csmonitor--2020-11-05--Why Trumpism is here to stay

Why Trumpism is here to stay

Says veteran political analyst Stuart Rothenberg : “ The Trump wing of the Republican Party is the Republican Party , and it ’ s big enough now such that it would take a stunning blow to get those people to reassess.
” As a political agenda , “ Trumpism ” is part Reagan Republicanism – lower taxes , less government regulation , cultural conservatism – plus a pivot toward a hard line on immigration and an “ America First ” approach to foreign policy .
It ’ s also infused with old-fashioned populism .
Now that Mr. Trump has overperformed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still has a shot at winning , party officials are circling the wagons .
His grip on the party seems as tight as ever .
And even if he loses , he will remain the party ’ s leader , at least through the midterms – and likely until there ’ s a clear GOP presidential front-runner for 2024 .
When polls suggested that President Donald Trump might lose badly on Election Day , some vulnerable Republican senators started tiptoeing away from him – particularly on his handling of the pandemic .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a white supremacist group during the first presidential debate .
President Donald Trump may lose reelection , but if the nail-biter contest of 2020 has shown anything , it ’ s that “ Trumpism ” is here to stay .
As a political agenda divorced from the more controversial aspects of his personality and style , Trumpism is part Reagan Republicanism – lower taxes , less government regulation , cultural conservatism – plus a pivot toward a hard line on immigration and an “ America First ” approach to foreign policy .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in its appeal to Americans who feel forgotten by the powerful .
As long as President Trump himself remains in the public eye – which he is expected to do , win or lose – his outsize persona will ensure that his political brand dominates the Republican Party for the foreseeable future .
But the preeminence of Trumpism within the GOP is not just about one man ’ s ability to garner attention and appeal to a significant portion of the electorate .
It ’ s also about the deeper currents of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and which long predated his fateful ride down the escalator at Trump Tower in June 2015 .
“ For the past 40 years , our political paradigm has shifted from ‘ left versus right ’ to ‘ front versus back , ’ ” says Mo Elleithee , director of the Institute of Politics and Public Service at Georgetown University .
“ It ’ s about people who feel stuck at the back of the line versus those at the front who they feel are keeping them back , ” he says .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s about fighting the “ swamp ” – the Washington establishment , of both parties , that he says are in it for themselves , not hardworking Americans .
In recent memory , a series of “ outsider ” presidents has come to Washington – from Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama , all of whom staked claims to addressing concerns of the “ little guy.
” But nobody can match the sheer disruptiveness of Mr. Trump , both in style and policy .
The president ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means that he still holds the party in his thrall , regardless of how GOP leaders feel .
“ The Trump wing of the Republican Party is the Republican Party , and it ’ s big enough now such that it would take a stunning blow to get those people to reassess , ” says veteran political analyst Stuart Rothenberg .
When polls suggested that Mr. Trump might lose badly on Election Day , some vulnerable Republican senators started tiptoeing away from him – particularly on his handling of the pandemic .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a white supremacist group during the first presidential debate .
Now that Mr. Trump has overperformed expectations in the election results , and still has an outside shot at winning , party officials are circling the wagons .
His grip on the party seems as tight as ever .
And even if he loses , he will remain the party ’ s leader , at least through the midterms – and likely until there ’ s a clear GOP presidential front-runner for 2024 .
It ’ s also possible Mr. Trump will run @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very least , he is expected to maintain a public presence – via Twitter , public appearances , possibly his own media venture – which would allow him to keep the embers of a potential political comeback burning bright .
For experienced party hands , Mr. Trump is a wonder to behold .
In early 2013 , Henry Barbour , Republican National Committee member from Mississippi , co-wrote a report on the future of the GOP .
Dubbed the “ autopsy , ” it aimed to reimagine a more inclusive party , following @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2012 .
Most memorably , the report embraced comprehensive immigration reform , in an effort to recast the party as more welcoming to minorities .
At the time , Mr. Trump lashed out against that recommendation : “ Does the @ RNC have a death wish ?
” he tweeted .
The rest is history .
He launched his 2016 campaign by railing against unauthorized Mexican immigrants .
“ Build the wall ” has been a Trump rallying cry ever since .
“ Certainly , the president ’ s tone on immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the report , ” Mr. Barbour says in an interview .
“ It is what it is.
” But , he notes , the president did better Tuesday than he did four years ago with Latino voters as well as African Americans .
And he points to a logic in Mr. Trump ’ s approach .
“ That ’ s something we missed in the report , ” Mr. Barbour says .
“ How do we consistently win working-class voters of all backgrounds ?
” At heart , the future of Trumpism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Americans he has brought into his orbit , including first-time voters – some of whom have sat out many elections but are now invested in Mr. Trump and his goals .
Mr. Trump has won many converts , such as Steven Mosley of Alexandria , Virginia , who works in higher education .
Four years ago , he didn ’ t vote for Mr. Trump – but on Tuesday , he did .
“ He is the only Republican in my lifetime that actually said he was going to do something and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who points to judicial appointments , moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem , and defunding Planned Parenthood .
All political parties are coalitions , as is the Trump electorate – effectively the Republican Party , minus the “ Never Trumpers.
” Not all Trump voters like his brash style but many do , citing his willingness to fight hard and flout norms .
“ A lot of his base , they love his behavior , ” says Dick Wadhams , a veteran GOP strategist in Colorado .
Others are willing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his style , citing his traditional Republican approach to taxes and regulation .
For now , GOP strategists say , Mr. Trump is the Republican Party .
To some “ Never Trumpers ” – a slice of the Republican elite that can not abide the president ’ s persona or values – a Trump loss in the presidential race would mean the end of his party control .
Trumpism is a “ cult , ” says Rick Tyler , a former top aide to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ the cult goes away.
” To University of Denver political scientist Seth Masket , Trumpism represents “ a loyalty to him rather than to any specific ideology .
It ’ s an alternative to conservatism.
” Indeed , perhaps Mr. Trump ’ s most significant departure from conservatism is his seeming lack of care about the debt and deficit , even before the pandemic .
Other analysts see a certain logic in Trumpism .
“ Trumpism itself has a much more anti-globalist ideology than traditional Republicanism , ” says Brandice Canes-Wrone , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It ’ s more generous in terms of social insurance ; he ’ s not trying to significantly reform Social Security or Medicare , or even indicating any interest in doing that.
” She notes that elements of Trumpism adhere to traditional Republican philosophy , including in its conservative judicial philosophy and its approach to taxes and regulation .
“ Those areas are consistent , ” Professor Canes-Wrone says .
“ But the anti-globalism and even the kind of strong preservation of Social Security and Medicare and the willingness to spend a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say anyone would do that .
But with Trump , you don ’ t sense the kind of hesitation you might find with a more traditional Republican.
” How Mr. Trump would handle a second term – a live possibility at time of writing – could go a long way to determining the future of the GOP .
One important question : How would he behave , given that he would no longer need to campaign , at least for himself ?
“ He could take a look at how his own behavior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these past four years , and make the decision to be different , ” says Mr. Wadhams .
“ Or he could double down and be even more confrontational than he was the first term .
”

