csmonitor--2020-11-17--Why Hollywood turns a blind eye to China’s human rights abuses

“ [ Consumers ] probably can ’ t stop a company from doing what it does , ” but at least they can avoid participating , says Chris MacDonald , an expert on business ethics and director of the Ted Rogers Leadership Centre at Ryerson University in Toronto .
“ Even if the boycott has no impact today , it may send a signal that affects the company ’ s behavior , or the behavior of other companies , in the future.
” Now that Asia ’ s geopolitical powerhouse is becoming the globe ’ s biggest movie market , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concedes to its censorship demands .
Consumers may find it difficult to sway moviemakers to speak out against China .
But awareness of the issues may encourage viewers to think through the ethics of spending their money on entertainment shaped by Beijing ’ s agenda .
Western entertainment companies and celebrities have a profound soft power to influence worldwide opinion on social issues .
But many of them are notably silent when it comes to China .
In Disney ’ s historical fantasy “ Mulan , ” a young woman defends imperial China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the $ 200 million production about women ’ s empowerment has been accused of turning a blind eye to the Chinese government ’ s own acts of oppression .
First , “ Mulan ” actress Liu Yifei used social media to express support for Hong Kong police at a time when China is tightening control in the region .
Soon after , it was discovered that “ Mulan ” contained shots filmed on location in the Xinjiang region of China , where at least 1 million ethnic minorities such as Uyghurs and Kazakhs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” That may create an ethical dilemma for subscribers to Disney+ .
On Dec. 4 , they will be able to watch “ Mulan ” without paying an additional premium to do so .
But Disney is banking on viewers not paying much attention to the earlier controversy .
“ Disney was deeply embarrassed , ” says James Tager , author of a recent PEN America report , “ Made in Hollywood , Censored by Beijing.
” But the corporation ’ s public relations strategy , he says , seems to be , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it and hope it goes away.
” Western entertainment companies and celebrities have a profound soft power to influence worldwide opinion on social issues .
But they ’ re notably silent when it comes to China .
Now that Asia ’ s geopolitical powerhouse is becoming the globe ’ s biggest movie market , Hollywood works closely with Beijing and usually concedes to its censorship demands .
Consumers may find it difficult to sway Hollywood to speak out against China .
But awareness of the issues may encourage viewers to think through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ products shaped by Beijing ’ s agenda .
“ [ Consumers ] probably can ’ t stop a company from doing what it does , ” but at least they can avoid participating , says Chris MacDonald , an expert on business ethics and director of the Ted Rogers Leadership Centre at Ryerson University in Toronto .
“ Even if the boycott has no impact today , it may send a signal that affects the company ’ s behavior , or the behavior of other companies , in the future.
” Observers say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Hollywood community hasn ’ t spoken up in defense of the Uyghurs or in support of protesters in Hong Kong .
China is on the verge of becoming Hollywood ’ s biggest market .
But in order for studios to access millions of Chinese viewers , it has to appease the government gatekeepers .
There ’ s another element to that quid pro quo : heeding Chinese censorship guidelines .
Consultants now vet movies at the start of a project to preempt content that Beijing may deem problematic .
That includes portrayals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need right now is unified action from Hollywood as an industry because if they do not draw the line around certain free expression principles now , that line will simply just be drawn and redrawn for them , ” says Mr. Tager , deputy director of free expression research and policy at the nonprofit PEN America .
Sometimes filmmakers ’ hidden concessions to the Chinese Communist Party do make the news .
Marvel ’ s “ Doctor Strange ” changed the nationality of a key character from Tibetan to Celtic because China contests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upcoming sequel to “ Top Gun ” obscured the Japanese and Taiwanese flags sewn on to Tom Cruise ’ s iconic motorcycle jacket .
( China is engaged in long-running territorial rivalry with Japan and disputes Taiwan ’ s de facto independence from the Chinese mainland . )
Those alterations were made even though a pro-U.S. military film such as “ Top Gun ” is unlikely to be released in China .
It ’ s widely believed that the Chinese Communist Party has a blacklist .
No one wants to be added to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out are the people whose work has very little chance of ever appearing in China , ” says Aynne Kokas , author of “ Hollywood Made in China.
” “ For example , Judd Apatow , whose screwball sex comedies will never enter the Chinese market , spoke out.
” One cohort that has been outspoken is U.S. politicians .
Republican Sen. Josh Hawley accused Disney ’ s CEO of “ whitewashing ” the genocide of Uyghurs .
Five Republican senators also sent a letter of complaint to Netflix about its coming sci-fi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” because the Chinese author of the novels on which the series is based has defended his nation ’ s treatment of the Uyghurs .
( Beijing has denied that the Uyghurs are abused and says that the camps are a response to violent attacks by Uyghur separatists . )
Netflix responded , “ We do not agree with his comments , which are entirely unrelated to his book or this Netflix show.
” But if studios and celebrities are too afraid to speak out , where does that leave concerned consumers of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of Hong Kong ’ s most prominent pro-democracy protesters , the answer was to type “ # BoycottMulan ” in large letters on a computer screen .
Then he tweeted a picture of himself holding up the monitor like a digital protest sign .
His more than 720,000 followers took note .
“ I was disappointed in Disney for giving special thanks to the Xinjiang government in the ‘ Mulan ’ movie , ” says Mr. Wong , author of “ Unfree Speech : The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s time for the Hollywood industry to realize it should not kowtow to China.
” The Uyghur Human Rights Project , a Washington-based nonprofit , has also expressed dismay over “ Mulan.
” Many activists say that large Western corporations such as Disney should pull out of China .
But disinvestment is a complex issue .
There are other things at stake if Disney were to decide not to do business with China , says Nicole Hassoun , an ethics scholar and a professor of philosophy at Binghamton University in New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what that means for Disney ’ s bottom line , for the number of jobs that are going to be lost for people inside China , people outside of China .
But at the same time , I don ’ t think the mere fact that this will harm your bottom line ... gets you off the hook.
” Disney hasn ’ t released the number of viewers who paid a premium to watch “ Mulan ” on its initial release in September .
But there ’ s scant evidence that Mr. Wong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been widely adopted by ordinary viewers .
It has , however , generated media stories .
Victor Claar , who has taught economics at a Chinese university each summer , says it ’ s difficult to rally U.S. consumers for issues happening on the other side of the globe .
But , he says , there are ways for consumers to make their voices heard , such as targeted donations to nongovernmental organizations .
“ You might be much more effective by giving , rather than trying to use your buying [ power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like China to change their ways , ” says Dr. Claar , the BB & T Distinguished Professor of Free Enterprise and associate professor of economics at Florida Gulf Coast University in Fort Myers .
“ We need to do our best to do the right thing .
”

