but how the decision is reached .
“ It ’ s the transparency of what you choose in either case , and who has a say in making it happen , ” says Emmaculate Liaga , a visiting researcher at the Centre for African Studies at the University of Basel in Switzerland .
Back in Malawi , daily mass rallies by both the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposition Tonse Alliance continued full speed in the run-up to today ’ s vote , despite warnings from the country ’ s health authorities .
“ Unfortunately , [ political parties ’ ] behavior during this campaign period has taken us backwards , ” says Dr. Charles Mwansambo , chief of health services at Malawi ’ s Ministry of Health .
“ We stand to lose more than what we will gain.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“It’s the transparency of what you choose in either case, and who has a say in making it happen,” says Emmaculate Liaga, a visiting researcher at the University of Basel.
In the end, experts say, the most important thing is not necessarily whether or not an election is held, but how the decision is reached in either case.
Public health and the health of democracy: In theory, they’d go hand in hand. But in countries where both are unstable, the pandemic is raising thorny questions about how elections should go forward – if at all.
Across Africa, the stakes are especially high. On a continent where many health systems are fragile and transfers of power often tenuous, the balance between public health and democracy has been particularly hard to strike. Some countries, like Ethiopia, have canceled or pushed back votes – prompting cries of foul play from critics who say it’s a pretext to cling to power. Some, like Benin and Mali, have held elections while attempting to enforce social distancing rules. And still others, like Malawi – where citizens vote today – have charged ahead full speed, insisting the show must go on.
Across the world, the COVID-19 crisis has introduced a new wrinkle into the already complicated business of holding an election. Traditional campaigning, after all, is built on closeness – handshaking and posing for photos and the show of strength that is a mass rally. Voting itself often forces people into proximity.
The crowd gathered in Kasungu, stretched down its main street and bunched around a small stage. Some wore sky-blue skirts and dresses emblazoned with the face of Peter Mutharika, the country’s president. Others waved handkerchiefs or flyers stamped with four ears of corn – the logo of his political party, the Democratic Progressive Party. Shoulder to shoulder, they jostled for a view of his black SUV.
As it parted the crowd, they cheered and ululated. Soon he was onstage, promising in a booming voice that his second term would bring a raft of good fortune to this town in central Malawi.
It looks like a scene from another era, before social distancing made gatherings like this a near-impossibility in many parts of the world. But this rally was filmed in mid-June, as Malawi entered the final run-up to its election – held today.
Why We Wrote This Public health and the health of democracy: In theory, they’d go hand in hand. But in countries where both are unstable, the pandemic is raising thorny questions about how elections should go forward – if at all.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Across the world, the COVID-19 crisis has introduced a new wrinkle into the already complicated business of holding an election. Traditional campaigning, after all, is built on closeness – handshaking and posing for photos and the show of strength that is a mass rally. And voting itself often forces people to scrunch together in queues, touching the same polling-place door handles and touch screens and ink pads. How do you do that when experts say touch and breath could spread a deadly disease?
Across Africa, the stakes are especially high. On a continent where many health systems are fragile and transfers of power often tenuous, the balance between public health and democracy has been particularly hard to strike. In some countries, like Ethiopia, governments have canceled or pushed back elections, often prompting cries of foul play from their opposition, who argue those in power are using the pretext of a pandemic to cling to power. Some, like Benin and Mali, have tried to walk a middle line, holding elections while attempting – with mixed success – to enforce rules about masks and social distancing. And in still others, like Burundi and Malawi, elections have charged forward full speed, ignoring all advice to the contrary, insisting that in democracy the show must go on.
“The problem is we are in an election period and our colleagues on the other side are also defying the [country’s public health] guidelines [prohibiting large gatherings]. They are saying something and doing the opposite,” says Joseph Chidanti-Malunga, spokesperson for the United Transformation Movement, an opposition party in Malawi. “If government itself is not obeying, what’s the opposition going to do?”
The short answer: Hold rallies, shake hands, campaign as normal. “Let’s all go and vote,” shouted Lazarus Chakwera, the candidate for the opposition Tonse Alliance, at a mass rally filmed in the town of Karonga on June 10. “We are going to have elections whether someone likes it or not,” he bellowed to loud cheers.
Eldson Chagara/Reuters View caption Hide caption Opposition supporters celebrate after a court annulled the May 2019 presidential vote that declared Peter Mutharika a winner, in Lilongwe, Malawi, Feb. 4, 2020.
Historic decision
Malawi’s election was fraught long before COVID-19 arrived on the scene. The vote was originally held in May of last year, with Dr. Mutharika declared the winner. But the opposition cried foul, saying that Tipp-Ex correction fluid had been used to alter results from several polling stations, and that others were faked or duplicated. In February, the country’s Constitutional Court nullified the 2019 vote and called for a fresh election – only the second time that a court in sub-Saharan Africa has done so.
Then came a pandemic.
On March 20, before Malawi had a single confirmed case of COVID-19, President Mutharika ordered schools closed and banned gatherings of more than 100 people. The country’s first three confirmed cases were announced on April 2. The government then announced a lockdown, but protests erupted, and the High Court ordered it could not be implemented until it included measures to protect poor people. Today, Malawi has 803 confirmed cases and 11 deaths.
Despite a widespread lack of testing, members of both government and the opposition have downplayed the significance of the country’s outbreak, and the dangers associated with holding an election during it.
Similar attitudes emerged in Burundi ahead of its May 20 national election. Jean-Claude Karerwa Ndenzako, spokesperson for the country’s president, Pierre Nkurunziza, explained to the BBC that Burundi had “signed a special pact with God” that would protect it from the coronavirus.
Just before the vote, Burundi’s government expelled four World Health Organization representatives coordinating a response to the coronavirus.
Then, three weeks after the election – which was won in disputed circumstances by Mr. Nkurunziza’s favored successor, Évariste Ndayishimiye – the former president died suddenly.
Officially, the cause was cardiac arrest. But his wife had already been treated in Kenya for a suspected case of COVID-19, and diplomats told the Financial Times that they believed Mr. Nkurunziza had likely been infected as well.
For experts, the president’s death underscored the dangers of pandemic denial. Officially the country has only 144 cases and one death, but the true figure is suspected to be far higher.
“Burundi was a huge lesson – that in a basic way you must respect that there is a global public health crisis,” says Olufunto Akinduro, a senior program officer at the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance who studies African elections. “When you deny that, this is what can happen.”
For Mr. Nkurunziza, downplaying the pandemic was part of a tool kit to skew the election in his party’s favor that also included the arrest, torture, and disappearance of opposition members and human rights activists, and vote rigging.
“There is no playbook here to fall back on” when holding an election during the COVID-19 crisis, says Comfort Ero, program director for Africa at the International Crisis Group. “But it is clear that done poorly it can provoke further tensions in already fraught and fragile situations.”
Clovis Guy Siboniyo/Reuters View caption Hide caption Voters queue at a polling station during the presidential, legislative, and communal council elections amid simmering political violence and the growing threat of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19), in Ngozi, Burundi, May 20, 2020.
Whose call?
But steamrolling over a public health crisis to hold an election is not the only way governments can use the pandemic to their political advantage, Ms. Ero notes.
Other countries have postponed their elections, arguing that they cannot prepare or hold them safely. These concerns are often well placed, says Ms. Akinduro. The pandemic, after all, makes even processes like the importation of ballot papers or the presence of international observers far more difficult.
But in some cases, members of the political opposition, as well as human rights defenders, have protested, saying that the delays seem calculated to keep the ruling party in power.
In Ethiopia, for instance, the general election originally scheduled for August was to be the first since reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took power in April 2018, promising to promote democracy in the rigidly autocratic state.
But ethnic violence had marred the lead-up to the vote, and in late March, shortly after Ethiopia’s first cases of coronavirus were confirmed, Mr. Abiy announced the election would be postponed. In May, he extended that postponement indefinitely, meaning that his government could still be in power when its mandate expires in October.
In Uganda, meanwhile, the government of Yoweri Museveni, who has been president since 1986, has said it will go ahead with a general election next year – but bar all campaign rallies. There, like in many African countries, rallies are one of the few ways for opposition candidates to reach many voters, who may not have access to the internet, and whose TV and radio options may be limited to government-controlled stations.
“Even without a pandemic, the incumbent has the advantage,” says Ms. Ero. “The crucial thing now is to make sure restrictions don’t give the authorities blanket authority and inhibit political space and free speech.”
In the end, experts say, the most important thing is not necessarily whether or not an election is held – but how the decision is reached.
“It’s the transparency of what you choose in either case, and who has a say in making it happen,” says Emmaculate Liaga, a visiting researcher at the Centre for African Studies at the University of Basel in Switzerland.
Back in Malawi, daily mass rallies by both the president’s Democratic Progressive Party and the opposition Tonse Alliance continued full speed in the run-up to today’s vote, despite warnings from the country’s health authorities.
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“Unfortunately, [political parties’] behavior during this campaign period has taken us backwards,” says Dr. Charles Mwansambo, chief of health services at Malawi’s Ministry of Health. “We stand to lose more than what we will gain.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-06-23--As election nears, Trump and Biden are campaigning again. Sort of.

