csmonitor--2020-09-18--How two freak weather events stoked Western fires

It began as a stunning light show on a mid-August weekend – lightning bolts crackling in the skies over Northern and Central California , touching down in grasslands and vineyards .
The National Weather Service warned that the dry lightning striking a parched landscape “ could lead to new wildfire.
” It turned out to be a huge understatement .
Thousands of bolts ignited hundreds of fires in California and at least one in Oregon , setting the stage for some of the most destructive wildfires the West Coast states have seen in modern times .
One month later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least 34 people have died in California , Oregon , and Washington .
“ What really was jaw dropping for people was the fact that this really changed the paradigm that people have in terms of their sense of security , ” said Oregon Department of Forestry spokesman Jim Gersbach .
“ These burned so close to populated areas , driven by this wind – basically unstoppable.
” The massive wildfires renewed a longstanding debate over whether climate change or a lack of aggressive forest management played the bigger role this time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a warming Earth , which leads to higher temperatures and drier landscape , increases the likelihood of extreme events and contributes to their severity .
But many experts have also argued that more needs to be done to thin forests and reduce debris so that flames have less fuel .
Before the cluster of lightning strikes , the West ’ s fire season had been slightly more severe than normal .
In Oregon , officials had decided to not let fires grow , ordering that even small blazes be smothered quickly by aircraft @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t be needed and potentially spread the coronavirus , Mr. Gersbach said .
But then came the weekend of Aug. 15 and 16 .
“ It ’ s been a pretty insane 12 hours across the Bay Area , ” the National Weather Service forecasters reported , after the lightning storm during which white-hot bolts licked at the span of San Francisco ’ s landmark Bay Bridge .
But that was just Act I .
Act II came three weeks later , when another freak weather phenomenon occurred .
A vast high-pressure zone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Southwest gave Denver a summer snowfall while pushing warm , dry winds toward the Pacific coast , said Greg Jones , a professor and research climatologist at Linfield University in McMinnville , Oregon .
Normally , the winds that time of year go in the opposite direction .
Those gusts pushed the fires through trees and brush that had been drying out all summer , causing the blazes to explode in size and sending them rushing into towns and rural homes .
Many residents barely had time to flee with just the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called the weather conditions “ likely a once in a generation event.
” For the first time ever , five megafires – defined as covering at least 100,000 acres – were ablaze simultaneously in Oregon last week .
Smoke covered the West Coast states , creating some of the most hazardous air quality in the world .
Seattle ’ s iconic Space Needle was all but hidden in brown haze , topped with an American flag that drooped as if in surrender .
The smoke stretched clear across the continent and even blew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firefighters responded .
Clad in orange fire-resistant suits and helmets , and carrying Pulaski hand tools , they trudged across blackened earth toward the flames .
National Guard troops joined the effort .
Even local residents tried to save homes by gouging firelines by hand and with excavators and bulldozers .
“ You got ta pull together in times like this because it ’ s like a war zone out here , ” Kerry Kuenzi , an area resident who with several dozen others fought a monster fire in the community of Scotts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Beachie Creek Fire he faced covered less than a square mile on Sept. 7 .
Overnight , driven by high winds and extremely dry fuels , it grew to 205 square miles , fire managers said .
New fires continued to ignite in California and Oregon .
One burned near Interstate 5 in Oregon not far from the California state line , turning most of the towns of Phoenix and Talent into a blackened landscape littered with the twisted remains of mobile homes and other structures .
The flames were so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including those facing a blaze threatening Portland ’ s southeastern suburbs .
“ You can ’ t really stand there with a hose when you ’ ve got 30-mile-an-hour winds and dry fuels , ” Mr. Gersbach said .
Firefighters from across the nation and Canada have descended on the region to help fight the blazes : There are more than 17,000 in California fighting over two dozen major fires , and more than 6,000 facing about a dozen blazes in Oregon .
About 5,300 square miles have burned this year in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cal Fire said .
In Oregon , the figure is about 1,560 square miles , nearly double the 10-year average .
Residents are desperately hoping for rain to wash away the choking wildfire smoke .
