csmonitor--2020-10-09--Militia plot to kidnap Michigan governor uncovered, FBI says

Agents foiled a stunning plot to kidnap Michigan Democratic Gov .
Gretchen Whitmer , authorities said Thursday in announcing charges in an alleged scheme that involved months of planning and even rehearsals to snatch her from her vacation home .
Six men were charged in federal court with conspiring to kidnap the governor before the Nov. 3 elections in reaction to what they viewed as her “ uncontrolled power , ” according to a federal complaint .
Separately , seven others linked to a paramilitary group called the Wolverine Watchmen were charged in state court for allegedly seeking to storm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civil war.
” The two groups trained together and planned “ various acts of violence , ” according to the state police .
Surveillance for the kidnapping plot took place in August and September , according to an FBI affidavit , and four of the men had planned to meet Wednesday to “ make a payment on explosives and exchange tactical gear.
” The FBI quoted one of the men as saying Governor Whitmer “ has no checks and balances at all .
She has uncontrolled power right now .
All good things @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said the plots were stopped with the work of undercover agents and informants .
The men were arrested Wednesday night .
The six charged in federal court face up to life in prison if convicted .
The state terrorism charges the other seven men face carry a possible 20-year sentence .
Andrew Birge , the United States attorney in western Michigan , called the men “ violent extremists.
” They discussed detonating explosive devices – including under a highway bridge – to divert police from the area near the governor ’ s vacation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bought a Taser for use in the kidnapping , Mr. Birge said .
“ All of us in Michigan can disagree about politics , but those disagreements should never , ever amount to violence .
Violence has been prevented today , ” Detroit U.S. Attorney Matthew Schneider told reporters .
A few hours later , Governor Whitmer pinned some blame on President Donald Trump , noting that he did not condemn white supremacists in last week ’ s debate with Joe Biden and instead told a far-right group to “ stand back and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president ’ s words not as a rebuke but as a rallying cry , as a call to action , ” Governor Whitmer said .
Mr. Trump tweeted that the governor “ has done a terrible job ” and again called on her to “ open up your state.
” He said he does not tolerate any extreme violence .
Governor Whitmer , who was considered as Mr. Biden ’ s running mate and is nearly halfway through a four-year term , has been widely praised for her response to the coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and people in conservative areas of the state .
The Michigan Capitol has been the site of many rallies , including ones with gun-toting protesters calling for her ouster .
Governor Whitmer put major restrictions on personal movement and the economy , although many of those limits have been lifted since spring .
The governor has exchanged barbs with Mr. Trump on social media , with the president declaring in April , “ LIBERATE MICHIGAN !
” There is no indication in the criminal complaint that the men were inspired by Mr. Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether the men were angry about Governor Whitmer ’ s coronavirus orders .
The criminal complaint identified the six accused in the plot against Governor Whitmer as Adam Fox , Ty Garbin , Kaleb Franks , Daniel Harris , Brandon Caserta , all from Michigan , and Barry Croft , of Delaware .
All but Mr. Croft appeared Thursday in federal court in Grand Rapids .
They asked for court-appointed lawyers and were returned to jail to await detention hearings Tuesday .
Mr. Fox , who was described as one of the leaders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a vacuum shop in Grand Rapids .
The owner said Mr. Fox was opposed to wearing a mask during the pandemic and kept firearms and ammunition at the store .
“ He was anti-police , anti-government , ” Brian Titus told WOOD-TV .
“ He was afraid if he didn ’ t stand up for the Second Amendment and his rights that the country is going to go communism and socialism.
” The government said the plot against the governor appeared to have roots in a June gathering in Dublin , Ohio , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from several states , including Mr. Croft and Mr. Fox .
“ The group talked about creating a society that followed the U.S. Bill of Rights and where they could be self-sufficient , ” the FBI affidavit said .
“ They discussed different ways of achieving this goal from peaceful endeavors to violent actions .
... Several members talked about murdering ‘ tyrants ’ or ‘ taking ’ a sitting governor.
” The seven men charged in state court are accused of identifying the homes of law enforcement officers and making violent threats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Attorney General Dana Nessel said .
They were identified as Paul Bellar of Milford , Shawn Fix of Belleville , Eric Molitor of Cadillac , Michael Null of Plainwell , William Null of Shelbyville , and Pete Musico and Joseph Morrison , who live together in Munith .
According to the affidavit , Mr. Musico and Mr. Morrison are founding members of the Wolverine Watchmen , which authorities described as “ an anti-government , anti-law enforcement militia group.
” At least three of the 13 defendants were among some armed demonstrators @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 following a larger protest outside the Capitol against Governor Whitmer ’ s stay-at-home order , said Nessel spokeswoman Kelly Rossman-McKinney .
At the time , a senator said the men shouted down at senators who were meeting amid debate over extending the governor ’ s emergency declaration .
The identities of the three men were not immediately available .
The Watchmen have met periodically for firearms and tactical training in remote areas “ to prepare for the ‘ boogaloo , ’ a term referencing a violent uprising against the government or impending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police Det .
Sgt .
Michael Fink wrote in an affidavit .
Some boogaloo promoters insist they are not genuinely advocating for violence .
But the boogaloo has been linked to a recent string of domestic terrorism plots , including the arrests of three Nevada men accused of conspiring to incite violence during protests in Las Vegas .
Boogaloo supporters have shown up at protests against COVID-19 lockdown orders , and as counter protesters at protests against racial injustice , carrying rifles and wearing tactical gear over Hawaiian shirts .
Michigan became known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , when a number of loosely affiliated groups began organizing and training in rural areas .
They used short-wave radio , newsletters , and early internet connections to spread a message of resistance to what they contended was a conspiracy to impose world government and seize guns .
They gained notoriety after reports surfaced that Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols , convicted in the 1995 bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building , had met with group members , although their connections were murky .
“ That old militia world is still there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said J.J. MacNab , a fellow at George Washington University ’ s Program on Extremism .
Nonetheless , rallies at the Michigan Capitol against Governor Whitmer ’ s shutdown orders were recruiting events for such groups , said Mr. MacNab , who monitors their social media activity .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP reporters Michael Kunzelman in College Park , Maryland , and John Flesher in Traverse City , Michigan , contributed to this story .

