csmonitor--2020-10-21--Amid pandemic, African schools broadcast lessons to close gaps

In rural Sierra Leone , teenagers tuned into solar-powered radios for their lessons , while Kenyan students texted a code to receive free learning guides on their phones .
As COVID-19 shut Africa ’ s schools , governments and charities rushed to make learning accessible to millions of pupils without internet or even electricity , sparking innovations that could keep children learning long after the pandemic has passed .
“ The situation ... pushed all the governments and education ministries to think in a different way , ” said Elena Locatelli , an advisor on education in emergencies at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a matter of months , officials set up distance-learning programs , often via TV and radio , while charities and start-ups distributed devices and materials to supplement them .
Even as children now return to classrooms , many of the initiatives are set to continue for vulnerable children who struggle to attend school due to poverty or conflict .
Sub-Saharan Africa has the world ’ s highest rate of out-of-school children , with about a third missing out on classes in 2018 , according to the U.N. cultural agency UNESCO .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be used in situations in which children have no access to school due to conflict or insecurity , or for children that find themselves on the move , ” Ms. Locatelli told the Thomson Reuters Foundation .
The rise of distance learning could “ completely transform ” how countries think about education , said Sarah Smith from the International Rescue Committee ( IRC ) , which has been developing audio lessons for refugee children .
“ It could open up opportunities for formal education systems to welcome in things like a radio program @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a way they have been reluctant to do in the past , ” said Ms. Smith , senior education director at the IRC .
A new way forward : Forging ‘ a path of no return ’ Education needs are particularly dire in Burkina Faso , where violence has forced 1 million people – more than one in every 20 inhabitants – to flee their homes .
Islamist groups wage frequent attacks across the country ’ s northern scrublands .
Before the coronavirus hit in March , 2,512 schools were closed because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minister Stanislas Ouaro .
Although the government had talked about setting up distance learning , it took the pandemic to make it happen , he said .
“ Coronavirus was also an opportunity for us , ” Mr. Ouaro said .
“ We realized we could develop radio and digital classes that could be a response to the pandemic and to other types of crises , such as the security crisis and natural disasters.
” Burkina Faso started broadcasting lessons on radio , television , and online after closing all schools in March @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Oct. 1 , but radio classes are continuing for children in conflict-hit areas .
“ For us , it ’ s a path of no return , ” Mr. Ouaro said .
While distance learning can not replace school , it will now be the go-to solution any time education is disrupted , he said .
The U.N. refugee agency , UNHCR , has backed national remote-learning programs by distributing solar-powered radios , pens , and notebooks in Burkina Faso , Mali , and Niger – urging the countries to keep broadcasting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like for next year to continue this activity and to organize some kind of listening groups .
It can be in schools where schools can reopen , or it can be in the community where schools can not reopen , ” said Charlotte Berquin , an education specialist for West and Central Africa at UNHCR .
Even when children are in school , distance-learning solutions can help address challenges such as overcrowded classrooms , a lack of trained teachers , and inadequate materials , said Yesani Kapanda , education program manager for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Malawi .
This is the aim of VSO ’ s “ Unlocking Talent through Technology ” project , which provides solar-powered tablets with interactive courses for children to follow at their own pace .
The project started in five schools in 2014 but was scaled up during the pandemic to bring at-home learning to some 200,000 students in total .
VSO ultimately hopes to integrate the use of tablets into all primary schools in Malawi .
“ There is low absenteeism and dropout rates in the schools [ where tablets are used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gender dynamics between girls and boys in the acquisition of numeracy and literacy skills , ” Mr. Kapanda said .
In Kenya , the charity Metis took another approach by distributing home learning guides in person and via text message and WhatsApp .
They estimate they were able to reach more than 30,000 students during the coronavirus lockdown with learning materials .
Students send the letters “ EDU ” to a certain number and this triggers a series of questions to determine what content to send the learner , with lessons on school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , storytelling , and theater .
Text-based learning is seen as a possible growth area too .
Eneza Education , an education technology social enterprise operating in Kenya , Ghana , and Ivory Coast , opened its SMS platform without charge during lockdown , leading to its use by 2.2 million learners who did not have steady internet access .
The company has now launched in Rwanda with plans to assist more vulnerable students .
Metis co-founder Rebecca Ume Crook said she envisions the model being used long after the pandemic to provide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ learning ideas and creative materials .
“ We have the challenge and the opportunity to re-imagine education as a result of this pandemic , but we have to do so equitably , ” she said .
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

In rural Sierra Leone, teenagers tuned into solar-powered radios for their lessons, while Kenyan students texted a code to receive free learning guides on their phones.
As COVID-19 shut Africa’s schools, governments and charities rushed to make learning accessible to millions of pupils without internet or even electricity, sparking innovations that could keep children learning long after the pandemic has passed.
“The situation ... pushed all the governments and education ministries to think in a different way,” said Elena Locatelli, an advisor on education in emergencies at the United Nations children’s agency UNICEF.
In a matter of months, officials set up distance-learning programs, often via TV and radio, while charities and start-ups distributed devices and materials to supplement them.
Even as children now return to classrooms, many of the initiatives are set to continue for vulnerable children who struggle to attend school due to poverty or conflict.
Sub-Saharan Africa has the world’s highest rate of out-of-school children, with about a third missing out on classes in 2018, according to the U.N. cultural agency UNESCO.
“All these solutions ... can also be used in situations in which children have no access to school due to conflict or insecurity, or for children that find themselves on the move,” Ms. Locatelli told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
The rise of distance learning could “completely transform” how countries think about education, said Sarah Smith from the International Rescue Committee (IRC), which has been developing audio lessons for refugee children.
“It could open up opportunities for formal education systems to welcome in things like a radio program or a new app into their curriculum in a way they have been reluctant to do in the past,” said Ms. Smith, senior education director at the IRC.
A new way forward: Forging ‘a path of no return’
Education needs are particularly dire in Burkina Faso, where violence has forced 1 million people – more than one in every 20 inhabitants – to flee their homes. Islamist groups wage frequent attacks across the country’s northern scrublands.
Before the coronavirus hit in March, 2,512 schools were closed because of the security situation, said Education Minister Stanislas Ouaro.
Although the government had talked about setting up distance learning, it took the pandemic to make it happen, he said.
“Coronavirus was also an opportunity for us,” Mr. Ouaro said.
“We realized we could develop radio and digital classes that could be a response to the pandemic and to other types of crises, such as the security crisis and natural disasters.”
Burkina Faso started broadcasting lessons on radio, television, and online after closing all schools in March. Schools reopened for the new year on Oct. 1, but radio classes are continuing for children in conflict-hit areas.
“For us, it’s a path of no return,” Mr. Ouaro said.
While distance learning cannot replace school, it will now be the go-to solution any time education is disrupted, he said.
The U.N. refugee agency, UNHCR, has backed national remote-learning programs by distributing solar-powered radios, pens, and notebooks in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger – urging the countries to keep broadcasting lessons after COVID-19.
“We would like for next year to continue this activity and to organize some kind of listening groups. It can be in schools where schools can reopen, or it can be in the community where schools cannot reopen,” said Charlotte Berquin, an education specialist for West and Central Africa at UNHCR.
Re-imagining education for equity
Even when children are in school, distance-learning solutions can help address challenges such as overcrowded classrooms, a lack of trained teachers, and inadequate materials, said Yesani Kapanda, education program manager for the charity Voluntary Service Overseas (VSO) in Malawi.
This is the aim of VSO’s “Unlocking Talent through Technology” project, which provides solar-powered tablets with interactive courses for children to follow at their own pace.
The project started in five schools in 2014 but was scaled up during the pandemic to bring at-home learning to some 200,000 students in total. VSO ultimately hopes to integrate the use of tablets into all primary schools in Malawi.
“There is low absenteeism and dropout rates in the schools [where tablets are used] and the project has reduced the gender dynamics between girls and boys in the acquisition of numeracy and literacy skills,” Mr. Kapanda said.
In Kenya, the charity Metis took another approach by distributing home learning guides in person and via text message and WhatsApp.
They estimate they were able to reach more than 30,000 students during the coronavirus lockdown with learning materials.
Students send the letters “EDU” to a certain number and this triggers a series of questions to determine what content to send the learner, with lessons on school subjects including mathematics as well as gardening, storytelling, and theater.
Text-based learning is seen as a possible growth area too.
Eneza Education, an education technology social enterprise operating in Kenya, Ghana, and Ivory Coast, opened its SMS platform without charge during lockdown, leading to its use by 2.2 million learners who did not have steady internet access.
The company has now launched in Rwanda with plans to assist more vulnerable students.
Metis co-founder Rebecca Ume Crook said she envisions the model being used long after the pandemic to provide children and caregivers who need support with learning ideas and creative materials.
“We have the challenge and the opportunity to re-imagine education as a result of this pandemic, but we have to do so equitably,” she said.
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-21--Pope Francis endorses same-sex civil unions in new documentary