Says veteran political analyst Stuart Rothenberg: “The Trump wing of the Republican Party is the Republican Party, and it’s big enough now such that it would take a stunning blow to get those people to reassess.”
As a political agenda, “Trumpism” is part Reagan Republicanism – lower taxes, less government regulation, cultural conservatism – plus a pivot toward a hard line on immigration and an “America First” approach to foreign policy. It’s also infused with old-fashioned populism.
Win or lose, President Trump has established a political legacy that has captured the Republican Party. Why both he and “Trumpism” will remain fixtures for years to come.
Now that Mr. Trump has overperformed expectations in the election results, and still has a shot at winning, party officials are circling the wagons. His grip on the party seems as tight as ever. And even if he loses, he will remain the party’s leader, at least through the midterms – and likely until there’s a clear GOP presidential front-runner for 2024.
When polls suggested that President Donald Trump might lose badly on Election Day, some vulnerable Republican senators started tiptoeing away from him – particularly on his handling of the pandemic. He also faced criticism for not clearly denouncing a white supremacist group during the first presidential debate.
President Donald Trump may lose reelection, but if the nail-biter contest of 2020 has shown anything, it’s that “Trumpism” is here to stay.
As a political agenda divorced from the more controversial aspects of his personality and style, Trumpism is part Reagan Republicanism – lower taxes, less government regulation, cultural conservatism – plus a pivot toward a hard line on immigration and an “America First” approach to foreign policy. It’s also infused with old-fashioned populism, in its appeal to Americans who feel forgotten by the powerful.
As long as President Trump himself remains in the public eye – which he is expected to do, win or lose – his outsize persona will ensure that his political brand dominates the Republican Party for the foreseeable future.
Why We Wrote This Win or lose, President Trump has established a political legacy that has captured the Republican Party. Why both he and “Trumpism” will remain fixtures for years to come.
But the preeminence of Trumpism within the GOP is not just about one man’s ability to garner attention and appeal to a significant portion of the electorate. It’s also about the deeper currents of thought that he has tapped into – and which long predated his fateful ride down the escalator at Trump Tower in June 2015.
“For the past 40 years, our political paradigm has shifted from ‘left versus right’ to ‘front versus back,’” says Mo Elleithee, director of the Institute of Politics and Public Service at Georgetown University.
“It’s about people who feel stuck at the back of the line versus those at the front who they feel are keeping them back,” he says.
In Mr. Trump’s terms, it’s about fighting the “swamp” – the Washington establishment, of both parties, that he says are in it for themselves, not hardworking Americans.
The Trump party
In recent memory, a series of “outsider” presidents has come to Washington – from Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, all of whom staked claims to addressing concerns of the “little guy.”
But nobody can match the sheer disruptiveness of Mr. Trump, both in style and policy. The president’s continuing popularity within the Republican base means that he still holds the party in his thrall, regardless of how GOP leaders feel.
“The Trump wing of the Republican Party is the Republican Party, and it’s big enough now such that it would take a stunning blow to get those people to reassess,” says veteran political analyst Stuart Rothenberg.
When polls suggested that Mr. Trump might lose badly on Election Day, some vulnerable Republican senators started tiptoeing away from him – particularly on his handling of the pandemic. He also faced criticism for not clearly denouncing a white supremacist group during the first presidential debate.
Now that Mr. Trump has overperformed expectations in the election results, and still has an outside shot at winning, party officials are circling the wagons. His grip on the party seems as tight as ever. And even if he loses, he will remain the party’s leader, at least through the midterms – and likely until there’s a clear GOP presidential front-runner for 2024.
It’s also possible Mr. Trump will run again for president himself. At the very least, he is expected to maintain a public presence – via Twitter, public appearances, possibly his own media venture – which would allow him to keep the embers of a potential political comeback burning bright.
The “autopsy”
For experienced party hands, Mr. Trump is a wonder to behold. In early 2013, Henry Barbour, Republican National Committee member from Mississippi, co-wrote a report on the future of the GOP. Dubbed the “autopsy,” it aimed to reimagine a more inclusive party, following presidential nominee Mitt Romney’s loss in 2012.
Most memorably, the report embraced comprehensive immigration reform, in an effort to recast the party as more welcoming to minorities. At the time, Mr. Trump lashed out against that recommendation: “Does the @RNC have a death wish?” he tweeted.
The rest is history. He launched his 2016 campaign by railing against unauthorized Mexican immigrants. “Build the wall” has been a Trump rallying cry ever since.
“Certainly, the president’s tone on immigration is not consistent with what we wrote in the report,” Mr. Barbour says in an interview. “It is what it is.”
But, he notes, the president did better Tuesday than he did four years ago with Latino voters as well as African Americans. And he points to a logic in Mr. Trump’s approach.
“That’s something we missed in the report,” Mr. Barbour says. “How do we consistently win working-class voters of all backgrounds?”
The Trump coalition
At heart, the future of Trumpism is very much tied to the legions of Americans he has brought into his orbit, including first-time voters – some of whom have sat out many elections but are now invested in Mr. Trump and his goals.
Mr. Trump has won many converts, such as Steven Mosley of Alexandria, Virginia, who works in higher education. Four years ago, he didn’t vote for Mr. Trump – but on Tuesday, he did.
“He is the only Republican in my lifetime that actually said he was going to do something and did it,” says Mr. Mosley, who points to judicial appointments, moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and defunding Planned Parenthood.
All political parties are coalitions, as is the Trump electorate – effectively the Republican Party, minus the “Never Trumpers.” Not all Trump voters like his brash style but many do, citing his willingness to fight hard and flout norms.
“A lot of his base, they love his behavior,” says Dick Wadhams, a veteran GOP strategist in Colorado.
Others are willing to vote for Mr. Trump in spite of his style, citing his traditional Republican approach to taxes and regulation.
For now, GOP strategists say, Mr. Trump is the Republican Party. To some “Never Trumpers” – a slice of the Republican elite that cannot abide the president’s persona or values – a Trump loss in the presidential race would mean the end of his party control.
Trumpism is a “cult,” says Rick Tyler, a former top aide to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. And if Mr. Trump loses the election, “the cult goes away.”
To University of Denver political scientist Seth Masket, Trumpism represents “a loyalty to him rather than to any specific ideology. It’s an alternative to conservatism.”
Departure from tradition
Indeed, perhaps Mr. Trump’s most significant departure from conservatism is his seeming lack of care about the debt and deficit, even before the pandemic.
Other analysts see a certain logic in Trumpism.
“Trumpism itself has a much more anti-globalist ideology than traditional Republicanism,” says Brandice Canes-Wrone, a political scientist at Princeton University. “It’s more generous in terms of social insurance; he’s not trying to significantly reform Social Security or Medicare, or even indicating any interest in doing that.”
She notes that elements of Trumpism adhere to traditional Republican philosophy, including in its conservative judicial philosophy and its approach to taxes and regulation.
“Those areas are consistent,” Professor Canes-Wrone says. “But the anti-globalism and even the kind of strong preservation of Social Security and Medicare and the willingness to spend a lot during the pandemic, you could say anyone would do that. But with Trump, you don’t sense the kind of hesitation you might find with a more traditional Republican.”
How Mr. Trump would handle a second term – a live possibility at time of writing – could go a long way to determining the future of the GOP. One important question: How would he behave, given that he would no longer need to campaign, at least for himself?
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“He could take a look at how his own behavior clouded the success of his administration over these past four years, and make the decision to be different,” says Mr. Wadhams. “Or he could double down and be even more confrontational than he was the first term.”
Staff writer Noah Robertson contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-11-05--As Biden lead grows, Trump campaign switches fight to courts

To claim fraud in a process the workers will have to repeat 150,000 times before they are done is “ really an insult to these poll workers who have been working their butts off , ” says Mr. King .
All paper ballots are retained as backup .
None of the equipment is hooked to the internet , to prevent hackers gaining access .
Inside the room are observers – one for each party , and one for each candidate .
First , ballots go through a sorting machine called “ The Dragon , ” a long silver thing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they had to take out a wall to get it inside .
Then comes the labor-intensive part : The ballots are opened , flattened , and put through one of 10 high-speed scanners .
“ After the ballots started arriving , it became like Fort Knox in there , ” says Mr. King , of the room where the ballots are being counted .
“ They don ’ t let me back there , they don ’ t let the janitor back there at night .
But what does vote-counting actually look like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosaic , even inspiring , as opposed to riddled with wrongdoing .
Larry King , county director of public information , says that before Election Day if they received a ballot and could tell from the outside that something was wrong with its preparation , they would contact the voter and ask them if they wanted to come in and correct the error .
That ’ s what the lawsuit is about .
On Tuesday Pennsylvania ’ s Bucks County was sued by the Trump campaign – one of multiple legal challenges filed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continues to pick up ground in battleground states such as Nevada and Pennsylvania , President Donald Trump and his allies are moving to a new venue in an effort to hold onto the White House : the courts .
In Pennsylvania and other key states , the Trump campaign has filed lawsuits alleging a variety of ballot-related infractions .
Trump officials have intervened at the Supreme Court in a case that challenges Pennsylvania ’ s intention to count ballots received up to three days after Election Day .
The president ’ s team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wisconsin and raised vague charges of improper voting in Nevada .
The Trump administration promised more challenges as the election is “ clearly moving from the political to the legal , ” says legal commentator and George Washington University Law School professor Jonathan Turley .
Attempting to tie up electoral results in courts across the country may offer little legal respite for the president ’ s campaign .
Courts require solid evidence of fraud and show “ a great deal of deference ” to state election administrators , says Mr. Turley .
Courts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , often throwing out lawsuits where it is mathematically impossible for the challenger to prevail .
On Thursday , a judge in Michigan threw out a Trump campaign lawsuit to stop the vote count there .
Democrat Joe Biden is ahead by 150,000 votes – far beyond the range of any recount – and the race has been called for him .
In some ways the legal moves may be just bare-faced bids to raise general doubts about the integrity of the election .
On its face , the Trump campaign ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It has sued to stop ballot counts in Georgia and Michigan .
Yet in Arizona , where Trump has gained as mail ballots are tallied , Trump supporters chanted “ Count the vote !
” outside a Maricopa County ballot processing location .
Like so much else in the Trump administration , the lawsuits may be aimed at satisfying an audience of one , backing up the president ’ s charge of an election “ rigged ” by his adversaries , and allowing him to frame and explain away a defeat .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ broader purpose , ” says Franita Tolson , a professor at the University of Southern California Gould School of Law .
“ It might not be about winning .
It might be about changing the narrative.
” In Mr. Trump ’ s preferred narrative , he is not an electoral loser , but a victim “ who would ’ ve won except for fraud and the incompetence ” of state election boards , says Professor Tolson .
In many ways the Trump legal blitz is a chronicle of litigation foretold .
The president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means to fight for reelection and that he would go to the Supreme Court if necessary .
As a private citizen he was highly litigious and used lawyers and lawsuits as a weapon of public relations as much as law .
Early Wednesday morning at the White House , Mr. Trump appeared before reporters , insisted he had already won the election , and that voting should stop .
Though he produced no evidence he said his opponents were stealing the election .
Since then he has tweeted “ STOP THE VOTE !
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” and other inflammatory comments while continuing to insist he will win the election .
He ’ s vowed to legally challenge every state “ claimed ” by Mr. Biden due to voter and state election irregularities .
Taking an election dispute to the Supreme Court , as Mr. Trump said he would do during his appearance at the White House in the early hours of Wednesday , is not as simple as the president made it sound .
Challenges must first be filed in lower state , or federal court .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trump campaign have done in the past two days , filing a flurry of lawsuits in courts in tightly contested states where mail ballots are still being counted – namely Pennsylvania , Michigan , Georgia , Nevada , and Arizona .
In Pennsylvania , the Trump campaign scored a win Thursday when a judge ordered certain mailed ballots lacking identifying voter information to be set aside and not counted until the court could consider the matter further .
The legal challenges have made various specific claims .
Some concern allegations of not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Others have alleged that mail ballots have been improperly handled , among other things by alerting voters to errors they made filling out their ballot .
In Georgia , a case was thrown out after the judge found there was no evidence to support the campaign ’ s claims of improper ballot counting when two witnesses admitted under oath they had no knowledge of wrongdoing .
Succeeding with these kinds of postelection lawsuits requires meeting legal thresholds that the Trump campaign , in large part , hasn ’ t seemed able to .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or a compelling argument that a statutory or constitutional violation has occurred .
Perhaps most importantly , there needs to be the possibility that the suit would affect the outcome of the election .
“ It ’ s entirely possible that none of the lawsuits will impact the outcome , ” says Michael Morley , an assistant professor at the Florida State University College of Law .
Meanwhile , close up , ballot counting seems prosaic , even inspiring , as opposed to riddled with wrongdoing .
Outside the Bucks County Courthouse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 100 or so people stand together waving signs that say “ COUNT EVERY VOTE.
” Speakers take turns talking at a podium .
On Tuesday , Bucks County was sued by the Trump campaign .
Larry King , director of public information for the county , says that before Election Day if they received a ballot and could tell from the outside that something was wrong with its preparation , they would contact the voter and ask them if they wanted to come in and correct the error .
That ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the building giant TV screens in the hallways show what is happening just on the other side of a nearby wall : Tired workers with disheveled hair walk back and forth across a typical office space that looks like it needs a good cleaning .
Crumbs , trash , and paper scraps litter the floor .
This is a room where the ballot counting happens .
No one but the workers is allowed inside – not even Mr. King .
“ After the ballots started arriving , it became like Fort Knox in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ They don ’ t let me back there , they don ’ t let the janitor back there at night.
” There are roughly 30 people in the room – government employees who have to take an oath before they begin – working at any one time .
The room has been operational since 7 a.m. on Tuesday morning .
“ There are a lot of tired people in the building , ” Mr. King says .
Inside the room are observers – one for each party , and one for each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots go through a sorting machine called “ The Dragon , ” a long silver thing that cost $ 500,000 and is so big they had to take out a wall to get it inside .
Then comes the labor-intensive part : The ballots are opened , flattened , and put through one of 10 high-speed scanners .
All paper ballots are retained as backup .
None of the equipment – not the Dragon , not the scanners – is hooked to the internet , to prevent hackers gaining access .
To claim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to repeat some 150,000 times before they are done is “ really an insult to these poll workers who have been working their butts off , ” says Mr. King .
Will the Supreme Court step in ?
The Trump team lawsuit with the most potential credibility , experts say , is another case involving Pennsylvania .
It concerns the state ’ s decision to allow mail ballots postmarked by Election Day but arriving up to three days later to be counted .
Republican officials in Pennsylvania challenged the so-called ballot deadline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state supreme court upheld it .
A preelection appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court was unsuccessful , though Justices Clarence Thomas , Samuel Alito , and Neil Gorsuch expressed an openness to the GOP argument .
“ There is a strong likelihood that the State Supreme Court decision violates the Federal Constitution , ” wrote Justice Alito .
Only state legislatures , he wrote , have the power to make rules governing state elections .
The three justices asked Pennsylvania to segregate ballots received after Election Day so that if the deadline extension @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be available.
” The state agreed to segregate the ballots , and yesterday afternoon the Trump campaign asked the Supreme Court to revisit the case .
The justices have asked Pennsylvania to file a reply brief by the end of the day today , but has taken no other action .
If the court does take the case , the new Justice Amy Coney Barrett – who joined the court a week ago – would be able to sit in judgment on the case since the preelection hearing was preliminary .
The Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chance of success ” if the Supreme Court takes the case , said David Strauss , a professor at the University of Chicago Law School , on a Wednesday call with reporters .
But the bigger question , he added , “ is whether that is likely to make any difference to the outcome of the election .
”