“ So far , this is not unfolding like a traditional campaign , ” says Matthew Dickinson , a political scientist at Middlebury College in Vermont .
“ Like all things in the age of the coronavirus , this is uncharted territory.
” The candidates ’ reemergence reflects their contrasting styles – Mr. Trump has always fed off the energy of crowds , while Mr. Biden tends toward face-to-face interactions – as well as the concerns of their voters , particularly when it comes to COVID-19 .
More broadly , it is reinforcing how far from “ normal ” this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday , Mr. Trump headed to Yuma , Arizona , to visit a newly-completed stretch of the border wall before delivering remarks to students in Phoenix .
Mr. Biden , meanwhile , was set to hold a virtual fundraiser with former President Barack Obama .
After a break from formal campaigning , President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden are ramping up their in-person events for the first time since the pandemic began .
President Trump took the stage Saturday night for a rally in Tulsa , Oklahoma .
Days earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and business owners in Darby , Pennsylvania , all wearing masks and spaced across the floor .
After a break from formal campaigning , President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden have hit the trail again .
But judging by recent appearances , politics as usual remain a long way off .
Both candidates are ramping up their schedule of in-person events for the first time since the coronavirus pandemic put a hold on mass gatherings .
President Trump took the stage Saturday night for one of his signature rallies in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crowd .
Attendees had their temperatures checked upon entry and were offered face masks , although many did not wear them .
Three days earlier in Darby , Pennsylvania , Mr. Biden spoke to an invitation-only room of about two dozen local officials , business owners , and reporters , all wearing masks and sitting within designated white circles spaced across the floor .
Tuesday offers its own side-by-side comparison , with Mr. Trump traveling to Yuma , Arizona , to visit a newly-completed stretch of the border wall before delivering remarks to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Biden , meanwhile , was set to hold a virtual fundraiser with former President Barack Obama , the first official 2020 event Mr. Obama has hosted for his onetime VP .
The candidates ’ reemergence reflects their contrasting styles – President Trump has always fed off the energy of crowds , while Mr. Biden tends toward smaller events and face-to-face interactions – as well as the concerns and priorities of their voters , particularly when it comes to COVID-19 .
More broadly , it is reinforcing the extent to which the campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is likely to continue to be shaped by the pandemic and the turmoil over racial justice .
Indeed , with less the two months before the parties are scheduled to hold their summer conventions , the only predictable aspect to the 2020 campaign is how far from “ normal ” this political season is proving to be .
“ So far , this is not unfolding like a traditional campaign , ” says Matthew Dickinson , a political scientist at Middlebury College in Vermont .
“ Like all things in the age of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The upcoming conventions offer a clear contrast between the candidates ’ approaches to COVID-19 precautions , as well as the differing partisan perspectives on the issue even as cases spike in two dozen states .
Earlier this year , the Democratic National Committee pushed back the date of its convention in Milwaukee from July to August .
The party chair currently says he is unsure of attendance size , and many are speculating that at least part of the convention will take place online .
Mr. Trump , on the other hand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Republican National Convention in August from Charlotte , North Carolina , to Jacksonville , Florida , after failing to come to an agreement with North Carolina ’ s Democratic governor about how to handle large in-person gatherings .
If the rally in Tulsa was any indication , the president ’ s goal of a traditional convention may be easier said than done .
Despite the president ’ s claim that almost 1 million people requested tickets to the Tulsa event , large sections of the 19,000-seat BOK Center remained empty .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that fewer than 6,200 people attended the event , while the Trump campaign said 12,000 attended . )
Before Mr. Trump took the podium Saturday evening for an almost two-hour-long rambling speech , his team broke down an outdoor stage that had been created for an overflow crowd that never materialized .
Some users of TikTok , a social media app that shares short videos , claimed credit for the lower-than-expected turnout in Tulsa , after videos calling for Trump opponents to register for the event and not attend went viral .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blamed protesters – whose anticipated presence , they said , discouraged many older Trump supporters and those with young children from attending .
Media reports suggested the actual number of protestors was relatively low .
Of course , it ’ s still notable that Mr. Trump was able to draw thousands of supporters in person during a pandemic .
“ There is no comparison between the Darby and Tulsa events .
[ Mr. Biden ’ s event ] looks like an elementary school cafeteria , compared to the massive arenas that Trump has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” says Tricia Hope , a rally attendee and real estate agent from Houston , who spoke to the Monitor by phone after the rally .
Nevertheless , concerns about a massive indoor rally in a state with rising COVID-19 cases might have kept some supporters away ; the Trump campaign ’ s efforts to hype the attendance numbers in advance may have worked against them in that regard .
And that ’ s a challenge that may well persist , as the virus currently is on the uptick in a number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign , such as Arizona , Texas , Florida , and North Carolina .
After the Tulsa rally , the campaign revealed that two members of its advance team , who had attended the indoor event , tested positive for the virus .
Six other advance team workers had tested positive before the rally .
Still , Randall Thom , a Trump supporter from Minnesota who has attended 64 rallies including the event in Tulsa , argues that if anything the safety precautions in Tulsa were too strict , complicating the entry process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bad thing – we have to get back to normal , and not the new normal that is being pushed down our throats as Americans , ” writes Mr. Thom in a text message .
“ I am not afraid of the virus .
I am afraid that if Biden gets elected my freedom and liberty will be taken.
” Mr. Trump isn ’ t the only one struggling to chart a way back to normal .
Mr. Biden has also found himself campaigning under restrictive conditions that are in some ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , however , suggest Mr. Biden is in a strong position .
A Fox News poll from mid-June has Mr. Biden ahead by 12 points nationally , and recent surveys from critical swing states such as Michigan , Florida , and Wisconsin also show Mr. Biden ahead .
While the president has a substantial financial advantage over his Democratic opponent , Mr. Biden out-raised Mr. Trump in the month of May , bringing in almost $ 81 million to the president ’ s $ 74 million .
“ In this instance , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ocean .
It ’ s about campaigning in a thoughtful way that activates your voters and persuades independents to consider voting for you , ” says Scott Mulhauser , a political communications expert and former deputy chief of staff for Mr. Biden during the 2012 election .
“ You ’ re not competing for a total number of Twitter followers , you ’ re competing for electoral votes.
” When campaigning against an unpopular incumbent ( Mr. Trump ’ s average approval rating over the past four years of 40 % puts him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the longstanding political wisdom for a challenger has always been to get out of the way , says Alvin Tillery , director of Northwestern University ’ s Center for the Study of Diversity and Democracy .
“ Journalists , pundits , and Twitterati want to talk about Biden ’ s virtual campaign not being visible enough , ” says Mr. Tillery .
“ But why have the normal rules of politics changed just because it ’ s online ?
” Indeed , the restricted 2020 campaign may actually be benefiting the gaffe-prone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off the cuff – and who , throughout the Democratic primary season , rarely drew large crowds .
“ At the end of the day , think about the optics of Biden barely being able to fill a small reception hall , ” says Rachel Bitcofer , a political scientist at Christopher Newport University .
“ For Biden , the less visible he is , probably the better.
” Fewer than 2,500 people were watching , for example , when Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett introduced Mr. Biden for a virtual Wisconsin “ rally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out the event , Mr. Biden passed the proverbial mic to Sen. Tammy Baldwin , who was sitting in front of a white wall with a Biden logo crookedly taped to the left of her head .
“ You have more Trump supporters engaging with campaign staff [ and surrogates ] than you have Biden supporters engaging with the actual candidate , ” says Eric Wilson , a Republican digital strategist and director of the Center for Campaign Innovation , referring to virtual events with Mr. Trump ’ s family and advisors .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ seemed to frustrate the Trump campaign .
This week , campaign manager Brad Parscale challenged the Biden team to four presidential debates instead of three .
“ It is now established that Joe Biden prefers campaigning from the comfort of his basement , ” Tim Murtaugh , Mr. Trump ’ s campaign communications director , wrote in a press release Tuesday .
This isn ’ t the first time in U.S. history that the presidential race has had a notable mismatch in approaches to campaigning , says Barbara Perry , director of presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Miller Center .
In 1896 , Republican William McKinley ran a “ front porch campaign ” largely from his home in Ohio – then the norm for presidential candidates – while his opponent , Democrat William Jennings Bryan , traveled the country making some 600 speeches .
Mr. Bryan lost , but following the turn of the 20th century , his strategy of in-person campaigning became the norm .
“ It became about wanting to relate to the people directly , ” says Ms. Perry .
“ But since then , every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outlier.
” More recently , in 1980 , Democratic President Jimmy Carter felt it would be distasteful to travel the country amid the Iranian hostage crisis , and largely ran his reelection campaign from the White House Rose Garden .
His opponent , Republican Ronald Reagan , won in a landslide .