Pope Francis endorsed same-sex civil unions for the first time as pope while being interviewed for the feature-length documentary “ Francesco , ” which premiered Wednesday at the Rome Film Festival .
The papal thumbs-up came midway through the film that delves into issues the pope cares about most , including the environment , poverty , migration , racial and income inequality , and the people most affected by discrimination .
“ Homosexual people have the right to be in a family .
They are children of God , ” the pope said in one of his sit-down interviews for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have is a civil union law ; that way they are legally covered.
” While serving as archbishop of Buenos Aires , Pope Francis endorsed civil unions for gay couples as an alternative to same-sex marriages .
However , he had never come out publicly in favor of civil unions as pope .
The Jesuit priest who has been at the forefront in seeking to build bridges with gays in the church , the Rev .
James Martin , praised the pope ’ s comments as “ a major step forward in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people.
” “ The Pope ’ s speaking positively about civil unions also sends a strong message to places where the church has opposed such laws , ” Mr. Martin said in a statement .
One of the main characters in the documentary is Juan Carlos Cruz , the Chilean survivor of clergy sexual abuse whom the pope initially discredited during a 2018 visit to Chile .
Mr. Cruz , who is gay , said that during his first meetings with the pope in May 2018 , the pope assured him that God @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tells his own story in snippets throughout the film , chronicling both the pope 's evolution on understanding sexual abuse as well as to document the pope ’ s views on gay people .
Director Evgeny Afineevsky had remarkable access to cardinals , the Vatican television archives , and the pope himself .
He said he negotiated his way in through persistence , and deliveries of Argentine mate tea and Alfajores cookies that he got to the pope via some well-connected Argentines in Rome .
“ Listen , when you are in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something is to break the rule and then to say , ‘ I ’ m sorry , ’ ” Mr. Afineevsky said in an interview ahead of the premiere .
The director worked official and unofficial channels starting in early 2018 , and ended up so close to Pope Francis by the end of the project that he showed the pope the movie on his iPad in August .
The two recently exchanged Yom Kippur greetings ; Mr. Afineevsky is a Russian-born Jew who lives in Los Angeles .
But “ Francesco ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pope .
Wim Wenders did that in the 2018 film “ Pope Francis : A Man of His Word , ” which premiered at the Cannes Film Festival .
“ Francesco , ” is more a visual survey of the world ’ s crises and tragedies , with audio from the pope providing possible ways to solve them .
Mr. Afineevsky traveled the world to film it : The settings include Cox ’ s Bazaar in Bangladesh where Myanmar ’ s Rohingya sought refuge ; the U.S.-Mexico border ; and the pope ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tells the story of the pope by reversing the cameras , ” said Vatican communications director Paolo Ruffini , who was one of Mr. Afineevsky ’ s closest Vatican-based collaborators on the film .
Mr. Ruffini said that when Mr. Afineevsky first approached him with the idea of a documentary , he tried to tamp down his hopes for interviewing the pope .
“ I told him it wasn ’ t going to be easy , ” he said .
But Mr. Ruffini gave him some advice : names of people who had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after just a brief meeting .
Mr. Afineevsky found them : the refugees the pope met with on some of his foreign trips , prisoners he blessed , and some of the LGBTQ people to whom he has ministered .
“ I told him that many of those encounters had certainly been filmed by the Vatican cameras , and that there he would find a veritable gold mine of stories that told a story , ” Mr. Ruffini said .
“ He would be able to tell story of the pope through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Pope Francis endorsed same-sex civil unions for the first time as pope while being interviewed for the feature-length documentary “Francesco,” which premiered Wednesday at the Rome Film Festival.
The papal thumbs-up came midway through the film that delves into issues the pope cares about most, including the environment, poverty, migration, racial and income inequality, and the people most affected by discrimination.
“Homosexual people have the right to be in a family. They are children of God,” the pope said in one of his sit-down interviews for the film. “What we have to have is a civil union law; that way they are legally covered.”
While serving as archbishop of Buenos Aires, Pope Francis endorsed civil unions for gay couples as an alternative to same-sex marriages. However, he had never come out publicly in favor of civil unions as pope.
The Jesuit priest who has been at the forefront in seeking to build bridges with gays in the church, the Rev. James Martin, praised the pope’s comments as “a major step forward in the church’s support for LGBT people.”
“The Pope’s speaking positively about civil unions also sends a strong message to places where the church has opposed such laws,” Mr. Martin said in a statement.
One of the main characters in the documentary is Juan Carlos Cruz, the Chilean survivor of clergy sexual abuse whom the pope initially discredited during a 2018 visit to Chile.
Mr. Cruz, who is gay, said that during his first meetings with the pope in May 2018, the pope assured him that God made Mr. Cruz gay. Mr. Cruz tells his own story in snippets throughout the film, chronicling both the pope's evolution on understanding sexual abuse as well as to document the pope’s views on gay people.
Director Evgeny Afineevsky had remarkable access to cardinals, the Vatican television archives, and the pope himself. He said he negotiated his way in through persistence, and deliveries of Argentine mate tea and Alfajores cookies that he got to the pope via some well-connected Argentines in Rome.
“Listen, when you are in the Vatican, the only way to achieve something is to break the rule and then to say, ‘I’m sorry,’” Mr. Afineevsky said in an interview ahead of the premiere.
The director worked official and unofficial channels starting in early 2018, and ended up so close to Pope Francis by the end of the project that he showed the pope the movie on his iPad in August. The two recently exchanged Yom Kippur greetings; Mr. Afineevsky is a Russian-born Jew who lives in Los Angeles.
But “Francesco” is more than a biopic about the pope.
Wim Wenders did that in the 2018 film “Pope Francis: A Man of His Word,” which premiered at the Cannes Film Festival. “Francesco,” is more a visual survey of the world’s crises and tragedies, with audio from the pope providing possible ways to solve them.
Mr. Afineevsky traveled the world to film it: The settings include Cox’s Bazaar in Bangladesh where Myanmar’s Rohingya sought refuge; the U.S.-Mexico border; and the pope’s native Argentina.
“The film tells the story of the pope by reversing the cameras,” said Vatican communications director Paolo Ruffini, who was one of Mr. Afineevsky’s closest Vatican-based collaborators on the film.
Mr. Ruffini said that when Mr. Afineevsky first approached him with the idea of a documentary, he tried to tamp down his hopes for interviewing the pope.
“I told him it wasn’t going to be easy,” he said.
But Mr. Ruffini gave him some advice: names of people who had been impacted by the pope, even after just a brief meeting.
Mr. Afineevsky found them: the refugees the pope met with on some of his foreign trips, prisoners he blessed, and some of the LGBTQ people to whom he has ministered.
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“I told him that many of those encounters had certainly been filmed by the Vatican cameras, and that there he would find a veritable gold mine of stories that told a story,” Mr. Ruffini said. “He would be able to tell story of the pope through the eyes of all and not just his own.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-21--Trust deficit: Misinformation weighs heavily on American voters