To claim fraud in a process the workers will have to repeat 150,000 times before they are done is “really an insult to these poll workers who have been working their butts off,” says Mr. King.
All paper ballots are retained as backup. None of the equipment is hooked to the internet, to prevent hackers gaining access.
Inside the room are observers – one for each party, and one for each candidate. First, ballots go through a sorting machine called “The Dragon,” a long silver thing that cost $500,000 and is so big they had to take out a wall to get it inside. Then comes the labor-intensive part: The ballots are opened, flattened, and put through one of 10 high-speed scanners.
“After the ballots started arriving, it became like Fort Knox in there,” says Mr. King, of the room where the ballots are being counted. “They don’t let me back there, they don’t let the janitor back there at night.
But what does vote-counting actually look like? Close up, ballot counting seems prosaic, even inspiring, as opposed to riddled with wrongdoing.
With the Trump campaign filing a flurry of legal challenges in multiple states, the election is “clearly moving from the political to the legal,” says legal commentator Jonathan Turley.
Larry King, county director of public information, says that before Election Day if they received a ballot and could tell from the outside that something was wrong with its preparation, they would contact the voter and ask them if they wanted to come in and correct the error. That’s what the lawsuit is about.
On Tuesday Pennsylvania’s Bucks County was sued by the Trump campaign – one of multiple legal challenges filed in several states.
As Joe Biden continues to pick up ground in battleground states such as Nevada and Pennsylvania, President Donald Trump and his allies are moving to a new venue in an effort to hold onto the White House: the courts.
In Pennsylvania and other key states, the Trump campaign has filed lawsuits alleging a variety of ballot-related infractions. Trump officials have intervened at the Supreme Court in a case that challenges Pennsylvania’s intention to count ballots received up to three days after Election Day. The president’s team has vowed to seek a recount in Wisconsin and raised vague charges of improper voting in Nevada.
The Trump administration promised more challenges as the election is “clearly moving from the political to the legal,” says legal commentator and George Washington University Law School professor Jonathan Turley.
Why We Wrote This With the Trump campaign filing a flurry of legal challenges in multiple states, the election is “clearly moving from the political to the legal,” says legal commentator Jonathan Turley.
Attempting to tie up electoral results in courts across the country may offer little legal respite for the president’s campaign. Courts require solid evidence of fraud and show “a great deal of deference” to state election administrators, says Mr. Turley.
Courts also look at the final vote tallies, often throwing out lawsuits where it is mathematically impossible for the challenger to prevail. On Thursday, a judge in Michigan threw out a Trump campaign lawsuit to stop the vote count there. Democrat Joe Biden is ahead by 150,000 votes – far beyond the range of any recount – and the race has been called for him.
Matt Slocum/AP View caption Hide caption Rudy Giuliani, a lawyer for President Donald Trump, speaks during a news conference on legal challenges to vote counting in Pennsylvania, Nov. 4, 2020, in Philadelphia.
In some ways the legal moves may be just bare-faced bids to raise general doubts about the integrity of the election. On its face, the Trump campaign’s legal strategy is contradictory, even confusing. It has sued to stop ballot counts in Georgia and Michigan. Yet in Arizona, where Trump has gained as mail ballots are tallied, Trump supporters chanted “Count the vote!” outside a Maricopa County ballot processing location.
Like so much else in the Trump administration, the lawsuits may be aimed at satisfying an audience of one, backing up the president’s charge of an election “rigged” by his adversaries, and allowing him to frame and explain away a defeat.
“I think the litigation serves a broader purpose,” says Franita Tolson, a professor at the University of Southern California Gould School of Law. “It might not be about winning. It might be about changing the narrative.”
In Mr. Trump’s preferred narrative, he is not an electoral loser, but a victim “who would’ve won except for fraud and the incompetence” of state election boards, says Professor Tolson.
Trump campaign legal blitz
In many ways the Trump legal blitz is a chronicle of litigation foretold. The president has long said he would use any means to fight for reelection and that he would go to the Supreme Court if necessary. As a private citizen he was highly litigious and used lawyers and lawsuits as a weapon of public relations as much as law.
Early Wednesday morning at the White House, Mr. Trump appeared before reporters, insisted he had already won the election, and that voting should stop. Though he produced no evidence he said his opponents were stealing the election.
Since then he has tweeted “STOP THE VOTE!,” “STOP THE FRAUD!,” and other inflammatory comments while continuing to insist he will win the election. He’s vowed to legally challenge every state “claimed” by Mr. Biden due to voter and state election irregularities.
Taking an election dispute to the Supreme Court, as Mr. Trump said he would do during his appearance at the White House in the early hours of Wednesday, is not as simple as the president made it sound. Challenges must first be filed in lower state, or federal court.
That’s what Republican officials and the Trump campaign have done in the past two days, filing a flurry of lawsuits in courts in tightly contested states where mail ballots are still being counted – namely Pennsylvania, Michigan, Georgia, Nevada, and Arizona. In Pennsylvania, the Trump campaign scored a win Thursday when a judge ordered certain mailed ballots lacking identifying voter information to be set aside and not counted until the court could consider the matter further.
The legal challenges have made various specific claims. Some concern allegations of not having sufficient access to vote-counting locations. Others have alleged that mail ballots have been improperly handled, among other things by alerting voters to errors they made filling out their ballot. In Georgia, a case was thrown out after the judge found there was no evidence to support the campaign’s claims of improper ballot counting when two witnesses admitted under oath they had no knowledge of wrongdoing.
Succeeding with these kinds of postelection lawsuits requires meeting legal thresholds that the Trump campaign, in large part, hasn’t seemed able to. There must be concrete evidence of wrongdoing, or a compelling argument that a statutory or constitutional violation has occurred. Perhaps most importantly, there needs to be the possibility that the suit would affect the outcome of the election.
“It’s entirely possible that none of the lawsuits will impact the outcome,” says Michael Morley, an assistant professor at the Florida State University College of Law.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Voters protest outside the Bucks County Government Administration Building in Doylestown, rallying for all ballots to be counted in Pennsylvania.
Counting the vote in Bucks County
Meanwhile, close up, ballot counting seems prosaic, even inspiring, as opposed to riddled with wrongdoing.
Outside the Bucks County Courthouse and Administration Building in Doylestown, Pennsylvania, 100 or so people stand together waving signs that say “COUNT EVERY VOTE.” Speakers take turns talking at a podium.
On Tuesday, Bucks County was sued by the Trump campaign. Larry King, director of public information for the county, says that before Election Day if they received a ballot and could tell from the outside that something was wrong with its preparation, they would contact the voter and ask them if they wanted to come in and correct the error. That’s what the lawsuit is about.
Inside the building giant TV screens in the hallways show what is happening just on the other side of a nearby wall: Tired workers with disheveled hair walk back and forth across a typical office space that looks like it needs a good cleaning. Crumbs, trash, and paper scraps litter the floor.
This is a room where the ballot counting happens. No one but the workers is allowed inside – not even Mr. King.
“After the ballots started arriving, it became like Fort Knox in there,” says Mr. King. “They don’t let me back there, they don’t let the janitor back there at night.”
There are roughly 30 people in the room – government employees who have to take an oath before they begin – working at any one time. The room has been operational since 7 a.m. on Tuesday morning.
“There are a lot of tired people in the building,” Mr. King says.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Bucks County's mail-in ballots are sorted by polling precinct using an advance machine poll workers have nicknamed "The Dragon," and then, per Pennsylvania law, are stored in USPS bins until 7 a.m. on Election Day when they are permitted to be opened.
Inside the room are observers – one for each party, and one for each candidate on the ballot. First, ballots go through a sorting machine called “The Dragon,” a long silver thing that cost $500,000 and is so big they had to take out a wall to get it inside. Then comes the labor-intensive part: The ballots are opened, flattened, and put through one of 10 high-speed scanners.
All paper ballots are retained as backup. None of the equipment – not the Dragon, not the scanners – is hooked to the internet, to prevent hackers gaining access.
To claim fraud in a process the workers will have to repeat some 150,000 times before they are done is “really an insult to these poll workers who have been working their butts off,” says Mr. King.
Will the Supreme Court step in?
The Trump team lawsuit with the most potential credibility, experts say, is another case involving Pennsylvania. It concerns the state’s decision to allow mail ballots postmarked by Election Day but arriving up to three days later to be counted.
Republican officials in Pennsylvania challenged the so-called ballot deadline extension before the election, but the state supreme court upheld it. A preelection appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court was unsuccessful, though Justices Clarence Thomas, Samuel Alito, and Neil Gorsuch expressed an openness to the GOP argument.
“There is a strong likelihood that the State Supreme Court decision violates the Federal Constitution,” wrote Justice Alito. Only state legislatures, he wrote, have the power to make rules governing state elections.
The three justices asked Pennsylvania to segregate ballots received after Election Day so that if the deadline extension is overturned “a targeted remedy will be available.” The state agreed to segregate the ballots, and yesterday afternoon the Trump campaign asked the Supreme Court to revisit the case.
The justices have asked Pennsylvania to file a reply brief by the end of the day today, but has taken no other action. If the court does take the case, the new Justice Amy Coney Barrett – who joined the court a week ago – would be able to sit in judgment on the case since the preelection hearing was preliminary.
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The Trump campaign “has a more than decent chance of success” if the Supreme Court takes the case, said David Strauss, a professor at the University of Chicago Law School, on a Wednesday call with reporters. But the bigger question, he added, “is whether that is likely to make any difference to the outcome of the election.”
Staff writer Patrik Jonsson contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-11-05--As coronavirus surges anew, Vermont may show US a path forward