How much do ethics matter to moviegoers? When Hollywood glosses over or ignores China’s record on human rights to gain access to its vast market, filmmakers test what consumers will tolerate to be entertained.
“[Consumers] probably can’t stop a company from doing what it does,” but at least they can avoid participating, says Chris MacDonald, an expert on business ethics and director of the Ted Rogers Leadership Centre at Ryerson University in Toronto. “Even if the boycott has no impact today, it may send a signal that affects the company’s behavior, or the behavior of other companies, in the future.”
Now that Asia’s geopolitical powerhouse is becoming the globe’s biggest movie market, Hollywood works closely with Beijing and usually concedes to its censorship demands. Consumers may find it difficult to sway moviemakers to speak out against China. But awareness of the issues may encourage viewers to think through the ethics of spending their money on entertainment shaped by Beijing’s agenda.
Western entertainment companies and celebrities have a profound soft power to influence worldwide opinion on social issues. But many of them are notably silent when it comes to China.
In Disney’s historical fantasy “Mulan,” a young woman defends imperial China from hordes of invaders. Ironically, the $200 million production about women’s empowerment has been accused of turning a blind eye to the Chinese government’s own acts of oppression.
First, “Mulan” actress Liu Yifei used social media to express support for Hong Kong police at a time when China is tightening control in the region. Soon after, it was discovered that “Mulan” contained shots filmed on location in the Xinjiang region of China, where at least 1 million ethnic minorities such as Uyghurs and Kazakhs are being held in “reeducation camps.”
That may create an ethical dilemma for subscribers to Disney+. On Dec. 4, they will be able to watch “Mulan” without paying an additional premium to do so. But Disney is banking on viewers not paying much attention to the earlier controversy.
Why We Wrote This How much do ethics matter to moviegoers? When Hollywood glosses over or ignores China’s record on human rights to gain access to its vast market, filmmakers test what consumers will tolerate to be entertained.
“Disney was deeply embarrassed,” says James Tager, author of a recent PEN America report, “Made in Hollywood, Censored by Beijing.” But the corporation’s public relations strategy, he says, seems to be, “Let’s not talk about it and hope it goes away.”
Western entertainment companies and celebrities have a profound soft power to influence worldwide opinion on social issues. But they’re notably silent when it comes to China. Now that Asia’s geopolitical powerhouse is becoming the globe’s biggest movie market, Hollywood works closely with Beijing and usually concedes to its censorship demands. Consumers may find it difficult to sway Hollywood to speak out against China. But awareness of the issues may encourage viewers to think through the ethics of spending their money on Hollywood products shaped by Beijing’s agenda.
“[Consumers] probably can’t stop a company from doing what it does,” but at least they can avoid participating, says Chris MacDonald, an expert on business ethics and director of the Ted Rogers Leadership Centre at Ryerson University in Toronto. “Even if the boycott has no impact today, it may send a signal that affects the company’s behavior, or the behavior of other companies, in the future.”
Access to a major market
Observers say there’s a simple reason why the Hollywood community hasn’t spoken up in defense of the Uyghurs or in support of protesters in Hong Kong. China is on the verge of becoming Hollywood’s biggest market. But in order for studios to access millions of Chinese viewers, it has to appease the government gatekeepers. There’s another element to that quid pro quo: heeding Chinese censorship guidelines. Consultants now vet movies at the start of a project to preempt content that Beijing may deem problematic. That includes portrayals of LGBTQ characters.
“What we need right now is unified action from Hollywood as an industry because if they do not draw the line around certain free expression principles now, that line will simply just be drawn and redrawn for them,” says Mr. Tager, deputy director of free expression research and policy at the nonprofit PEN America.
Sometimes filmmakers’ hidden concessions to the Chinese Communist Party do make the news. Marvel’s “Doctor Strange” changed the nationality of a key character from Tibetan to Celtic because China contests Tibet’s sovereignty. And the upcoming sequel to “Top Gun” obscured the Japanese and Taiwanese flags sewn on to Tom Cruise’s iconic motorcycle jacket. (China is engaged in long-running territorial rivalry with Japan and disputes Taiwan’s de facto independence from the Chinese mainland.) Those alterations were made even though a pro-U.S. military film such as “Top Gun” is unlikely to be released in China. It’s widely believed that the Chinese Communist Party has a blacklist. No one wants to be added to it.
“People who have spoken out are the people whose work has very little chance of ever appearing in China,” says Aynne Kokas, author of “Hollywood Made in China.” “For example, Judd Apatow, whose screwball sex comedies will never enter the Chinese market, spoke out.”
One cohort that has been outspoken is U.S. politicians. Republican Sen. Josh Hawley accused Disney’s CEO of “whitewashing” the genocide of Uyghurs. Five Republican senators also sent a letter of complaint to Netflix about its coming sci-fi series, “The Three-Body Problem,” because the Chinese author of the novels on which the series is based has defended his nation’s treatment of the Uyghurs. (Beijing has denied that the Uyghurs are abused and says that the camps are a response to violent attacks by Uyghur separatists.) Netflix responded, “We do not agree with his comments, which are entirely unrelated to his book or this Netflix show.”
Marshaling support
But if studios and celebrities are too afraid to speak out, where does that leave concerned consumers of pop culture?
For Joshua Wong, one of Hong Kong’s most prominent pro-democracy protesters, the answer was to type “#BoycottMulan” in large letters on a computer screen. Then he tweeted a picture of himself holding up the monitor like a digital protest sign. His more than 720,000 followers took note.
“I was disappointed in Disney for giving special thanks to the Xinjiang government in the ‘Mulan’ movie,” says Mr. Wong, author of “Unfree Speech: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now.” “It’s time for the Hollywood industry to realize it should not kowtow to China.”
Kin Cheung/AP View caption Hide caption A student puts up a poster urging a boycott of the Disney film “Mulan” at the University of Hong Kong on Sept. 29, 2020.
The Uyghur Human Rights Project, a Washington-based nonprofit, has also expressed dismay over “Mulan.” Many activists say that large Western corporations such as Disney should pull out of China. But disinvestment is a complex issue.
There are other things at stake if Disney were to decide not to do business with China, says Nicole Hassoun, an ethics scholar and a professor of philosophy at Binghamton University in New York. “I don’t know what that means for Disney’s bottom line, for the number of jobs that are going to be lost for people inside China, people outside of China. But at the same time, I don’t think the mere fact that this will harm your bottom line ... gets you off the hook.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Disney hasn’t released the number of viewers who paid a premium to watch “Mulan” on its initial release in September. But there’s scant evidence that Mr. Wong’s call for a boycott has been widely adopted by ordinary viewers. It has, however, generated media stories.
Victor Claar, who has taught economics at a Chinese university each summer, says it’s difficult to rally U.S. consumers for issues happening on the other side of the globe. But, he says, there are ways for consumers to make their voices heard, such as targeted donations to nongovernmental organizations. “You might be much more effective by giving, rather than trying to use your buying [power] to get bad actors in places like China to change their ways,” says Dr. Claar, the BB&T Distinguished Professor of Free Enterprise and associate professor of economics at Florida Gulf Coast University in Fort Myers. “We need to do our best to do the right thing.”


csmonitor--2020-11-17--As Thanksgiving nears, US governors advise small gatherings only

From California to Pennsylvania , governors and mayors across the United States are ratcheting up COVID-19 restrictions amid the record-shattering resurgence of the virus that is all but certain to get worse because of holiday travel and family gatherings over Thanksgiving .
Leaders are closing businesses or curtailing hours and other operations , and they are ordering or imploring people to stay home and keep their distance from others to help stem a rising tide of infections that threatens to overwhelm the health care system .
“ I must again pull back the reins , ” New Jersey Gov .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ indoor gatherings to 10 people , down from 25 .
“ It gives me no joy.
” California Gov .
Gavin Newsom announced he is pulling the “ emergency brake ” on efforts to reopen the economy , saying the state is experiencing the fastest growth in cases yet , and if left unchecked , it will lead to “ catastrophic outcomes.
” The move closes many nonessential indoor businesses and requires the wearing of masks outside homes , with limited exceptions .
The tightening came as Moderna Inc. announced that its experimental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % effective , based on early results .
A week ago Pfizer disclosed similar findings with its own formula .
The news raised hopes that at least two vaccines against the scourge could win emergency authorization and become available in the U.S. before the end of 2020 .
A record-breaking nearly 70,000 people were hospitalized with the coronavirus in the U.S. as of Sunday , 13,000 more than a week earlier , according to the COVID Tracking Project .
Deaths in the U.S. are running at more than 1,100 per day on average @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from early October .
The virus is blamed for more than 246,000 deaths and over 11 million confirmed infections in the the U.S. Thanksgiving was on the minds of leaders nationwide as they enacted tougher restrictions amid fears that the holiday will lead to more infections and deaths .
New Mexico Gov .
Michelle Lujan Grisham ’ s stay-at-home order went into effect Monday .
Only essential businesses , including grocery stores and pharmacies , will be open .
Washington ’ s Democratic Gov .
Jay Inslee ordered gyms , bowling alleys , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to shut down indoor operations .
Stores must limit capacity to 25 % .
People from different households will be barred in Washington from gathering indoors unless they have quarantined .
There is no enforcement mechanism .
Governor Inslee said he hopes people obey anyway .
Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot called on residents in the nation ’ s third-largest city to restrict social gatherings to 10 people starting Monday .
In instructions that were advisory , not mandatory , she urged residents to stay home except for essential activities , like going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all indoor dining at restaurants and indoor gatherings of any size , public or private , of people from different households , starting this Friday .
In Michigan , Democratic Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer warned she has the authority to issue a second stay-at-home order to curb the spiking coronavirus if necessary and said it was “ incredibly reckless ” for President Donald Trump ’ s science adviser Scott Atlas to urge people to “ rise up ” against Michigan ’ s latest restrictions .
Over the weekend , Governor Whitmer announced that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in-person classes , restaurants must stop indoor dining , and entertainment businesses must close for three weeks .
Gathering sizes also will be tightened .
Fourteen men were charged earlier this fall in an alleged plot to kidnap the governor in anger over her COVID-19 restrictions .
Mr. Atlas later tweeted that he “ NEVER ” would endorse or incite violence .
Even North Dakota Republican Gov .
Doug Burgum , who has resisted a mask mandate for months , put one in place over the weekend , amid a severe outbreak in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Reynolds took a similar action and enacted a limited version of a mask mandate Monday .
Still , several other GOP governors were taking incremental steps , or resisting even those – continuing to emphasize “ personal responsibility ” rather than government edicts .
Oklahoma ’ s Republican Gov .
Kevin Stitt announced bars and restaurants must space tables 6 feet apart and end in-person service at 11 p.m .
In hard-hit South Dakota , Gov .
Kristi Noem continued her hands-off approach and resisted a mask mandate or other restrictions .
Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been emphasizing that new treatments and vaccines are expected to become available soon .
Vice President Mike Pence sounded an upbeat tone Monday on a call with governors , saying that the government is ready to help states where hospitals are nearing capacity and emphasizing that vaccines are coming .
“ America has never been more prepared to combat this virus , ” he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s free .