Agents foiled a stunning plot to kidnap Michigan Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, authorities said Thursday in announcing charges in an alleged scheme that involved months of planning and even rehearsals to snatch her from her vacation home.
Six men were charged in federal court with conspiring to kidnap the governor before the Nov. 3 elections in reaction to what they viewed as her “uncontrolled power,” according to a federal complaint. Separately, seven others linked to a paramilitary group called the Wolverine Watchmen were charged in state court for allegedly seeking to storm the Michigan Capitol and incite a “civil war.”
The two groups trained together and planned “various acts of violence,” according to the state police.
Surveillance for the kidnapping plot took place in August and September, according to an FBI affidavit, and four of the men had planned to meet Wednesday to “make a payment on explosives and exchange tactical gear.”
The FBI quoted one of the men as saying Governor Whitmer “has no checks and balances at all. She has uncontrolled power right now. All good things must come to an end.”
Authorities said the plots were stopped with the work of undercover agents and informants. The men were arrested Wednesday night. The six charged in federal court face up to life in prison if convicted. The state terrorism charges the other seven men face carry a possible 20-year sentence.
Andrew Birge, the United States attorney in western Michigan, called the men “violent extremists.” They discussed detonating explosive devices – including under a highway bridge – to divert police from the area near the governor’s vacation home, and one of the men bought a Taser for use in the kidnapping, Mr. Birge said.
“All of us in Michigan can disagree about politics, but those disagreements should never, ever amount to violence. Violence has been prevented today,” Detroit U.S. Attorney Matthew Schneider told reporters.
A few hours later, Governor Whitmer pinned some blame on President Donald Trump, noting that he did not condemn white supremacists in last week’s debate with Joe Biden and instead told a far-right group to “stand back and stand by.”
“Hate groups heard the president’s words not as a rebuke but as a rallying cry, as a call to action,” Governor Whitmer said.
Mr. Trump tweeted that the governor “has done a terrible job” and again called on her to “open up your state.” He said he does not tolerate any extreme violence.
Governor Whitmer, who was considered as Mr. Biden’s running mate and is nearly halfway through a four-year term, has been widely praised for her response to the coronavirus but also sharply criticized by Republican lawmakers and people in conservative areas of the state. The Michigan Capitol has been the site of many rallies, including ones with gun-toting protesters calling for her ouster.
Governor Whitmer put major restrictions on personal movement and the economy, although many of those limits have been lifted since spring. The governor has exchanged barbs with Mr. Trump on social media, with the president declaring in April, “LIBERATE MICHIGAN!”
There is no indication in the criminal complaint that the men were inspired by Mr. Trump. Authorities also have not publicly said whether the men were angry about Governor Whitmer’s coronavirus orders.
The criminal complaint identified the six accused in the plot against Governor Whitmer as Adam Fox, Ty Garbin, Kaleb Franks, Daniel Harris, Brandon Caserta, all from Michigan, and Barry Croft, of Delaware. All but Mr. Croft appeared Thursday in federal court in Grand Rapids.
They asked for court-appointed lawyers and were returned to jail to await detention hearings Tuesday.
Mr. Fox, who was described as one of the leaders, was living in the basement of a vacuum shop in Grand Rapids. The owner said Mr. Fox was opposed to wearing a mask during the pandemic and kept firearms and ammunition at the store. “He was anti-police, anti-government,” Brian Titus told WOOD-TV. “He was afraid if he didn’t stand up for the Second Amendment and his rights that the country is going to go communism and socialism.”
The government said the plot against the governor appeared to have roots in a June gathering in Dublin, Ohio, attended by more than a dozen people from several states, including Mr. Croft and Mr. Fox.
“The group talked about creating a society that followed the U.S. Bill of Rights and where they could be self-sufficient,” the FBI affidavit said. “They discussed different ways of achieving this goal from peaceful endeavors to violent actions. ... Several members talked about murdering ‘tyrants’ or ‘taking’ a sitting governor.”
The seven men charged in state court are accused of identifying the homes of law enforcement officers and making violent threats “intended to instigate a civil war,” Attorney General Dana Nessel said.
They were identified as Paul Bellar of Milford, Shawn Fix of Belleville, Eric Molitor of Cadillac, Michael Null of Plainwell, William Null of Shelbyville, and Pete Musico and Joseph Morrison, who live together in Munith. According to the affidavit, Mr. Musico and Mr. Morrison are founding members of the Wolverine Watchmen, which authorities described as “an anti-government, anti-law enforcement militia group.”
At least three of the 13 defendants were among some armed demonstrators who entered the Senate gallery on April 30 following a larger protest outside the Capitol against Governor Whitmer’s stay-at-home order, said Nessel spokeswoman Kelly Rossman-McKinney. At the time, a senator said the men shouted down at senators who were meeting amid debate over extending the governor’s emergency declaration. The identities of the three men were not immediately available.
The Watchmen have met periodically for firearms and tactical training in remote areas “to prepare for the ‘boogaloo,’ a term referencing a violent uprising against the government or impending politically motivated civil war,” state police Det. Sgt. Michael Fink wrote in an affidavit.
Some boogaloo promoters insist they are not genuinely advocating for violence. But the boogaloo has been linked to a recent string of domestic terrorism plots, including the arrests of three Nevada men accused of conspiring to incite violence during protests in Las Vegas.
Boogaloo supporters have shown up at protests against COVID-19 lockdown orders, and as counter protesters at protests against racial injustice, carrying rifles and wearing tactical gear over Hawaiian shirts.
Michigan became known for anti-government paramilitary activity in the mid-1990s, when a number of loosely affiliated groups began organizing and training in rural areas. They used short-wave radio, newsletters, and early internet connections to spread a message of resistance to what they contended was a conspiracy to impose world government and seize guns.
They gained notoriety after reports surfaced that Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, convicted in the 1995 bombing of the Oklahoma City federal building, had met with group members, although their connections were murky.
“That old militia world is still there, but kind of long in tooth,” said J.J. MacNab, a fellow at George Washington University’s Program on Extremism.
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Nonetheless, rallies at the Michigan Capitol against Governor Whitmer’s shutdown orders were recruiting events for such groups, said Mr. MacNab, who monitors their social media activity.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP reporters Michael Kunzelman in College Park, Maryland, and John Flesher in Traverse City, Michigan, contributed to this story.