Dr. Anthony Fauci , the government ’ s top expert on infections , has taken notice .
“ This should be the model for the country – how you ’ ve done it , ” he said of Vermont in September .
But some experts see lessons to be learned .
Vermont ’ s response has included both a mask mandate and a spirit of collective responsibility .
In Carnegie Mellon University ’ s surveys on Facebook , Vermont consistently ranks among the top 10 states with more than 90 % of surveyed residents saying they wear masks , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with roughly 80 % saying they wear masks .
Residents here have also shown a higher propensity to curtail mobile lifestyles when asked .
Some of it may be serendipity .
One example : Vermont doesn ’ t have the large meatpacking plants that are common on the Plains – and where COVID-19 has sometimes spread .
Early in the coronavirus pandemic , rural America stood out as relatively unaffected .
Now , a resurgence in cases nationwide is prompting new lockdowns – and sparsely populated states in the Great Plains have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the nation ’ s most rural states , has continued to have among the nation ’ s lowest infection rates .
As he speaks , City Manager William Fraser gazes out on the heart of downtown Montpelier , Vermont .
“ Just as we ’ ve been talking – and I have a window facing Main Street – every single person that ’ s gone by has had a mask on , ” he says .
“ And that ’ s on the sidewalks.
” It ’ s his way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their all to contain the pandemic .
The state has called on people to wear masks in public , and many here in Vermont ’ s capital are following through , outdoors as well as indoors .
They may be playing a crucial role in this state ’ s battle against the most serious viral outbreak in a century .
Nationwide , a surge in cases notched an unwelcome milestone Wednesday , with the United States becoming the first nation to see more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases in a single day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ pause their reopening plans and put new restrictions on activities .
On Monday , Massachusetts issued a new stay-at-home advisory and ordered in-restaurant dining stopped after 9:30 p.m. As of this week , Michigan restaurants have to track customer names and phone numbers .
Maine has postponed bar reopenings and returned to stricter limits on indoor gatherings .
Until recently , rural America had largely avoided the brunt of the pandemic .
But the most recent surge has put rural regions on two distinct tracks .
Four of the five states with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among the most rural states in the Great Plains .
Here in New England , Vermont and Maine , the nation ’ s most rural states , have the lowest infection rates per capita , along with New Hampshire .
Researchers are beginning to piece together why that is .
“ Part of that is policy , ” says Jacob Conway , a Ph.D. candidate in economics at Stanford University and co-author of a new study on the spread of the pandemic .
That means things like the mask mandate and social distancing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the early stages of the pandemic , he says , the key drivers were population size and density .
While the virus this past spring was tearing through dense urban centers like New York , with thousands of new cases per day , Vermont ’ s new daily cases peaked at 72 , according to data from Johns Hopkins University .
With its biggest city , Burlington , less than one-sixth the density of New York City , and fewer than 4 in 10 Vermonters living in urban areas , Vermont @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
So were less populous places like North Dakota , the eighth most rural state , which reached a daily high of COVID-19 cases similar to Vermont ’ s in late April .
But in July , the two states ’ trajectories began to diverge .
By the end of October , the surge was so bad that North Dakota skyrocketed to the top of the charts , with the worst infection rate among the states and the highest seven-day averages of new cases and fatalities per capita .
Vermont , by contrast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation , at less than a tenth of North Dakota ’ s .
And it ’ s earning kudos for its policies , such as a cautious reopening and a program to trace contacts in superspreader events .
“ This should be the model for the country – how you ’ ve done it , ” Dr. Anthony Fauci , the government ’ s top expert on infections , said of Vermont ’ s response in a September media briefing .
Ordinary Vermonters are on the front lines of compliance with state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who was masked up while walking his dog through downtown Woodstock on Thursday , says people in his town and throughout the state are looking out for their neighbors by following state guidance .
That includes mask-wearing , social distancing , and avoiding crowded areas .
“ I know in my sphere ; we ’ re doing as much as we possibly can , ” he said .
“ And we have an older population , so it behooves us to do everything we can.
” Unlike Vermont , North Dakota never issued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Doug Burgum has encouraged mask-wearing and social distancing as a voluntary action .
And voluntary actions have only gone so far .
When the pandemic hit , Vermont virtually shut down .
Using cellphone data , which can determine when people carrying cellphones have moved , Mr. Conway and his colleagues found that Vermont residents reduced their trips by at least 63 % between February and mid-April .
North Dakota was more varied , with some counties shutting down as much as Vermont while nearly as many cut their mobility by no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have opened up , mobility has crept upward in both states , according to Google , which tracks callers who have their cellphone location history turned on .
Also , officials worry about mask and social distancing fatigue .
“ I think we ’ ve got some fatigue going on , ” says Tracy Dolan , Vermont ’ s deputy commissioner of health .
“ During our contact tracing , more and more people are letting us know that some of the things they should ’ ve been doing , they weren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state has been tracking multiple outbreaks of COVID-19 cases linked to an arena in Montpelier that hosts youth and adult hockey leagues and broomball teams .
The Montpelier arena outbreak led to Vermont ’ s first confirmed case of in-school transmission of COVID-19 .
As a result , the Union Elementary School here switched to remote learning on Oct. 23 .
The school returned to in-person instruction on Monday , with approval from state health officials .
Much remains unknown about the virus , so researchers hesitate to pinpoint the combination of factors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fighting the pandemic .
Does it come down to personal choices or geography ?
One intriguing fact is that the states with the lowest infection rates per capita – Vermont , New Hampshire , and Maine – are all located next to each other in a corner of the country .
“ This could be coincidence , but it could also suggest that position may be a factor , ” Iván Franch Pardo , a geographer at the National Autonomous University of Mexico in Morelia , writes in an email .
He and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the geography of the pandemic .
For example , it may be that fewer people and goods flow through them than the centrally located Plains states .
The three states may be buffered by neighboring states , especially Massachusetts and New York , which have taken more active measures to contain the virus than North Dakota ’ s neighbors generally have .
Then there ’ s the industrial mix , Mr. Pardo says .
Meatpacking plants have been a source of many COVID-19 cases , and they are more prevalent and larger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Still , there ’ s also evidence Vermonters are complying with their mandates more than North Dakotans are with their guidelines .
In Carnegie Mellon University ’ s surveys on Facebook , Vermont consistently ranks among the top 10 states with more than 90 % of surveyed residents saying they wear masks , while North Dakota ranks in the bottom 10 , with roughly 80 % saying they wear masks .
With the holidays approaching , one of the keys to containing the virus will be keeping gathering sizes down , says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Vermont .
Even small holiday gatherings with 20 people may be risky , she warns .
“ It ’ s not that you shouldn ’ t get together with anyone , but it ’ s really about keeping that circle very small.
” The winter months will likely see some days with higher cases , but Vermont is building up its contact-tracing capacity so it ’ s prepared , she adds .
“ We ’ re asking people to hold on a little bit longer , stay vigilant , and hopefully we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next year.
” Laurent Belsie reported from Waltham , Massachusetts , and Gareth Henderson reported from Montpelier , Vermont .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