In a presidential election year that has thrown the country ’ s divisions into stark relief , Americans can agree on this : Misinformation about government and politics is a major problem .
A new survey by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Opinion Research and USAFacts finds that while voters say it ’ s pretty easy to find accurate information about voting , they have a harder time knowing whether there ’ s any factual basis for the information they ’ re getting from and about the candidates .
“ The misinformation , it ’ s just blossomed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said nurse Liana Price , of Tampa Bay , Florida , who supports Democrat Joe Biden in the contest against President Donald Trump and worries misinformation about the election could sway voters .
“ You try to explain and provide facts and actual research , but people don ’ t believe it.
” Among the poll ’ s findings : More than 8 in 10 rated the spread of misinformation about government a “ major problem.
” The deluge in political misinformation and conspiracy theories has fueled distrust in institutions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy , and the nation itself , according to Cindy Otis , a former CIA officer , author , and disinformation expert .
“ We are living today in the biggest period of false information in history , and we Americans are largely doing it to ourselves , ” Ms. Otis said last week during a hearing focused on election-related misinformation .
“ Americans are losing trust in what they read and see online .
We are desperate for information , but certain groups feel they can not trust the traditional institutions upon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll found the candidates and their campaigns are themselves seen as not credible by many Americans , with less than a third of Americans saying campaign messages from either Mr. Biden or Mr. Trump are often or always based on facts .
Roughly half of respondents said Mr. Trump ’ s campaign messages are rarely or never based in fact , while about 4 in 10 respondents say that of Mr. Biden ’ s campaign .
Not surprisingly , Democrats and Republicans disagree about which candidate has the bigger problem with the facts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among his own party , with nearly a quarter of Republicans saying his campaign messages are rarely or never based in fact compared with only about 1 in 10 Democrats who say the same about Mr. Biden .
While partisan disagreement is nothing new , the battles used to be more about policies or ideas rather than disagreements about fundamental facts or whether the other side is even telling the truth .
“ I ’ ve voted for 40 years , and I ’ ve never seen it like this , ” said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minnesota , who supports Mr. Biden for president .
“ There are no alternative facts .
There ’ s the truth , and the truth is important.
” “ People don ’ t trust what they hear like they used to , ” she said .
When Americans do try to verify news about the campaign , internet searches are the preferred way , the survey found , with 35 % saying they turn to the web to see if news about the contest is true .
Traditional news sources fared worse : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news networks , 8 % said national news networks , and only 3 % went with newspapers or online news sites , reflecting a broader loss of trust in news organizations .
“ I think somewhere between 95 and 98 % of the press are what I would call deep state liars , ” said Trump supporter Colleen McDonald , of San Diego .
“ They make stuff up .
I wouldn ’ t believe anything that they said.
” Social media received similarly poor marks , with only 5 % saying it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether election-related news is true .
Nevertheless , social media remains a leading source of news for many , with 37 % saying they get news from platforms like Facebook or Twitter at least once a day .
“ Social media is a cesspool , ” said Jeff Kemble , a self-described liberal from Massachusetts who supports Mr. Biden .
“ The only information you get is the information you go looking for .
And that certainly doesn ’ t mean it ’ s true.
” One silver lining in the poll ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s easy to find factual information about registering to vote and casting their ballot .
That ’ s especially good news during a pandemic year election in which many voters will vote by mail for the first time .
Eric Amundsen , of Manhattan , said he ’ s pleased to see social media platforms like Facebook promote resources and information about voting .
It helps to repair the company ’ s reputation , he said , after its role in spreading such misinformation .
He said he hopes the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the dangers posed by misinformation means they will act to address the problem – on Election Day and beyond .
“ Maybe I ’ m too optimistic , ” he said .
“ But I think maybe people are just tired of the noise.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
The AP-NORC/USAFacts poll of 1,121 adults was conducted Sept. 15-25 using a sample drawn from NORC ’ s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel , which is designed to be representative of the United States population .
The margin of sampling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minus 4.1 percentage points .

In a presidential election year that has thrown the country’s divisions into stark relief, Americans can agree on this: Misinformation about government and politics is a major problem.
A new survey by The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Opinion Research and USAFacts finds that while voters say it’s pretty easy to find accurate information about voting, they have a harder time knowing whether there’s any factual basis for the information they’re getting from and about the candidates.
“The misinformation, it’s just blossomed to the point where it’s unmanageable,” said nurse Liana Price, of Tampa Bay, Florida, who supports Democrat Joe Biden in the contest against President Donald Trump and worries misinformation about the election could sway voters. “You try to explain and provide facts and actual research, but people don’t believe it.”
Among the poll’s findings: More than 8 in 10 rated the spread of misinformation about government a “major problem.”
The deluge in political misinformation and conspiracy theories has fueled distrust in institutions and threatens to undermine confidence in elections, democracy, and the nation itself, according to Cindy Otis, a former CIA officer, author, and disinformation expert.
“We are living today in the biggest period of false information in history, and we Americans are largely doing it to ourselves,” Ms. Otis said last week during a hearing focused on election-related misinformation. “Americans are losing trust in what they read and see online. We are desperate for information, but certain groups feel they cannot trust the traditional institutions upon which they used to rely.”
The poll found the candidates and their campaigns are themselves seen as not credible by many Americans, with less than a third of Americans saying campaign messages from either Mr. Biden or Mr. Trump are often or always based on facts.
Roughly half of respondents said Mr. Trump’s campaign messages are rarely or never based in fact, while about 4 in 10 respondents say that of Mr. Biden’s campaign.
Not surprisingly, Democrats and Republicans disagree about which candidate has the bigger problem with the facts. But Mr. Trump scores lower even among his own party, with nearly a quarter of Republicans saying his campaign messages are rarely or never based in fact compared with only about 1 in 10 Democrats who say the same about Mr. Biden.
While partisan disagreement is nothing new, the battles used to be more about policies or ideas rather than disagreements about fundamental facts or whether the other side is even telling the truth.
“I’ve voted for 40 years, and I’ve never seen it like this,” said Kevin Wollersheim of, St. Paul, Minnesota, who supports Mr. Biden for president. “There are no alternative facts. There’s the truth, and the truth is important.”
Bonita Sergent, a Trump supporter from southern Ohio, agreed.
“People don’t trust what they hear like they used to,” she said.
When Americans do try to verify news about the campaign, internet searches are the preferred way, the survey found, with 35% saying they turn to the web to see if news about the contest is true.
Traditional news sources fared worse: 13% said they turn to cable news networks, 8% said national news networks, and only 3% went with newspapers or online news sites, reflecting a broader loss of trust in news organizations.
“I think somewhere between 95 and 98% of the press are what I would call deep state liars,” said Trump supporter Colleen McDonald, of San Diego. “They make stuff up. I wouldn’t believe anything that they said.”
Social media received similarly poor marks, with only 5% saying it’s where they go to verify whether election-related news is true.
Nevertheless, social media remains a leading source of news for many, with 37% saying they get news from platforms like Facebook or Twitter at least once a day.
“Social media is a cesspool,” said Jeff Kemble, a self-described liberal from Massachusetts who supports Mr. Biden. “The only information you get is the information you go looking for. And that certainly doesn’t mean it’s true.”
One silver lining in the poll? At least 6 in 10 Americans say it’s easy to find factual information about registering to vote and casting their ballot. That’s especially good news during a pandemic year election in which many voters will vote by mail for the first time.
Eric Amundsen, of Manhattan, said he’s pleased to see social media platforms like Facebook promote resources and information about voting. It helps to repair the company’s reputation, he said, after its role in spreading such misinformation.
He said he hopes the fact that so many Americans are in agreement about the dangers posed by misinformation means they will act to address the problem – on Election Day and beyond.
“Maybe I’m too optimistic,” he said. “But I think maybe people are just tired of the noise.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
The AP-NORC/USAFacts poll of 1,121 adults was conducted Sept. 15-25 using a sample drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the United States population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 4.1 percentage points.