csmonitor--2020-10-09--Trump needs older voters on Nov. 3 – but he's losing them

Many older Americans have turned away from President Donald Trump this year as the coronavirus ravages the country , eroding an important Republican support base that helped propel him into the White House in 2016 , polling data shows .
Mr. Trump and his Democratic opponent Joe Biden now split American voters aged 55 years and older almost evenly : 47 % say they are voting for Mr. Biden on Nov. 3 while 46 % back Mr. Trump , according to Reuters/Ipsos national surveys in September and October .
That could be an alarming sign for the president , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go before the election .
Republicans have relied on the support of older Americans in national elections for years , routinely benefiting from a demographic that consistently shows up in force on Election Day .
Mr. Trump won the 55-plus age group by 13 percentage points in 2016 , according to exit polls .
Mitt Romney , the Republican presidential nominee in 2012 , achieved the same margin .
Reuters/Ipsos state polls also show Mr. Biden outperforming Hillary Clinton , the 2016 Democratic presidential nominee , among older voters in a handful of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an outsized proportion of the electorate .
Winning those states will be critical to the outcome of the 2020 race : whoever takes the most battleground states will be on track to win the Electoral College and the White House .
Mr. Biden is beating Mr. Trump among older voters in Wisconsin by 10 points and drawing about the same amount of support as Mr. Trump is with that demographic in Pennsylvania , Michigan , Florida , and Arizona , according to the state polls conducted in mid-September and early October .
Four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters in each of those states by 10 to 29 points .
Half of the older voters in the five battleground states blamed the high number of COVID-19 cases and deaths in the country – nearly 7.6 million cases and more than 210,000 deaths – on “ poor leadership and policy decisions from President Trump , ” the polls show .
Randy Bode , 59 , a Republican in Douglas , Arizona , who voted for Trump in 2016 , said he was disappointed with Mr. Trump ’ s suggestion that people could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ He shouldn ’ t be saying the things he ’ s saying ” about the coronavirus , he said .
Mr .
Bode , who is now undecided , is also concerned about Mr. Trump ’ s efforts to repeal the Affordable Care Act and how that would leave millions of Americans without health insurance during a health crisis .
“ He ’ s had four years to come up with a plan , and he hasn ’ t done it , ” he said .
Mr. Trump ’ s standing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the novel coronavirus swept the country , closing thousands of businesses and overwhelming the health care system that seniors rely on more than others .
Sixty-one percent said this week in a national Reuters/Ipsos poll that they disapprove of the president ’ s handling of the coronavirus , up 12 percentage points from May .
And Mr. Trump ’ s net approval for his response to the virus dropped among all Americans to its lowest level since Reuters started asking the question in early March .
Among older Americans , 83 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus poses to their personal health and safety .
“ Seniors were much more worried about COVID than younger Americans , ” said Alex Conant , a Republican strategist whose firm has spotted a similar trend in its polling data .
Mr. Trump ’ s campaign has been working to stop the bleeding , and last weekend he dispatched Vice President Mike Pence to campaign at The Villages , the conservative retirement community in central Florida .
On Thursday , while still convalescing at the White House from his recent coronavirus infection , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a video , calling them his “ favorite people in the world ” and pledging to make new virus-fighting drugs available to them for free .
“ You are vulnerable and so am I , ” Mr. Trump said .
“ We ’ re going to take care of our seniors.
” The Trump campaign pointed to an executive order he signed last year aimed at bolstering Medicare , the national insurance program for Americans 65 and older .
“ President Trump and his administration remain laser-focused on protecting our most vulnerable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior citizens , ” said Ken Farnaso , a Trump campaign spokesman .
Mr. Biden is also pitching directly to older voters , particularly in Arizona and Florida .
His campaign has been running ads featuring a Florida couple who can ’ t see their grandchildren because of the pandemic .
Other ads have focused on Mr. Trump ’ s threat to eliminate the payroll tax , which funds Social Security .
Mr. Conant said Mr. Trump needs to figure out how to bring seniors back into the fold – and fast .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ he said .
“ Trump will not win without strong support from senior voters.
” This story was reported by Reuters .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Many older Americans have turned away from President Donald Trump this year as the coronavirus ravages the country, eroding an important Republican support base that helped propel him into the White House in 2016, polling data shows.
Mr. Trump and his Democratic opponent Joe Biden now split American voters aged 55 years and older almost evenly: 47% say they are voting for Mr. Biden on Nov. 3 while 46% back Mr. Trump, according to Reuters/Ipsos national surveys in September and October.
That could be an alarming sign for the president, who trails Mr. Biden with 25 days to go before the election.
Republicans have relied on the support of older Americans in national elections for years, routinely benefiting from a demographic that consistently shows up in force on Election Day.
Mr. Trump won the 55-plus age group by 13 percentage points in 2016, according to exit polls. Mitt Romney, the Republican presidential nominee in 2012, achieved the same margin.
Reuters/Ipsos state polls also show Mr. Biden outperforming Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic presidential nominee, among older voters in a handful of battleground states, where seniors make up an outsized proportion of the electorate.
Winning those states will be critical to the outcome of the 2020 race: whoever takes the most battleground states will be on track to win the Electoral College and the White House.
Mr. Biden is beating Mr. Trump among older voters in Wisconsin by 10 points and drawing about the same amount of support as Mr. Trump is with that demographic in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Florida, and Arizona, according to the state polls conducted in mid-September and early October.
Four years ago, Mr. Trump won older voters in each of those states by 10 to 29 points.
Half of the older voters in the five battleground states blamed the high number of COVID-19 cases and deaths in the country – nearly 7.6 million cases and more than 210,000 deaths – on “poor leadership and policy decisions from President Trump,” the polls show.
Randy Bode, 59, a Republican in Douglas, Arizona, who voted for Trump in 2016, said he was disappointed with Mr. Trump’s suggestion that people could protect themselves from COVID-19 by drinking bleach.
“He shouldn’t be saying the things he’s saying” about the coronavirus, he said.
Mr. Bode, who is now undecided, is also concerned about Mr. Trump’s efforts to repeal the Affordable Care Act and how that would leave millions of Americans without health insurance during a health crisis.