“So far, this is not unfolding like a traditional campaign,” says Matthew Dickinson, a political scientist at Middlebury College in Vermont. “Like all things in the age of the coronavirus, this is uncharted territory.”
The candidates’ reemergence reflects their contrasting styles – Mr. Trump has always fed off the energy of crowds, while Mr. Biden tends toward face-to-face interactions – as well as the concerns of their voters, particularly when it comes to COVID-19. More broadly, it is reinforcing how far from “normal” this political season is proving to be.
Both campaigns are trying to chart their way back to “normal” as they head toward conventions in August. But this political season is still being shaped by the pandemic and the protests.
Tuesday, Mr. Trump headed to Yuma, Arizona, to visit a newly-completed stretch of the border wall before delivering remarks to students in Phoenix. Mr. Biden, meanwhile, was set to hold a virtual fundraiser with former President Barack Obama.
After a break from formal campaigning, President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden are ramping up their in-person events for the first time since the pandemic began. President Trump took the stage Saturday night for a rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Days earlier, Mr. Biden spoke to local officials and business owners in Darby, Pennsylvania, all wearing masks and spaced across the floor.
After a break from formal campaigning, President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden have hit the trail again. But judging by recent appearances, politics as usual remain a long way off.
Both candidates are ramping up their schedule of in-person events for the first time since the coronavirus pandemic put a hold on mass gatherings. President Trump took the stage Saturday night for one of his signature rallies in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to a smaller-than-expected crowd. Attendees had their temperatures checked upon entry and were offered face masks, although many did not wear them.
Three days earlier in Darby, Pennsylvania, Mr. Biden spoke to an invitation-only room of about two dozen local officials, business owners, and reporters, all wearing masks and sitting within designated white circles spaced across the floor.
Why We Wrote This Both campaigns are trying to chart their way back to “normal” as they head toward conventions in August. But this political season is still being shaped by the pandemic and the protests.
Tuesday offers its own side-by-side comparison, with Mr. Trump traveling to Yuma, Arizona, to visit a newly-completed stretch of the border wall before delivering remarks to a group of students in Phoenix. Mr. Biden, meanwhile, was set to hold a virtual fundraiser with former President Barack Obama, the first official 2020 event Mr. Obama has hosted for his onetime VP.
The candidates’ reemergence reflects their contrasting styles – President Trump has always fed off the energy of crowds, while Mr. Biden tends toward smaller events and face-to-face interactions – as well as the concerns and priorities of their voters, particularly when it comes to COVID-19.
More broadly, it is reinforcing the extent to which the campaign, in both form and substance, is likely to continue to be shaped by the pandemic and the turmoil over racial justice. Indeed, with less the two months before the parties are scheduled to hold their summer conventions, the only predictable aspect to the 2020 campaign is how far from “normal” this political season is proving to be.
“So far, this is not unfolding like a traditional campaign,” says Matthew Dickinson, a political scientist at Middlebury College in Vermont. “Like all things in the age of the coronavirus, this is uncharted territory.”
Uncertainty surrounding conventions
The upcoming conventions offer a clear contrast between the candidates’ approaches to COVID-19 precautions, as well as the differing partisan perspectives on the issue even as cases spike in two dozen states.
Earlier this year, the Democratic National Committee pushed back the date of its convention in Milwaukee from July to August. The party chair currently says he is unsure of attendance size, and many are speculating that at least part of the convention will take place online.
Mr. Trump, on the other hand, recently moved the main events for the Republican National Convention in August from Charlotte, North Carolina, to Jacksonville, Florida, after failing to come to an agreement with North Carolina’s Democratic governor about how to handle large in-person gatherings.
If the rally in Tulsa was any indication, the president’s goal of a traditional convention may be easier said than done.
Ian Maule/Tulsa World/AP View caption Hide caption President Donald Trump walks toward the stage while supporters cheer during his campaign rally at the BOK Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma, June 20, 2020.
Despite the president’s claim that almost 1 million people requested tickets to the Tulsa event, large sections of the 19,000-seat BOK Center remained empty. (The city’s fire department estimated that fewer than 6,200 people attended the event, while the Trump campaign said 12,000 attended.) Before Mr. Trump took the podium Saturday evening for an almost two-hour-long rambling speech, his team broke down an outdoor stage that had been created for an overflow crowd that never materialized.
Some users of TikTok, a social media app that shares short videos, claimed credit for the lower-than-expected turnout in Tulsa, after videos calling for Trump opponents to register for the event and not attend went viral. The Trump campaign, for its part, blamed protesters – whose anticipated presence, they said, discouraged many older Trump supporters and those with young children from attending. Media reports suggested the actual number of protestors was relatively low.
Of course, it’s still notable that Mr. Trump was able to draw thousands of supporters in person during a pandemic. “There is no comparison between the Darby and Tulsa events. [Mr. Biden’s event] looks like an elementary school cafeteria, compared to the massive arenas that Trump has filled and will continue to fill,” says Tricia Hope, a rally attendee and real estate agent from Houston, who spoke to the Monitor by phone after the rally.
Nevertheless, concerns about a massive indoor rally in a state with rising COVID-19 cases might have kept some supporters away; the Trump campaign’s efforts to hype the attendance numbers in advance may have worked against them in that regard. And that’s a challenge that may well persist, as the virus currently is on the uptick in a number of states where the president is expected to campaign, such as Arizona, Texas, Florida, and North Carolina.
After the Tulsa rally, the campaign revealed that two members of its advance team, who had attended the indoor event, tested positive for the virus. Six other advance team workers had tested positive before the rally.
Still, Randall Thom, a Trump supporter from Minnesota who has attended 64 rallies including the event in Tulsa, argues that if anything the safety precautions in Tulsa were too strict, complicating the entry process.
“Having the rallies is not a bad thing – we have to get back to normal, and not the new normal that is being pushed down our throats as Americans,” writes Mr. Thom in a text message. “I am not afraid of the virus. I am afraid that if Biden gets elected my freedom and liberty will be taken.”
Advantage Biden (for now)
Mr. Trump isn’t the only one struggling to chart a way back to normal. Mr. Biden has also found himself campaigning under restrictive conditions that are in some ways ill-suited to his strengths.
Current polls, however, suggest Mr. Biden is in a strong position. A Fox News poll from mid-June has Mr. Biden ahead by 12 points nationally, and recent surveys from critical swing states such as Michigan, Florida, and Wisconsin also show Mr. Biden ahead. While the president has a substantial financial advantage over his Democratic opponent, Mr. Biden out-raised Mr. Trump in the month of May, bringing in almost $81 million to the president’s $74 million.
“In this instance, you don’t have to boil the ocean. It’s about campaigning in a thoughtful way that activates your voters and persuades independents to consider voting for you,” says Scott Mulhauser, a political communications expert and former deputy chief of staff for Mr. Biden during the 2012 election. “You’re not competing for a total number of Twitter followers, you’re competing for electoral votes.”
When campaigning against an unpopular incumbent (Mr. Trump’s average approval rating over the past four years of 40% puts him 13 points below the average president), the longstanding political wisdom for a challenger has always been to get out of the way, says Alvin Tillery, director of Northwestern University’s Center for the Study of Diversity and Democracy.
“Journalists, pundits, and Twitterati want to talk about Biden’s virtual campaign not being visible enough,” says Mr. Tillery. “But why have the normal rules of politics changed just because it’s online?”
Indeed, the restricted 2020 campaign may actually be benefiting the gaffe-prone Mr. Biden, who often struggles speaking off the cuff – and who, throughout the Democratic primary season, rarely drew large crowds.
“At the end of the day, think about the optics of Biden barely being able to fill a small reception hall,” says Rachel Bitcofer, a political scientist at Christopher Newport University. “For Biden, the less visible he is, probably the better.”
Fewer than 2,500 people were watching, for example, when Milwaukee Mayor Tom Barrett introduced Mr. Biden for a virtual Wisconsin “rally” in late May. To close out the event, Mr. Biden passed the proverbial mic to Sen. Tammy Baldwin, who was sitting in front of a white wall with a Biden logo crookedly taped to the left of her head.
“You have more Trump supporters engaging with campaign staff [and surrogates] than you have Biden supporters engaging with the actual candidate,” says Eric Wilson, a Republican digital strategist and director of the Center for Campaign Innovation, referring to virtual events with Mr. Trump’s family and advisors.
Mr. Biden’s relative seclusion has seemed to frustrate the Trump campaign. This week, campaign manager Brad Parscale challenged the Biden team to four presidential debates instead of three.
“It is now established that Joe Biden prefers campaigning from the comfort of his basement,” Tim Murtaugh, Mr. Trump’s campaign communications director, wrote in a press release Tuesday.
Mismatched campaigns
This isn’t the first time in U.S. history that the presidential race has had a notable mismatch in approaches to campaigning, says Barbara Perry, director of presidential studies at the University of Virginia’s Miller Center.
In 1896, Republican William McKinley ran a “front porch campaign” largely from his home in Ohio – then the norm for presidential candidates – while his opponent, Democrat William Jennings Bryan, traveled the country making some 600 speeches. Mr. Bryan lost, but following the turn of the 20th century, his strategy of in-person campaigning became the norm.
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“It became about wanting to relate to the people directly,” says Ms. Perry. “But since then, every now and again, we have an outlier.”
More recently, in 1980, Democratic President Jimmy Carter felt it would be distasteful to travel the country amid the Iranian hostage crisis, and largely ran his reelection campaign from the White House Rose Garden. His opponent, Republican Ronald Reagan, won in a landslide.