From California to Pennsylvania, governors and mayors across the United States are ratcheting up COVID-19 restrictions amid the record-shattering resurgence of the virus that is all but certain to get worse because of holiday travel and family gatherings over Thanksgiving.
Leaders are closing businesses or curtailing hours and other operations, and they are ordering or imploring people to stay home and keep their distance from others to help stem a rising tide of infections that threatens to overwhelm the health care system.
“I must again pull back the reins,” New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy said Monday as he restricted indoor gatherings to 10 people, down from 25. “It gives me no joy.”
California Gov. Gavin Newsom announced he is pulling the “emergency brake” on efforts to reopen the economy, saying the state is experiencing the fastest growth in cases yet, and if left unchecked, it will lead to “catastrophic outcomes.” The move closes many nonessential indoor businesses and requires the wearing of masks outside homes, with limited exceptions.
The tightening came as Moderna Inc. announced that its experimental coronavirus vaccine appears to be over 94% effective, based on early results. A week ago Pfizer disclosed similar findings with its own formula.
The news raised hopes that at least two vaccines against the scourge could win emergency authorization and become available in the U.S. before the end of 2020.
A record-breaking nearly 70,000 people were hospitalized with the coronavirus in the U.S. as of Sunday, 13,000 more than a week earlier, according to the COVID Tracking Project. Deaths in the U.S. are running at more than 1,100 per day on average, an increase of over 50% from early October.
The virus is blamed for more than 246,000 deaths and over 11 million confirmed infections in the the U.S.
Thanksgiving was on the minds of leaders nationwide as they enacted tougher restrictions amid fears that the holiday will lead to more infections and deaths.
New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham’s stay-at-home order went into effect Monday. Only essential businesses, including grocery stores and pharmacies, will be open.
Washington’s Democratic Gov. Jay Inslee ordered gyms, bowling alleys, movie theaters, museums, and zoos to shut down indoor operations. Stores must limit capacity to 25%.
People from different households will be barred in Washington from gathering indoors unless they have quarantined. There is no enforcement mechanism. Governor Inslee said he hopes people obey anyway.
Chicago Mayor Lori Lightfoot called on residents in the nation’s third-largest city to restrict social gatherings to 10 people starting Monday. In instructions that were advisory, not mandatory, she urged residents to stay home except for essential activities, like going to work or grocery shopping.
Philadelphia banned all indoor dining at restaurants and indoor gatherings of any size, public or private, of people from different households, starting this Friday.
In Michigan, Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer warned she has the authority to issue a second stay-at-home order to curb the spiking coronavirus if necessary and said it was “incredibly reckless” for President Donald Trump’s science adviser Scott Atlas to urge people to “rise up” against Michigan’s latest restrictions.
Over the weekend, Governor Whitmer announced that Michigan high schools and colleges must halt in-person classes, restaurants must stop indoor dining, and entertainment businesses must close for three weeks. Gathering sizes also will be tightened.
Fourteen men were charged earlier this fall in an alleged plot to kidnap the governor in anger over her COVID-19 restrictions.
Mr. Atlas later tweeted that he “NEVER” would endorse or incite violence.
Even North Dakota Republican Gov. Doug Burgum, who has resisted a mask mandate for months, put one in place over the weekend, amid a severe outbreak in the state. Iowa Gov. Kim Reynolds took a similar action and enacted a limited version of a mask mandate Monday.
Still, several other GOP governors were taking incremental steps, or resisting even those – continuing to emphasize “personal responsibility” rather than government edicts. Oklahoma’s Republican Gov. Kevin Stitt announced bars and restaurants must space tables 6 feet apart and end in-person service at 11 p.m.
In hard-hit South Dakota, Gov. Kristi Noem continued her hands-off approach and resisted a mask mandate or other restrictions.
Texas Gov. Greg Abbott in recent days has been emphasizing that new treatments and vaccines are expected to become available soon.
Vice President Mike Pence sounded an upbeat tone Monday on a call with governors, saying that the government is ready to help states where hospitals are nearing capacity and emphasizing that vaccines are coming.
“America has never been more prepared to combat this virus,” he said.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-11-17--Hurricane Iota batters Nicaragua less than two weeks after Eta

In a one-two punch , Hurricane Iota roared ashore along almost exactly the same stretch of Nicaragua ’ s Caribbean coast recently devastated by an equally powerful hurricane and then weakened as it tore across the northern part of the country .
Iota had intensified into an extremely dangerous Category 5 storm during the day Monday , but the United States National Hurricane Center said it weakened as it neared the coast late Monday and made landfall with maximum sustained winds of 155 mph .
It hit the coast about 30 miles south of the Nicaraguan city of Puerto Cabezas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday morning , Iota still carried hurricane force winds as a Category 1 storm , moving inland over northern Nicaragua with maximum sustained winds of 75 mph .
It was moving westward at 12 mph .
The storm was forecast to cross southern Honduras late Tuesday .
Guillermo González , director of Nicaragua ’ s emergency management agency , said Tuesday morning that preliminary reports from the coast included fallen trees , electric poles , and roofs stripped from homes , but no deaths or injuries .
More than 40,000 people were in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bilwi had lost its entire roof .
As the storm moved westward , the concern became flooding .
The Tola river had topped its banks and western Nicaragua , along the Pacific coast were forecast to receive the most rain .
Nicaragua ’ s meteorology director Marcio Baca said that area was forecast to receive six to seven inches of rain and soils were already highly saturated .
People had hunkered down in Bilwi even before the hurricane arrived , already battered by screeching winds and torrential rains .
Business owner Adán Artola @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his house as strong gusts of wind and rain drove water in torrents down the street .
“ It is like bullets , ” Mr. Artola Schultz said of the sound of metal structures banging and buckling in the wind .
“ This is double destruction , ” he said , referring to the damages wrought by Eta just two weeks earlier .
“ This is coming in with fury.
” Iota came ashore just 15 miles south of where Hurricane Eta made landfall Nov. 3 , also as a Category 4 storm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the soil in the region , leaving it prone to new deadly landslides and floods , forecasters warned .
“ The situation is exacerbated by the fact that Iota is making landfall in almost the exact same location that category 4 Hurricane Eta did a little less than two weeks ago , ” the Hurricane Center said in a statement .
Eta killed more than 130 people in the region as torrential rains caused flash floods and mudslides in parts of Central America and Mexico .
“ This hurricane is definitely worse ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ university student from Bilwi , said as winds roared before Iota came ashore .
“ There are already a lot of houses that lost their roofs , fences and fruit trees that got knocked down , ” said Mr. Bermúdez .
“ We will never forget this year.
” Cairo Jarquin , Nicaragua emergency response project manager for Catholic Relief Services , was just in the area last Friday where Iota made landfall .
He said the primary concerns for people trying to survive after Eta included access to drinking water and shelter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coastal community of Wawa Bar untouched .
“ We can ’ t talk about partial damage , but rather total , ” he said .
Many families depend on captured rain for their access to water , but Eta destroyed their systems catching and piping the rainwater .
Those who had wells have seen them contaminated by seawater and sewage from primitive latrines .
Families had tried to repair their roofs after Eta , even in a temporary way , to escape the regular tropical rains , but Iota would finish with all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were largely destroyed by Eta and fisherman were still trying to repair and retrieve their boats from wherever Eta had pushed them .
Iota now moves toward Honduras , a country still reeling from Eta with tens of thousands of people rendered homeless .
Following Eta , Honduras had reported 74 deaths and nearly 57,000 people in shelters , mostly in the north .
One of the hardest hit areas was La Lima , a San Pedro Sula suburb , that flooded when the Chamelecon river topped its banks .
Many who had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in with relatives .
Some stayed behind in an attempt to protect what few possessions remained .
Authorities tried to force most of them to move to shelters ahead of Iota ’ s arrival .
On Monday , Wendy Guadalupe Contreras Paz was living under a tarp with her four children and seven other relatives along a main boulevard in La Lima .
“ I lost everything , I couldn ’ t take anything , ” Ms. Contreras said .
“ But my mom and my grandmother have some things and that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to be closer to the house and keep them from stealing the few little things they have left.
” Iota is the record 30th named storm of this year ’ s extraordinarily busy Atlantic hurricane season .
It ’ s also the ninth storm to rapidly intensify this season , a dangerous phenomenon that is increasingly happening more often .
Such activity has focused attention on climate change , which scientists say is causing wetter , stronger , and more destructive storms .
Colorado State University hurricane researcher Phil Klotzbach said Iota @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on record , beating the Nov. 8 , 1932 Cuba Hurricane .
The official end of the hurricane season is Nov. 30 .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Marlon González in Tegucigalpa , Honduras ; Seth Borenstein in Bethesda , Md .
; and Christopher Sherman in Mexico City contributed to this report .