“He’s had four years to come up with a plan, and he hasn’t done it,” he said.
A deteriorating base
Mr. Trump’s standing with older Americans has deteriorated this year as the novel coronavirus swept the country, closing thousands of businesses and overwhelming the health care system that seniors rely on more than others.
Sixty-one percent said this week in a national Reuters/Ipsos poll that they disapprove of the president’s handling of the coronavirus, up 12 percentage points from May. And Mr. Trump’s net approval for his response to the virus dropped among all Americans to its lowest level since Reuters started asking the question in early March.
Among older Americans, 83% were concerned about the threat that the coronavirus poses to their personal health and safety.
“Seniors were much more worried about COVID than younger Americans,” said Alex Conant, a Republican strategist whose firm has spotted a similar trend in its polling data.
Mr. Trump’s campaign has been working to stop the bleeding, and last weekend he dispatched Vice President Mike Pence to campaign at The Villages, the conservative retirement community in central Florida.
On Thursday, while still convalescing at the White House from his recent coronavirus infection, the president addressed America’s seniors in a video, calling them his “favorite people in the world” and pledging to make new virus-fighting drugs available to them for free.
“You are vulnerable and so am I,” Mr. Trump said. “We’re going to take care of our seniors.”
The Trump campaign pointed to an executive order he signed last year aimed at bolstering Medicare, the national insurance program for Americans 65 and older.
“President Trump and his administration remain laser-focused on protecting our most vulnerable citizens, including our nation’s senior citizens,” said Ken Farnaso, a Trump campaign spokesman.
Mr. Biden is also pitching directly to older voters, particularly in Arizona and Florida.
His campaign has been running ads featuring a Florida couple who can’t see their grandchildren because of the pandemic. Other ads have focused on Mr. Trump’s threat to eliminate the payroll tax, which funds Social Security.
Mr. Conant said Mr. Trump needs to figure out how to bring seniors back into the fold – and fast.
“It’s crucial,” he said. “Trump will not win without strong support from senior voters.”
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This story was reported by Reuters.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-07--The four-year shadow of Nov. 8, 2016

The four-year shadow of Nov. 8, 2016

There ’ s a shadow hanging over Washington .
It ’ s the shadow of 2016 .
Elected officials , aides , consultants , journalists – four years ago , so many political people thought Hillary Clinton was going to win .
Donald Trump ?
President ?
Some election forecast models virtually wrote him off .
Very few people noticed , or really believed , that underlying key polls were bouncing around and tightening as Election Day approached .
The memory of those misperceptions is one of the main reasons you don ’ t hear more whispers about what Politico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s worst kept secret : ” the widespread belief that President Trump is now headed for defeat .
After all , the numbers facing the president are brutal .
He ’ s losing in key polls by large margins .
And those numbers are more stable than they were four years ago – or getting worse .
The topline is that President Trump is now 9 points behind in the FiveThirtyEight average of major national polls .
In a just-released CNN survey Mr. Trump is 16 points behind Joe Biden .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any presidential survey in the 21st century .
Yes , we ’ re cherry-picking one poll there .
But the underlying demographics are terrible for the Trump campaign .
Four years ago , Mr. Trump won seniors by nine points over Hillary Clinton .
The latest polls show him losing this group to Joe Biden by twenty points or more .
Men , overall , prefer President Trump .
But women are deserting him in such numbers that barring a big change the 2020 election will feature the largest gender gap since women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 19th Amendment .
All this means the path for a Joe Biden victory is becoming clearer .
He now leads in Pennsylvania by an average of 8 points in major polls , according to the New York Times Upshot calculations .
He leads in Wisconsin by 8 , Minnesota by 11 , and Michigan by 8 .
If he wins those states , as well as all the others won by Mrs. Clinton in 2016 , it ’ s game over .
And yet , and yet .
.
.
2016 !
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him a more sympathetic figure .
Mr. Biden might stumble in a debate .
The polls might be flat wrong .
This uncertainty is why the FiveThirtyEight election forecast still gives Mr. Trump a 17 % chance of winning , according to founding editor Nate Silver .
That “ isn ’ t bad , ” he tweeted on Wednesday .
But the polls per se ?
They point to “ the biggest landslide since 1984 , ” according to Mr. Silver .
Let us know what you ’ re thinking at csmpolitics @ @ @

Dear readers:
There’s a shadow hanging over Washington. It’s the shadow of 2016.
Elected officials, aides, consultants, journalists – four years ago, so many political people thought Hillary Clinton was going to win. Donald Trump? President? Some election forecast models virtually wrote him off. Very few people noticed, or really believed, that underlying key polls were bouncing around and tightening as Election Day approached.
The memory of those misperceptions is one of the main reasons you don’t hear more whispers about what Politico’s Ryan Lizza calls “Washington’s worst kept secret:” the widespread belief that President Trump is now headed for defeat.
After all, the numbers facing the president are brutal. He’s losing in key polls by large margins. And those numbers are more stable than they were four years ago – or getting worse.
The topline is that President Trump is now 9 points behind in the FiveThirtyEight average of major national polls. In a just-released CNN survey Mr. Trump is 16 points behind Joe Biden. That’s the largest October deficit in any presidential survey in the 21st century.
Yes, we’re cherry-picking one poll there. But the underlying demographics are terrible for the Trump campaign. Four years ago, Mr. Trump won seniors by nine points over Hillary Clinton. The latest polls show him losing this group to Joe Biden by twenty points or more.
Men, overall, prefer President Trump. But women are deserting him in such numbers that barring a big change the 2020 election will feature the largest gender gap since women won the right to vote with the 19th Amendment.
All this means the path for a Joe Biden victory is becoming clearer. He now leads in Pennsylvania by an average of 8 points in major polls, according to the New York Times Upshot calculations. He leads in Wisconsin by 8, Minnesota by 11, and Michigan by 8. If he wins those states, as well as all the others won by Mrs. Clinton in 2016, it’s game over.
And yet, and yet . . . 2016! Mr. Trump’s coronavirus diagnosis might make him a more sympathetic figure. Mr. Biden might stumble in a debate. The polls might be flat wrong.
This uncertainty is why the FiveThirtyEight election forecast still gives Mr. Trump a 17% chance of winning, according to founding editor Nate Silver. That “isn’t bad,” he tweeted on Wednesday.
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But the polls per se? They point to “the biggest landslide since 1984,” according to Mr. Silver.
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.