csmonitor--2020-06-23--Seeds of honesty in a US reckoning on race

Over the past half-century , more than 40 countries have convened truth commissions to move their societies forward .
Most have followed dark chapters of mass violence or harsh governance .
Others were established to address unacknowledged abuses targeting a minority or indigenous group .
Is the United States now at a similar point of introspection in the aftermath of the killing of George Floyd ?
Certainly many more white Americans are searching for ways to change themselves and their society on race issues .
Most Black Americans , even if cautiously hopeful that this time will be different , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism and the struggle for progress .
The nation , as Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee so poignantly said in a recent Washington Post video interview , “ needs to weep.
” It may still be too soon to say the U.S. has reached a true inflection point in its treatment of its citizens of African descent .
But it has certainly reached a reflection point .
The gap between white and Black perceptions about race is narrowing , according to YouGov polls .
Book sales for titles on race have reached new highs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diversity policies .
Recent protest marches are conspicuously more diverse .
Perhaps the most lasting change will be local .
Small communities have begun rolling dialogues about race .
The residents of Bridgewater , Massachusetts , for example , a town that is 83 % white , have begun an open Zoom series on race called “ Getting Comfortable with the Uncomfortable.
” In Dallas , about 200 people gathered in a park in mid-June for a “ potluck protest.
” It used a picnic of food and music to create “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” as one organizer put it .
The reforms sought by the Black Lives Matter movement and similar groups are not new to the U.S .
In 1967 President Lyndon B. Johnson established the Kerner Commission to identify the socioeconomic drivers of recent riots in many cities .
The commission blamed racism ; bias against Black people in policing , criminal justice , and credit practices ; voter suppression ; poor housing ; and disproportionately high unemployment in Black communities .
Three decades later , President Bill Clinton ’ s initiative on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are still central issues now .
Societies seeking mass justice , reform , and reconciliation often first rely on exposing the truth about the past .
In the U.S. , that would mean finding a consensus narrative about the history of race relations – in particular the Black experience – derived from personal testimony and documentary evidence .
Based on attempts by other countries that relied on truth commissions , the U.S. would need to find a balance between disclosure of past wrongs and justice for those wrongs .
That goal was elusive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power of being heard is undeniable .
For the U.S. , the stories of ordinary Black families can help white people understand how the historic benefits of being white have often hindered progress for Blacks .
They may bring an awakening that shapes current debates over the removal of symbols , such as Confederate statues , or that leads to lasting reform , such as better race-sensitive police practices .
The cleansing power of truth-telling is in its ability to allow people to move beyond victimhood and powerlessness .
Taking common stock of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opens the way toward what former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu called “ a beautiful manifestation of what is possible ” : an enriched humanity in which individuals may realize their potential unconstrained by actions or adverse conditions imposed on them .
No matter how the truth about race is commissioned into service , it is the power behind social healing .