In a one-two punch, Hurricane Iota roared ashore along almost exactly the same stretch of Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast recently devastated by an equally powerful hurricane and then weakened as it tore across the northern part of the country.
Iota had intensified into an extremely dangerous Category 5 storm during the day Monday, but the United States National Hurricane Center said it weakened as it neared the coast late Monday and made landfall with maximum sustained winds of 155 mph. It hit the coast about 30 miles south of the Nicaraguan city of Puerto Cabezas, also known as Bilwi.
On Tuesday morning, Iota still carried hurricane force winds as a Category 1 storm, moving inland over northern Nicaragua with maximum sustained winds of 75 mph. It was moving westward at 12 mph. The storm was forecast to cross southern Honduras late Tuesday.
Guillermo González, director of Nicaragua’s emergency management agency, said Tuesday morning that preliminary reports from the coast included fallen trees, electric poles, and roofs stripped from homes, but no deaths or injuries.
More than 40,000 people were in shelters. He said one hotel in Bilwi had lost its entire roof.
As the storm moved westward, the concern became flooding. The Tola river had topped its banks and western Nicaragua, along the Pacific coast were forecast to receive the most rain. Nicaragua’s meteorology director Marcio Baca said that area was forecast to receive six to seven inches of rain and soils were already highly saturated.
People had hunkered down in Bilwi even before the hurricane arrived, already battered by screeching winds and torrential rains.
Business owner Adán Artola Schultz braced himself in the doorway of his house as strong gusts of wind and rain drove water in torrents down the street.
“It is like bullets,” Mr. Artola Schultz said of the sound of metal structures banging and buckling in the wind. “This is double destruction,” he said, referring to the damages wrought by Eta just two weeks earlier. “This is coming in with fury.”
Iota came ashore just 15 miles south of where Hurricane Eta made landfall Nov. 3, also as a Category 4 storm. Eta’s torrential rains saturated the soil in the region, leaving it prone to new deadly landslides and floods, forecasters warned.
“The situation is exacerbated by the fact that Iota is making landfall in almost the exact same location that category 4 Hurricane Eta did a little less than two weeks ago,” the Hurricane Center said in a statement.
Eta killed more than 130 people in the region as torrential rains caused flash floods and mudslides in parts of Central America and Mexico.
“This hurricane is definitely worse” than Eta, Jason Bermúdez, a university student from Bilwi, said as winds roared before Iota came ashore. “There are already a lot of houses that lost their roofs, fences and fruit trees that got knocked down,” said Mr. Bermúdez. “We will never forget this year.”
Cairo Jarquin, Nicaragua emergency response project manager for Catholic Relief Services, was just in the area last Friday where Iota made landfall.
He said the primary concerns for people trying to survive after Eta included access to drinking water and shelter.
Eta left no structure in the coastal community of Wawa Bar untouched. “We can’t talk about partial damage, but rather total,” he said.
Many families depend on captured rain for their access to water, but Eta destroyed their systems catching and piping the rainwater. Those who had wells have seen them contaminated by seawater and sewage from primitive latrines. Families had tried to repair their roofs after Eta, even in a temporary way, to escape the regular tropical rains, but Iota would finish with all of that, he said.
Crops were largely destroyed by Eta and fisherman were still trying to repair and retrieve their boats from wherever Eta had pushed them.
Iota now moves toward Honduras, a country still reeling from Eta with tens of thousands of people rendered homeless.
Following Eta, Honduras had reported 74 deaths and nearly 57,000 people in shelters, mostly in the north.
One of the hardest hit areas was La Lima, a San Pedro Sula suburb, that flooded when the Chamelecon river topped its banks. Many who had their homes flooded moved to shelters or in with relatives. Some stayed behind in an attempt to protect what few possessions remained. Authorities tried to force most of them to move to shelters ahead of Iota’s arrival.
On Monday, Wendy Guadalupe Contreras Paz was living under a tarp with her four children and seven other relatives along a main boulevard in La Lima.
“I lost everything, I couldn’t take anything,” Ms. Contreras said. “But my mom and my grandmother have some things and that’s why we’re living here, to be closer to the house and keep them from stealing the few little things they have left.”
Iota is the record 30th named storm of this year’s extraordinarily busy Atlantic hurricane season. It’s also the ninth storm to rapidly intensify this season, a dangerous phenomenon that is increasingly happening more often. Such activity has focused attention on climate change, which scientists say is causing wetter, stronger, and more destructive storms.
Colorado State University hurricane researcher Phil Klotzbach said Iota is the latest seasonal Category 5 hurricane on record, beating the Nov. 8, 1932 Cuba Hurricane.
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The official end of the hurricane season is Nov. 30.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Marlon González in Tegucigalpa, Honduras; Seth Borenstein in Bethesda, Md.; and Christopher Sherman in Mexico City contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-11-17--US police reform: Why city leaders often don't hold the cards

Driven by the deaths of civilians in encounters with police , protesters in cities across the United States have urged mayors and council members to enact policing reforms .
But those demands omit important players : State lawmakers , not city leaders , hold the most powerful key to changing the way police are policed .
That ’ s because decades-old labor laws , approved by state legislatures , require cities to bargain with officers through their unions over any changes to working conditions .
Police unions have used those laws to win contract provisions that make it difficult to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In much of the country , city leaders face an uphill battle against union contracts , police-friendly state laws , and pro-police legal rulings .
A Reuters analysis of labor contracts signed or extended over the past five years by 100 of the nation ’ s largest cities found that at least 25 neutralize outside oversight boards by limiting who can serve on them , their access to department records , or their ability to question officers .
Legislative protections for police abound .
A 2012 Minnesota law allows police chiefs to disregard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A 1974 Florida law allows accused officers to choose a member of the board reviewing their alleged misconduct .
In the states of Michigan , Maine , and Washington , labor boards have sided with police unions in prohibiting cities from establishing civilian review boards without bargaining .
Last October , President Donald Trump established a policing commission to deliver recommendations for “ law and order ” reform ahead of this year ’ s presidential election .
Among its proposals , first reported by Reuters : Allowing officers accused of wrongdoing to view @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigators , and urging the Justice Department to affirm support for “ qualified immunity , ” a Supreme Court precedent that shields from civil liability officers who are accused of using excessive force .
A recent Reuters investigation found that qualified immunity has made it harder in recent years for people to win lawsuits that accuse cops of excessive force .
A federal judge earlier this month halted the commission ’ s work on the grounds that it had violated public meetings laws and allowed law enforcement groups to have undue influence .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Department scrutiny of systemic misconduct by police .
Under Mr. Trump , Reuters reported last month , such federal efforts were sharply curtailed .
Still , there is no national standard , and the battlegrounds are local .
Here ’ s how the conflict is playing out today in three places : In 2016 , New Jersey ’ s largest city agreed to establish a civilian oversight entity in response to a scathing Department of Justice investigation into the Newark Police Department that found widespread civil rights violations by officers and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ passed an ordinance establishing one of the strongest review boards in the nation , with the power to conduct its own investigations , and compel documents and testimony .
The police union sued , arguing the board violated civil service and collective bargaining laws .
In August , the New Jersey Supreme Court agreed , stripping Newark ’ s review board of subpoena power .
The city plans to appeal the decision .
Meanwhile , Newark Mayor Ras Baraka is urging state lawmakers to enact legislation that would give civilian review boards across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testimony and force police departments to hand over records during investigations .
This summer , elected officials in Washington moved to loosen the police union ’ s grip on how cops are disciplined and fired .
The city council has one advantage that its counterparts across the nation lack : The council not only governs the city ; it also has powers typical of a state legislative body .
So , the council amended the district ’ s civil service law to remove the police union ’ s right to negotiate over officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago to protect public employees from management overreach , the law was similar to state labor laws that impede city efforts nationwide to reform police discipline .
Council Chairman Phil Mendelson said he proposed the amendment because police officers are unique .
More than other civil servants , he said , cops depend upon the public ’ s trust to be effective .
Their authority to make arrests and use deadly force also sets them apart .
“ Their power is extraordinary , and therefore the accountability mechanisms have to be extraordinary , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public employees to , ” Mr. Mendelson said .
The Washington Police Union has filed a federal lawsuit to block the amendment , arguing that it would be unfair , illegal , and unconstitutional for the district to treat police officers differently than other civil servants who have the right to bargain over discipline .
The council ’ s motivation for the act is “ a deliberate and reactionary concession to anti-police rhetoric and protests being carried out by a small number of citizens , ” the union says in the suit .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ capital , police unions are lobbying for a pending bill that would reinforce the requirement that cities need union approval to change disciplinary policies .
The bill is sponsored by Democratic lawmakers whose campaigns were supported by those unions .
State assemblyman Peter J. Abbate Jr. , who represents Brooklyn , has accepted almost half a million dollars in campaign contributions from law enforcement unions since 1999 .
State senator Andrew Gounardes , also serving Brooklyn , has accepted $ 37,750 in contributions from law enforcement unions since 2019 .
Mr. Gounardes declined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money played no role in his support .
He said the legislation was proposed to him in 2006 by a coalition of police unions , and he still supports the bill .
Negotiating with police unions , he said , will ultimately lead to greater buy-in from the rank-and-file , and better , more successful reforms .
This story was reported by Reuters .

Driven by the deaths of civilians in encounters with police, protesters in cities across the United States have urged mayors and council members to enact policing reforms.
But those demands omit important players: State lawmakers, not city leaders, hold the most powerful key to changing the way police are policed.
That’s because decades-old labor laws, approved by state legislatures, require cities to bargain with officers through their unions over any changes to working conditions. Police unions have used those laws to win contract provisions that make it difficult to hold individual officers accountable for misconduct.
In much of the country, city leaders face an uphill battle against union contracts, police-friendly state laws, and pro-police legal rulings.
A Reuters analysis of labor contracts signed or extended over the past five years by 100 of the nation’s largest cities found that at least 25 neutralize outside oversight boards by limiting who can serve on them, their access to department records, or their ability to question officers.
Legislative protections for police abound. A 2012 Minnesota law allows police chiefs to disregard the recommendations of civilian oversight boards. A 1974 Florida law allows accused officers to choose a member of the board reviewing their alleged misconduct.
In the states of Michigan, Maine, and Washington, labor boards have sided with police unions in prohibiting cities from establishing civilian review boards without bargaining.
Last October, President Donald Trump established a policing commission to deliver recommendations for “law and order” reform ahead of this year’s presidential election. Among its proposals, first reported by Reuters: Allowing officers accused of wrongdoing to view body camera footage before speaking to internal investigators, and urging the Justice Department to affirm support for “qualified immunity,” a Supreme Court precedent that shields from civil liability officers who are accused of using excessive force.
A recent Reuters investigation found that qualified immunity has made it harder in recent years for people to win lawsuits that accuse cops of excessive force. A federal judge earlier this month halted the commission’s work on the grounds that it had violated public meetings laws and allowed law enforcement groups to have undue influence.
President-elect Joe Biden has pledged to expand Justice Department scrutiny of systemic misconduct by police. Under Mr. Trump, Reuters reported last month, such federal efforts were sharply curtailed.
Still, there is no national standard, and the battlegrounds are local. Here’s how the conflict is playing out today in three places:
Newark, New Jersey
In 2016, New Jersey’s largest city agreed to establish a civilian oversight entity in response to a scathing Department of Justice investigation into the Newark Police Department that found widespread civil rights violations by officers and a lack of internal accountability.
The city passed an ordinance establishing one of the strongest review boards in the nation, with the power to conduct its own investigations, and compel documents and testimony.
The police union sued, arguing the board violated civil service and collective bargaining laws. In August, the New Jersey Supreme Court agreed, stripping Newark’s review board of subpoena power.
The city plans to appeal the decision. Meanwhile, Newark Mayor Ras Baraka is urging state lawmakers to enact legislation that would give civilian review boards across the state the right to compel officer testimony and force police departments to hand over records during investigations.
Washington, D.C.
This summer, elected officials in Washington moved to loosen the police union’s grip on how cops are disciplined and fired. The city council has one advantage that its counterparts across the nation lack: The council not only governs the city; it also has powers typical of a state legislative body.
So, the council amended the district’s civil service law to remove the police union’s right to negotiate over officer discipline. Enacted more than four decades ago to protect public employees from management overreach, the law was similar to state labor laws that impede city efforts nationwide to reform police discipline.
Council Chairman Phil Mendelson said he proposed the amendment because police officers are unique. More than other civil servants, he said, cops depend upon the public’s trust to be effective. Their authority to make arrests and use deadly force also sets them apart.
“Their power is extraordinary, and therefore the accountability mechanisms have to be extraordinary, above and beyond what we hold other public employees to,” Mr. Mendelson said.
The Washington Police Union has filed a federal lawsuit to block the amendment, arguing that it would be unfair, illegal, and unconstitutional for the district to treat police officers differently than other civil servants who have the right to bargain over discipline.
The council’s motivation for the act is “a deliberate and reactionary concession to anti-police rhetoric and protests being carried out by a small number of citizens,” the union says in the suit.
Albany, New York
In Albany, the New York state capital, police unions are lobbying for a pending bill that would reinforce the requirement that cities need union approval to change disciplinary policies. The bill is sponsored by Democratic lawmakers whose campaigns were supported by those unions.
State assemblyman Peter J. Abbate Jr., who represents Brooklyn, has accepted almost half a million dollars in campaign contributions from law enforcement unions since 1999. State senator Andrew Gounardes, also serving Brooklyn, has accepted $37,750 in contributions from law enforcement unions since 2019.
Mr. Gounardes declined to comment. Mr. Abbate said the money played no role in his support. He said the legislation was proposed to him in 2006 by a coalition of police unions, and he still supports the bill.
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Negotiating with police unions, he said, will ultimately lead to greater buy-in from the rank-and-file, and better, more successful reforms.
This story was reported by Reuters.