Predicted rains in fire-hit parts of Oregon haven ’ t arrived yet .
California remains dry , though calming winds and lower temperatures – caused in part by the smoke blotting out the sun – have aided firefighters .
Small amounts of rain are in the forecast for far northern California and the Sierra Nevada .
More than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return home in California , Gov .
Gavin Newsom said Wednesday .
Some 4,000 people remain in shelters in Oregon , according to the American Red Cross .
Some no longer have homes to return to .
About 1,600 homes were destroyed in Oregon , the state Office of Emergency Management said , and 4,200 structures burned in California .
For some of those whose homes have survived , it ’ s too dangerous to return .
With the fire season not yet over , residents are praying for a respite before the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story was reported by The Associated Press .
Associated Press writers John Antczak in Los Angeles ; Sara Cline in Salem , Oregon ; and Gillian Flaccus in Portland contributed .

It began as a stunning light show on a mid-August weekend – lightning bolts crackling in the skies over Northern and Central California, touching down in grasslands and vineyards.
The National Weather Service warned that the dry lightning striking a parched landscape “could lead to new wildfire.”
It turned out to be a huge understatement. Thousands of bolts ignited hundreds of fires in California and at least one in Oregon, setting the stage for some of the most destructive wildfires the West Coast states have seen in modern times.
One month later, firefighters are still battling them, and at least 34 people have died in California, Oregon, and Washington.
“What really was jaw dropping for people was the fact that this really changed the paradigm that people have in terms of their sense of security,” said Oregon Department of Forestry spokesman Jim Gersbach. “These burned so close to populated areas, driven by this wind – basically unstoppable.”
The massive wildfires renewed a longstanding debate over whether climate change or a lack of aggressive forest management played the bigger role this time around. Numerous studies have found that a warming Earth, which leads to higher temperatures and drier landscape, increases the likelihood of extreme events and contributes to their severity. But many experts have also argued that more needs to be done to thin forests and reduce debris so that flames have less fuel.
Before the cluster of lightning strikes, the West’s fire season had been slightly more severe than normal. In Oregon, officials had decided to not let fires grow, ordering that even small blazes be smothered quickly by aircraft, so throngs of firefighters wouldn’t be needed and potentially spread the coronavirus, Mr. Gersbach said.
But then came the weekend of Aug. 15 and 16.
“It’s been a pretty insane 12 hours across the Bay Area,” the National Weather Service forecasters reported, after the lightning storm during which white-hot bolts licked at the span of San Francisco’s landmark Bay Bridge.
But that was just Act I.
Act II came three weeks later, when another freak weather phenomenon occurred.
A vast high-pressure zone stretching from Alaska to the desert in the Southwest gave Denver a summer snowfall while pushing warm, dry winds toward the Pacific coast, said Greg Jones, a professor and research climatologist at Linfield University in McMinnville, Oregon.
Normally, the winds that time of year go in the opposite direction.
Those gusts pushed the fires through trees and brush that had been drying out all summer, causing the blazes to explode in size and sending them rushing into towns and rural homes. Many residents barely had time to flee with just the clothes on their back.
Mr. Jones called the weather conditions “likely a once in a generation event.”
For the first time ever, five megafires – defined as covering at least 100,000 acres – were ablaze simultaneously in Oregon last week.
Smoke covered the West Coast states, creating some of the most hazardous air quality in the world. Seattle’s iconic Space Needle was all but hidden in brown haze, topped with an American flag that drooped as if in surrender. The smoke stretched clear across the continent and even blew over parts of Europe.
Armies of firefighters responded. Clad in orange fire-resistant suits and helmets, and carrying Pulaski hand tools, they trudged across blackened earth toward the flames. National Guard troops joined the effort. Even local residents tried to save homes by gouging firelines by hand and with excavators and bulldozers.
“You gotta pull together in times like this because it’s like a war zone out here,” Kerry Kuenzi, an area resident who with several dozen others fought a monster fire in the community of Scotts Mills, Oregon, told The Oregonian/OregonLive.