Over the past half-century, more than 40 countries have convened truth commissions to move their societies forward. Most have followed dark chapters of mass violence or harsh governance. Others were established to address unacknowledged abuses targeting a minority or indigenous group. Is the United States now at a similar point of introspection in the aftermath of the killing of George Floyd?
Certainly many more white Americans are searching for ways to change themselves and their society on race issues. Most Black Americans, even if cautiously hopeful that this time will be different, are exhausted by the frequent reality of racism and the struggle for progress. The nation, as Rep. Sheila Jackson Lee so poignantly said in a recent Washington Post video interview, “needs to weep.”
It may still be too soon to say the U.S. has reached a true inflection point in its treatment of its citizens of African descent. But it has certainly reached a reflection point.
The gap between white and Black perceptions about race is narrowing, according to YouGov polls. Book sales for titles on race have reached new highs. Corporations and media are reevaluating their diversity policies. Recent protest marches are conspicuously more diverse.
Perhaps the most lasting change will be local. Small communities have begun rolling dialogues about race. The residents of Bridgewater, Massachusetts, for example, a town that is 83% white, have begun an open Zoom series on race called “Getting Comfortable with the Uncomfortable.” In Dallas, about 200 people gathered in a park in mid-June for a “potluck protest.” It used a picnic of food and music to create “a safe space for people to ask questions,” as one organizer put it.
The reforms sought by the Black Lives Matter movement and similar groups are not new to the U.S. In 1967 President Lyndon B. Johnson established the Kerner Commission to identify the socioeconomic drivers of recent riots in many cities. The commission blamed racism; bias against Black people in policing, criminal justice, and credit practices; voter suppression; poor housing; and disproportionately high unemployment in Black communities. Three decades later, President Bill Clinton’s initiative on racism targeted those same problems. They are still central issues now.
Societies seeking mass justice, reform, and reconciliation often first rely on exposing the truth about the past. In the U.S., that would mean finding a consensus narrative about the history of race relations – in particular the Black experience – derived from personal testimony and documentary evidence. Based on attempts by other countries that relied on truth commissions, the U.S. would need to find a balance between disclosure of past wrongs and justice for those wrongs.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
That goal was elusive in many countries. Yet the restorative power of being heard is undeniable. For the U.S., the stories of ordinary Black families can help white people understand how the historic benefits of being white have often hindered progress for Blacks. They may bring an awakening that shapes current debates over the removal of symbols, such as Confederate statues, or that leads to lasting reform, such as better race-sensitive police practices.
The cleansing power of truth-telling is in its ability to allow people to move beyond victimhood and powerlessness. Taking common stock of the most painful thread of U.S. history opens the way toward what former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu called “a beautiful manifestation of what is possible”: an enriched humanity in which individuals may realize their potential unconstrained by actions or adverse conditions imposed on them. No matter how the truth about race is commissioned into service, it is the power behind social healing.


Zumba in lockdown

So there I was minding my own business in the office below our dining room when suddenly , from over my head , down drops a cascade , a deluge , an avalanche .
MUSIC .
Capital letters .
Italics .
And now the ceiling starts to thump .
( “ Thump ?
” my wife , source of the thumps , will object later .
“ Thump ?
” ) Fair enough .
Steps , then .
But are they steps ?
The floor above me goes step step step slide step brush brush step .
Then a holler @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shouting “ hips ” ?
Not to mention shouting all kinds of other things over and under and around the music .
“ C ’ mon , ladies , let ’ s make this happen !
Gim me what you got !
I love you !
Hi , Rachel !
Hi , Kristen !
I see you !
You ’ re beautiful !
Hips , hips !
Tighten it up now !
Hi , Meg !
Hi , Meredith !
Hi , Melanie !
” “ Hi , Melanie ” ?
Wait , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Is there someone upstairs with her ?
Who threw the salsa party and forgot to invite me ?
The ceiling joists are vibrating , and I ’ d better go see if everyone ’ s OK , don ’ t you think ?
At that exact point some extra sway drops into the song mix , and suddenly , in full Auto-tune : “ I love it when you call me señorita .
... Ooh la la la !
” Straight truth : Staying seated is not an option .
I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I ’ m ... dancing ?
( Would we call it dancing ? )
I hear the voice shout , “ It ’ s ‘ Señorita ’ !
Awesome !
Download it !
Hips , hips hips !
Feel your core !
” ( Every outburst from the voice ends with an exclamation point . )
“ I love it when you call me señorita .
... Ooh la la la !
” Let ’ s be real : I ’ m loving this song .
And as I climb the stairs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climbing has some rhythm .
And then the dining room comes into view , and the pushed-aside chairs , and there ’ s Melanie .
( “ Hi , Melanie !
” ) The molecular structure of the atmosphere has changed .
Step step brush step brush step TWIRL .
Where was I again ?
I forget .
Whatever concentration zone I was in before – well , we ’ re not in Kansas anymore .
Turns out it ’ s a Zumba class , and now it ’ s happening at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If Melanie has said it once she ’ s said it a thousand times : “ This is a saving grace .
I don ’ t know what I ’ d do without it .
There ’ s no telling how bad it ’ d be.
” If I may : There is telling .
But I wouldn ’ t want to spoil the mood .
It ’ s the voice again .
“ I can see you !
I ’ m talkin ’ to you – get those knees UP !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ me more !
Don ’ t disappoint me !
I know you wouldn ’ t disappoint me !
We ’ re killin ’ this playlist !
You ROCK !
” Maybe you ’ re wondering : Was this vibe , this transforming of the house , working for me ?
Yes , reader , it was .
It does .
Resistance is futile .
The voice ’ s owner , I ’ ve since learned , is Aprile , and there ’ s no getting around the simple fact that she ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your most upbeat pal , your biggest fan .
Then multiply by 10 .
Now you ’ ve imagined Aprile .
Are you thinking a person could get tired of this ?
No , a person could not .
The energy is too strong , the joy too endlessly irrepressible .
I won ’ t lie , I love it when Aprile ’ s in the house – even if she ’ s just 4 inches tall on my wife ’ s laptop screen , and I ’ m down in the basement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a better day than you were having .
And besides : “ I love it when you call me señorita .
... Ooh la la la !
” Go ahead , grab your favorite music-streaming service and fire up that bad boy .
( Search “ Señorita , ” Shawn Mendes and Camila Cabello version , please . )
Go ahead and try not to move , I dare you .
You will fail .
“ Let ’ s bring this home , people !
You !
Are !
GORGEOUS !
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
I love you !
And so does Melanie , trust me .
And so do , without doubt , Kristen , Meg , Meredith , and you-name-her – all hundred or so people who are matching Aprile ’ s moves as she dances and shouts from her garage or deck or living room or wherever she ’ s broadcasting from today , all the while somehow effecting the miracle of making it seem as though everyone ’ s in the same magnificent room .
Aprile ’ s room .
With Aprile .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be .
But hold on , wait – do I hear something ?
What ’ s that I hear ?
“ I love it when you call me señorita .
... Ooh la la la !
” Um , what was I saying again ?