Angel practice

Our rabbi asks us about our homework assignment .
“ When was the last time you blessed someone ?
” No one in the congregation raises a hand .
“ Let ’ s practice , ” he says .
“ Turn to the person next to you .
Look into their eyes , and open yourself to being a messenger for the blessing that person needs .
Begin by saying , ‘ I want to bless you.
’ ” The exercise makes us squirm .
Aren ’ t blessings what we ask of God ?
My good friend pivots to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about a blessing for her .
She ’ s worried about her son , a college student far away .
It occurs to me that I might be describing the very blessing that I most need .
Our blessings are stiff and rehearsed .
“ Keep practicing , ” our rabbi says .
“ You don ’ t get good overnight.
” Then we sing of the angels who trail us home on the Jewish Sabbath .
As I head out into the cold night , I imagine I hear the whisper of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pinching my coattails , sweeping with a gust into my home .
I wonder how I might keep them here , a presence I might always feel .
The next week , my daughter and I get into a conversation with an Uber driver about his work in his church .
He asks about my job and my daughter ’ s advanced studies .
Then , to our surprise , he asks permission to pray for us .
“ Now , ” I tell him .
“ I ’ d like to pray @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional Jewish way , acknowledging God and the blessings in my life before I offer a prayer on the driver ’ s behalf .
I pray that this man will continue to serve families who need his help .
I pray that his own family will be healthy , their lives full of joy .
That was a year ago .
I wonder if he is still employed , if his family is healthy .
How could I have possibly known what he needed ?
We were strangers .
Here ’ s what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to somehow gauge whether a person will be OK with the intimate moment they haven ’ t exactly asked for .
I have walked away from more than a few people feeling the blessing didn ’ t go so hot .
It ’ s definitely easier to bless someone whose injury is obvious , a cast or crutches : “ I want to bless you with a swift and complete recovery.
” This is generally well received .
And it sounds more sincere than “ Get better soon.
” I feel that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those rare moments when , caught up in inspiration , I furiously scribble the words that come to me as though I ’ m taking dictation .
Today , I ’ m in the grocery store .
My husband is recovering from surgery .
A child is still anguished .
I choose flowers for myself : pink roses , the petals edged in green , like a prematurely picked fruit .
I hurry through the checkout line and head to the cafe counter .
A man with a long ponytail takes a big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my packed cart .
He waves me ahead .
“ You go first .
I have all the time in the world.
” Before ordering I ask him what he ’ s having , and I pay for his drink .
I thank him for his kindness .
He shrugs .
“ Just basic courtesy .
Easy stuff.
” There is something of the free spirit in his mellow demeanor , his groovy ponytail .
“ What ’ s your name ?
” he asks .
Then , without thinking , I say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to everyone around you.
” He closes his eyes and nods slowly .
Did I just make him sad ?
“ And … ” I hear my voice crack .
“ May you find yourself surrounded by angels.
” An ache rises from my chest to my throat .
Do I tell him I have been waiting for an angel ?
That some of my people are hurting , and I can ’ t take their pain away ?
“ Thank you , ” he says , accepting the mocha from the barista @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ You have a grateful day now.
” And he walks away .
Maybe it wasn ’ t a blessing in return .
Just a goodbye .
He is still sauntering away .
He did say he had all the time in the world .
His pant leg drags on the ground , trampled by his heel and crusted with snow .
Grateful .
My husband is safely out of surgery .
But a child is in pain .
My love does not feel like anything close to enough .
But my child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Wildly , wildly loved .
A petal slips free in my hand , the pink sunrise of the rose splattered by the foam of my latte .
The petal is drenched , but silky and too lovely to dump in the garbage .
I cup the petal in my hand , hold it high above the slosh of melted snow as I bump my shopping cart through the parking lot .
In my hands , the sun rises on a new day .

Our rabbi asks us about our homework assignment. “When was the last time you blessed someone?”
No one in the congregation raises a hand.
“Let’s practice,” he says. “Turn to the person next to you. Look into their eyes, and open yourself to being a messenger for the blessing that person needs. Begin by saying, ‘I want to bless you.’” The exercise makes us squirm. Aren’t blessings what we ask of God?
My good friend pivots to face me. I am already deliberating about a blessing for her. She’s worried about her son, a college student far away. It occurs to me that I might be describing the very blessing that I most need.
Our blessings are stiff and rehearsed. “Keep practicing,” our rabbi says. “You don’t get good overnight.”
Then we sing of the angels who trail us home on the Jewish Sabbath. As I head out into the cold night, I imagine I hear the whisper of angels’ wings. I picture angels pinching my coattails, sweeping with a gust into my home. I wonder how I might keep them here, a presence I might always feel.
The next week, my daughter and I get into a conversation with an Uber driver about his work in his church. He asks about my job and my daughter’s advanced studies. Then, to our surprise, he asks permission to pray for us.
“Now,” I tell him. “I’d like to pray for you.” I begin in the traditional Jewish way, acknowledging God and the blessings in my life before I offer a prayer on the driver’s behalf. I pray that this man will continue to serve families who need his help. I pray that his own family will be healthy, their lives full of joy.
“Amen!” he calls out.
That was a year ago. I wonder if he is still employed, if his family is healthy. How could I have possibly known what he needed? We were strangers.
Here’s what I am learning about blessing: You have to somehow gauge whether a person will be OK with the intimate moment they haven’t exactly asked for. I have walked away from more than a few people feeling the blessing didn’t go so hot. It’s definitely easier to bless someone whose injury is obvious, a cast or crutches: “I want to bless you with a swift and complete recovery.” This is generally well received. And it sounds more sincere than “Get better soon.” I feel that a blessing should overwhelm me, like those rare moments when, caught up in inspiration, I furiously scribble the words that come to me as though I’m taking dictation.
Today, I’m in the grocery store. My husband is recovering from surgery. A child is still anguished. I choose flowers for myself: pink roses, the petals edged in green, like a prematurely picked fruit.
I hurry through the checkout line and head to the cafe counter. A man with a long ponytail takes a big step back when I zoom up with my packed cart.
He waves me ahead. “You go first. I have all the time in the world.”
Before ordering I ask him what he’s having, and I pay for his drink. I thank him for his kindness.
He shrugs. “Just basic courtesy. Easy stuff.” There is something of the free spirit in his mellow demeanor, his groovy ponytail. “What’s your name?” he asks.
“Claudia.”
“Pleasure to meet you. I’m Angel.”
“Angel? That’s a beautiful name.”
“As is Claudia.”
Then, without thinking, I say, “May you be an angel to everyone around you.” He closes his eyes and nods slowly. Did I just make him sad?
“I try,” he says. “I try.”
“And …” I hear my voice crack. “May you find yourself surrounded by angels.”
An ache rises from my chest to my throat. Do I tell him I have been waiting for an angel? That some of my people are hurting, and I can’t take their pain away?
“Thank you,” he says, accepting the mocha from the barista. Angel turns back to me. “You have a grateful day now.” And he walks away.
A grateful day.
Maybe it wasn’t a blessing in return. Just a goodbye. He is still sauntering away. He did say he had all the time in the world. His pant leg drags on the ground, trampled by his heel and crusted with snow.
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Grateful. My husband is safely out of surgery. But a child is in pain. My love does not feel like anything close to enough. But my child is loved, and I am loved. Wildly, wildly loved.
A petal slips free in my hand, the pink sunrise of the rose splattered by the foam of my latte. The petal is drenched, but silky and too lovely to dump in the garbage. I cup the petal in my hand, hold it high above the slosh of melted snow as I bump my shopping cart through the parking lot. In my hands, the sun rises on a new day.


csmonitor--2020-11-18--Under Biden, State Department needs to be rebuilt. But better.