csmonitor--2020-10-15--Why legal battles over the US election have already begun

This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts .
With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere , “ some irregularities are bound to develop , ” says Michael Morley , an assistant professor of law at Florida State University , in Tallahassee .
The election rules being litigated vary , says Justin Levitt , a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department ’ s Civil Rights Division under President Barack Obama , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.
” Both campaigns have built legal war rooms for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court .
But even if there ’ s no replay of the razor-thin margins in the 2000 litigation of Bush v. Gore , election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections .
In the presidential race , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nationwide .
And the pandemic ’ s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted .
Two decades ago , a presidential election was decided by Bush v. Gore , a Supreme Court ruling that put a stop to ballot recounts in Florida and handed victory to George W. Bush by a margin of 537 votes .
That postelection legal battle in 2000 turned on incompletely punched paper ballots and a faulty ballot design in one Florida county .
Now , in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vice President Joe Biden , hundreds of election law disputes are percolating in jurisdictions nationwide .
And the pandemic ’ s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted .
In the event of a close margin in a battleground state , some of these cases could prove pivotal .
Trailing in the polls , President Trump continues to make claims of systemic fraud by Democrats and refuses to commit to a transition of power if he loses on Nov. 3 .
Both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepare for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court .
But even if there ’ s no replay of the razor-thin margins in Bush v. Gore , election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections .
“ Most election litigation contests an election after the election is done , ” says Barry Richard , a Tallahassee , Florida , attorney and Mr. Bush ’ s general counsel in the state in 2000 .
Many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of contested ballots are too few to swing the outcome .
“ This time it ’ s different because we ’ ve got a huge amount of litigation challenging things before the election happens , ” he says .
What ’ s also different , he adds , are repeated attacks on the legitimacy of the election .
“ In the past , nobody questioned the integrity of the system .
Nobody suggested that the vote was fraudulent or that the election wasn ’ t fair .
It was just a question of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Mr. Richard , who has represented Democratic and Republican candidates in litigation .
Expansion vs. contraction of the electorate Republicans contend that the rapid expansion of mail-in voting in November ’ s election opens the door to ballots improperly cast .
“ Democrats are working to shred election integrity measures one state at a time , and there ’ s no question they ’ ll continue their shenanigans , ” Matthew Morgan , the Trump campaign ’ s general counsel , said in an email .
Specifically , suggests the Republican National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Democrats are using the pandemic and courts to eliminate election safeguards by legalizing ballot harvesting and implementing a nationwide mail-in ballot system .
Democrats argue that the greater risk is voter disenfranchisement and that postal ballots can be secure , as demonstrated in several states that already hold universal mail-in elections .
They accuse Republicans of seeking to suppress turnout by limiting the number of ballot drop boxes , for example .
The election rules being litigated vary , says Justin Levitt , a former deputy assistant attorney general in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under President Barack Obama , noting , “ One of the political parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.
” This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts .
These may portend what lies ahead in battleground states , say legal scholars .
With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Michael Morley , an assistant professor of law at Florida State University in Tallahassee .
In California , where ballots are being mailed to all voters ahead of the election , over 2,000 registered Los Angeles County voters recently received mail-in ballots that didn ’ t have a section to vote for a president .
Officials apologized and said new ballots would be sent .
Minor bureaucratic mistakes , say election law experts , don ’ t add up to the rampant fraud alleged by President Trump and his allies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from taking small-bore problems and saying it ’ s chaos and can ’ t be successful , ” says Richard Hasen , a professor of law and political science at the University of California , Irvine .
Disputes over postal ballots involve questions such as : Do you need a witness ?
How are signatures verified ?
Does the ballot need to arrive on Election Day and what if the post is late ?
Can a deadline be extended once early voting has begun ?
Courts have already weighed in on some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuits during the primaries .
The Supreme Court ruled on one case in South Carolina on Oct. 5 , siding with Republicans over signature validation rules .
Another pending case involves Pennsylvania , where the Republican-controlled legislature wants to overturn a three-day extension for ballots mailed by Election Day that Pennsylvania ’ s Supreme Court upheld .
The court is also reviewing a similar extension in Wisconsin , another battleground state .
These cases could set important precedents , even if the vote in those states isn ’ t close , says Professor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Supreme Court ] rules the state legislatures have more powers than courts to set the rules , then that has important implications.
” Not all the disputes involve mail-in voting .
Battles are being waged over the rules for in-person voting in precincts that often have long lines because of what Democrats say are deliberate suppression efforts .
Still , most of the scenarios for postelection legal showdowns relate to disputes over the validation of postal ballots .
Polls suggest as many as one-third of all voters will mail their ballots .
Studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are likely to be disqualified .
The success of postal voting in states like Oregon and Colorado , which both Republicans and Democrats have hailed for their efficiency , may be an imperfect guide to what could happen elsewhere , warns Professor Morley .
“ It might look smooth today , but that ’ s only because it took numerous election cycles to get to that point.
” “ Mistakes will happen , ” says Franita Tolson , a law professor at the University of Southern California , in Los Angeles .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to count the vote and to get an accurate count.
” In the Florida race in 2000 , the Supreme Court had to adjudicate between state officials who wanted to certify the initial results and the state ’ s highest court , which ordered a halt to the recount of disputed ballots .
The Supreme Court ruled that the recount process was flawed and no recount could be held in time for the deadline for deciding Electoral College seats .
President Trump said in the Sept. 29 presidential debate that the Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election : “ I ’ m counting on them to look at the ballots , definitely.
” That is not a position Chief Justice John Roberts would relish , given the rancor over Bush v. Gore , says Professor Tolson .
“ He ’ s very concerned with the legitimacy of the court , and I do think on some level he has internalized the lessons of the 2000 election , ” she says .
Mr. Richard , who litigated for Mr. Bush in Florida in 2000 , concurs : “ I think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to decide this election unless they absolutely have no choice.
” Some of the top lawyers in Mr. Biden ’ s camp cut their teeth on the Florida recount battle , including Marc Elias , who is overseeing efforts to protect voter access and ballot counts .
Republicans have also hired lawyers from large firms and recruited scores of volunteers and poll watchers to scour for irregularities in swing states .
With just weeks to go , and millions of votes already cast , some legal scholars are looking at polls and wondering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , postelection unrest – may be averted by an indisputable defeat for Mr. Trump .
“ We may squeak by this time , ” says Professor Hasan , referring to a clear-cut result .
But that ’ s cold comfort if the same flaws occur next time , in the absence of greater professional and nonpartisan administration of how Americans vote .
“ Our election system is quite weak .
”

This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts. With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere, “some irregularities are bound to develop,” says Michael Morley, an assistant professor of law at Florida State University, in Tallahassee.
The election rules being litigated vary, says Justin Levitt, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division under President Barack Obama, noting, “One of the political parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.”
One party wants expansion of the electorate, the other wants to contract it. How that plays out on and around Election Day will be battled by legal teams both presidential campaigns have assembled to challenge how voters’ ballots are cast and counted.
Both campaigns have built legal war rooms for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court. But even if there’s no replay of the razor-thin margins in the 2000 litigation of Bush v. Gore, election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections.
In the presidential race, hundreds of election law disputes are percolating nationwide. And the pandemic’s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted.
Two decades ago, a presidential election was decided by Bush v. Gore, a Supreme Court ruling that put a stop to ballot recounts in Florida and handed victory to George W. Bush by a margin of 537 votes.
That postelection legal battle in 2000 turned on incompletely punched paper ballots and a faulty ballot design in one Florida county.
Now, in the race between President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden, hundreds of election law disputes are percolating in jurisdictions nationwide. And the pandemic’s disruption of normal voting patterns has intensified a fight over how ballots are cast and which are counted.
Why We Wrote This One party wants expansion of the electorate, the other wants to contract it. How that plays out on and around Election Day will be battled by legal teams both presidential campaigns have assembled to challenge how voters’ ballots are cast and counted.
In the event of a close margin in a battleground state, some of these cases could prove pivotal. Trailing in the polls, President Trump continues to make claims of systemic fraud by Democrats and refuses to commit to a transition of power if he loses on Nov. 3.
Both campaigns have built legal war rooms to prepare for Election Day challenges that could go all the way to the Supreme Court. But even if there’s no replay of the razor-thin margins in Bush v. Gore, election law rulings by courts on contested issues like ballot collection and verification could shape the rules for future elections.
“Most election litigation contests an election after the election is done,” says Barry Richard, a Tallahassee, Florida, attorney and Mr. Bush’s general counsel in the state in 2000.
Many of these lawsuits are dropped because the number of contested ballots are too few to swing the outcome. “This time it’s different because we’ve got a huge amount of litigation challenging things before the election happens,” he says.
What’s also different, he adds, are repeated attacks on the legitimacy of the election.
“In the past, nobody questioned the integrity of the system. Nobody suggested that the vote was fraudulent or that the election wasn’t fair. It was just a question of how you fix the problem,” says Mr. Richard, who has represented Democratic and Republican candidates in litigation.
Expansion vs. contraction of the electorate
Republicans contend that the rapid expansion of mail-in voting in November’s election opens the door to ballots improperly cast.
“Democrats are working to shred election integrity measures one state at a time, and there’s no question they’ll continue their shenanigans,” Matthew Morgan, the Trump campaign’s general counsel, said in an email. Specifically, suggests the Republican National Committee’s Protect the Vote website, the Democrats are using the pandemic and courts to eliminate election safeguards by legalizing ballot harvesting and implementing a nationwide mail-in ballot system.
Democrats argue that the greater risk is voter disenfranchisement and that postal ballots can be secure, as demonstrated in several states that already hold universal mail-in elections. They accuse Republicans of seeking to suppress turnout by limiting the number of ballot drop boxes, for example.
Charles Rex Arbogast/AP View caption Hide caption University of Illinois students walk past a mail-in ballot drop box that sits on the northwest corner of the university's quad in Urbana on Oct. 6, 2020. Changing options for casting ballots create scenarios for postelection legal showdowns.
The election rules being litigated vary, says Justin Levitt, a former deputy assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division under President Barack Obama, noting, “One of the political parties sees its future in the expansion of the electorate and the other party sees its future in the contraction of the electorate.”
This battle has been supercharged by the pandemic and by problems experienced in states that switched to mail-in ballots during primaries and struggled with timely counts. These may portend what lies ahead in battleground states, say legal scholars.
With so many transactions among so many people and in such a charged political atmosphere, “some irregularities are bound to develop,” says Michael Morley, an assistant professor of law at Florida State University in Tallahassee.
In California, where ballots are being mailed to all voters ahead of the election, over 2,000 registered Los Angeles County voters recently received mail-in ballots that didn’t have a section to vote for a president. Officials apologized and said new ballots would be sent.
Minor errors or rampant fraud?
Minor bureaucratic mistakes, say election law experts, don’t add up to the rampant fraud alleged by President Trump and his allies.
Spotlighting minor errors “is different from taking small-bore problems and saying it’s chaos and can’t be successful,” says Richard Hasen, a professor of law and political science at the University of California, Irvine.
Disputes over postal ballots involve questions such as: Do you need a witness? How are signatures verified? Does the ballot need to arrive on Election Day and what if the post is late? Can a deadline be extended once early voting has begun?
Courts have already weighed in on some of these disputes after an initial flurry of lawsuits during the primaries. The Supreme Court ruled on one case in South Carolina on Oct. 5, siding with Republicans over signature validation rules. Another pending case involves Pennsylvania, where the Republican-controlled legislature wants to overturn a three-day extension for ballots mailed by Election Day that Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court upheld. The court is also reviewing a similar extension in Wisconsin, another battleground state.
These cases could set important precedents, even if the vote in those states isn’t close, says Professor Hasen. “If it [the Supreme Court] rules the state legislatures have more powers than courts to set the rules, then that has important implications.”
Not all the disputes involve mail-in voting. Battles are being waged over the rules for in-person voting in precincts that often have long lines because of what Democrats say are deliberate suppression efforts.
Michael Holahan/The Augusta Chronicle/AP View caption Hide caption Early voting started Monday Oct. 12, 2020, in Georgia, and voters lined up by the thousands. Here people waited to cast their ballots early at the Bell Auditorium in Augusta, Georgia.
Still, most of the scenarios for postelection legal showdowns relate to disputes over the validation of postal ballots. Polls suggest as many as one-third of all voters will mail their ballots. Studies show that a higher proportion of them are likely to be disqualified.
The success of postal voting in states like Oregon and Colorado, which both Republicans and Democrats have hailed for their efficiency, may be an imperfect guide to what could happen elsewhere, warns Professor Morley. “It might look smooth today, but that’s only because it took numerous election cycles to get to that point.”
“Mistakes will happen,” says Franita Tolson, a law professor at the University of Southern California, in Los Angeles. “That’s the importance of giving time to count the vote and to get an accurate count.”
Wide victory margin averts disputes
In the Florida race in 2000, the Supreme Court had to adjudicate between state officials who wanted to certify the initial results and the state’s highest court, which ordered a halt to the recount of disputed ballots. The Supreme Court ruled that the recount process was flawed and no recount could be held in time for the deadline for deciding Electoral College seats.
President Trump said in the Sept. 29 presidential debate that the Supreme Court could decide this year’s election: “I’m counting on them to look at the ballots, definitely.”
That is not a position Chief Justice John Roberts would relish, given the rancor over Bush v. Gore, says Professor Tolson. “He’s very concerned with the legitimacy of the court, and I do think on some level he has internalized the lessons of the 2000 election,” she says.
Mr. Richard, who litigated for Mr. Bush in Florida in 2000, concurs: “I think the Court will not take a case to decide this election unless they absolutely have no choice.”
Some of the top lawyers in Mr. Biden’s camp cut their teeth on the Florida recount battle, including Marc Elias, who is overseeing efforts to protect voter access and ballot counts. Republicans have also hired lawyers from large firms and recruited scores of volunteers and poll watchers to scour for irregularities in swing states.
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With just weeks to go, and millions of votes already cast, some legal scholars are looking at polls and wondering if worst-case scenarios – contested ballot counts, postelection unrest – may be averted by an indisputable defeat for Mr. Trump.
“We may squeak by this time,” says Professor Hasan, referring to a clear-cut result. But that’s cold comfort if the same flaws occur next time, in the absence of greater professional and nonpartisan administration of how Americans vote. “Our election system is quite weak.”