Dr. Anthony Fauci, the government’s top expert on infections, has taken notice. “This should be the model for the country – how you’ve done it,” he said of Vermont in September.
But some experts see lessons to be learned. Vermont’s response has included both a mask mandate and a spirit of collective responsibility. In Carnegie Mellon University’s surveys on Facebook, Vermont consistently ranks among the top 10 states with more than 90% of surveyed residents saying they wear masks, while North Dakota ranks in the bottom 10, with roughly 80% saying they wear masks. Residents here have also shown a higher propensity to curtail mobile lifestyles when asked.
With the nation battling a spike in coronavirus cases, a dichotomy among rural states stands out. Some have the worst infection rates, yet a sense of civic responsibility has helped Vermont be a leader in containment.
Some of it may be serendipity. One example: Vermont doesn’t have the large meatpacking plants that are common on the Plains – and where COVID-19 has sometimes spread.
Early in the coronavirus pandemic, rural America stood out as relatively unaffected. Now, a resurgence in cases nationwide is prompting new lockdowns – and sparsely populated states in the Great Plains have become an epicenter. Yet Vermont, one of the nation’s most rural states, has continued to have among the nation’s lowest infection rates.
As he speaks, City Manager William Fraser gazes out on the heart of downtown Montpelier, Vermont.
“Just as we’ve been talking – and I have a window facing Main Street – every single person that’s gone by has had a mask on,” he says. “And that’s on the sidewalks.”
It’s his way of pointing out that many Vermonters are doing their all to contain the pandemic. The state has called on people to wear masks in public, and many here in Vermont’s capital are following through, outdoors as well as indoors. They may be playing a crucial role in this state’s battle against the most serious viral outbreak in a century.
Why We Wrote This With the nation battling a spike in coronavirus cases, a dichotomy among rural states stands out. Some have the worst infection rates, yet a sense of civic responsibility has helped Vermont be a leader in containment.
Nationwide, a surge in cases notched an unwelcome milestone Wednesday, with the United States becoming the first nation to see more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases in a single day. The spike has forced some states to pause their reopening plans and put new restrictions on activities.
On Monday, Massachusetts issued a new stay-at-home advisory and ordered in-restaurant dining stopped after 9:30 p.m. As of this week, Michigan restaurants have to track customer names and phone numbers. Maine has postponed bar reopenings and returned to stricter limits on indoor gatherings.
Until recently, rural America had largely avoided the brunt of the pandemic. But the most recent surge has put rural regions on two distinct tracks. Four of the five states with the highest rate of infections per capita are among the most rural states in the Great Plains. Here in New England, Vermont and Maine, the nation’s most rural states, have the lowest infection rates per capita, along with New Hampshire. Researchers are beginning to piece together why that is.
“Part of that is policy,” says Jacob Conway, a Ph.D. candidate in economics at Stanford University and co-author of a new study on the spread of the pandemic. That means things like the mask mandate and social distancing along with a spirit of public compliance.
In the early stages of the pandemic, he says, the key drivers were population size and density. While the virus this past spring was tearing through dense urban centers like New York, with thousands of new cases per day, Vermont’s new daily cases peaked at 72, according to data from Johns Hopkins University. With its biggest city, Burlington, less than one-sixth the density of New York City, and fewer than 4 in 10 Vermonters living in urban areas, Vermont was well situated to avoid major outbreaks.
So were less populous places like North Dakota, the eighth most rural state, which reached a daily high of COVID-19 cases similar to Vermont’s in late April. But in July, the two states’ trajectories began to diverge. By the end of October, the surge was so bad that North Dakota skyrocketed to the top of the charts, with the worst infection rate among the states and the highest seven-day averages of new cases and fatalities per capita.
Vermont, by contrast, has the lowest infection rate in the nation, at less than a tenth of North Dakota’s. And it’s earning kudos for its policies, such as a cautious reopening and a program to trace contacts in superspreader events.
“This should be the model for the country – how you’ve done it,” Dr. Anthony Fauci, the government’s top expert on infections, said of Vermont’s response in a September media briefing.
Brian Snyder/Reuters View caption Hide caption The downtown stands empty amid the COVID-19 outbreak in Brattleboro, Vermont, April 19, 2020. A recent study found that Vermont residents reduced their trips by at least 63% between February and mid-April.
Ordinary Vermonters are on the front lines of compliance with state rules. Chris Cassidy in Woodstock, who was masked up while walking his dog through downtown Woodstock on Thursday, says people in his town and throughout the state are looking out for their neighbors by following state guidance. That includes mask-wearing, social distancing, and avoiding crowded areas.
“I know in my sphere; we’re doing as much as we possibly can,” he said. “And we have an older population, so it behooves us to do everything we can.”
Unlike Vermont, North Dakota never issued a mask mandate. Instead, Gov. Doug Burgum has encouraged mask-wearing and social distancing as a voluntary action. And voluntary actions have only gone so far.
When the pandemic hit, Vermont virtually shut down. Using cellphone data, which can determine when people carrying cellphones have moved, Mr. Conway and his colleagues found that Vermont residents reduced their trips by at least 63% between February and mid-April. North Dakota was more varied, with some counties shutting down as much as Vermont while nearly as many cut their mobility by no more than 51%.
As states have opened up, mobility has crept upward in both states, according to Google, which tracks callers who have their cellphone location history turned on. Also, officials worry about mask and social distancing fatigue.
“I think we’ve got some fatigue going on,” says Tracy Dolan, Vermont’s deputy commissioner of health. “During our contact tracing, more and more people are letting us know that some of the things they should’ve been doing, they weren’t doing.”
Since mid-October, the state has been tracking multiple outbreaks of COVID-19 cases linked to an arena in Montpelier that hosts youth and adult hockey leagues and broomball teams. The Montpelier arena outbreak led to Vermont’s first confirmed case of in-school transmission of COVID-19. As a result, the Union Elementary School here switched to remote learning on Oct. 23. The school returned to in-person instruction on Monday, with approval from state health officials.
Much remains unknown about the virus, so researchers hesitate to pinpoint the combination of factors that have made Vermont relatively successful in fighting the pandemic. Does it come down to personal choices or geography? One intriguing fact is that the states with the lowest infection rates per capita – Vermont, New Hampshire, and Maine – are all located next to each other in a corner of the country.
“This could be coincidence, but it could also suggest that position may be a factor,” Iván Franch Pardo, a geographer at the National Autonomous University of Mexico in Morelia, writes in an email. He and colleagues recently reviewed 63 scientific articles dealing with the geography of the pandemic. For example, it may be that fewer people and goods flow through them than the centrally located Plains states. The three states may be buffered by neighboring states, especially Massachusetts and New York, which have taken more active measures to contain the virus than North Dakota’s neighbors generally have.
Then there’s the industrial mix, Mr. Pardo says. Meatpacking plants have been a source of many COVID-19 cases, and they are more prevalent and larger in the Plains than in New England.
Still, there’s also evidence Vermonters are complying with their mandates more than North Dakotans are with their guidelines. In Carnegie Mellon University’s surveys on Facebook, Vermont consistently ranks among the top 10 states with more than 90% of surveyed residents saying they wear masks, while North Dakota ranks in the bottom 10, with roughly 80% saying they wear masks.
With the holidays approaching, one of the keys to containing the virus will be keeping gathering sizes down, says Ms. Dolan, the deputy health commissioner of Vermont. Even small holiday gatherings with 20 people may be risky, she warns. “It’s not that you shouldn’t get together with anyone, but it’s really about keeping that circle very small.”
The winter months will likely see some days with higher cases, but Vermont is building up its contact-tracing capacity so it’s prepared, she adds. “We’re asking people to hold on a little bit longer, stay vigilant, and hopefully we’ve got a very different year next year.”
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Laurent Belsie reported from Waltham, Massachusetts, and Gareth Henderson reported from Montpelier, Vermont.
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-11-05--How to glue together a cracked nation

How to glue together a cracked nation

It is customary to the point of cliché for U.S. politicians to follow rough-and-tumble campaigns with calls for unity and consensus .
The alchemy of the ballot box is supposed to turn Republicans and Democrats back into Americans .
Magnanimous in victory .
Decorous in defeat .
That norm felt a little frayed this week .
Yes , victory speeches had the usual grace notes .
“ Clearly , people are saying it ’ s time to turn the page , ” said Democrat John Hickenlooper , a former governor of Colorado , after winning a seat in the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ start solving problems and helping people.
” Such calls aside , an already divided country appears to be even more so .
A Pew Research Center poll just prior to the election found that only 4 % of registered voters in states with a Senate contest said they would be open to voting for a presidential candidate from one party and a Senate candidate from another .
Almost 80 % said they would vote for candidates from the same party all the way down the ballot .
Those findings held .
The “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Democrats – did not come .
Nor did President Donald Trump ’ s base crack .
Neither side emerged with a clear mandate or grew its majority .
Does parity mean paralysis ?
America ’ s founders did not think so .
“ Can they not harmonize in society unless they have everything in their own hands ?
” asked Thomas Jefferson , speaking of political blocs .
The answer , as is often the case in American politics , becomes more apparent beyond Washington , where government gets closer to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Spencer Cox and his opponent , Democratic House Minority Leader Brian King , emerged from the election voicing hope for cooperation .
“ I feel strong about including , you know , Democrats and Libertarians and others so we can have those robust discussions and policy inputs , ” Mr. Cox told The Salt Lake Tribune .
In a response , Mr. King said , “ I ’ d love to see us lead out in Utah in a way that really crosses the ideological and the policy spectrum and really incorporates the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from.
” The unusual political career of Jerry Brown in California underscored the value of finding a broader governing perspective .
During his first two-term stint as governor starting in 1975 , Mr. Brown pursued a progressive agenda that was ahead of its time even for California .
He left office eight years later highly unpopular .
In 2011 he returned to Sacramento .
By the time he finished another two terms , he had become perhaps the most successful governor of a state notoriously difficult to govern .
Most political careers follow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher state and national offices .
Between his governorships , Mr. Brown went to Oakland as mayor .
“ He himself said at one point when he was mayor of Oakland that he was finally understanding that the regulations that he had implemented as governor were hamstringing localities , ” Sherry Bebitch Jeffe , a longtime California political analyst , told The Atlantic .
“ He finally was far [ enough ] outside the bubble of state politics and the governorship to look at what he was doing.
” That lesson applies now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ourselves in half , which statistically we sort of have , and tomorrow we stay in these camps , as a country , we ’ re only half of ourselves and we are missing the richness of each other , ” John Sarrouf , a Boston-based conflict resolution consultant , told the Deseret News .
As America emerges from a taut election in a year shaped by a pandemic and unrest over racial injustice , division is not its only choice .
Embracing the different perspectives they have to offer each other , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their democracy : out of many , one .