So there I was minding my own business in the office below our dining room when suddenly, from over my head, down drops a cascade, a deluge, an avalanche.
Karen Norris/Staff
MUSIC. Capital letters. Italics. And now the ceiling starts to thump. (“Thump?” my wife, source of the thumps, will object later. “Thump?”) Fair enough. Steps, then. But are they steps?
The floor above me goes step step step slide step brush brush step. Then a holler: “Hips!” Who is shouting “hips”? Not to mention shouting all kinds of other things over and under and around the music.
“C’mon, ladies, let’s make this happen! Gimme what you got! I love you! Hi, Rachel! Hi, Kristen! I see you! You’re beautiful! Hips, hips! Tighten it up now! Hi, Meg! Hi, Meredith! Hi, Melanie!”
“Hi, Melanie”? Wait, Melanie is my wife’s name. Is there someone upstairs with her? Who threw the salsa party and forgot to invite me? The ceiling joists are vibrating, and I’d better go see if everyone’s OK, don’t you think?
At that exact point some extra sway drops into the song mix, and suddenly, in full Auto-tune: “I love it when you call me señorita. ... Ooh la la la!”
Straight truth: Staying seated is not an option. I’m up, I’m standing, I’m ... dancing? (Would we call it dancing?) I hear the voice shout, “It’s ‘Señorita’! Awesome! Download it! Hips, hips hips! Feel your core!” (Every outburst from the voice ends with an exclamation point.)
“I love it when you call me señorita. ... Ooh la la la!”
Let’s be real: I’m loving this song. And as I climb the stairs it’s just possible that my climbing has some rhythm. And then the dining room comes into view, and the pushed-aside chairs, and there’s Melanie. (“Hi, Melanie!”) The molecular structure of the atmosphere has changed. Step step brush step brush step TWIRL.
Where was I again? I forget. Whatever concentration zone I was in before – well, we’re not in Kansas anymore. Turns out it’s a Zumba class, and now it’s happening at least five days a week in our house. If Melanie has said it once she’s said it a thousand times: “This is a saving grace. I don’t know what I’d do without it. There’s no telling how bad it’d be.”
If I may: There is telling. But I wouldn’t want to spoil the mood.
“Hooooooooo!”
It’s the voice again. “I can see you! I’m talkin’ to you – get those knees UP! C’mon, babies, give me more! Don’t disappoint me! I know you wouldn’t disappoint me! We’re killin’ this playlist! You ROCK!”
Maybe you’re wondering: Was this vibe, this transforming of the house, working for me? Yes, reader, it was. It does. Resistance is futile. The voice’s owner, I’ve since learned, is Aprile, and there’s no getting around the simple fact that she’s epic. Imagine your best coach, your most upbeat pal, your biggest fan. Then multiply by 10. Now you’ve imagined Aprile.
Are you thinking a person could get tired of this? No, a person could not. The energy is too strong, the joy too endlessly irrepressible. I won’t lie, I love it when Aprile’s in the house – even if she’s just 4 inches tall on my wife’s laptop screen, and I’m down in the basement. Any day with Aprile in it is a better day than you were having. And besides: “I love it when you call me señorita. ... Ooh la la la!”
Go ahead, grab your favorite music-streaming service and fire up that bad boy. (Search “Señorita,” Shawn Mendes and Camila Cabello version, please.) Go ahead and try not to move, I dare you. You will fail.
“Breathe, ladies, breathe! Roll! Side, side, up, side, rolllllllllll!” Aprile’s back!
“Let’s bring this home, people! You! Are! GORGEOUS! I love you!”
Same, Aprile! I love you! And so does Melanie, trust me. And so do, without doubt, Kristen, Meg, Meredith, and you-name-her – all hundred or so people who are matching Aprile’s moves as she dances and shouts from her garage or deck or living room or wherever she’s broadcasting from today, all the while somehow effecting the miracle of making it seem as though everyone’s in the same magnificent room. Aprile’s room. With Aprile. Exactly where you’d want to be.
But hold on, wait – do I hear something? What’s that I hear?
“I love it when you call me señorita. ... Ooh la la la!”
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Oh man. Oh baby.
Um, what was I saying again?


csmonitor--2020-06-24--Kosovo president and others charged for war crimes against Serbs