csmonitor--2020-10-22--Choosing agreeable verbs for collective nouns

The Monitor ’ s copy editors needed to make a difficult call on a photo caption .
The choices were : “ A pair of panels decorated with thousands of seeds mark the entryway ” or “ A pair of panels decorated with thousands of seeds marks the entryway.
” Whichever they chose , some readers would object , because these sentences highlight a contentious topic in English grammar : the difference between “ formal ” and “ notional ” agreement .
Nouns and verbs must “ agree ” in English .
If the subject of a sentence or a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be too ( “ he works ” ) ; if the subject is plural , so is its verb ( “ they work ” ) .
Most of us do this intuitively , although speakers whose first language doesn ’ t have this sort of agreement ( Chinese and Japanese , for example ) might have to remind themselves of the rule in English .
Sometimes , though , it ’ s not so obvious .
Let ’ s say the subject of your sentence is a crowd .
That ’ s a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to demand a singular verb : “ A crowd of people was at the party.
” It might seem more natural , though , to say “ A crowd of people were at the party.
” Neither of these sentences is wrong , per se ; they simply abide by the rules of the two different types of agreement .
The sort of noun-verb match we ’ ve been talking about is formal agreement ( “ A crowd was ” ) .
Notional agreement , in contrast , has the verb reflect how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since a crowd contains many people , it is acceptable to use “ were.
” In essence , the verb agrees with the meaning of the sentence .
Notional agreement – also called “ notional concord ” and “ synesis ” – frequently comes into play when the subject is a collective noun like crowd , which is singular in form but refers to more than one person .
If you are talking about a pair , trio , team , faculty , mob , multitude , group , and so on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plural , depending on what you want to emphasize about your subject .
A singular verb suggests unity , thinking of the collection “ as a unit , ” as Garner ’ s Modern English Usage explains .
For example : “ The pair of shoes is getting old.
” A plural verb , in contrast , stresses plurality , and the individuality of each member : “ The pair were happy on their honeymoon.
” Returning to our first example , we can see that “ A pair of panels marks ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” are both correct , according to formal and notional agreement , respectively .
In the end , the editors rewrote the caption and got rid of the potentially contentious issue .
They went with the inarguable “ A panel marks , ” since the photo only showed one of the panels anyway .
Sometimes discretion is the better part of valor .

The Monitor’s copy editors needed to make a difficult call on a photo caption. The choices were: “A pair of panels decorated with thousands of seeds mark the entryway” or “A pair of panels decorated with thousands of seeds marks the entryway.” Whichever they chose, some readers would object, because these sentences highlight a contentious topic in English grammar: the difference between “formal” and “notional” agreement.
Nouns and verbs must “agree” in English. If the subject of a sentence or a clause is singular, its verb must be too (“he works”); if the subject is plural, so is its verb (“they work”). Most of us do this intuitively, although speakers whose first language doesn’t have this sort of agreement (Chinese and Japanese, for example) might have to remind themselves of the rule in English.
Sometimes, though, it’s not so obvious. Let’s say the subject of your sentence is a crowd. That’s a singular noun, so agreement would seem to demand a singular verb: “A crowd of people was at the party.” It might seem more natural, though, to say “A crowd of people were at the party.” Neither of these sentences is wrong, per se; they simply abide by the rules of the two different types of agreement. The sort of noun-verb match we’ve been talking about is formal agreement (“A crowd was”). Notional agreement, in contrast, has the verb reflect how the speaker is thinking about the subject. Since a crowd contains many people, it is acceptable to use “were.” In essence, the verb agrees with the meaning of the sentence.
Notional agreement – also called “notional concord” and “synesis” – frequently comes into play when the subject is a collective noun like crowd, which is singular in form but refers to more than one person. If you are talking about a pair, trio, team, faculty, mob, multitude, group, and so on, your verb can be singular or plural, depending on what you want to emphasize about your subject. A singular verb suggests unity, thinking of the collection “as a unit,” as Garner’s Modern English Usage explains. For example: “The pair of shoes is getting old.” A plural verb, in contrast, stresses plurality, and the individuality of each member: “The pair were happy on their honeymoon.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Returning to our first example, we can see that “A pair of panels marks” and “A pair of panels mark” are both correct, according to formal and notional agreement, respectively.
In the end, the editors rewrote the caption and got rid of the potentially contentious issue. They went with the inarguable “A panel marks,” since the photo only showed one of the panels anyway. Sometimes discretion is the better part of valor.


csmonitor--2020-10-22--‘What is going on, you guys?’ US expats face tough questions abroad.