The Beachie Creek Fire he faced covered less than a square mile on Sept. 7. Overnight, driven by high winds and extremely dry fuels, it grew to 205 square miles, fire managers said.
New fires continued to ignite in California and Oregon. One burned near Interstate 5 in Oregon not far from the California state line, turning most of the towns of Phoenix and Talent into a blackened landscape littered with the twisted remains of mobile homes and other structures.
The flames were so intense that firefighters sometimes had to retreat, including those facing a blaze threatening Portland’s southeastern suburbs.
“You can’t really stand there with a hose when you’ve got 30-mile-an-hour winds and dry fuels,” Mr. Gersbach said.
Firefighters from across the nation and Canada have descended on the region to help fight the blazes: There are more than 17,000 in California fighting over two dozen major fires, and more than 6,000 facing about a dozen blazes in Oregon.
About 5,300 square miles have burned this year in California – more than ever before, Cal Fire said. In Oregon, the figure is about 1,560 square miles, nearly double the 10-year average.
Residents are desperately hoping for rain to wash away the choking wildfire smoke. Predicted rains in fire-hit parts of Oregon haven’t arrived yet. California remains dry, though calming winds and lower temperatures – caused in part by the smoke blotting out the sun – have aided firefighters. Small amounts of rain are in the forecast for far northern California and the Sierra Nevada.
More than 38,000 people are still not able to return home in California, Gov. Gavin Newsom said Wednesday. Some 4,000 people remain in shelters in Oregon, according to the American Red Cross.
Some no longer have homes to return to. About 1,600 homes were destroyed in Oregon, the state Office of Emergency Management said, and 4,200 structures burned in California.
For some of those whose homes have survived, it’s too dangerous to return.
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With the fire season not yet over, residents are praying for a respite before the next batch of large wildfires.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Associated Press writers John Antczak in Los Angeles; Sara Cline in Salem, Oregon; and Gillian Flaccus in Portland contributed.


csmonitor--2020-09-19--Readers write: The suffrage issue

Readers write: The suffrage issue

I am a regular and longtime reader of The Christian Science Monitor and I have been particularly grateful in recent months for the diverse and balanced coverage of so many of the world issues needing prayerful attention .
When I received the Aug. 3 issue covering a century of women ’ s suffrage , I just knew I had to read every word .
And now I am so grateful that I did .
This issue is a real testament to the way the Monitor tells the news – from what did happen to what is happening to what may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ genuine honesty and empathy .
Each article stood on its own but added immeasurably to the whole .
I will keep this issue as a permanent part of my library .
Regarding the cover story “ The six-week ‘ brawl ’ that changed the world ” in the Aug. 3 Monitor Weekly : I am deeply involved in advocacy for gender equity , diversity , and inclusion in Canada ’ s screen industry .
This article and the focus on women around the world making a difference is truly brilliant .
I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I always enjoy and learn from the Monitor Weekly .
The Aug. 3 special suffrage issue is one of my favorites .
I learned a lot and found women whom I want to know better , including history professor Martha S. Jones and composer Clarice Assad .
Remarkable !
My only suggestion would have been to add Wilma Mankiller , who in the mid-1980s became the first and so far only female principal chief of the Western Cherokee Nation , of which I am a member .
In my opinion , she is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also know that it must have been very difficult to make the choices of the women who were included .
When I receive my Monitor , I first look at the photos that appear in the back and front of the magazine .
The photo essay titled “ Portraits of extraordinary women ” by Melanie Stetson Freeman is a testament to her skill and compassion .
I started with the photos on pages 40 and 41 ; then I turned to the first photo , of Jeannette Nyirabaganwa , and was shocked to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide .
Ms. Stetson Freeman has been a wonderful asset to the Monitor .
No need for a prince Regarding the Aug. 3 Home Forum essay , “ A princess in no need of a prince ” : This article brought back so many memories and thoughts about my journey through life as a female baby boomer who lived mostly in a male world .
My mother blamed my college reading assignment of Betty Friedan ’ s “ The Feminine Mystique ” for my independent attitudes toward career @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I think I should also give full credit to my mother , who was denied her first nursing diploma because she got married , returned to college in her late 40s to get another nursing diploma ( along with a master ’ s in nursing ) , and worked until she was almost in her late 70s .