csmonitor--2020-10-13--Korean American experience resonates in ‘The Prince of Mournful Thoughts’

“ There is so much I wish to make my daughter understand , but can not , ” an immigrant father muses about his pregnant daughter .
“ I am sure she feels much the same way.
” That disconnect between generations , between cultures , between histories , looms in Caroline Kim ’ s stupendous debut , “ The Prince of Mournful Thoughts and Other Stories.
” Winner of the 2020 Drue Heinz Literature Prize , one of the nation ’ s preeminent awards for short fiction , Kim was chosen by lauded novelist and essayist Alexander Chee ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) with whom Kim shares a Korean American heritage .
“ I wanted to read stories about what I felt was missing for myself : stories about Korea , what it was like in the past and during the war , ” Kim said in an interview that accompanied the prize announcement .
“ I [ also ] yearned for stories where the POV came from a person like me : Korean , American , middle-aged , a mother , an immigrant , [ and ] an outsider.
” Almost two decades in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a story every few years – the result is a breathtaking literary accomplishment .
A rarity among first , second , or even tenth collections , Kim maintains enviously superb quality throughout the dozen stories , in which she varies geographies ( Korea , California , France ) , time periods ( 18th century to the future ) , and multiple generations .
The most emotionally resonant among the stories is perhaps “ Picasso ’ s Blue Period , ” featuring the immigrant Korean father longing for mutual understanding with his Westernized daughter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first-time grandfather .
As he waits first in his daughter ’ s sleek California home and then at the hospital where the birth happens sooner than anticipated , the father recalls the family ’ s early immigration experiences and how , decades before , another pregnancy resulted in a drastically different outcome .
Pregnancy also dominates “ Arirang , ” in which a young wife in pre-war Korea knows that her only hope of being treated as more than an overworked servant is to produce a son .
Meanwhile , the village is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a beautiful young mother of four who is pregnant yet again , this time – despite fervent protestations – not by the husband who comes home only once a month .
Mental health , a taboo topic in traditional Asian families , takes the narrative spotlight in multiple stories , including “ Magdalena , ” about the abandonment of a recently arrived immigrant wife and mother by her family , who choose this course of action rather than attempt to address her growing mental difficulties ; and “ Therapy Robot , ” in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ replaced by always-available , programmed-to-be-empathetic machines .
The title story , “ The Prince of Mournful Thoughts , ” is told in the voice of a nobleman who recounts his years of serving Crown Prince Sado , once heir to the Yi Dynasty in mid-1700s Korea .
The rendering of Prince Sado ’ s tragic life is , for the most part , historically accurate , adapted with some liberties : The real Prince Sado ’ s fatal temper and murderous behavior worsened as his emperor father distanced himself further from his dangerously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ son ’ s execution in his late 20s .
That ubiquitous , timeless longing for connection haunts Kim ’ s narratives throughout : Her characters , she reflects , “ find themselves uprooted from where they began , looking for the place that will feel like home.
” For Busan-born Kim – who immigrated to the United States at an early age and has lived on the East Coast , in the Midwest , and in Texas – home is now northern California .
Over decades , she ’ s honed her writing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a master ’ s degree in fiction .
Her current pursuit of a graduate degree in counseling surely inspires insightful on-the-page conversations .
Attuned to words both written and spoken , Kim composes with intelligence , clarity , and , occasionally , impeccably timed humor .
Her cast of memorable characters includes the disappointed and determined , the contemplative and thwarted – all of them searching for connection .
And for the fortunate few , finding it .

“There is so much I wish to make my daughter understand, but cannot,” an immigrant father muses about his pregnant daughter. “I am sure she feels much the same way.”
That disconnect between generations, between cultures, between histories, looms in Caroline Kim’s stupendous debut, “The Prince of Mournful Thoughts and Other Stories.”
Winner of the 2020 Drue Heinz Literature Prize, one of the nation’s preeminent awards for short fiction, Kim was chosen by lauded novelist and essayist Alexander Chee (“The Queen of the Night”) with whom Kim shares a Korean American heritage.
“I wanted to read stories about what I felt was missing for myself: stories about Korea, what it was like in the past and during the war,” Kim said in an interview that accompanied the prize announcement. “I [also] yearned for stories where the POV came from a person like me: Korean, American, middle-aged, a mother, an immigrant, [and] an outsider.”
Almost two decades in the making – she says she wrote a story every few years – the result is a breathtaking literary accomplishment. A rarity among first, second, or even tenth collections, Kim maintains enviously superb quality throughout the dozen stories, in which she varies geographies (Korea, California, France), time periods (18th century to the future), and multiple generations.
The most emotionally resonant among the stories is perhaps “Picasso’s Blue Period,” featuring the immigrant Korean father longing for mutual understanding with his Westernized daughter who is about to make him a first-time grandfather. As he waits first in his daughter’s sleek California home and then at the hospital where the birth happens sooner than anticipated, the father recalls the family’s early immigration experiences and how, decades before, another pregnancy resulted in a drastically different outcome.
Pregnancy also dominates “Arirang,” in which a young wife in pre-war Korea knows that her only hope of being treated as more than an overworked servant is to produce a son. Meanwhile, the village is already aflame with the latest gossip about a beautiful young mother of four who is pregnant yet again, this time – despite fervent protestations – not by the husband who comes home only once a month.
Mental health, a taboo topic in traditional Asian families, takes the narrative spotlight in multiple stories, including “Magdalena,” about the abandonment of a recently arrived immigrant wife and mother by her family, who choose this course of action rather than attempt to address her growing mental difficulties; and “Therapy Robot,” in which expensive, face-to-face counseling sessions are replaced by always-available, programmed-to-be-empathetic machines.
The title story, “The Prince of Mournful Thoughts,” is told in the voice of a nobleman who recounts his years of serving Crown Prince Sado, once heir to the Yi Dynasty in mid-1700s Korea. The rendering of Prince Sado’s tragic life is, for the most part, historically accurate, adapted with some liberties: The real Prince Sado’s fatal temper and murderous behavior worsened as his emperor father distanced himself further from his dangerously unpredictable son, eventually leading to the son’s execution in his late 20s.
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That ubiquitous, timeless longing for connection haunts Kim’s narratives throughout: Her characters, she reflects, “find themselves uprooted from where they began, looking for the place that will feel like home.” For Busan-born Kim – who immigrated to the United States at an early age and has lived on the East Coast, in the Midwest, and in Texas – home is now northern California. Over decades, she’s honed her writing with both an MFA in poetry and a master’s degree in fiction. Her current pursuit of a graduate degree in counseling surely inspires insightful on-the-page conversations. Attuned to words both written and spoken, Kim composes with intelligence, clarity, and, occasionally, impeccably timed humor. Her cast of memorable characters includes the disappointed and determined, the contemplative and thwarted – all of them searching for connection. And for the fortunate few, finding it.
Terry Hong writes BookDragon, a book blog for the Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Center.


csmonitor--2020-10-13--His appetite was legendary, his influence on food was lasting