“ The question that I get the most from Canadians is just like , how is this happening ?
” says Alyssa Johnston , who lives near Toronto .
“ They feel like they ’ re missing something or they don ’ t understand some part of culture or politics to explain better what ’ s happening.
” It also means spending a great deal of time trying to explain the words and deeds of President Donald Trump .
“ My students and friends in Morocco could not believe the images of Americans waiting in lines at food banks this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rose , a New York City native who teaches English in Casablanca .
“ Right now , from media and social media , America looks violent.
” For Americans overseas – estimated at 5 million – that image is more than the subject of an abstract poll .
It is part of their daily lives , as they see America through the lens of co-workers , curious neighbors , and complete strangers .
The reputation of the United States has faded across the globe this year , in large part thanks to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus , and now sits at a record low in some countries , according to a global survey by the Pew Research Center .
Sufyan Katariwala , the son of Pakistani immigrants from St. Louis , voted for Donald Trump in 2016 because he calls himself a proud American nationalist , though he had doubts almost immediately and the pandemic has sealed his regret .
Now based in Toronto , he says he is constantly trying to explain his country ’ s dysfunctional politics to a confused Canadian audience .
“ I never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this role … answering [ the question ] in all these discussions : ‘ Jeez , what is going on , you guys ?
’ ” he says .
“ I ’ m fairly certain that , prior to 2016 , if you were an American in many parts of the world , people would have been like , ‘ That ’ s a cool place .
I want to go there.
’ Now it ’ s just like , ‘ Oh my gosh.
’ Like there ’ s pity.
” The reputation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the globe this year , in large part thanks to the country ’ s failure to contain the coronavirus , and now sits at a record low in some countries , according to a global survey by the Pew Research Center .
For Americans overseas – estimated at 5 million – that image is more than the subject of an abstract poll .
It is part of their daily lives , as they see America through the lens of co-workers , curious neighbors , and complete strangers .
The American expat has enjoyed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In France , the role has been romanticized from Gene Kelly tap dancing his way through “ An American in Paris ” to Ernest Hemingway ’ s Paris-set “ A Moveable Feast , ” where he wrote , “ There are only two places in the world where we can live happy : at home and in Paris.
” Numbering around 250,000 , Americans in France tend to lean Democratic and enjoy elite status , says Oleg Kobtzeff , an associate professor of international and comparative politics at the American University of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are themselves examples of soft power.
” It ’ s not that they ’ ve been universally loved .
Former President George W. Bush ’ s war on terror , including the Iraq War of 2003 that many allies condemned , made him as unpopular in France as President Trump is today .
But disdain has been replaced with a new , distinct sentiment that Ursuline Kairson , a Chicago-born jazz singer who has lived in Paris for over 20 years , sums up succinctly : “ Now they feel sorry for us.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ many countries around the globe because of the coronavirus .
The U.S.-Canada border , the world ’ s longest undefended frontier , has been closed to nonessential travel for seven months .
That closure is symbolic of how frayed America ’ s relationships have become .
Canadians have arguably been the strongest U.S. ally in modern times .
“ The Canadians were always the first to arrive for us , ” says Bruce Heyman , a former United States ambassador to Canada under Barack Obama .
He says that ties became strained under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on national security grounds and called Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau “ two-faced.
” “ I think Donald Trump ’ s done more damage to the U.S.-Canada relationship than any other single person maybe in the history of our two countries.
” When Alyssa Johnston lived in Jordan and Egypt teaching English prior to moving to Canada in 2011 , she was used to hostilities towards Americans .
“ When I was living overseas , America , even with Obama , didn ’ t have a good reputation , mainly as a holdover @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ In the Middle East , my American passport didn ’ t help me .
It hindered me.
” Now in some ways even though she is much closer to home , the cultural similarities that bind Americans and Canadians needs more interpretation .
“ The question that I get the most from Canadians is just like , how is this happening ?
Can you explain this to me ?
They feel like they ’ re missing something or they don ’ t understand some part of culture or politics to explain better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
“ When I ’ m kind of faced with the fact of how ridiculous it is and I have to answer those questions or be the voice of the American , of this country that they ’ re looking at being a dumpster fire , it does kind of create some anxiety.
” In Canada today , the favorability rating of Mr. Trump is at 20 % , its lowest measured for a U.S. president .
It was 83 % for Mr. Obama , according to Pew data .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world ” The election of Mr. Obama was , for many around the world , a reset after damage done on the international stage under the globally unpopular Bush presidency .
As the son of a Kenyan father , the American president personified the “ American dream ” for many around the world .
“ I stand before you as a proud American .
I also stand before you as the son of an African , ” Mr. Obama said at a speech at the African Union in Addis Ababa in 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose own history of segregation was still fresh , the moment felt especially poignant .
“ South Africans claimed Obama as one of their own , just like we did , ” says Stella Nkomo , an American and a professor of human resources management at the University of Pretoria .
“ There was a fierce sense of identification with the U.S. for electing an African president.
” “ It was always like America had a halo around it , ” Dr. Nkomo adds .
But Mr. Trump has repeatedly demeaned Africa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nations and complaining to aides that Nigerian migrants would never “ go back to their huts ” in Africa once they had seen America .
Dr. Nkomo stumbled as she tried to explain how the same country could have two presidents that saw the continent so differently in such swift succession .
It ’ s telling , she says , that “ as an American I felt safer being in this part of the world than I would have in the U.S. during this pandemic.
” For other Americans overseas , the disillusionment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but goes back longer .
In China , when American James McGregor visited on a backpacking trip in 1985 , most Chinese people he encountered were enthralled with his homeland .
“ The Chinese people I met believed that America was almost this heavenly place , ” says Mr. McGregor , who moved to China as a newspaper correspondent in 1990 and is now chairman for the China region of APCO Worldwide , a global consulting firm .
In the last decade though , the Communist Party ’ s powerful propaganda apparatus has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep China poor and weak .
The trend has been amplified amid Mr. Trump ’ s trade war with China and blaming Beijing for the coronavirus .
“ The Chinese people are looking at this president and saying you can see American decline in full technicolor , ” says Mr. McGregor .
As an executive today , Mr. McGregor has had to grapple with the shift in power as Chinese companies grew smarter , more advanced , and more powerful relative to their U.S. counterparts .
“ The Chinese know the power is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe that America needs China more than China needs America.
” Loss of respect for the American people ?
In the Middle East , for the better part of two decades , the U.S. has been embroiled in war and political brokering , projecting hard power that left few in doubt as to who was the global superpower .
For Americans residing in the region , that meant constant questions from family or friends in the U.S. , who were worried about their safety in a place depicted as unstable and rife with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic and the presidency of Donald Trump , whose leadership has polarized the U.S. , many American expats are asking themselves questions about safety – that of their family and friends back home .
“ My students and friends in Morocco could not believe the images of Americans waiting in lines at food banks this April were real , ” says Jessi Rose , a New York City native who has spent the past five years teaching English in Casablanca .
“ Right now , from media and social media , America looks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conflict all over the place.
” Cole Phillips , a World Bank consultant in Jordan , says when he first arrived in 2014 , people would always ask him how to secure a visa to America .
“ Now , I actually hear people say that they do not want to go to America because of what they see as xenophobic tendencies by the Trump administration and a wider hostility to migrants and people who look different , ” he says .
Americans abroad are uncomfortably familiar with foreigners ’ views of America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a way that Americans at home are not .
And Jen Natoli says she fears that disdain for American politics is starting to bleed into disdain for the American people , who had previously always been seen as distinct from their leaders .
Ms. Natoli , a union organizer originally from New York now living in New Zealand , says this trend “ was highlighted by us pulling out of the Iran deal and Paris accord , but perhaps most starkly in our COVID response , ” she says .
“ Not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ efforts to fight the pandemic , but the Trump administration has encouraged the American people to reject science and public health measures .
This means the loss of respect globally has expanded to the American people , not just the government.
” • This story included reporting from Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle ; Ryan Lenora Brown in Johannesburg ; and Miriam Bell in Auckland , New Zealand .