I am so grateful for the example she set for me and my sister – to go after what we wanted and excel at it .
Thanks for the reminder of what a fabulous @ @ @ @ @

The suffrage issue
I am a regular and longtime reader of The Christian Science Monitor and I have been particularly grateful in recent months for the diverse and balanced coverage of so many of the world issues needing prayerful attention.
When I received the Aug. 3 issue covering a century of women’s suffrage, I just knew I had to read every word. And now I am so grateful that I did. This issue is a real testament to the way the Monitor tells the news – from what did happen to what is happening to what may happen in the future, all with genuine honesty and empathy. Each article stood on its own but added immeasurably to the whole. I will keep this issue as a permanent part of my library.
Nancy Root
Farmington, Connecticut
Six-week ‘brawl’
Regarding the cover story “The six-week ‘brawl’ that changed the world” in the Aug. 3 Monitor Weekly: I am deeply involved in advocacy for gender equity, diversity, and inclusion in Canada’s screen industry. This article and the focus on women around the world making a difference is truly brilliant. I’m sharing it far and wide!
Jan Miller
Halifax, Nova Scotia
Wilma Mankiller
I always enjoy and learn from the Monitor Weekly. The Aug. 3 special suffrage issue is one of my favorites. I learned a lot and found women whom I want to know better, including history professor Martha S. Jones and composer Clarice Assad. Remarkable!
My only suggestion would have been to add Wilma Mankiller, who in the mid-1980s became the first and so far only female principal chief of the Western Cherokee Nation, of which I am a member. In my opinion, she is also the greatest Cherokee chief. I also know that it must have been very difficult to make the choices of the women who were included.
Mike Horn
Fullerton, California
Photo essay
When I receive my Monitor, I first look at the photos that appear in the back and front of the magazine. The photo essay titled “Portraits of extraordinary women” by Melanie Stetson Freeman is a testament to her skill and compassion. I started with the photos on pages 40 and 41; then I turned to the first photo, of Jeannette Nyirabaganwa, and was shocked to learn that she was killed for testifying against perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide. Ms. Stetson Freeman has been a wonderful asset to the Monitor.
Nick Royal
Santa Cruz, California
No need for a prince
Regarding the Aug. 3 Home Forum essay, “A princess in no need of a prince”: This article brought back so many memories and thoughts about my journey through life as a female baby boomer who lived mostly in a male world.
My mother blamed my college reading assignment of Betty Friedan’s “The Feminine Mystique” for my independent attitudes toward career, marriage, and life. However, I think I should also give full credit to my mother, who was denied her first nursing diploma because she got married, returned to college in her late 40s to get another nursing diploma (along with a master’s in nursing), and worked until she was almost in her late 70s.
I am so grateful for the example she set for me and my sister – to go after what we wanted and excel at it. Thanks for the reminder of what a fabulous woman my mother was!
Chini Lee Streitwieser
Houston


csmonitor--2020-09-21--Replacing RBG: In looming Senate battle, both sides race to the brink

“ What ’ s gone on over the last four years is one threat after another and the weakening of our institutions , ” says government professor Christine Nemacheck .
“ It ’ s got to be , at some point here , country over party.
” When parties exercise their powers of office to the very edge , they encourage opponents to do the same if they ’ re elected .
And as the stakes of losing rise , politics becomes more heated , voters become more polarized – and the long-standing norm that lawmakers act with the realization @ @ @ @ @ @ @ withers away .
All these moves are within constitutional bounds .
The problem is the escalating brinkmanship of action and reaction .
In response , some Democratic lawmakers are threatening , should their party win control of the Senate and the White House , to add seats to the Supreme Court or push for statehood for Puerto Rico and Washington , D.C. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , by vowing to proceed only weeks before Election Day , has enraged Democrats , who see the move as blatantly hypocritical given that Senator McConnell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Barack Obama ’ s nominee to an open high court seat in 2016 .