James Beard has been called the Dean of American Cookery and America ’ s first foodie .
In his juicy new biography , “ The Man Who Ate Too Much : The Life of James Beard , ” John Birdsall paints a portrait of an epicure who was “ devoted to pleasure at the table as an essential part of the good life ” – but also of a public persona who had to hide a part of himself in an era of rampant homophobia .
Beard ( 1903-1985 ) , known for his robust appetite and encyclopedic knowledge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mid-20th century culinary world .
His influence helped seed the current farm-to-table movement and the popularity of farmers ’ markets .
Birdsall writes that Beard , who weighed close to 300 pounds , “ owned his indulgence.
” His 1946 cooking show , the first on national television , was called “ I Love to Eat.
” At a time when industrially processed frozen foods and TV dinners were the rage , Beard was an early and adamant proponent of fresh ingredients .
He championed taste over convenience in his many cookbooks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cooking classes , creating “ a rough blueprint for what writers a quarter of a century later would dub New American.
” But Birdsall , who won a James Beard Award for his 2014 essay , “ America , Your Food Is So Gay , ” writes of a darker side of Beard ’ s life : the strain of keeping his homosexuality carefully under wraps .
Although Beard came out to his mother and friends at an early age , during his freshman year he was expelled from Reed College in Portland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience devastated him , and led indirectly to the creation of an avuncular figure whose “ only lust was for food.
” Birdsall ’ s biography determinedly excavates what Beard and his friends tried to cover up permanently .
This includes his decades-long , choppy relationship with Italian-born architectural draftsman-turned-pastry chef Gino Cofacci , with whom he shared his Greenwich Village townhouse , albeit in separate apartments .
“ The Man Who Ate Too Much ” can be viewed as a sort of companion volume to David Leavitt ’ s 2006 biography of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Man Who Knew Too Much ” – though Turing ’ s persecution for his homosexuality had far more serious consequences .
This essentially chronological biography opens with a vivid ( if overly long ) account of 10-year-old James ’ annual spring migration with his mother from their gloomy home in Portland to the bliss of oysters and long swims in coastal Gearhart Park .
His iconoclastic , English-born mother , Elizabeth , was a seminal influence .
A businesswoman who ran a Portland guest house known for its good food , she married @ @ @ @ @ @ @ customs house inspector , because she wanted a child .
The marriage was a disaster .
Her great love was a woman she rarely saw , and her life “ was a never-ending revolt against anyone who ever tried to enclose her.
” Beard ’ s story highlights life ’ s unpredictability .
His early ambition was to become an opera singer , but he failed his conservatory tryout in London .
His attempts at a theatrical career were also “ fruitless and frustrating.
” His 20s and 30s were filled with odd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ girls ’ school , working in the interior decorating department of a Portland store , playing an extra in movie crowd scenes in which he stood out by virtue of his size .
It was in New York City that he parlayed his ability to cook into a career .
A social creature , he made crucial connections on the party circuit , which led to the creation of a catering company , Hors d ’ Oeuvre , Inc. , which in turn led to his first book contract .
More cookbook contracts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dirty secrets that Birdsall reveals in this warts-and-all portrait .
Beard ’ s manuscripts were a mess , requiring extensive editing that essentially amounted to co-authorship .
His ghostwriters , who helped shape Beard ’ s voice as a “ spirited yet pedantic professor , ” received a cut of the advance , but that was usually it : No royalties , never mind bylines .
Beard , Birdsall tells us repeatedly , was notoriously “ stingy with acknowledgments.
” This extended to crediting the sources of his recipes .
He borrowed without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ verbatim , and also plagiarized himself , reprinting his own recipes in book after book with only minor tweaks , if any .
Birdsall doesn ’ t excuse him but explains that “ curation was James ’ s mode of authorship.
” What comes through in this sometimes sobering portrait is that the impresario was overextended .
Beard rarely said no to a project , even when faced with ridiculously tight deadlines .
Although he was good at delegating , he often felt burned out , depressed , and lonely .
Birdsall ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – like the centerpieces of bread dough slowly rising at Beard ’ s 80th birthday celebration – but there are some noticeable gaps .
Less focus on Beard ’ s book deals and more of his recipes would have been welcome .
So , too , would consideration of his central role in the creation of the remarkable Four Seasons restaurant .
Also missing is a nod to the James Beard Foundation , which carries on Beard ’ s legacy by nurturing chefs and food writers , in part with its annual awards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And what a legacy it is .
“ Beard argued for taste , ” Birdsall writes in this rich biography .
“ He made food central to American identity.
” In addition to The Christian Science Monitor , Heller McAlpin reviews books regularly for NPR , The Wall Street Journal , and The Los Angeles Times .

James Beard has been called the Dean of American Cookery and America’s first foodie. In his juicy new biography, “The Man Who Ate Too Much: The Life of James Beard,” John Birdsall paints a portrait of an epicure who was “devoted to pleasure at the table as an essential part of the good life” – but also of a public persona who had to hide a part of himself in an era of rampant homophobia.
Beard (1903-1985), known for his robust appetite and encyclopedic knowledge of food, was a huge presence in the mid-20th century culinary world. His influence helped seed the current farm-to-table movement and the popularity of farmers’ markets. Birdsall writes that Beard, who weighed close to 300 pounds, “owned his indulgence.” His 1946 cooking show, the first on national television, was called “I Love to Eat.”
At a time when industrially processed frozen foods and TV dinners were the rage, Beard was an early and adamant proponent of fresh ingredients. He championed taste over convenience in his many cookbooks, countless magazine columns, and popular cooking classes, creating “a rough blueprint for what writers a quarter of a century later would dub New American.”
But Birdsall, who won a James Beard Award for his 2014 essay, “America, Your Food Is So Gay,” writes of a darker side of Beard’s life: the strain of keeping his homosexuality carefully under wraps. Although Beard came out to his mother and friends at an early age, during his freshman year he was expelled from Reed College in Portland, Oregon, for homosexuality. The experience devastated him, and led indirectly to the creation of an avuncular figure whose “only lust was for food.”
Birdsall’s biography determinedly excavates what Beard and his friends tried to cover up permanently. This includes his decadeslong, choppy relationship with Italian-born architectural draftsman-turned-pastry chef Gino Cofacci, with whom he shared his Greenwich Village townhouse albeit in separate apartments.
“The Man Who Ate Too Much” can be viewed as a sort of companion volume to David Leavitt’s 2006 biography of computer scientist Alan Turing, “The Man Who Knew Too Much” – though Turing’s persecution for his homosexuality had far more serious consequences.
This essentially chronological biography opens with a vivid (if overly long) account of 10-year-old James’ annual spring migration with his mother from their gloomy home in Portland to the bliss of oysters and long swims in coastal Gearhart Park.
His iconoclastic, English-born mother, Elizabeth, was a seminal influence. A businesswoman who ran a Portland guest house known for its good food, she married Beard’s widowed father, a customs house inspector, because she wanted a child. The marriage was a disaster. Her great love was a woman she rarely saw, and her life “was a never-ending revolt against anyone who ever tried to enclose her.”
Beard’s story highlights life’s unpredictability. His early ambition was to become an opera singer, but he failed his conservatory tryout in London. His attempts at a theatrical career were also “fruitless and frustrating.” His 20s and 30s were filled with odd jobs – teaching drama at a private girls’ school, working in the interior decorating department of a Portland store, playing an extra in movie crowd scenes in which he stood out by virtue of his size.
It was in New York City that he parlayed his ability to cook into a career. A social creature, he made crucial connections on the party circuit, which led to the creation of a catering company, Hors d’Oeuvre, Inc., which in turn led to his first book contract.
More cookbook contracts followed in rapid succession – despite some problematic practices that Birdsall reveals in this warts-and-all portrait. Beard’s manuscripts were a mess, requiring extensive editing that essentially amounted to co-authorship. His ghostwriters, who helped shape Beard’s voice as a “spirited yet pedantic professor,” received a cut of the advance, but that was usually it: No royalties, nevermind bylines.
Beard, Birdsall tells us repeatedly, was notoriously “stingy with acknowledgments.” This extended to crediting the sources of his recipes. He borrowed without permission from friends and associates, practically verbatim, and also reprinted his own recipes in book after book with only minor tweaks, if any. Birdsall doesn’t excuse him but explains that “curation was James’s mode of authorship.”
What comes through in this sometimes sobering portrait is that the impresario was overextended. Beard rarely said no to a project, even when faced with ridiculously tight deadlines. Although he was good at delegating, he often felt burned out, depressed, and lonely.
Birdsall’s book is replete with delicious details – like the centerpieces of bread dough slowly rising at Beard’s 80th birthday celebration – but there are some noticeable gaps. Less focus on Beard’s book deals and more of his recipes would have been welcome. So, too, would consideration of his central role in the creation of the remarkable Four Seasons restaurant. Also missing is a nod to the James Beard Foundation, which carries on Beard’s legacy by nurturing chefs and food writers, in part with its annual awards, the Oscars of the gastronomic sphere.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
And what a legacy it is. “Beard argued for taste,” Birdsall writes in this rich biography. “He made food central to American identity.”
In addition to The Christian Science Monitor, Heller McAlpin reviews books regularly for NPR, The Wall Street Journal, and The Los Angeles Times.