“The question that I get the most from Canadians is just like, how is this happening?” says Alyssa Johnston, who lives near Toronto. “They feel like they’re missing something or they don’t understand some part of culture or politics to explain better what’s happening.”
It also means spending a great deal of time trying to explain the words and deeds of President Donald Trump.
“My students and friends in Morocco could not believe the images of Americans waiting in lines at food banks this April were real,” says Jessi Rose, a New York City native who teaches English in Casablanca. “Right now, from media and social media, America looks violent.”
Global opinion of the U.S. has broadly declined during President Trump’s term. But what has that meant for Americans living abroad, who serve as both observers of and ambassadors for what is happening in their country?
For Americans overseas – estimated at 5 million – that image is more than the subject of an abstract poll. It is part of their daily lives, as they see America through the lens of co-workers, curious neighbors, and complete strangers.
The reputation of the United States has faded across the globe this year, in large part thanks to the country’s failure to contain the coronavirus, and now sits at a record low in some countries, according to a global survey by the Pew Research Center.
Sufyan Katariwala, the son of Pakistani immigrants from St. Louis, voted for Donald Trump in 2016 because he calls himself a proud American nationalist, though he had doubts almost immediately and the pandemic has sealed his regret.
Now based in Toronto, he says he is constantly trying to explain his country’s dysfunctional politics to a confused Canadian audience.
“I never felt that I would have to assume this role … answering [the question] in all these discussions: ‘Jeez, what is going on, you guys?’” he says. “I’m fairly certain that, prior to 2016, if you were an American in many parts of the world, people would have been like, ‘That’s a cool place. I want to go there.’ Now it’s just like, ‘Oh my gosh.’ Like there’s pity.”
Why We Wrote This Global opinion of the U.S. has broadly declined during President Trump’s term. But what has that meant for Americans living abroad, who serve as both observers of and ambassadors for what is happening in their country?
The reputation of the United States has faded across the globe this year, in large part thanks to the country’s failure to contain the coronavirus, and now sits at a record low in some countries, according to a global survey by the Pew Research Center.
For Americans overseas – estimated at 5 million – that image is more than the subject of an abstract poll. It is part of their daily lives, as they see America through the lens of co-workers, curious neighbors, and complete strangers.
“An American in Paris”
The American expat has enjoyed a storied position in culture and literature. In France, the role has been romanticized from Gene Kelly tap dancing his way through “An American in Paris” to Ernest Hemingway’s Paris-set “A Moveable Feast,” where he wrote, “There are only two places in the world where we can live happy: at home and in Paris.”
Numbering around 250,000, Americans in France tend to lean Democratic and enjoy elite status, says Oleg Kobtzeff, an associate professor of international and comparative politics at the American University of Paris. “So Americans in France are themselves examples of soft power.”
It’s not that they’ve been universally loved. Former President George W. Bush’s war on terror, including the Iraq War of 2003 that many allies condemned, made him as unpopular in France as President Trump is today.
But disdain has been replaced with a new, distinct sentiment that Ursuline Kairson, a Chicago-born jazz singer who has lived in Paris for over 20 years, sums up succinctly: “Now they feel sorry for us.”
Americans are now banned from visiting many countries around the globe because of the coronavirus. The U.S.-Canada border, the world’s longest undefended frontier, has been closed to nonessential travel for seven months.
That closure is symbolic of how frayed America’s relationships have become. Canadians have arguably been the strongest U.S. ally in modern times. “The Canadians were always the first to arrive for us,” says Bruce Heyman, a former United States ambassador to Canada under Barack Obama. He says that ties became strained under Mr. Trump, who imposed trade tariffs on national security grounds and called Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau “two-faced.” “I think Donald Trump’s done more damage to the U.S.-Canada relationship than any other single person maybe in the history of our two countries.”
When Alyssa Johnston lived in Jordan and Egypt teaching English prior to moving to Canada in 2011, she was used to hostilities towards Americans. “When I was living overseas, America, even with Obama, didn’t have a good reputation, mainly as a holdover from Bush,” she says. “In the Middle East, my American passport didn’t help me. It hindered me.”
Now in some ways even though she is much closer to home, the cultural similarities that bind Americans and Canadians needs more interpretation. “The question that I get the most from Canadians is just like, how is this happening? Can you explain this to me? They feel like they’re missing something or they don’t understand some part of culture or politics to explain better what’s happening,” she says. “When I’m kind of faced with the fact of how ridiculous it is and I have to answer those questions or be the voice of the American, of this country that they’re looking at being a dumpster fire, it does kind of create some anxiety.”
In Canada today, the favorability rating of Mr. Trump is at 20%, its lowest measured for a U.S. president. It was 83% for Mr. Obama, according to Pew data.
“I felt safer being in this part of the world”
The election of Mr. Obama was, for many around the world, a reset after damage done on the international stage under the globally unpopular Bush presidency. As the son of a Kenyan father, the American president personified the “American dream” for many around the world.
“I stand before you as a proud American. I also stand before you as the son of an African,” Mr. Obama said at a speech at the African Union in Addis Ababa in 2015. In South Africa, a country whose own history of segregation was still fresh, the moment felt especially poignant. “South Africans claimed Obama as one of their own, just like we did,” says Stella Nkomo, an American and a professor of human resources management at the University of Pretoria. “There was a fierce sense of identification with the U.S. for electing an African president.”
“It was always like America had a halo around it,” Dr. Nkomo adds.
But Mr. Trump has repeatedly demeaned Africa, using a harsh scatological obscenity about developing nations and complaining to aides that Nigerian migrants would never “go back to their huts” in Africa once they had seen America.
Dr. Nkomo stumbled as she tried to explain how the same country could have two presidents that saw the continent so differently in such swift succession. It’s telling, she says, that “as an American I felt safer being in this part of the world than I would have in the U.S. during this pandemic.”
For other Americans overseas, the disillusionment in America is just as stark, but goes back longer.
In China, when American James McGregor visited on a backpacking trip in 1985, most Chinese people he encountered were enthralled with his homeland. “The Chinese people I met believed that America was almost this heavenly place,” says Mr. McGregor, who moved to China as a newspaper correspondent in 1990 and is now chairman for the China region of APCO Worldwide, a global consulting firm.
Courtesy of James McGregor View caption Hide caption James McGregor visits with Chinese children in a village in the vicinity of Yan'an, Shaanxi Province, in 1993, when he was a Beijing-based reporter for The Wall Street Journal. He says that he finds the Chinese much less enthralled with the U.S. today.
In the last decade though, the Communist Party’s powerful propaganda apparatus has asserted Washington’s goal is to keep China poor and weak. The trend has been amplified amid Mr. Trump’s trade war with China and blaming Beijing for the coronavirus. “The Chinese people are looking at this president and saying you can see American decline in full technicolor,” says Mr. McGregor.
As an executive today, Mr. McGregor has had to grapple with the shift in power as Chinese companies grew smarter, more advanced, and more powerful relative to their U.S. counterparts. “The Chinese know the power is on their side now, and they believe that America needs China more than China needs America.”
Loss of respect for the American people?
In the Middle East, for the better part of two decades, the U.S. has been embroiled in war and political brokering, projecting hard power that left few in doubt as to who was the global superpower. For Americans residing in the region, that meant constant questions from family or friends in the U.S., who were worried about their safety in a place depicted as unstable and rife with ancient hatreds.
Now, amid the pandemic and the presidency of Donald Trump, whose leadership has polarized the U.S., many American expats are asking themselves questions about safety – that of their family and friends back home.
“My students and friends in Morocco could not believe the images of Americans waiting in lines at food banks this April were real,” says Jessi Rose, a New York City native who has spent the past five years teaching English in Casablanca. “Right now, from media and social media, America looks violent. It looks like there is conflict all over the place.”
Cole Phillips, a World Bank consultant in Jordan, says when he first arrived in 2014, people would always ask him how to secure a visa to America.
“Now, I actually hear people say that they do not want to go to America because of what they see as xenophobic tendencies by the Trump administration and a wider hostility to migrants and people who look different,” he says.
Americans abroad are uncomfortably familiar with foreigners’ views of America’s stature in the world in a way that Americans at home are not. And Jen Natoli says she fears that disdain for American politics is starting to bleed into disdain for the American people, who had previously always been seen as distinct from their leaders.
Ms. Natoli, a union organizer originally from New York now living in New Zealand, says this trend “was highlighted by us pulling out of the Iran deal and Paris accord, but perhaps most starkly in our COVID response,” she says.
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“Not only did we not contribute to the world efforts to fight the pandemic, but the Trump administration has encouraged the American people to reject science and public health measures. This means the loss of respect globally has expanded to the American people, not just the government.”
• This story included reporting from Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle; Ryan Lenora Brown in Johannesburg; and Miriam Bell in Auckland, New Zealand.


csmonitor--2020-10-22--Why diversity still lags in American TV industry

When Zendaya won last month ’ s Emmy Award for top drama series actress , her triumph seemed to underscore the TV industry ’ s progress toward inclusivity .
The “ Euphoria ” star became the second Black winner in the category in five years , following Viola Davis ’ drought-ending win for “ How to Get Away with Murder ” in 2015 .
But such success contrasts with the lag in diversity in behind-the-camera jobs and among TV executives regarding race and gender , according to a new University of California , Los Angeles , study released Thursday .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ progress for women and people of color in front of the camera , ” Darnell Hunt , dean of the school ’ s social sciences division and the study ’ s co-author , said in a statement .
“ Unfortunately , there has not been the same level of progress behind the camera.
” That ’ s most notable in Hollywood ’ s executive suites , where little has changed since the UCLA study tallied the numbers five years ago , he said .
As of September 2020 , the study found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and CEO positions at TV networks and studios , with men filling 68 % of those posts .
Among senior executives , 84 % were white and 60 % were male .
In 2015 , the executive suites were 96 % white and 71 % male , which represents what Mr. Hunt calls “ minimal change.
” That ’ s especially telling given the racial reckoning fanned by the deaths of George Floyd and other African Americans , according to Mr. Hunt .
While media corporations have voiced support for the Black Lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to match their words , he said in an interview .
This is despite the growing market share represented by consumers of color as they edge toward replacing whites people as the United State ’ s majority , Mr. Hunt said Wednesday .
According to the U.S. Census , the country in 2019 was 60 % white and 40 % nonwhite , with the latter figure projected to reach 53 % by 2050 .
“ Hollywood has been trying to figure out how to acknowledge the relationship between diversity and the bottom line @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business , ” Mr. Hunt said .
“ If they were serious about reading the way the wind is blowing and where the market is going , ” more executives reflecting that would be hired .
“ But they haven ’ t done that , ” he said , acknowledging a notable exception in Channing Dungey , who at ABC became the president of a major broadcast network , jumped to Netflix , and this week was named chairman of the Warner Bros. Television Group .
Ms. Dungey is Black .
Inclusivity also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ C-suite .
In the 2018-19 season , people of color were , on average , 24 % of credited writers and 22 % of directors for all broadcast , cable , and streaming episodes .
The underrepresentation of people of color in decision-making and creative positions means that ethnic characters ’ storylines “ may lack authenticity or will be written stereotypically or even ‘ raceless , ’ ” Ana-Christina Ramon , a co-author of the report , said in a statement .
Women , at slightly more than half the population , represented @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 28.1 % in broadcast , and 22.4 % in cable .
While they made gains in those and most other on- and off-camera jobs , they still remain underrepresented in nearly all industry roles .
The study , which examined 453 scripted broadcast , cable , and online TV shows from the 2017-18 season and 463 such shows from 2018-19 , found that people of color on-screen are collectively approaching proportional representation .
“ We ’ ve come a long way in that regard ” from UCLA ’ s first study of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the advances are lopsided when examined by ethnicity .
African American actors have led the way in inclusion for more than a decade , Mr. Hunt said , while Latinos are consistently underrepresented , Native Americans have been “ virtually invisible , ” and Asian American numbers ebb and flow .
Middle Eastern and North African inclusiveness has been on the rise .
“ But we ’ re not saying anything about the quality of the images , because in some cases inclusion can be a bad thing for those groups because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Mr. Hunt said .
“ That ’ s another topic.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .

When Zendaya won last month’s Emmy Award for top drama series actress, her triumph seemed to underscore the TV industry’s progress toward inclusivity.
The “Euphoria” star became the second Black winner in the category in five years, following Viola Davis’ drought-ending win for “How to Get Away with Murder” in 2015.
But such success contrasts with the lag in diversity in behind-the-camera jobs and among TV executives regarding race and gender, according to a new University of California, Los Angeles, study released Thursday.
“There has been a lot of progress for women and people of color in front of the camera,” Darnell Hunt, dean of the school’s social sciences division and the study’s co-author, said in a statement. “Unfortunately, there has not been the same level of progress behind the camera.”
That’s most notable in Hollywood’s executive suites, where little has changed since the UCLA study tallied the numbers five years ago, he said.
As of September 2020, the study found that white people held 92% of chair and CEO positions at TV networks and studios, with men filling 68% of those posts. Among senior executives, 84% were white and 60% were male. In 2015, the executive suites were 96% white and 71% male, which represents what Mr. Hunt calls “minimal change.”
That’s especially telling given the racial reckoning fanned by the deaths of George Floyd and other African Americans, according to Mr. Hunt. While media corporations have voiced support for the Black Lives Matter movement, their actions have failed to match their words, he said in an interview.
This is despite the growing market share represented by consumers of color as they edge toward replacing whites people as the United State’s majority, Mr. Hunt said Wednesday. According to the U.S. Census, the country in 2019 was 60% white and 40% nonwhite, with the latter figure projected to reach 53% by 2050.
“Hollywood has been trying to figure out how to acknowledge the relationship between diversity and the bottom line without fundamentally changing the way they do business,” Mr. Hunt said. “If they were serious about reading the way the wind is blowing and where the market is going,” more executives reflecting that would be hired.
“But they haven’t done that,” he said, acknowledging a notable exception in Channing Dungey, who at ABC became the president of a major broadcast network, jumped to Netflix, and this week was named chairman of the Warner Bros. Television Group. Ms. Dungey is Black.
Inclusivity also lags for those in offices outside the C-suite. In the 2018-19 season, people of color were, on average, 24% of credited writers and 22% of directors for all broadcast, cable, and streaming episodes.
The underrepresentation of people of color in decision-making and creative positions means that ethnic characters’ storylines “may lack authenticity or will be written stereotypically or even ‘raceless,’” Ana-Christina Ramon, a co-author of the report, said in a statement.
Women, at slightly more than half the population, represented 28.6% of online series creators, 28.1% in broadcast, and 22.4% in cable. While they made gains in those and most other on- and off-camera jobs, they still remain underrepresented in nearly all industry roles.
The study, which examined 453 scripted broadcast, cable, and online TV shows from the 2017-18 season and 463 such shows from 2018-19, found that people of color on-screen are collectively approaching proportional representation.
“We’ve come a long way in that regard” from UCLA’s first study of the 2011-12 season, Mr. Hunt said.
But the advances are lopsided when examined by ethnicity. African American actors have led the way in inclusion for more than a decade, Mr. Hunt said, while Latinos are consistently underrepresented, Native Americans have been “virtually invisible,” and Asian American numbers ebb and flow.
Middle Eastern and North African inclusiveness has been on the rise.
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“But we’re not saying anything about the quality of the images, because in some cases inclusion can be a bad thing for those groups because we’re taking about stereotypical images,” Mr. Hunt said. “That’s another topic.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-22--A nation of coups wants the army in the barracks

A good reason to track the protests in Thailand is that they reflect how much the world has let go of a belief that military officers know best how to run a country .
In the past century , no other country has had more attempted or successful coups ( 19 ) than Thailand .
It is one of the few places where generals still see civilian rule and civic equality as dangerous .
On Thursday , protesters in Bangkok appeared closer to winning their struggle to have the country run by ballots and not bullets and to send the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current ruler , former army chief and coup leader Prayuth Chan-ocha , was forced to lift a week-old emergency declaration that allowed security forces to quash the protests with violence .
Ever agile in organizing pop-up protests via social media , the demonstrators did not flinch .
They surrounded the seat of government .
Other countries where generals wield a strong hand are probably watching these events closely .
Scholars say the success rate of coup attempts has fallen in the past couple of decades .
Today ’ s military-controlled governments feel greater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if rigged , in order to create a democratic facade and a minimum of legitimacy .
In Pakistan , an alliance of 11 political parties is demanding that the military stay out of politics .
In Sudan , after last year ’ s protests ousted a longtime military ruler , the country is on the path to civilian rule in two years .
Similar protests in Algeria have the military scrambling to stay in power .
And in Mali , a recent coup was partially rolled back this month under pressure from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appointed a civilian prime minister and promised elections .
In many countries , the armed forces often display a hubris of superiority , believing they can run government better because of their discipline , organization , and moral duty to save the nation .
Yet they also often fail in the messy tasks of running an economy and social programs or in reining in corruption .
In Thailand , the people have slowly awakened to the identity of being equal citizens and to the need for a democracy based on individual self-governance .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Thai military , like militaries everywhere , must by its nature be controlled by civilians .
With fewer coups around the world these days , countries continue to realize that power does not lie in guns but in democratic ideals , reflected through the will of the people .
That trend is playing out on the streets of Bangkok , where coups could soon be history .

A good reason to track the protests in Thailand is that they reflect how much the world has let go of a belief that military officers know best how to run a country. In the past century, no other country has had more attempted or successful coups (19) than Thailand. It is one of the few places where generals still see civilian rule and civic equality as dangerous.
On Thursday, protesters in Bangkok appeared closer to winning their struggle to have the country run by ballots and not bullets and to send the military back to the barracks. The current ruler, former army chief and coup leader Prayuth Chan-ocha, was forced to lift a week-old emergency declaration that allowed security forces to quash the protests with violence. Ever agile in organizing pop-up protests via social media, the demonstrators did not flinch. They surrounded the seat of government.
Other countries where generals wield a strong hand are probably watching these events closely. Scholars say the success rate of coup attempts has fallen in the past couple of decades. Today’s military-controlled governments feel greater international pressure to hold elections, even if rigged, in order to create a democratic facade and a minimum of legitimacy.
In Pakistan, an alliance of 11 political parties is demanding that the military stay out of politics. In Sudan, after last year’s protests ousted a longtime military ruler, the country is on the path to civilian rule in two years. Similar protests in Algeria have the military scrambling to stay in power. And in Mali, a recent coup was partially rolled back this month under pressure from the 55-nation African Union. Coup leaders have appointed a civilian prime minister and promised elections.
In many countries, the armed forces often display a hubris of superiority, believing they can run government better because of their discipline, organization, and moral duty to save the nation. Yet they also often fail in the messy tasks of running an economy and social programs or in reining in corruption.
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In Thailand, the people have slowly awakened to the identity of being equal citizens and to the need for a democracy based on individual self-governance. As a coercive arm of the state, the Thai military, like militaries everywhere, must by its nature be controlled by civilians.
With fewer coups around the world these days, countries continue to realize that power does not lie in guns but in democratic ideals, reflected through the will of the people. That trend is playing out on the streets of Bangkok, where coups could soon be history.