“ It ’ s about transformation , not just a reset .
We need an organization and diplomats to meet the global challenges of this century.
” Says Barbara Bodine , a former ambassador to Yemen : “ The State Department is like a town that gets hit by a strong earthquake , and you realize it didn ’ t take long to destroy it .
But then you use that [ realization ] to ask , ‘ How do we come back better , and stronger ?
’ The State Department ’ s growing politicization and falling diversity have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to make a difference in the world , ” warns Rachel Kyte , dean of Fletcher , The Graduate School of Global Affairs , at Tufts University .
Calls for significant reform and revitalization of the State Department have been around for at least a decade .
Junior and mid-level career officers – particularly women and minorities – have left the department in an unprecedented wave , and much needs to be done to recreate an attractive career path in the foreign service .
Under two Trump secretaries of state , large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ chairs have gone unfilled in the nation ’ s diplomatic infrastructure .
But the challenge for the incoming administration of President-elect Joe Biden is not just a matter of staffing back up .
Over recent years , “ build back better ” has become the mantra of reconstruction teams looking to rebuild communities devastated by natural disasters , from earthquakes to hurricanes , but in smarter , more sustainable ways .
Now the transition team for President-elect Joe Biden is applying the guiding slogan of disaster recovery , which he employed during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States economy , to the rebuilding of federal government agencies and departments .
And , say U.S. diplomats , former ambassadors , and foreign policy experts , perhaps in no case is the “ rebuild , but better ” concept more pertinent and urgent than with the State Department .
Hollowed out , demoralized , sidelined , politicized , even mortally damaged – all are among the descriptions that have been used to sound the alarm over the foundering and deteriorating conditions of the nation ’ s diplomatic infrastructure .
Calls for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department have been around for at least a decade , but the alarm bells have rung louder and sharper after what many have seen as President Donald Trump ’ s assault on federal institutions and disdain for what he considers the “ deep state.
” At the State Department , large numbers of key senior positions and ambassadors ’ chairs have gone unfilled , while junior and mid-level career officers – particularly women and minorities – have left the department in an unprecedented wave that has weakened the U.S. presence abroad .
Moreover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been filled have increasingly gone to political appointees , weakening the draw of a nonpartisan foreign service career .
But even as a new team prepares to take the reins in Washington , there is wide recognition that just returning to where the State Department was before Mr. Trump is not the answer to the woes .
“ The State Department is like a town that gets hit by a strong earthquake , and you realize it didn ’ t take long to destroy it , ” says Barbara Bodine , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University .
“ But then you use that [ realization ] to ask , ‘ How do we come back better , and stronger ?
’ ” Referring to a Council on Foreign Relations report issued this month that lays out a path for rebuilding the State Department , Ambassador Bodine adds : “ As the CFR report concluded , it ’ s about transformation , not just a reset .
We need an organization and diplomats to meet the global challenges of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just one of the guides being used by the group within the Biden transition team that is focused on the State Department and revitalizing American diplomacy more broadly , sources close to the team say .
Other resources include a string of commentaries by former Deputy Secretary of State Bill Burns and a bipartisan congressional working group promoting a transformation of American diplomacy .
Mr. Burns recently declared the damage at the State Department “ worse ” than many people thought , even as he deemed the low state of State an “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service .
What won ’ t work , some former officials say , is a kind of knee-jerk reaction that focuses simply on reversing actions taken under President Trump while ignoring longstanding problems .
Those range from a stagnant bureaucracy and an organization tailored to the 20th century , to a “ pale , male , and Yale ” culture that fails to value the advantage that America ’ s diversity provides in a globalizing world .
“ This can be the moment for much-needed reform , but it won ’ t be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the problems that preceded Trump , ” says Bruce Jentleson , a former State Department senior adviser for policy planning who is now a professor of political science at Duke University in Durham , North Carolina .
“ There needs to be a mix that addresses both the long-standing problems and the Trumpian impact.
” For example , some of the factors that have taken the shine off a diplomatic career – bureaucratic lethargy , a sense that one can have a more impactful career in the private sector or nongovernmental organization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign service to two-career families – have hobbled the State Department for well over a decade , Professor Jentleson says .
Others agree , but underscore that special attention must be given to problems that increasingly discourage young people aspiring to a career in global affairs from considering the foreign service in the first place .
Noting that the number of candidates taking the foreign service exam has fallen by half over the last decade , Rachel Kyte , dean of Fletcher , The Graduate School of Global Affairs , at Tufts University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing politicization and falling diversity are turning off “ young people who want to make a difference in the world.
” “ You can engage with the world and build a global career in many different ways now , and the diplomatic corps is not going to be the first choice if young people see the politicization of more and more posts reaching farther and farther down into the ranks , ” says Dean Kyte .
“ The impact will be to rob diplomacy of the professional depth you need as the political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critics call the “ hollowing out ” of the State Department got going with a 2017 hiring freeze imposed by President Trump ’ s first secretary of state , Rex Tillerson .
He also moved to remake top management with his own team , causing more than 100 of about 900 senior foreign service officers to be fired , quit , or retire .
Mr. Tillerson ’ s replacement , Mike Pompeo , was greeted with sighs of relief when he lifted the hiring freeze in 2018 .
But critics say Secretary Pompeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politicization , favoring political appointments over career foreign-service officers for senior positions and ambassadorial appointments , and notably failing to support career personnel in the context of President Trump ’ s impeachment .
A successful reform will include “ recognizing once again that diplomacy is a profession , not a doggie treat you give to your major donors , ” says Ambassador Bodine .
Another problem is the dwindling diversity at the State Department in recent years , even as the U.S. population has only grown more diverse .
The number of U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 to 5 , to cite one example , while currently no senior positions , like assistant secretary , are held by Black office holders .
“ I ’ ve had students and alumni tell me they were concerned that the foreign service wasn ’ t a career where they would be fully welcomed , and so they turned elsewhere , ” says Dean Kyte .
“ That ’ s not how you make the State Department a place where the brightest want to go.
” One development convincing some that Mr. Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that former career diplomat Linda Thomas-Greenfield is heading up the transition team ’ s State Department group .
As assistant secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs , Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield was the department ’ s highest ranking Black official when she retired in 2017 .
She has remained vocal on diversity ’ s role in revitalizing U.S. diplomacy ever since .
Building a better State Department will mean beefing up its expertise in the 21st century ’ s key “ transnational ” challenges , including climate change and cybersecurity , says Ambassador @ @ @ @ @ @ @ solutions to global challenges “ has been submerged out of a fear of being seen as not with the program , ” she says .
“ That really has to change.
” In Congress , Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro of Texas has led the charge on State Department reform – concurring that today ’ s global challenges like climate change must be part of U.S. diplomacy ’ s refurbishment , but adding that opportunities in diplomatic careers for training and remaining abreast of global issues must be expanded .
Yet as important as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a successful rebuild of the State Department will ultimately hinge on an all-of-society support for diplomacy and recognition of its vital role in addressing the transnational issues the U.S. faces .
“ We ’ ve ended up at a place where we undervalue diplomacy , even though , if you think about it , our greatest successes over the last 30 to 40 years have been through diplomacy , ” says Professor Jentleson .
“ We need to recognize that and build from that foundation .
”