It is customary to the point of cliché for U.S. politicians to follow rough-and-tumble campaigns with calls for unity and consensus. The alchemy of the ballot box is supposed to turn Republicans and Democrats back into Americans. Magnanimous in victory. Decorous in defeat.
That norm felt a little frayed this week. Yes, victory speeches had the usual grace notes. “Clearly, people are saying it’s time to turn the page,” said Democrat John Hickenlooper, a former governor of Colorado, after winning a seat in the Senate. “It’s time to start solving problems and helping people.”
Such calls aside, an already divided country appears to be even more so. A Pew Research Center poll just prior to the election found that only 4% of registered voters in states with a Senate contest said they would be open to voting for a presidential candidate from one party and a Senate candidate from another. Almost 80% said they would vote for candidates from the same party all the way down the ballot.
Those findings held. The “blue wave” – an overwhelming gain for Democrats – did not come. Nor did President Donald Trump’s base crack. Neither side emerged with a clear mandate or grew its majority.
Does parity mean paralysis? America’s founders did not think so. “Can they not harmonize in society unless they have everything in their own hands?” asked Thomas Jefferson, speaking of political blocs. The answer, as is often the case in American politics, becomes more apparent beyond Washington, where government gets closer to the people.
In Utah, Republican Gov.-elect Spencer Cox and his opponent, Democratic House Minority Leader Brian King, emerged from the election voicing hope for cooperation. “I feel strong about including, you know, Democrats and Libertarians and others so we can have those robust discussions and policy inputs,” Mr. Cox told The Salt Lake Tribune.
In a response, Mr. King said, “I’d love to see us lead out in Utah in a way that really crosses the ideological and the policy spectrum and really incorporates the best ideas regardless of where they come from.”
The unusual political career of Jerry Brown in California underscored the value of finding a broader governing perspective. During his first two-term stint as governor starting in 1975, Mr. Brown pursued a progressive agenda that was ahead of its time even for California. He left office eight years later highly unpopular. In 2011 he returned to Sacramento. By the time he finished another two terms, he had become perhaps the most successful governor of a state notoriously difficult to govern.
Most political careers follow a linear upward path from local to higher state and national offices. Between his governorships, Mr. Brown went to Oakland as mayor. “He himself said at one point when he was mayor of Oakland that he was finally understanding that the regulations that he had implemented as governor were hamstringing localities,” Sherry Bebitch Jeffe, a longtime California political analyst, told The Atlantic. “He finally was far [enough] outside the bubble of state politics and the governorship to look at what he was doing.”
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That lesson applies now. “If we’ve divided ourselves in half, which statistically we sort of have, and tomorrow we stay in these camps, as a country, we’re only half of ourselves and we are missing the richness of each other,” John Sarrouf, a Boston-based conflict resolution consultant, told the Deseret News.
As America emerges from a taut election in a year shaped by a pandemic and unrest over racial injustice, division is not its only choice. Embracing the different perspectives they have to offer each other, Americans can restore a founding ideal of their democracy: out of many, one.


csmonitor--2020-11-05--Pro-Trump vote has world wondering: Do we still know America?

“ That so many voters in the U.S. were willing to have another four years of Trump , ” it read , “ should cause all of us to rethink our assumptions.
” Whoever wins the presidential election , those doubts will continue to dog the rest of the world ’ s relations with America .
An editorial comment in Stuff , the largest online news site in New Zealand , captured the mood in many foreign capitals .
Behind the concerns for the integrity of America ’ s election , though , lay general shock and dismay at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The president ’ s solid support indicated that his election in 2016 was not the aberration most European leaders had thought it was .
It laid bare the possibility that they had fundamentally misunderstood the nature of the United States .
His words , unsubstantiated by evidence , echoed around the world ’ s capitals .
There , they elicited reactions usually reserved for authoritarian leaders in the wake of unfairly conducted elections .
And they cast another shadow among Washington ’ s allies over America ’ s reputation as the democratic world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Donald Trump prematurely claimed victory in the early hours of Wednesday morning , alleging that “ major fraud ” was underway and calling for a halt to vote counting , he shocked more than his fellow citizens .
It was an extraordinary moment , and because it came just after the polls in America had closed , one that risks being lost in the continuing drama over who will emerge as the next president of the United States .
But it encapsulated the reasons why Washington ’ s long-standing allies overseas are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permanently eroded America ’ s decades-old position as the democratic world ’ s leader and exemplar .
The moment came in the early hours of Wednesday , in the East Room of the White House , when Mr. Trump made a preemptive declaration of victory in the presidential election and claimed that “ a major fraud on the nation ” was underway to steal that victory .
He suggested that election officials across the country stop counting the many millions of votes yet to be processed .
Ordinarily , in what came to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of nations ” in the post-World War II order moulded under U.S. leadership , a respectful diplomatic silence would have followed a presidential election .
The accepted rule of thumb : Wait for the result , then congratulate and reach out to whoever has been elected to lead America for the next four years .
Not this time .
Instead , European leaders and international poll watchers came out with comments that recalled the sort of remarks that they , and Washington , have often delivered in the wake of unfairly conducted votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an observer mission from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe , which monitors polls internationally , said bluntly that “ baseless allegations of systematic deficiencies , notably by the incumbent president ... harm public trust in democratic institutions.
” “ What is important for us , ” said German Finance Minister Olaf Scholz , “ is that everything is counted out and that we have a clear result in the end that comes out of democratic elections , in democratic procedures.
” In Finland , a former prime minister , Alexander @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ stress test for American democracy.
” He said he still wanted “ to believe in the resilience of its democratic institutions , but [ I ] am worried about the speech we just heard.
” Officials at the 27-nation European Union in Brussels also signaled concern .
“ We are awaiting that the authorities in charge of the vote-count announce the results , ” a spokesperson for the European Commission said the morning after Mr. Trump ’ s remarks .
“ We will abide by whatever announcement is forthcoming officially by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that everybody should do likewise.
” Behind the response lay a mix of shock and dismay in Europe at the strength of the pro-Trump vote .
The president ’ s solid support indicated that his election in 2016 was not the aberration most European leaders had thought it was , and laid bare the possibility that they had fundamentally misunderstood the current political and social nature of the United States .
A Trump victory “ would challenge us fundamentally , in a way for which we are not yet prepared , ” tweeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affairs committee in the German parliament .
While a small number of right-wing populist European leaders do back Mr. Trump – Slovenia ’ s Prime Minister Janez Jansa , for instance , and Viktor Orbán , head of Hungary ’ s self-proclaimed “ illiberal democracy ” – most have been holding their collective breath in the hope of a Biden victory .
But they are skeptical about how far even a Democratic administration under Joe Biden would go toward reestablishing the old transatlantic alliance .
Washington ’ s foreign-policy focus has been shifting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ geopolitical rivalry with China , since former President Barack Obama ’ s term of office .
Mr. Biden ’ s Democratic Party also includes a strong current of opposition to free-trade agreements ; the expectation is that a Biden administration would focus inward , to deal with the many domestic challenges it would clearly face .
Still , the hope of most European leaders in the run-up to Election Day was that at least some key elements of their alliance with the U.S. would be repaired under a Biden presidency : stability , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mutual respect .
And on one specific policy front , they do expect an early change if Mr. Biden wins .
The day after the election , Mr. Trump ’ s withdrawal of the U.S. from the international Paris Agreement on climate change took formal effect .
Mr. Biden has pledged to reverse that , and to reengage in efforts to combat global warming .
But beyond that ?
Many of the political calculations in Europe , and among other U.S. allies in the world , have been newly unsettled in recent days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump ’ s postelection remarks and the size of Mr. Trump ’ s continuing electoral support .
An editorial comment in Stuff , the largest online news site in New Zealand , captured the mood in many capitals .
“ That so many voters in the U.S. were willing to have another four years of Trump , ” it read , “ should cause all of us to rethink our assumptions .
”