Kosovo President Hashim Thaci and nine other former separatist fighters were indicted on Wednesday on a range of crimes against humanity and war crimes charges , including murder , by an international court investigating their actions against ethnic Serbs and others during and after Kosovo 's 1998-99 independence war with Serbia .
The indictment was the first by the special tribunal for Kosovo based in The Hague .
The court has been operating since 2015 and has questioned hundreds of witnesses .
Kosovo 's prime minister resigned last year before he was questioned .
Because of the indictment , Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House in Washington , where he was to meet on Saturday for talks with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic .
`` The President of Kosovo has just informed us that he has canceled his trip to Washington , D.C. following the announcement made by the Special Prosecutors Office .
I respect his decision not to attend the discussions until the legal issues of those allegations are settled , '' tweeted Richard Grenell , the United States envoy for the Kosovo talks .
The talks will still go ahead , with Mr. Vucic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added .
A statement from a prosecutor of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers said Mr. Thaci and the nine others `` are criminally responsible for nearly 100 murders '' involving hundreds of Serb and Roma victims , as well as Kosovo Albanian political opponents .
Other charges include enforced disappearance , persecution , and torture , he said .
Mr. Thaci has openly criticized the court ’ s work in recent months and pushed for U.S. help to press for the dismantling of the institution .
However Kosovo officials , including top aides to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past that talks with Serbia could include efforts to agree a joint amnesty for crimes committed during the Kosovo conflict .
A European Union spokesman said that the court is “ an important demonstration of Kosovo ’ s commitment to the rule of law , which in turn is a core element for Kosovo ’ s progress ” as a potential candidate for eventual EU membership .
Mr. Thaci was a commander of the so-called Kosovo Liberation army , or KLA , that fought for independence from Serbia .
The war left more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ethnic Albanians – and 1,641 are still unaccounted for .
It ended after a 78-day NATO air campaign against Serbian troops .
The former ethnic Albanian-dominated province declared independence from Serbia in 2008 , which Serbia did not recognize .
The indicted group includes Kadri Veseli , former parliament speaker and leader of the opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo .
`` The court is trying to stain our liberating war , our aspiration for freedom and independence and legalize the [ Serb ] crimes in Kosovo , '' said Bardhyl Mahmuti , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public television station , RTK .
The indictment is being reviewed by a pretrial judge who will decide whether to confirm the charges , according to the statement .
The prosecutor filed the indictment following a lengthy investigation and it reflects his `` determination that it can prove all of the charges beyond a reasonable doubt , '' the statement said .
The prosecutor also accused Mr. Thaci and Mr. Veseli of repeated efforts `` to obstruct and undermine the work '' of the tribunal .
`` Thaci and Veseli are believed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overturn the law creating the Court and otherwise obstruct the work of the Court in an attempt to ensure that they do not face justice , '' the statement said .
`` By taking these actions , Mr. Thaci and Mr. Veseli have put their personal interests ahead of the victims of their crimes , the rule of law , and all people of Kosovo , '' it added .
Kosovo politicians resisted and resented the scrutiny of the war crimes court , repeatedly noting that Serb troops committed massacres and other atrocities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tensions between the two countries remain high .
European Union-facilitated negotiations to normalize their relations started in March 2011 and has produced some 30 agreements , most of which were not observed .
The Washington meeting was set to be the first talks between the two sides in 19 months .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Llazar Semini reported from Tirana , Albania .
Dusan Stojanovic in Belgrade contributed .
Material from The Wall Street Journal was used in this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Kosovo President Hashim Thaci and nine other former separatist fighters were indicted on Wednesday on a range of crimes against humanity and war crimes charges, including murder, by an international court investigating their actions against ethnic Serbs and others during and after Kosovo's 1998-99 independence war with Serbia.
The indictment was the first by the special tribunal for Kosovo based in The Hague. The court has been operating since 2015 and has questioned hundreds of witnesses. Kosovo's prime minister resigned last year before he was questioned.
Because of the indictment, Mr. Thaci has postponed his trip to the White House in Washington, where he was to meet on Saturday for talks with Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic.
"The President of Kosovo has just informed us that he has canceled his trip to Washington, D.C. following the announcement made by the Special Prosecutors Office. I respect his decision not to attend the discussions until the legal issues of those allegations are settled," tweeted Richard Grenell, the United States envoy for the Kosovo talks.
The talks will still go ahead, with Mr. Vucic and Kosovo Prime Minister Avdullah Hoti, he added.
A statement from a prosecutor of the Kosovo Specialist Chambers said Mr. Thaci and the nine others "are criminally responsible for nearly 100 murders" involving hundreds of Serb and Roma victims, as well as Kosovo Albanian political opponents.
Other charges include enforced disappearance, persecution, and torture, he said.
The Wall Street Journal reported:
Mr. Thaci has openly criticized the court’s work in recent months and pushed for U.S. help to press for the dismantling of the institution. However Kosovo officials, including top aides to Mr. Thaci, have denied in the past that talks with Serbia could include efforts to agree a joint amnesty for crimes committed during the Kosovo conflict. A European Union spokesman said that the court is “an important demonstration of Kosovo’s commitment to the rule of law, which in turn is a core element for Kosovo’s progress” as a potential candidate for eventual EU membership.
Mr. Thaci was a commander of the so-called Kosovo Liberation army, or KLA, that fought for independence from Serbia. The war left more than 10,000 dead – most of them ethnic Albanians – and 1,641 are still unaccounted for. It ended after a 78-day NATO air campaign against Serbian troops.
The former ethnic Albanian-dominated province declared independence from Serbia in 2008, which Serbia did not recognize.
The indicted group includes Kadri Veseli, former parliament speaker and leader of the opposition Democratic Party of Kosovo.
"The court is trying to stain our liberating war, our aspiration for freedom and independence and legalize the [Serb] crimes in Kosovo,"said Bardhyl Mahmuti, a former KLA political representative, to the public television station, RTK.
The indictment is being reviewed by a pretrial judge who will decide whether to confirm the charges, according to the statement.
The prosecutor filed the indictment following a lengthy investigation and it reflects his "determination that it can prove all of the charges beyond a reasonable doubt," the statement said.
The prosecutor also accused Mr. Thaci and Mr. Veseli of repeated efforts "to obstruct and undermine the work" of the tribunal.
"Thaci and Veseli are believed to have carried out a secret campaign to overturn the law creating the Court and otherwise obstruct the work of the Court in an attempt to ensure that they do not face justice," the statement said.
"By taking these actions, Mr. Thaci and Mr. Veseli have put their personal interests ahead of the victims of their crimes, the rule of law, and all people of Kosovo," it added.
Kosovo politicians resisted and resented the scrutiny of the war crimes court, repeatedly noting that Serb troops committed massacres and other atrocities during the war that went unpunished.
Tensions between the two countries remain high. European Union-facilitated negotiations to normalize their relations started in March 2011 and has produced some 30 agreements, most of which were not observed.
The Washington meeting was set to be the first talks between the two sides in 19 months.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. Llazar Semini reported from Tirana, Albania. Dusan Stojanovic in Belgrade contributed. Material from The Wall Street Journal was used in this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-24--Stars are born – in both parties

Stars are born – in both parties

The first is a Republican and the other two are Democrats , and they became instant stars yesterday after winning – or in Mr.
Bowman ’ s case , likely winning – their parties ’ congressional primaries .
Mr. Cawthorn , a 24-year-old conservative businessman , beat President Donald Trump ’ s preferred candidate to fill the North Carolina seat vacated by the president ’ s now-chief of staff , Mark Meadows .
Dr. Webb , an African American physician in Charlottesville , Virginia , decisively won the Democratic primary in his Republican-leaning district .
He is seen as having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the state GOP ousted the incumbent , Rep. Denver Riggleman , in favor of a little-known figure named Bob Good via an unusual “ drive-thru convention.
” Mr .
Bowman , an African American educator , appeared headed for victory Wednesday over 16-term Rep. Eliot Engel , chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee .
Add to the mix , too , Charles Booker of Kentucky , a young African American state legislator who is vying with the Democratic establishment favorite , Amy McGrath , for the chance to face U.S. Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The primary is too close to call , but Representative Booker has already made a name for himself with his late campaign surge .
“ There ’ s no doubt that the focus on Black Lives Matter and the sense that there needs to be more representation by Black Americans in our systems of government has helped create the tail winds behind some of these candidates , ” Theodore R. Johnson of the Brennan Center for Justice told the Monitor ’ s Harry Bruinius .
But add the North Carolina GOP primary , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters have the final say , and sometimes buck the wishes of party elders – even the president .
Until yesterday , President Trump had a perfect record this year in primary endorsements .
Though he can blame his chief of staff for steering him toward endorsing the Meadows family friend who lost .
Voters also sometimes want fresh faces and fresh energy .
Congressman Engel did himself no favors when he was caught on a hot mic saying , “ If I didn ’ t have a primary , I wouldn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak in early June at a news conference on civil unrest .
In North Carolina , Mr. Trump will surely embrace Mr. Cawthorn , who is favored to win the seat .
“ Mr .
Cawthorn campaigned as the embodiment of a new generation of politicians on the right who are ready to go toe-to-toe with young officials ascending on the progressive left , like Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York , ” writes Nick Fandos in The New York Times .
In addition to youth , Mr. Cawthorn brings another form of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a wheelchair , after an accident left him partially paralyzed .
As for his age , he will be just old enough to serve in the House .
He turns 25 in August .
Let us know what you ’ re thinking at csmpolitics @ csmonitor.com .