“It’s about transformation, not just a reset. We need an organization and diplomats to meet the global challenges of this century.”
Says Barbara Bodine, a former ambassador to Yemen: “The State Department is like a town that gets hit by a strong earthquake, and you realize it didn’t take long to destroy it. But then you use that [realization] to ask, ‘How do we come back better, and stronger?’
The State Department’s growing politicization and falling diversity have been turning off “young people who want to make a difference in the world,” warns Rachel Kyte, dean of Fletcher, The Graduate School of Global Affairs at Tufts University.
Advocates for the State Department say it has been hollowed out and demoralized. But is it enough for President-elect Joe Biden to just repopulate its ranks? Some problems have been brewing for much longer.
Calls for significant reform and revitalization of the State Department have been around for at least a decade. Junior and mid-level career officers – particularly women and minorities – have left the department in an unprecedented wave, and much needs to be done to recreate an attractive career path in the foreign service.
Under two Trump secretaries of state, large numbers of key senior positions and ambassadors’ chairs have gone unfilled in the nation’s diplomatic infrastructure. But the challenge for the incoming administration of President-elect Joe Biden is not just a matter of staffing back up.
Over recent years, “build back better” has become the mantra of reconstruction teams looking to rebuild communities devastated by natural disasters, from earthquakes to hurricanes, but in smarter, more sustainable ways.
Now the transition team for President-elect Joe Biden is applying the guiding slogan of disaster recovery, which he employed during his campaign in reference to the entire United States economy, to the rebuilding of federal government agencies and departments.
And, say U.S. diplomats, former ambassadors, and foreign policy experts, perhaps in no case is the “rebuild, but better” concept more pertinent and urgent than with the State Department.
Why We Wrote This Advocates for the State Department say it has been hollowed out and demoralized. But is it enough for President-elect Joe Biden to just repopulate its ranks? Some problems have been brewing for much longer.
Hollowed out, demoralized, sidelined, politicized, even mortally damaged – all are among the descriptions that have been used to sound the alarm over the foundering and deteriorating conditions of the nation’s diplomatic infrastructure.
Calls for significant reform and revitalization of the State Department have been around for at least a decade, but the alarm bells have rung louder and sharper after what many have seen as President Donald Trump’s assault on federal institutions and disdain for what he considers the “deep state.”
At the State Department, large numbers of key senior positions and ambassadors’ chairs have gone unfilled, while junior and mid-level career officers – particularly women and minorities – have left the department in an unprecedented wave that has weakened the U.S. presence abroad.
Moreover, in recent years positions that have been filled have increasingly gone to political appointees, weakening the draw of a nonpartisan foreign service career.
“Not just a reset”
But even as a new team prepares to take the reins in Washington, there is wide recognition that just returning to where the State Department was before Mr. Trump is not the answer to the woes.
“The State Department is like a town that gets hit by a strong earthquake, and you realize it didn’t take long to destroy it,” says Barbara Bodine, a former ambassador to Yemen who is now director of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy at Georgetown University. “But then you use that [realization] to ask, ‘How do we come back better, and stronger?’”
Referring to a Council on Foreign Relations report issued this month that lays out a path for rebuilding the State Department, Ambassador Bodine adds: “As the CFR report concluded, it’s about transformation, not just a reset. We need an organization and diplomats to meet the global challenges of this century.”
The CFR report is just one of the guides being used by the group within the Biden transition team that is focused on the State Department and revitalizing American diplomacy more broadly, sources close to the team say.
Other resources include a string of commentaries by former Deputy Secretary of State Bill Burns and a bipartisan congressional working group promoting a transformation of American diplomacy. Mr. Burns recently declared the damage at the State Department “worse” than many people thought, even as he deemed the low state of State an “opportunity” to build a 21st-century diplomatic service.
What won’t work, some former officials say, is a kind of knee-jerk reaction that focuses simply on reversing actions taken under President Trump while ignoring longstanding problems. Those range from a stagnant bureaucracy and an organization tailored to the 20th century, to a “pale, male, and Yale” culture that fails to value the advantage that America’s diversity provides in a globalizing world.
“This can be the moment for much-needed reform, but it won’t be successful unless it includes an honest evaluation of the problems that preceded Trump,” says Bruce Jentleson, a former State Department senior adviser for policy planning who is now a professor of political science at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. “There needs to be a mix that addresses both the long-standing problems and the Trumpian impact.”
An inviting career path
For example, some of the factors that have taken the shine off a diplomatic career – bureaucratic lethargy, a sense that one can have a more impactful career in the private sector or nongovernmental organization world, a failure to adapt the foreign service to two-career families – have hobbled the State Department for well over a decade, Professor Jentleson says.
Others agree, but underscore that special attention must be given to problems that increasingly discourage young people aspiring to a career in global affairs from considering the foreign service in the first place.
Noting that the number of candidates taking the foreign service exam has fallen by half over the last decade, Rachel Kyte, dean of Fletcher, The Graduate School of Global Affairs at Tufts University, says the State Department’s growing politicization and falling diversity are turning off “young people who want to make a difference in the world.”
“You can engage with the world and build a global career in many different ways now, and the diplomatic corps is not going to be the first choice if young people see the politicization of more and more posts reaching farther and farther down into the ranks,” says Dean Kyte. “The impact will be to rob diplomacy of the professional depth you need as the political winds blow in different directions.”
What critics call the “hollowing out” of the State Department got going with a 2017 hiring freeze imposed by President Trump’s first secretary of state, Rex Tillerson. He also moved to remake top management with his own team, causing more than 100 of about 900 senior foreign service officers to be fired, quit, or retire.
Mr. Tillerson’s replacement, Mike Pompeo, was greeted with sighs of relief when he lifted the hiring freeze in 2018. But critics say Secretary Pompeo doubled down on the department’s politicization, favoring political appointments over career foreign-service officers for senior positions and ambassadorial appointments, and notably failing to support career personnel in the context of President Trump’s impeachment.
A successful reform will include “recognizing once again that diplomacy is a profession, not a doggie treat you give to your major donors,” says Ambassador Bodine.
A signal on diversity
Another problem is the dwindling diversity at the State Department in recent years, even as the U.S. population has only grown more diverse. The number of U.S. ambassadors who are Black has fallen from 20 to 5, to cite one example, while currently no senior positions, like assistant secretary, are held by Black office holders.
“I’ve had students and alumni tell me they were concerned that the foreign service wasn’t a career where they would be fully welcomed, and so they turned elsewhere,” says Dean Kyte. “That’s not how you make the State Department a place where the brightest want to go.”
One development convincing some that Mr. Biden is serious about addressing the diversity deficit is that former career diplomat Linda Thomas-Greenfield is heading up the transition team’s State Department group. As assistant secretary for the Bureau of African Affairs, Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield was the department’s highest ranking Black official when she retired in 2017.
She has remained vocal on diversity’s role in revitalizing U.S. diplomacy ever since.
Building a better State Department will mean beefing up its expertise in the 21st century’s key “transnational” challenges, including climate change and cybersecurity, says Ambassador Bodine. Innovative and independent thinking about solutions to global challenges “has been submerged out of a fear of being seen as not with the program,” she says. “That really has to change.”
In Congress, Democratic Rep. Joaquin Castro of Texas has led the charge on State Department reform – concurring that today’s global challenges like climate change must be part of U.S. diplomacy’s refurbishment, but adding that opportunities in diplomatic careers for training and remaining abreast of global issues must be expanded.
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Yet as important as internal reform will be, some emphasize that a successful rebuild of the State Department will ultimately hinge on an all-of-society support for diplomacy and recognition of its vital role in addressing the transnational issues the U.S. faces.
“We’ve ended up at a place where we undervalue diplomacy, even though, if you think about it, our greatest successes over the last 30 to 40 years have been through diplomacy,” says Professor Jentleson. “We need to recognize that and build from that foundation.”


csmonitor--2020-11-18--Families move to get their kids the ultimate education: an in-person one

Their daughter started first grade this fall .
“ There are a lot of new kids in the school , ” says Ms. Burky .
“ She is definitely not alone.
” The hope of in-person instruction isn ’ t the sole driver behind these moves , though .
“ Schools were part of the decision , but we wanted to make a complete lifestyle change , ” says Amy Burky , about her and her husband ’ s decision to relocate from Seattle to Park City .
Todd Winters , director of admissions at the Waterford School in Sandy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charts nuts ” interest over the summer that resulted in a third of new families at the school coming from out of state .
Many have headed to states where they have some connection – a vacation spot , a second home , a previous residence – places that also offer a lifestyle change .
They ’ re moving to destinations like Utah , Colorado , and Vermont , where classrooms , for the time being , are open or on a hybrid schedule .
Dissatisfaction with remote learning during the pandemic has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , even moving out of state in hopes that their children can attend school in person .
For more than a year , Debbie and Scott Stauffer contemplated selling their home in northern California ’ s Bay Area and moving their family out of state .
Life was too hectic and too expensive .
Then came the pandemic , and schools switched to remote learning .
Though the charter school their three sons attended was better prepared than most for online lessons , the boys found it more difficult to focus on their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We loved our school , ” explains Ms. Stauffer .
“ But over time , we realized it wasn ’ t working.
” Education was the shove the Stauffers needed to finally relocate .
Within 11 weeks of deciding to move , the family sold their house in Los Altos , packed up their kids and two dogs , and closed on a new house in Park City , Utah .
Now one son , a junior in high school , is at a boarding school in Connecticut , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the eighth and 10th grade soccer teams at the Waterford School , an independent school in Sandy , Utah , halfway between their new home and Salt Lake City .
“ The shutdown started , and we said , ‘ What are we waiting for ?
’ ” says Ms. Stauffer .
The pandemic has caused a lot of introspection about education in America , especially for parents trying to juggle working and helping their children learn from home .
Some families like the Stauffers have taken extraordinary measures to restore some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of state so their children can attend school in person .
That kind of change would be out of reach financially for many , but a surprising number of families able to uproot have chosen to do so , even when it required considerable sacrifice .
“ This fall I ’ ve met with 45 families who visited our campus and are in the process of moving here , ” says Todd Winters , director of admissions at the Waterford School .
This was on top of “ off the charts nuts ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a third of new families at the school coming from out of state .
He anticipates a “ second wave ” of in-migration that will be even bigger next year .
Anecdotally , families have headed to states where they have some connection – a favorite vacation spot , a second home , a previous residence – places that also offer a lifestyle change .
They ’ re moving to destinations like Utah , Colorado , and Vermont , where – for the most part – classrooms have been open or on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaving the country for places such as Germany , New Zealand , and Canada , especially if a spouse has dual citizenship .
Utah has seen an influx of “ COVID refugees , ” with education playing a significant role in those newcomers ’ decision to move there , says Pamela Perlich , the director of demographic research at the University of Utah ’ s Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute .
The real estate market reflects this influx as well .
When the Stauffers visited open houses in Park City – which they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into school parking lots , they noticed license plates from California , Texas , Illinois , and New York .
This summer , home sales in Park City doubled in July and August compared to the same months last year , says Carol Agle , a longtime realtor in the area who also chairs the city ’ s Statistics Committee .
She attributes a significant portion of the increase in the market to out-of-state parents with school-age children .
The trend was the same in nearby Salt Lake City , where home sales @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Colorado , smaller resort and ski communities have welcomed many new families as well , reporting higher than usual school enrollments this fall .
For example , Aspen ’ s school district had 150 new students enrolled in August .
Normally the town ’ s schools average about 15 to 30 new students .
Similarly , Steamboat Springs received an influx of nearly 60 families .
About half of them moved from within Colorado , with the rest coming from out of state .
The largest contingent of new families came @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t turn out exactly as planned , families feel the changes they ’ ve made have been worth the effort .
Katharine Agostino , an executive coach , and her husband , Val , a tech entrepreneur , decided to leave Palo Alto in California ’ s Silicon Valley after pandemic shutdowns and online schooling led them to consider a less-pressured life for their family .
They moved to a suburb south of Denver , where earlier this fall their three children enrolled in a school with a hybrid schedule ( some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But with recent increases in COVID-19 cases in the surrounding community , school administrators decided to switch entirely to remote learning until case numbers decline .
“ The kids are disappointed , ” says Ms. Agostino , “ but on the other hand , they ’ ve had 11 weeks of some in-classroom schooling that allowed them to make a lot of new friends.
” So are the kids glad they moved ?
“ We talk about this a lot , and it ’ s always unanimous .
We ’ re just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this move.
” It ’ s a similar story in Vermont .
Michael S. Pieciak , commissioner of the Vermont Department of Financial Regulation , estimates that about 10,000 more people visited the Green Mountain State during the summer than usual .
Based on the soaring real estate market , it looks like many of them decided to buy homes , says Mr. Pieciak , who tracks growth trends in the state .
Ski communities especially have seen an influx , with anywhere from 20 to 80 new students in towns such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not see big jumps in school enrollment .
The schools can handle it , he says .
“ Vermont has experienced declining enrollments for several decades , and their schools will likely be able to absorb the students.
“ Back in Utah , Ms. Agle , the realtor , notes a distinction in this year ’ s influx of families .
The last time she saw a similarly large spike in Park City home sales was in 2001 , right after 9/11 .
Then , purchases were driven by wealthy families who were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could evacuate to in the event of future attacks .
“ I felt like I was selling ‘ bomb shelters , ’ ” explains Ms. Agle .
The difference now is that many of the new arrivals have sold their old homes and appear to have come to stay .
“ Schools were part of the decision , but we wanted to make a complete lifestyle change , ” says Amy Burky , about her and her husband ’ s decision to sell their home in Seattle and move with their two grade-school-age @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Online learning did not work for their special-needs son , who is in second grade .
Now , he ’ s at a charter school .
He also takes advantage of activities offered through the nearby National Ability Center .
“ This move benefited our son , ” she says .
Their daughter started first grade this fall at the Park City Day School , another independent school .
Her status as a transplant has not hindered her ability to make friends .
“ There are a lot of new kids in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ She is definitely not alone.
” Editor 's note : This story has been updated to correct the name of the school that Amy Burky 's daughter attends and to clarify her son 's involvement with the National Ability Center .