“That so many voters in the U.S. were willing to have another four years of Trump,” it read, “should cause all of us to rethink our assumptions.”
Whoever wins the presidential election, those doubts will continue to dog the rest of the world’s relations with America. An editorial comment in Stuff, the largest online news site in New Zealand, captured the mood in many foreign capitals.
Behind the concerns for the integrity of America’s election, though, lay general shock and dismay at the unexpected strength of the pro-Trump vote. The president’s solid support indicated that his election in 2016 was not the aberration most European leaders had thought it was. It laid bare the possibility that they had fundamentally misunderstood the nature of the United States.
Whoever wins the White House, President Trump’s allegations of election fraud have dented America’s democratic reputation abroad. And the strength of his electoral support has given the world pause for thought.
His words, unsubstantiated by evidence, echoed around the world’s capitals. There, they elicited reactions usually reserved for authoritarian leaders in the wake of unfairly conducted elections. And they cast another shadow among Washington’s allies over America’s reputation as the democratic world’s leader and exemplar.
When President Donald Trump prematurely claimed victory in the early hours of Wednesday morning, alleging that “major fraud” was underway and calling for a halt to vote counting, he shocked more than his fellow citizens.
It was an extraordinary moment, and because it came just after the polls in America had closed, one that risks being lost in the continuing drama over who will emerge as the next president of the United States.
But it encapsulated the reasons why Washington’s long-standing allies overseas are concerned that President Donald Trump may have permanently eroded America’s decades-old position as the democratic world’s leader and exemplar.
The moment came in the early hours of Wednesday, in the East Room of the White House, when Mr. Trump made a preemptive declaration of victory in the presidential election and claimed that “a major fraud on the nation” was underway to steal that victory. He suggested that election officials across the country stop counting the many millions of votes yet to be processed.
Why We Wrote This Whoever wins the White House, President Trump’s allegations of election fraud have dented America’s democratic reputation abroad. And the strength of his electoral support has given the world pause for thought.
Ordinarily, in what came to be known as the “democratic family of nations” in the post-World War II order moulded under U.S. leadership, a respectful diplomatic silence would have followed a presidential election. The accepted rule of thumb: Wait for the result, then congratulate and reach out to whoever has been elected to lead America for the next four years.
Not this time. Instead, European leaders and international poll watchers came out with comments that recalled the sort of remarks that they, and Washington, have often delivered in the wake of unfairly conducted votes in authoritarian states.
The head of an observer mission from the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which monitors polls internationally, said bluntly that “baseless allegations of systematic deficiencies, notably by the incumbent president ... harm public trust in democratic institutions.”
“What is important for us,” said German Finance Minister Olaf Scholz, “is that everything is counted out and that we have a clear result in the end that comes out of democratic elections, in democratic procedures.”
In Finland, a former prime minister, Alexander Stubb, tweeted that this was a “stress test for American democracy.” He said he still wanted “to believe in the resilience of its democratic institutions, but [I] am worried about the speech we just heard.”
Officials at the 27-nation European Union in Brussels also signaled concern. “We are awaiting that the authorities in charge of the vote-count announce the results,” a spokesperson for the European Commission said the morning after Mr. Trump’s remarks. “We will abide by whatever announcement is forthcoming officially by the relevant U.S. authorities, and we think that everybody should do likewise.”
Behind the response lay a mix of shock and dismay in Europe at the strength of the pro-Trump vote. The president’s solid support indicated that his election in 2016 was not the aberration most European leaders had thought it was, and laid bare the possibility that they had fundamentally misunderstood the current political and social nature of the United States.
A Trump victory “would challenge us fundamentally, in a way for which we are not yet prepared,” tweeted Norbert Röttgen, chair of the foreign affairs committee in the German parliament.
While a small number of right-wing populist European leaders do back Mr. Trump – Slovenia’s Prime Minister Janez Jansa, for instance, and Viktor Orbán, head of Hungary’s self-proclaimed “illiberal democracy” – most have been holding their collective breath in the hope of a Biden victory.
But they are skeptical about how far even a Democratic administration under Joe Biden would go toward reestablishing the old transatlantic alliance. Washington’s foreign-policy focus has been shifting eastward, toward its growing economic and geopolitical rivalry with China, since former President Barack Obama’s term of office.
Mr. Biden’s Democratic Party also includes a strong current of opposition to free-trade agreements; the expectation is that a Biden administration would focus inward, to deal with the many domestic challenges it would clearly face.
Still, the hope of most European leaders in the run-up to Election Day was that at least some key elements of their alliance with the U.S. would be repaired under a Biden presidency: stability, predictability, communication, consultation, and mutual respect.
And on one specific policy front, they do expect an early change if Mr. Biden wins.
The day after the election, Mr. Trump’s withdrawal of the U.S. from the international Paris Agreement on climate change took formal effect. Mr. Biden has pledged to reverse that, and to reengage in efforts to combat global warming.
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But beyond that? Many of the political calculations in Europe, and among other U.S. allies in the world, have been newly unsettled in recent days, because of the twin impact of Mr. Trump’s postelection remarks and the size of Mr. Trump’s continuing electoral support.
An editorial comment in Stuff, the largest online news site in New Zealand, captured the mood in many capitals. “That so many voters in the U.S. were willing to have another four years of Trump,” it read, “should cause all of us to rethink our assumptions.”


csmonitor--2020-11-05--Milestone victories for LGBTQ candidates in US election

Across the nation , LGBTQ candidates achieved milestone victories in Tuesday ’ s election , including the first transgender person elected to a state Senate , and the first openly gay Black men to win seats in the United States Congress .
The landmark wins came not in only blue but also red states such as Tennessee , where Republican Eddie Mannis , who is gay , and Democrat Torrey Harris , who identifies as bisexual , won seats to become the first openly LGBTQ members of the state legislature .
According to the LGBTQ Victory Fund , which recruits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only Alaska , Louisiana , and Mississippi as states that have never elected an LGBTQ legislator .
“ Torrey and Eddie sent a clear message that LGBTQ candidates can win in a deep red state while being their authentic selves , ” said the Victory Fund ’ s president , former Houston Mayor Annise Parker .
“ Their presence in the state legislature can dilute the most toxic anti-LGBTQ voices and lead to more inclusive legislation.
” In New York , attorney Mondaire Jones won in a district in the New York City @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member of the New York City Council , won in the Bronx , making history as the first gay Black men elected to the U.S. House of Representatives .
Both are Democrats ; Mr. Torres identifies as Afro Latino .
The two “ will bring unique perspectives based on lived experiences never before represented in the U.S. Congress , ” Ms. Parker said .
With the addition of Mr. Jones and Mr. Torres , there will be nine openly LGBTQ members of the House as of January .
The seven incumbents all won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sarah McBride won her state Senate race with more than 70 % of the vote and will become the first openly transgender state senator in the country .
“ It is my hope that a young LGBTQ kid here in Delaware or really anywhere in this country can look at the results and know that our democracy is big enough for them , too , ” Ms. McBride said as her victory was confirmed Tuesday night .
Ms. McBride interned at the White House under President Barack Obama and in 2016 became the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speech at a major party convention .
Two other Democrats became the first openly transgender people to win seats in their states ’ houses : Taylor Small in Vermont and Stephanie Byers in Kansas .
Ms. Byers , a retired high school band teacher , expressed hope that her victory would encourage other transgender people in conservative Kansas .
“ It helps those people who are transgender to reinforce that they are people who matter , they are people who are important and they ’ re people who can be successful in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Eagle .
Before Tuesday ’ s election , there were four other transgender lawmakers in state legislatures nationwide , according to the Victory Fund .
In Georgia , Democrat Kim Jackson , a lesbian social justice advocate , became the first LGBTQ person to win a seat in the state Senate .
Shevrin Jones , a gay former state representative , accomplished that same feat in Florida ’ s Senate .
And in New York , Jabari Brisport , a gay math teacher , became the first openly LGBTQ person of color elected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mauree Turner , a Democrat who is Black , Muslim , and identifies as non-binary , won a seat in the state House .
“ I have continuously lived a life where folks doubt my voice or the power that I have , ” Mx .
Turner said .
“ I wouldn ’ t have gotten far if I ’ d let something like that debilitate me.
” There also were some notable losses for LGBTQ candidates .
In Texas , Gina Ortiz Jones , a Democratic former Air Force intelligence officer who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having a strong chance of winning in a sprawling , 800-mile congressional district that runs from San Antonio to El Paso .
The seat had been held by Rep. Will Hurd , the U.S. House ’ s only Black Republican , who opted not to seek re-election and endorsed Tony Gonzales , the GOP candidate who prevailed on Tuesday .
And in southwestern Michigan ’ s 6th District , Jon Hoadley , seeking to become the state ’ s first openly gay congressman , lost to 17-term GOP Rep. Fred Upton .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Jonathan Mattise in Nashville , Tennessee ; Margaret Stafford in Liberty , Missouri ; and Sean Murphy in Oklahoma City contributed to this report .