csmonitor--2020-10-13--Amy Coney Barrett: Scalia protege in outlook, not temperament

Given Judge Barrett ’ s collegial demeanor , her appointment to the bench could deliver not only an extra vote but more united conservative rulings .
At confirmation hearings this week , Democratic senators are casting President Donald Trump ’ s nomination of Judge Barrett as an attempt to circumvent the will of voters , who have already begun casting ballots .
Republicans , they say , are ramming through a devout Catholic nominee who will support conservative policy goals that the GOP has been unable to achieve from Congress or the White House .
“ She would want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Traci Lovitt , who clerked for Justice Sandra Day O ’ Connor and is now a partner with Jones Day .
“ Even if you disagreed with her , you walked away still respectful of Amy.
” When Amy Coney Barrett clerked for Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia in 1998 , she embraced his originalist judicial philosophy that interpreted the Constitution according to the meaning at its time of ratification .
But unlike her famously irascible boss , the young Ms. Barrett was widely seen as approachable .
Her views were frequently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberal justices who thought the Constitution should be interpreted according to the times .
Jennifer Brady , a centrist Democrat and former English professor at Rhodes College , can ’ t reconcile two things : her strong admiration for Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett – one of the top two students she had in 36 years of teaching – and her deep concern about Senate Republicans pushing through her nomination so late in an election year .
“ Had the Republicans not cynically blocked [ President Barack Obama ’ s 2016 ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would have been unproblematic , ” says Professor Brady .
“ Amy is a self-professed Scalia protégé , but without his abrasiveness.
” Indeed , Judge Barrett shares the originalist judicial philosophy exemplified by the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia , but approaches her work with a far more collegial demeanor than her famously irascible former boss .
Former colleagues and legal experts say that could enable her to build greater consensus among fellow justices , meaning that if the Senate confirms her nomination , she may deliver not only an extra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ combination will be “ scary for liberals , ” posited Harvard law professor Noah Feldman , who clerked with Judge Barrett and endorsed her in a recent op-ed despite largely disagreeing with her judicial philosophy .
At confirmation hearings this week before a socially distanced Senate Judiciary Committee , Democratic senators are casting President Donald Trump ’ s eleventh-hour nomination of Judge Barrett as an attempt to circumvent the will of the people and ram through a nominee who will support conservative policy goals that the Republican Party has been unable to achieve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chief among those is striking down the Affordable Care Act , which the Supreme Court is set to review beginning Nov. 10 .
Democrats are also particularly concerned that Judge Barrett would support overturning Roe v. Wade , the landmark case enshrining a woman ’ s right to abortion .
An additional disclosure Judge Barrett provided to the committee Oct. 9 includes a copy of an ad she and other members of Notre Dame ’ s University Faculty for Life group signed calling for “ the unborn to be protected in law and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ replacing Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg with someone who will undo her legacy , President Trump is attempting to roll back Americans ’ rights for decades to come , ” said California Sen. Kamala Harris , a member of the Judiciary Committee and Joe Biden ’ s running mate .
“ Every American must understand that with this nomination , equal justice under law is at stake.
” Judge Barrett , a devout Roman Catholic who graduated at the top of her class from the University of Notre Dame law school , got her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Laurence Silberman , a circuit judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington , D.C. Judge Silberman took her and other clerks under his wing , mentoring them over the bad cafeteria food at the Department of Labor , where he had formerly worked .
Her position there opened the way for her to clerk for Justice Scalia , a lion of conservative jurisprudence .
He became both reviled and beloved as a leading voice for originalism and textualism , which hold that the Constitution and statutory law should be interpreted according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time of passage .
The young Ms. Barrett embraced her mentor ’ s judicial philosophy .
Yet her views were frequently sought by her fellow clerks , including those working for liberal justices who saw the Constitution as a living document that should be interpreted according to the times .
Traci Lovitt , a fellow clerk during that 1998 term , says Ms. Barrett was very good at distilling the key legal principles at the heart of a case .
“ No matter what their legal philosophy was – everyone wanted to talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , now a partner with Jones Day who recalls clerks congregating around her at the long lunch tables in the Supreme Court where they would all eat together most days .
One reason for that , she adds , was that Ms. Barrett was approachable and kind – a trait not necessarily shared by all in the ultra-competitive group of several dozen top law school grads .
“ She would want to hear everybody ’ s views , talk through the critical issues , and was very respectful of everyone ’ s opinion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked for Sandra Day O ’ Connor and saw some cases differently than Ms. Barrett , her jogging partner .
“ Even if you disagreed with her , you walked away still respectful of Amy.
” By the end of the year , their jogs down the Washington Mall came to include female clerks for five different justices , including liberal Stephen Breyer .
After a stint in private practice , Ms. Barrett was recruited to teach at her alma mater .
Only 30 at the time , she donned glasses to look @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gained respect , earning the school ’ s professor of the year award three times .
As she and her husband , fellow lawyer Jesse Barrett , started a family , she would keep a basket of toys in her office .
With two children adopted from Haiti and five biological ones , including a son diagnosed with Down syndrome , her ability to juggle family and professional responsibilities – as well as volunteer for everything from carpooling to classroom mom to mock trial coach – has drawn a mixture of awe and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Barrett ’ s aunt has pitched in on child care for more than 15 years . )
The Barretts are also reportedly members of People of Praise , a charismatic group that is ecumenical but largely comprised of Catholics .
Members make a lifelong covenant to their fellow worshippers and to God , raising questions for some about whether that commitment would affect Judge Barrett ’ s impartiality on the bench .
And even fellow Catholics have raised questions about appointing a sixth Catholic judge to a nine-justice court in a country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the population but play an outsize role in the conservative legal movement .
In 2019 , two years after Judge Barrett was grilled by Democratic senators in her confirmation hearing for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit , she said in a talk hosted by Hillsdale College that questions about faith have no place in the confirmation process , citing the Constitution ’ s ban on religious tests for public officers .
While the public should be “ absolutely concerned ” about whether a judge would be able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moral , political , or religious – she added , it would be wrong to imply that “ people of faith would have a uniquely difficult time separating out their moral commitments from their obligation to apply the law.
” The example of John Adams In that same Hillsdale speech , she anchored her views about the duty of a judge in the example of John Adams , an ardent critic of British rule who nevertheless agreed to defend eight British soldiers accused of murder in the 1770 Boston Massacre when no one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facts are stubborn things , ” Adams said during the trial , “ and whatever may be our wishes , our inclinations , or the dictates of our passion , they can not alter the state of facts and evidence.
” All eight soldiers were acquitted of murder , with two declared guilty of manslaughter , a less serious charge .
Though Adams couldn ’ t have felt a lot of sympathy for the soldiers , she noted , he believed it was vital that they receive a fair trial .
That lesson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a judge .
“ A judge is obligated to apply the law as it is and not as she wishes it would be , ” said Judge Barrett , who echoed the point in her opening statement this week .
“ She is obliged to follow the law , even when her personal preferences cut the other way , or when she will experience great public criticism for doing so.
” Colleagues and former students praise her ability to bring out the best legal arguments on both sides of a question – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by going toe-to-toe with Justice Scalia as he prepared for oral arguments .
“ In faculty meetings , she was never one to be polarizing – she was always the one who took people ’ s opinion seriously , regardless of where they came from , ” says Nicole Stelle Garnett , a Notre Dame law professor and friend of Judge Barrett since they were clerks together on the Supreme Court in 1998 .
“ I think that ’ s what you see in her opinions , I think that ’ s what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and colleague , I think that ’ s what you ’ ll see of her as a justice.
” Chase Giacomo , a combat veteran who took a class from her in his first year of law school before transferring to Harvard , said she reminded him of his West Point professors , who put serving the country above ideology .
“ She worked very diligently to never infuse the classroom with her personal views , ” he says .
“ I think she was so purposeful in not doing that , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t serve a party , justice doesn ’ t serve a race , justice doesn ’ t serve a religion – justice is for everyone.
” But Senate Democrats are deeply concerned that the appointment of a Scalia protégé would undermine the rights accorded to women , minorities , and the LGBTQ community through decades of court battles .
At the Sept. 26 Rose Garden ceremony when President Trump introduced Judge Barrett as his nominee , she said that “ [ Justice Scalia ’ s ] judicial philosophy is mine , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think we ’ ve always had that much candor , ” says Richard Garnett , a professor of law and political science at Notre Dame University in Indiana and husband of Nicole .
“ I think people have a pretty good touchstone for starting to approach how she would deal with both statutory and constitutional questions.
” But in her hearing today , Judge Barrett refused to answer questions about whether she would rule the same way her mentor had , including on hot-button issues like abortion , same-sex marriage , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were confirmed , you would be getting Justice Barrett , not Justice Scalia , ” she told California Sen. Dianne Feinstein , the committee ’ s ranking member .
“ I don ’ t think that anybody should assume that just because Justice Scalia decided a decision a certain way that I would , too.
” Citing rules governing sitting judges such as herself , as well as Justice Ginsberg ’ s maxim for confirmation hearings – “ no hints , no forecasts , no previews ” – she declined to answer questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases .
Senator Feinstein expressed disappointment that Judge Barrett would not distance herself from Justice Scalia ’ s position on the “ hard-won freedoms and protections for the LGBTQ community , ” calling it a fundamental point for many Americans .
“ What I was hoping you would say is that this would be a point of difference where those freedoms would be respected , ” said Senator Feinstein .
“ You have not said that.
” Sen. Chris Coons of Delaware and others also questioned her over a 2017 scholarly article in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case on the Affordable Care Act , NFIB v. Sebelius , Chief Justice John Roberts had pushed the ACA “ beyond its plausible meaning to save the statute.
” With another ACA case on the court ’ s docket next month , Senator Coons expressed concern Judge Barrett saw the statute as unconstitutional and , if confirmed according to the GOP timetable , she would vote to strike it down .
She responded that she holds no hostility toward the ACA , and noted that the November case involves a different legal principle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have accused one another of seeking to use the Supreme Court to circumvent the slower process of legislative change , in which lawmakers are directly accountable to voters .
“ Republicans are trying to see policy outcomes through the court that they ’ re not winning through the political process , ” says Jeremy Parris , former chief counsel for nominations in the Judiciary Committee and a longtime senior aide to Democratic Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont , a member of the committee .
Sen. Joni Ernst , a Republican from Iowa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Barrett what they want justices to be : activists for the moral imperatives they believe in .
On the eve of the last presidential election , when Justice Scalia ’ s seat was open and Senate Republicans were standing firm in their refusal to hold confirmation hearings for Judge Garland , then-Professor Barrett was asked what she thought of Hillary Clinton ’ s desire for a justice who would protect minority rights and Donald Trump ’ s declaration that he would appoint judges opposed to abortion .
“ Those kinds of answers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wrong with our nomination process , ” said Ms. Barrett , of candidates signaling to the electorate that they would appoint justices who share their policy preferences .
“ That ’ s not the right qualification for a justice .
We shouldn ’ t be putting people on the court that share our policy preferences ; we should be putting people on the court that want to apply the Constitution.
” As for Professor Brady , her college English teacher , the outcome of the hearings will be “ painful ” either way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a different [ political ] persuasion and I absolutely admire her , ” she says .
“ And those things are not resolvable for me really .
”