Dear reader:
Remember these names: Madison Cawthorn, Cameron Webb, and Jamaal Bowman.
The first is a Republican and the other two are Democrats, and they became instant stars yesterday after winning – or in Mr. Bowman’s case, likely winning – their parties’ congressional primaries. Mr. Cawthorn, a 24-year-old conservative businessman, beat President Donald Trump’s preferred candidate to fill the North Carolina seat vacated by the president’s now-chief of staff, Mark Meadows.
Dr. Webb, an African American physician in Charlottesville, Virginia, decisively won the Democratic primary in his Republican-leaning district. He is seen as having a shot at winning in November, after the state GOP ousted the incumbent, Rep. Denver Riggleman, in favor of a little-known figure named Bob Good via an unusual “drive-thru convention.”
Mr. Bowman, an African American educator, appeared headed for victory Wednesday over 16-term Rep. Eliot Engel, chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.
Add to the mix, too, Charles Booker of Kentucky, a young African American state legislator who is vying with the Democratic establishment favorite, Amy McGrath, for the chance to face U.S. Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell in November. The primary is too close to call, but Representative Booker has already made a name for himself with his late campaign surge.
“There’s no doubt that the focus on Black Lives Matter and the sense that there needs to be more representation by Black Americans in our systems of government has helped create the tail winds behind some of these candidates,” Theodore R. Johnson of the Brennan Center for Justice told the Monitor’s Harry Bruinius.
Stephen Smith/AP View caption Hide caption GOP primary candidate Madison Cawthorn participates in a debate at the Haywood County Courthouse in Waynesville, North Carolina. Cawthorn, 24, soundly defeated the preferred candidate of President Donald Trump, Lynda Bennett, by a 2-1 margin.
But add the North Carolina GOP primary, and a larger theme emerges: that voters have the final say, and sometimes buck the wishes of party elders – even the president. Until yesterday, President Trump had a perfect record this year in primary endorsements. Though he can blame his chief of staff for steering him toward endorsing the Meadows family friend who lost.
Voters also sometimes want fresh faces and fresh energy. Congressman Engel did himself no favors when he was caught on a hot mic saying, “If I didn’t have a primary, I wouldn’t care,” when asking to speak in early June at a news conference on civil unrest.
In North Carolina, Mr. Trump will surely embrace Mr. Cawthorn, who is favored to win the seat.
“Mr. Cawthorn campaigned as the embodiment of a new generation of politicians on the right who are ready to go toe-to-toe with young officials ascending on the progressive left, like Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York,” writes Nick Fandos in The New York Times.
In addition to youth, Mr. Cawthorn brings another form of diversity to the table: He uses a wheelchair, after an accident left him partially paralyzed.
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As for his age, he will be just old enough to serve in the House. He turns 25 in August.
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.


csmonitor--2020-06-24--How the world’s mayors line up against COVID-19

Like most mayors , Mansur Yavaş has shepherded his city of Ankara through the coronavirus crisis with urgency , efficiency , and hope .
Yet there is one quality that explains why he has lately become the most popular big-city mayor in Turkey – and even more popular than President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan .
It can be seen in advertisements put up around the capital at the start of the COVID-19 emergency .
The ads encourage wealthier residents to help pay the bills of poor people , either directly or through a special nonpartisan charity .
Tens of thousands of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for example , have shown up at grocery stores only to find their tabs already paid by an anonymous donor .
“ Kindness is more contagious than disease , ” the ads state .
Mr. Yavaş ’ campaign , known as “ One Heart Ankara , ” is echoed in Istanbul where another popular mayor , Ekrem Imamoğlu , has his own “ pay it forward ” campaign .
It also helps poor people get rid of virus-related debts , such as overdue electric bills .
Around the world , cities have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both in the number of lives lost and in being closely watched for the quality of governance .
Mayors , who govern closest to the people , have had to show high levels of compassion along with a firmness and wisdom in enforcing social distancing , shelter in place , and mask-wearing .
One of the most common words they use is kindness .
The virus has hit the most vulnerable people in urban areas and , as it recedes , mayors want to focus on inclusive recovery .
“ Let ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Mayor Jane Castor often tells residents .
In April , she had the highest approval rating – 78 % – among Florida ’ s big-city mayors .
She also is known for starting citywide dance parties “ to remind us that we will get through this together.
” Residents can tune into local radio stations once a week and dance and wave to neighbors while listening to the same tune .
Many mayors realized early on that outside aid was not coming soon .
Atlanta ’ s Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ child that ’ s got his own ” ( from a Billie Holiday song ) .
The city has spent millions to aid seniors , children , homeless people , and others .
During the crisis , hundreds of the world ’ s mayors have shared their best practices through a virtual forum sponsored by the Bloomberg Harvard City Leadership Initiative .
At a recent forum for American mayors , Ford Foundation President Darren Walker said , “ We need you to help us heal from the unnecessary strife and division in our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , your grace , and your love of your fellow citizens.
” One reason kindness has been so necessary is that the crisis has sown disunity .
“ This is a virus that thrives off of division , ” says Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti .
“ We can all show respect and be respected and appeal to our better angels.
” Kindness is not written into any city laws , as far we know .
But a law of kindness now seems evident in many cities .
And it ’ s spreading @

Like most mayors, Mansur Yavaş has shepherded his city of Ankara through the coronavirus crisis with urgency, efficiency, and hope. Yet there is one quality that explains why he has lately become the most popular big-city mayor in Turkey – and even more popular than President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It can be seen in advertisements put up around the capital at the start of the COVID-19 emergency.
The ads encourage wealthier residents to help pay the bills of poor people, either directly or through a special nonpartisan charity. Tens of thousands of people who now have no jobs, for example, have shown up at grocery stores only to find their tabs already paid by an anonymous donor. “Kindness is more contagious than disease,” the ads state.
Mr. Yavaş’ campaign, known as “One Heart Ankara,” is echoed in Istanbul where another popular mayor, Ekrem Imamoğlu, has his own “pay it forward” campaign. It also helps poor people get rid of virus-related debts, such as overdue electric bills.
Around the world, cities have been at the epicenter of the pandemic, both in the number of lives lost and in being closely watched for the quality of governance. Mayors, who govern closest to the people, have had to show high levels of compassion along with a firmness and wisdom in enforcing social distancing, shelter in place, and mask-wearing.
One of the most common words they use is kindness. The virus has hit the most vulnerable people in urban areas and, as it recedes, mayors want to focus on inclusive recovery.
“Let’s make kindness contagious,” Tampa’s Mayor Jane Castor often tells residents. In April, she had the highest approval rating – 78% – among Florida’s big-city mayors. She also is known for starting citywide dance parties “to remind us that we will get through this together.” Residents can tune into local radio stations once a week and dance and wave to neighbors while listening to the same tune.
Many mayors realized early on that outside aid was not coming soon. Atlanta’s Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms said her motto was “God bless the child that’s got his own” (from a Billie Holiday song). The city has spent millions to aid seniors, children, homeless people, and others.
During the crisis, hundreds of the world’s mayors have shared their best practices through a virtual forum sponsored by the Bloomberg Harvard City Leadership Initiative. At a recent forum for American mayors, Ford Foundation President Darren Walker said, “We need you to help us heal from the unnecessary strife and division in our country. ...We need your compassion, your grace, and your love of your fellow citizens.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
One reason kindness has been so necessary is that the crisis has sown disunity. “This is a virus that thrives off of division,” says Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti. “We can all show respect and be respected and appeal to our better angels.”
Kindness is not written into any city laws, as far we know. But a law of kindness now seems evident in many cities. And it’s spreading.