Their daughter started first grade this fall. “There are a lot of new kids in the school,” says Ms. Burky. “She is definitely not alone.”
The hope of in-person instruction isn’t the sole driver behind these moves, though. “Schools were part of the decision, but we wanted to make a complete lifestyle change,” says Amy Burky, about her and her husband’s decision to relocate from Seattle to Park City.
Todd Winters, director of admissions at the Waterford School in Sandy, Utah, reports “off the charts nuts” interest over the summer that resulted in a third of new families at the school coming from out of state.
The pandemic has prompted some who had been thinking about a move to act on it. Utah, Colorado, and Vermont have seen an influx of families able to relocate so that their children can attend school in person.
Many have headed to states where they have some connection – a vacation spot, a second home, a previous residence – places that also offer a lifestyle change. They’re moving to destinations like Utah, Colorado, and Vermont, where classrooms, for the time being, are open or on a hybrid schedule.
Dissatisfaction with remote learning during the pandemic has led some families to take extraordinary measures, even moving out of state in hopes that their children can attend school in person.
For more than a year, Debbie and Scott Stauffer contemplated selling their home in northern California’s Bay Area and moving their family out of state. Life was too hectic and too expensive. Then came the pandemic, and schools switched to remote learning. Though the charter school their three sons attended was better prepared than most for online lessons, the boys found it more difficult to focus on their studies than they had in the classroom.
“We loved our school,” explains Ms. Stauffer. “But over time, we realized it wasn’t working.”
Education was the shove the Stauffers needed to finally relocate. Within 11 weeks of deciding to move, the family sold their house in Los Altos, packed up their kids and two dogs, and closed on a new house in Park City, Utah. Now one son, a junior in high school, is at a boarding school in Connecticut, and the other two are attending classes and playing on the eighth and 10th grade soccer teams at the Waterford School, an independent school in Sandy, Utah, halfway between their new home and Salt Lake City.
Why We Wrote This The pandemic has prompted some who had been thinking about a move to act on it. Utah, Colorado, and Vermont have seen an influx of families able to relocate so that their children can attend school in person.
“The shutdown started, and we said, ‘What are we waiting for?’” says Ms. Stauffer.
The pandemic has caused a lot of introspection about education in America, especially for parents trying to juggle working and helping their children learn from home. Some families like the Stauffers have taken extraordinary measures to restore some sense of normalcy: even moving out of state so their children can attend school in person. That kind of change would be out of reach financially for many, but a surprising number of families able to uproot have chosen to do so, even when it required considerable sacrifice.
“This fall I’ve met with 45 families who visited our campus and are in the process of moving here,” says Todd Winters, director of admissions at the Waterford School. This was on top of “off the charts nuts” interest over the summer that resulted in a third of new families at the school coming from out of state. He anticipates a “second wave” of in-migration that will be even bigger next year.
Fleeing to familiar places
Anecdotally, families have headed to states where they have some connection – a favorite vacation spot, a second home, a previous residence – places that also offer a lifestyle change. They’re moving to destinations like Utah, Colorado, and Vermont, where – for the most part – classrooms have been open or on a hybrid schedule. Some families are even leaving the country for places such as Germany, New Zealand, and Canada, especially if a spouse has dual citizenship.
Utah has seen an influx of “COVID refugees,” with education playing a significant role in those newcomers’ decision to move there, says Pamela Perlich, the director of demographic research at the University of Utah’s Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute.
The real estate market reflects this influx as well. When the Stauffers visited open houses in Park City – which they knew from vacation trips – or pulled into school parking lots, they noticed license plates from California, Texas, Illinois, and New York.
This summer, home sales in Park City doubled in July and August compared to the same months last year, says Carol Agle, a longtime realtor in the area who also chairs the city’s Statistics Committee. She attributes a significant portion of the increase in the market to out-of-state parents with school-age children. The trend was the same in nearby Salt Lake City, where home sales reached an all-time single-month high in July.
In Colorado, smaller resort and ski communities have welcomed many new families as well, reporting higher than usual school enrollments this fall. For example, Aspen’s school district had 150 new students enrolled in August. Normally the town’s schools average about 15 to 30 new students. Similarly, Steamboat Springs received an influx of nearly 60 families. About half of them moved from within Colorado, with the rest coming from out of state. The largest contingent of new families came from California.
No regrets
Even when things don’t turn out exactly as planned, families feel the changes they’ve made have been worth the effort. Katharine Agostino, an executive coach, and her husband, Val, a tech entrepreneur, decided to leave Palo Alto in California’s Silicon Valley after pandemic shutdowns and online schooling led them to consider a less-pressured life for their family. They moved to a suburb south of Denver, where earlier this fall their three children enrolled in a school with a hybrid schedule (some days at school and some online). But with recent increases in COVID-19 cases in the surrounding community, school administrators decided to switch entirely to remote learning until case numbers decline.
“The kids are disappointed,” says Ms. Agostino, “but on the other hand, they’ve had 11 weeks of some in-classroom schooling that allowed them to make a lot of new friends.” So are the kids glad they moved? “We talk about this a lot, and it’s always unanimous. We’re just so, so happy that we made this move.”
It’s a similar story in Vermont. Michael S. Pieciak, commissioner of the Vermont Department of Financial Regulation, estimates that about 10,000 more people visited the Green Mountain State during the summer than usual. Based on the soaring real estate market, it looks like many of them decided to buy homes, says Mr. Pieciak, who tracks growth trends in the state. Ski communities especially have seen an influx, with anywhere from 20 to 80 new students in towns such as Stratton and Waitsfield, which usually do not see big jumps in school enrollment.
The schools can handle it, he says. “Vermont has experienced declining enrollments for several decades, and their schools will likely be able to absorb the students.“
Here to stay
Back in Utah, Ms. Agle, the realtor, notes a distinction in this year’s influx of families. The last time she saw a similarly large spike in Park City home sales was in 2001, right after 9/11.
Then, purchases were driven by wealthy families who were buying ski condos and second homes they could evacuate to in the event of future attacks. “I felt like I was selling ‘bomb shelters,’” explains Ms. Agle. The difference now is that many of the new arrivals have sold their old homes and appear to have come to stay.
“Schools were part of the decision, but we wanted to make a complete lifestyle change,” says Amy Burky, about her and her husband’s decision to sell their home in Seattle and move with their two grade-school-age children to Park City over the summer.
Online learning did not work for their special-needs son, who is in second grade. Now, he’s at a charter school. He also takes advantage of activities offered through the nearby National Ability Center. “This move benefited our son,” she says.
Their daughter started first grade this fall at the Park City Day School, another independent school. Her status as a transplant has not hindered her ability to make friends. “There are a lot of new kids in the school,” says Ms. Burky. “She is definitely not alone.”
Editor's note: This story has been updated to correct the name of the school that Amy Burky's daughter attends and to clarify her son's involvement with the National Ability Center.