Given Judge Barrett’s collegial demeanor, her appointment to the bench could deliver not only an extra vote but more united conservative rulings.
At confirmation hearings this week, Democratic senators are casting President Donald Trump’s nomination of Judge Barrett as an attempt to circumvent the will of voters, who have already begun casting ballots. Republicans, they say, are ramming through a devout Catholic nominee who will support conservative policy goals that the GOP has been unable to achieve from Congress or the White House.
The GOP push to confirm a Supreme Court justice weeks before a presidential election has been contentious. This fight over process has drawn so much attention that many voters may still know little about the nominee herself, federal Judge Amy Coney Barrett.
“She would want to hear everybody’s views,” says Traci Lovitt, who clerked for Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and is now a partner with Jones Day. “Even if you disagreed with her, you walked away still respectful of Amy.”
When Amy Coney Barrett clerked for Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia in 1998, she embraced his originalist judicial philosophy that interpreted the Constitution according to the meaning at its time of ratification. But unlike her famously irascible boss, the young Ms. Barrett was widely seen as approachable. Her views were frequently sought – including by those working for liberal justices who thought the Constitution should be interpreted according to the times.
Jennifer Brady, a centrist Democrat and former English professor at Rhodes College, can’t reconcile two things: her strong admiration for Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett – one of the top two students she had in 36 years of teaching – and her deep concern about Senate Republicans pushing through her nomination so late in an election year.
“Had the Republicans not cynically blocked [President Barack Obama’s 2016] Merrick Garland nomination, I think hers would have been unproblematic,” says Professor Brady. “Amy is a self-professed Scalia protégé, but without his abrasiveness.”
Indeed, Judge Barrett shares the originalist judicial philosophy exemplified by the late Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia, but approaches her work with a far more collegial demeanor than her famously irascible former boss. Former colleagues and legal experts say that could enable her to build greater consensus among fellow justices, meaning that if the Senate confirms her nomination, she may deliver not only an extra vote but stronger conservative rulings.
Why We Wrote This The GOP push to confirm a Supreme Court justice weeks before a presidential election has been contentious. This fight over process has drawn so much attention that many voters may still know little about the nominee herself, federal Judge Amy Coney Barrett.
That combination will be “scary for liberals,” posited Harvard law professor Noah Feldman, who clerked with Judge Barrett and endorsed her in a recent op-ed despite largely disagreeing with her judicial philosophy.
At confirmation hearings this week before a socially distanced Senate Judiciary Committee, Democratic senators are casting President Donald Trump’s eleventh-hour nomination of Judge Barrett as an attempt to circumvent the will of the people and ram through a nominee who will support conservative policy goals that the Republican Party has been unable to achieve from Congress or the White House.
Chief among those is striking down the Affordable Care Act, which the Supreme Court is set to review beginning Nov. 10. Democrats are also particularly concerned that Judge Barrett would support overturning Roe v. Wade, the landmark case enshrining a woman’s right to abortion. An additional disclosure Judge Barrett provided to the committee Oct. 9 includes a copy of an ad she and other members of Notre Dame’s University Faculty for Life group signed calling for “the unborn to be protected in law and welcomed in life”.
Susan Walsh/Reuters View caption Hide caption U.S. Supreme Court nominee Judge Amy Coney Barrett speaks during her confirmation hearing before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Capitol Hill in Washington Oct. 13, 2020.
“By replacing Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg with someone who will undo her legacy, President Trump is attempting to roll back Americans’ rights for decades to come,” said California Sen. Kamala Harris, a member of the Judiciary Committee and Joe Biden’s running mate. “Every American must understand that with this nomination, equal justice under law is at stake.”
“Everyone wanted to talk to Amy”
Judge Barrett, a devout Roman Catholic who graduated at the top of her class from the University of Notre Dame law school, got her professional start as a clerk for Judge Laurence Silberman, a circuit judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington, D.C.
Judge Silberman took her and other clerks under his wing, mentoring them over the bad cafeteria food at the Department of Labor, where he had formerly worked. Her position there opened the way for her to clerk for Justice Scalia, a lion of conservative jurisprudence. He became both reviled and beloved as a leading voice for originalism and textualism, which hold that the Constitution and statutory law should be interpreted according to their publicly understood meaning at the time of passage.
The young Ms. Barrett embraced her mentor’s judicial philosophy. Yet her views were frequently sought by her fellow clerks, including those working for liberal justices who saw the Constitution as a living document that should be interpreted according to the times.
Traci Lovitt, a fellow clerk during that 1998 term, says Ms. Barrett was very good at distilling the key legal principles at the heart of a case.
“No matter what their legal philosophy was – everyone wanted to talk to Amy,” says Ms. Lovitt, now a partner with Jones Day who recalls clerks congregating around her at the long lunch tables in the Supreme Court where they would all eat together most days.
One reason for that, she adds, was that Ms. Barrett was approachable and kind – a trait not necessarily shared by all in the ultra-competitive group of several dozen top law school grads. “She would want to hear everybody’s views, talk through the critical issues, and was very respectful of everyone’s opinion,” says Ms. Lovitt, who worked for Sandra Day O’Connor and saw some cases differently than Ms. Barrett, her jogging partner. “Even if you disagreed with her, you walked away still respectful of Amy.”
By the end of the year, their jogs down the Washington Mall came to include female clerks for five different justices, including liberal Stephen Breyer.
After a stint in private practice, Ms. Barrett was recruited to teach at her alma mater. Only 30 at the time, she donned glasses to look more “imposing.” But she quickly gained respect, earning the school’s professor of the year award three times.
As she and her husband, fellow lawyer Jesse Barrett, started a family, she would keep a basket of toys in her office. With two children adopted from Haiti and five biological ones, including a son diagnosed with Down syndrome, her ability to juggle family and professional responsibilities – as well as volunteer for everything from carpooling to classroom mom to mock trial coach – has drawn a mixture of awe and disbelief. (One key help: Mr. Barrett’s aunt has pitched in on child care for more than 15 years.)
The Barretts are also reportedly members of People of Praise, a charismatic group that is ecumenical but largely comprised of Catholics. Members make a lifelong covenant to their fellow worshippers and to God, raising questions for some about whether that commitment would affect Judge Barrett’s impartiality on the bench. And even fellow Catholics have raised questions about appointing a sixth Catholic judge to a nine-justice court in a country where Catholics make up about 20% of the population but play an outsize role in the conservative legal movement.
In 2019, two years after Judge Barrett was grilled by Democratic senators in her confirmation hearing for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 7th Circuit, she said in a talk hosted by Hillsdale College that questions about faith have no place in the confirmation process, citing the Constitution’s ban on religious tests for public officers. While the public should be “absolutely concerned” about whether a judge would be able to set aside personal preferences – be they moral, political, or religious – she added, it would be wrong to imply that “people of faith would have a uniquely difficult time separating out their moral commitments from their obligation to apply the law.”
The example of John Adams
In that same Hillsdale speech, she anchored her views about the duty of a judge in the example of John Adams, an ardent critic of British rule who nevertheless agreed to defend eight British soldiers accused of murder in the 1770 Boston Massacre when no one else would take the case.
“Facts are stubborn things,” Adams said during the trial, “and whatever may be our wishes, our inclinations, or the dictates of our passion, they cannot alter the state of facts and evidence.”
All eight soldiers were acquitted of murder, with two declared guilty of manslaughter, a less serious charge. Though Adams couldn’t have felt a lot of sympathy for the soldiers, she noted, he believed it was vital that they receive a fair trial. That lesson, she added, holds particular resonance for a judge.
“A judge is obligated to apply the law as it is and not as she wishes it would be,” said Judge Barrett, who echoed the point in her opening statement this week. “She is obliged to follow the law, even when her personal preferences cut the other way, or when she will experience great public criticism for doing so.”
Colleagues and former students praise her ability to bring out the best legal arguments on both sides of a question – a skill she has said she developed by going toe-to-toe with Justice Scalia as he prepared for oral arguments.
“In faculty meetings, she was never one to be polarizing – she was always the one who took people’s opinion seriously, regardless of where they came from,” says Nicole Stelle Garnett, a Notre Dame law professor and friend of Judge Barrett since they were clerks together on the Supreme Court in 1998. “I think that’s what you see in her opinions, I think that’s what you see of her as a teacher and colleague, I think that’s what you’ll see of her as a justice.”
Chase Giacomo, a combat veteran who took a class from her in his first year of law school before transferring to Harvard, said she reminded him of his West Point professors, who put serving the country above ideology.
“She worked very diligently to never infuse the classroom with her personal views,” he says. “I think she was so purposeful in not doing that, because she wanted us to understand that justice doesn’t serve a party, justice doesn’t serve a race, justice doesn’t serve a religion – justice is for everyone.”
But Senate Democrats are deeply concerned that the appointment of a Scalia protégé would undermine the rights accorded to women, minorities, and the LGBTQ community through decades of court battles.
Refused to answer questions
At the Sept. 26 Rose Garden ceremony when President Trump introduced Judge Barrett as his nominee, she said that “[Justice Scalia’s] judicial philosophy is mine, too.”
“I don’t think we’ve always had that much candor,” says Richard Garnett, a professor of law and political science at Notre Dame University in Indiana and husband of Nicole. “I think people have a pretty good touchstone for starting to approach how she would deal with both statutory and constitutional questions.”
But in her hearing today, Judge Barrett refused to answer questions about whether she would rule the same way her mentor had, including on hot-button issues like abortion, same-sex marriage, and the Affordable Care Act.
“If I were confirmed, you would be getting Justice Barrett, not Justice Scalia,” she told California Sen. Dianne Feinstein, the committee’s ranking member. “I don’t think that anybody should assume that just because Justice Scalia decided a decision a certain way that I would, too.”
Citing rules governing sitting judges such as herself, as well as Justice Ginsberg’s maxim for confirmation hearings – “no hints, no forecasts, no previews” – she declined to answer questions on how she would rule in particular cases.
Senator Feinstein expressed disappointment that Judge Barrett would not distance herself from Justice Scalia’s position on the “hard-won freedoms and protections for the LGBTQ community,” calling it a fundamental point for many Americans.
“What I was hoping you would say is that this would be a point of difference where those freedoms would be respected,” said Senator Feinstein. “You have not said that.”
Sen. Chris Coons of Delaware and others also questioned her over a 2017 scholarly article in which she wrote that in a landmark case on the Affordable Care Act, NFIB v. Sebelius, Chief Justice John Roberts had pushed the ACA “beyond its plausible meaning to save the statute.”
With another ACA case on the court’s docket next month, Senator Coons expressed concern Judge Barrett saw the statute as unconstitutional and, if confirmed according to the GOP timetable, she would vote to strike it down. She responded that she holds no hostility toward the ACA, and noted that the November case involves a different legal principle.
Both sides in the polarized debate have accused one another of seeking to use the Supreme Court to circumvent the slower process of legislative change, in which lawmakers are directly accountable to voters.
“Republicans are trying to see policy outcomes through the court that they’re not winning through the political process,” says Jeremy Parris, former chief counsel for nominations in the Judiciary Committee and a longtime senior aide to Democratic Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont, a member of the committee.
Sen. Joni Ernst, a Republican from Iowa, argued that Democrats were projecting onto Judge Barrett what they want justices to be: activists for the moral imperatives they believe in.
On the eve of the last presidential election, when Justice Scalia’s seat was open and Senate Republicans were standing firm in their refusal to hold confirmation hearings for Judge Garland, then-Professor Barrett was asked what she thought of Hillary Clinton’s desire for a justice who would protect minority rights and Donald Trump’s declaration that he would appoint judges opposed to abortion.
“Those kinds of answers are, I think, what’s wrong with our nomination process,” said Ms. Barrett, of candidates signaling to the electorate that they would appoint justices who share their policy preferences. “That’s not the right qualification for a justice. We shouldn’t be putting people on the court that share our policy preferences; we should be putting people on the court that want to apply the Constitution.”
As for Professor Brady, her college English teacher, the outcome of the hearings will be “painful” either way.
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“I’m totally of a different [political] persuasion and I absolutely admire her,” she says. “And those things are not resolvable for me really.”
Staff writer Francine Kiefer contributed to this report.