Across the nation, LGBTQ candidates achieved milestone victories in Tuesday’s election, including the first transgender person elected to a state Senate, and the first openly gay Black men to win seats in the United States Congress.
The landmark wins came not in only blue but also red states such as Tennessee, where Republican Eddie Mannis, who is gay, and Democrat Torrey Harris, who identifies as bisexual, won seats to become the first openly LGBTQ members of the state legislature.
According to the LGBTQ Victory Fund, which recruits and supports LGBTQ candidates, that leaves only Alaska, Louisiana, and Mississippi as states that have never elected an LGBTQ legislator.
“Torrey and Eddie sent a clear message that LGBTQ candidates can win in a deep red state while being their authentic selves,” said the Victory Fund’s president, former Houston Mayor Annise Parker. “Their presence in the state legislature can dilute the most toxic anti-LGBTQ voices and lead to more inclusive legislation.”
In New York, attorney Mondaire Jones won in a district in the New York City suburbs, and Ritchie Torres, a member of the New York City Council, won in the Bronx, making history as the first gay Black men elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. Both are Democrats; Mr. Torres identifies as Afro Latino.
The two “will bring unique perspectives based on lived experiences never before represented in the U.S. Congress,” Ms. Parker said.
With the addition of Mr. Jones and Mr. Torres, there will be nine openly LGBTQ members of the House as of January. The seven incumbents all won their races.
In Delaware, Democrat Sarah McBride won her state Senate race with more than 70% of the vote and will become the first openly transgender state senator in the country.
“It is my hope that a young LGBTQ kid here in Delaware or really anywhere in this country can look at the results and know that our democracy is big enough for them, too,” Ms. McBride said as her victory was confirmed Tuesday night.
Ms. McBride interned at the White House under President Barack Obama and in 2016 became the first openly transgender person to give a speech at a major party convention.
Two other Democrats became the first openly transgender people to win seats in their states’ houses: Taylor Small in Vermont and Stephanie Byers in Kansas.
Ms. Byers, a retired high school band teacher, expressed hope that her victory would encourage other transgender people in conservative Kansas.
“It helps those people who are transgender to reinforce that they are people who matter, they are people who are important and they’re people who can be successful in their lives,” she told The Wichita Eagle.
Before Tuesday’s election, there were four other transgender lawmakers in state legislatures nationwide, according to the Victory Fund.
In Georgia, Democrat Kim Jackson, a lesbian social justice advocate, became the first LGBTQ person to win a seat in the state Senate.
Shevrin Jones, a gay former state representative, accomplished that same feat in Florida’s Senate. And in New York, Jabari Brisport, a gay math teacher, became the first openly LGBTQ person of color elected to the Legislature.
In Oklahoma, Mauree Turner, a Democrat who is Black, Muslim, and identifies as non-binary, won a seat in the state House.
“I have continuously lived a life where folks doubt my voice or the power that I have,” Mx. Turner said. “I wouldn’t have gotten far if I’d let something like that debilitate me.”
There also were some notable losses for LGBTQ candidates.
In Texas, Gina Ortiz Jones, a Democratic former Air Force intelligence officer who is lesbian, had been seen as having a strong chance of winning in a sprawling, 800-mile congressional district that runs from San Antonio to El Paso. The seat had been held by Rep. Will Hurd, the U.S. House’s only Black Republican, who opted not to seek re-election and endorsed Tony Gonzales, the GOP candidate who prevailed on Tuesday.
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And in southwestern Michigan’s 6th District, Jon Hoadley, seeking to become the state’s first openly gay congressman, lost to 17-term GOP Rep. Fred Upton.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Jonathan Mattise in Nashville, Tennessee; Margaret Stafford in Liberty, Missouri; and Sean Murphy in Oklahoma City contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-11-05--Bidding adieu, US formally exits 2015 Paris climate accord

The United States on Wednesday formally left the Paris Agreement , a global pact it helped forge five years ago to avert the threat of catastrophic climate change .
The move , long threatened by U.S. President Donald Trump and initially triggered by his administration a year ago , further isolates Washington in the world but has no immediate impact on international efforts to curb global warming .
Still , the United Nations agency that oversees the treaty , France as the host of the 2015 Paris talks , and three countries currently chairing the body that organizes them – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issued a joint statement expressing regret at the U.S. withdrawal .
“ There is no greater responsibility than protecting our planet and people from the threat of climate change , ” the statement said .
“ The science is clear that we must urgently scale up action and work together to reduce the impacts of global warming and to ensure a greener , more resilient future for us all .
The Paris Agreement provides the right framework to achieve this.
” “ We remain committed to working with all U.S. stakeholders and partners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and with all signatories to ensure the full implementation of the Paris Agreement , ” they added .
The next planned round of U.N. climate talks takes place in Glasgow , Scotland , in 2021 .
At present , 189 countries have ratified the accord , which aims to keep the increase in average temperatures worldwide “ well below ” 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit , ideally no more than 2.7 F , compared to pre-industrial levels .
A further six countries have signed , but not ratified the pact .
Scientists say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a devastating impact on large parts of the world , raising sea levels , stoking tropical storms , and worsening droughts and floods .
The world has already warmed 2.2 F since pre-industrial times , so the efforts are really about preventing another 0.5 to 1.3 F warming from now .
“ Having the U.S. pull out of Paris is likely to reduce efforts to mitigate , and therefore increase the number of people who are put into a life-or-death situation because of the impacts of climate change : This is clear from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate scientist Natalie Mahowald , a co-author of U.N. science reports on global warming .
The Paris accord requires countries to set their own voluntary targets for reducing greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide , and to steadily increase those goals every few years .
The only binding requirement is that nations have to accurately report on their efforts .
“ The beauty of this system is that nobody can claim they were bullied into some sort of plan , ” said Nigel Purvis , a former U.S. climate negotiator in the administrations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bush .
“ They ’ re not negotiated .
They ’ re accepted.
” The U.S. is the world ’ s second biggest emitter after China of heat-trapping gases such as carbon dioxide , and its contribution to cutting emissions is seen as important , but it ’ s not alone in the effort .
In recent weeks , China , Japan , and South Korea have joined the European Union and several other countries in setting national deadlines to stop pumping more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere than can be removed from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden has said he favors signing the U.S. back up to the Paris accord .
Because it was set up as an executive agreement , not a treaty , congressional approval is not required , Mr. Purvis said .
White House spokesman Judd Deere said the accord “ shackles economies and has done nothing to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
” Should the U.S. continue to remain outside the pact , it ’ s likely that other countries will try to impose tariffs on U.S. imports – paving the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EU is currently debating a package of proposals , known as the EU New Green Deal , that would include a so-called carbon border adjustment , aimed at preventing companies from dodging emissions reduction efforts in the 27-nation bloc by manufacturing goods in places without stringent measures .
Germany , which currently holds the EU ’ s rotating presidency , said it was important for Europe to lead by example now that the U.S. had left the pact .
German government spokesman Steffen Seibert noted Wednesday that the EU aims to became the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ms. Mahowald said she worries that with the U.S. out , China – which initially agreed to emission curbs in a two-nation agreement with the Obama administration – and other nations may decide they don ’ t have to do as much to cut carbon pollution .
While the Trump administration has shunned federal measures to cut emissions , Mr. Seibert noted that U.S. states , cities , and businesses have pressed ahead with their own efforts .
In addition to condemnation from abroad , environmental and public health groups in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This story was reported by The Associated Press .

The United States on Wednesday formally left the Paris Agreement, a global pact it helped forge five years ago to avert the threat of catastrophic climate change.
The move, long threatened by U.S. President Donald Trump and initially triggered by his administration a year ago, further isolates Washington in the world but has no immediate impact on international efforts to curb global warming.
Still, the United Nations agency that oversees the treaty, France as the host of the 2015 Paris talks, and three countries currently chairing the body that organizes them – Chile, Britain, and Italy – issued a joint statement expressing regret at the U.S. withdrawal.
“There is no greater responsibility than protecting our planet and people from the threat of climate change,” the statement said. “The science is clear that we must urgently scale up action and work together to reduce the impacts of global warming and to ensure a greener, more resilient future for us all. The Paris Agreement provides the right framework to achieve this.”
“We remain committed to working with all U.S. stakeholders and partners around the world to accelerate climate action, and with all signatories to ensure the full implementation of the Paris Agreement,” they added.
The next planned round of U.N. climate talks takes place in Glasgow, Scotland, in 2021. At present, 189 countries have ratified the accord, which aims to keep the increase in average temperatures worldwide “well below” 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit, ideally no more than 2.7 F, compared to pre-industrial levels. A further six countries have signed, but not ratified the pact.
Scientists say that any rise beyond 3.6 F could have a devastating impact on large parts of the world, raising sea levels, stoking tropical storms, and worsening droughts and floods.
The world has already warmed 2.2 F since pre-industrial times, so the efforts are really about preventing another 0.5 to 1.3 F warming from now.
“Having the U.S. pull out of Paris is likely to reduce efforts to mitigate, and therefore increase the number of people who are put into a life-or-death situation because of the impacts of climate change: This is clear from the science,” said Cornell University climate scientist Natalie Mahowald, a co-author of U.N. science reports on global warming.
The Paris accord requires countries to set their own voluntary targets for reducing greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide, and to steadily increase those goals every few years. The only binding requirement is that nations have to accurately report on their efforts.
“The beauty of this system is that nobody can claim they were bullied into some sort of plan,” said Nigel Purvis, a former U.S. climate negotiator in the administrations of Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush. “They’re not negotiated. They’re accepted.”
The U.S. is the world’s second biggest emitter after China of heat-trapping gases such as carbon dioxide, and its contribution to cutting emissions is seen as important, but it’s not alone in the effort. In recent weeks, China, Japan, and South Korea have joined the European Union and several other countries in setting national deadlines to stop pumping more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere than can be removed from the air with trees and other methods.
Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden has said he favors signing the U.S. back up to the Paris accord. Because it was set up as an executive agreement, not a treaty, congressional approval is not required, Mr. Purvis said.
White House spokesman Judd Deere said the accord “shackles economies and has done nothing to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.”
Should the U.S. continue to remain outside the pact, it’s likely that other countries will try to impose tariffs on U.S. imports – paving the way for fresh trade wars.
The EU is currently debating a package of proposals, known as the EU New Green Deal, that would include a so-called carbon border adjustment, aimed at preventing companies from dodging emissions reduction efforts in the 27-nation bloc by manufacturing goods in places without stringent measures.
Germany, which currently holds the EU’s rotating presidency, said it was important for Europe to lead by example now that the U.S. had left the pact. German government spokesman Steffen Seibert noted Wednesday that the EU aims to became the first climate neutral continent by 2050.
Ms. Mahowald said she worries that with the U.S. out, China – which initially agreed to emission curbs in a two-nation agreement with the Obama administration – and other nations may decide they don’t have to do as much to cut carbon pollution.
While the Trump administration has shunned federal measures to cut emissions, Mr. Seibert noted that U.S. states, cities, and businesses have pressed ahead with their own efforts.
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In addition to condemnation from abroad, environmental and public health groups in the United States criticized Wednesday’s withdrawal.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.