The battle to fill Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg ’ s seat on the U.S. Supreme Court is shaping up to be a defining moment in politics – a titanic struggle that could shift a presidential election and produce enormous policy consequences , while straining the limits of constitutional democracy .
The battle to fill Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg ’ s seat on the U.S. Supreme Court is shaping up to be a defining moment in politics – a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election and produce enormous policy consequences , while straining the limits of American constitutional democracy .
Much depends on how the Senate ’ s “ advise and consent ” confirmation process plays out .
Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , by vowing to proceed only weeks before Election Day , has enraged many Democrats , who see the move as blatantly hypocritical given that Senator McConnell refused to even allow a hearing for President Barack Obama ’ s nominee to an open high court seat in 2016 .
In response , some Democratic lawmakers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control of the Senate and the White House , to add seats to the Supreme Court or push for statehood for Puerto Rico and Washington , D.C. , to dilute the Republicans ’ geographic edge in the Senate .
All these moves – Senator McConnell ’ s included – are within constitutional bounds .
The problem is the escalating brinkmanship of action and reaction .
When parties exercise their powers of office to the very edge , they encourage opponents to do the same if they ’ re elected .
And as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more heated , voters become more polarized – and the longstanding norm that lawmakers act with the realization they will not always be the majority withers away .
“ What ’ s gone on over the last four years is one threat after another and the weakening of our institutions .
Our institutions of government are frayed at this point , ” says Christine Nemacheck , a professor of government at the College of William and Mary .
“ It ’ s got to be , at some point here , country over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sudden vacancy at the Supreme Court has scrambled the way President Donald Trump and Democratic nominee Joe Biden plan to deal with the last weeks of the 2020 election .
Democrats have tried to make the election a referendum on Mr. Trump ’ s performance in office , in particular his perceived mismanagement of the U.S. response to the coronavirus pandemic .
Some 200,000 Americans have died – the highest death toll in the world .
Republicans have attempted to focus on the economy , pre-COVID-19 , and the possibility of a sharp @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to incorporate the Supreme Court in some manner , keeping in mind that “ Supreme Court appointments ” ranked third in a recent Pew poll of which issues voters think important in the upcoming election .
President Trump has vowed to name his nominee for the seat by the weekend .
Senator McConnell will likely proceed quickly with the hearing process after that , though it remains unclear whether he will schedule votes on the nominee before or after the November election .
Two GOP senators – Lisa Murkowski of Alaska , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ objected to voting before Election Day .
Republicans say that the introduction of the court as a campaign subject can only help their candidates , from the president on down , by raising the visibility of judicial appointments – an area where Mr. Trump has had success .
“ It reminds people of one of the more critical decisions that their elected officials make , ” says Eric Wilson , a GOP strategist .
It will also fire up Republican voters , they say .
Taking things slow , perhaps by delaying anticipated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enthusiasm .
And voter enthusiasm is something that endangered GOP candidates such as Sen. Martha McSally in Arizona need .
“ In the big picture of all the Senate races , they ’ re going to have a big problem if they don ’ t dig in and fight on this , ” says Brian Darling , a GOP strategist at Liberty Government Affairs and a former Senate staffer .
Mr .
Darling and other Republicans defend Senator McConnell against charges of hypocrisy by noting that in 2016 circumstances were different .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate , as opposed to today ’ s situation , where Republicans control both .
And procedural debates about such things as a so-called “ McConnell rule ” on nominations don ’ t matter in the end , Mr .
Darling says .
“ What matters is in the Constitution , and the Constitution says the president nominates and the Senate confirms , ” says the GOP strategist .
New Democratic interest in the court ?
Conversely , Democrats say Senator McConnell ’ s actions demonstrate openly to voters that all the GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ principles or voter representation .
“ I think Republicans are overreaching here .
I know this is politics and we ’ re all big boys and girls , but I think they are going to pay a price for that , ” says Joel Payne , a Democratic strategist with The Hub Project .
In the past , Democrats haven ’ t placed that much emphasis on the courts , but that ’ s changing as an organized GOP effort places more and more right-leaning judges on the bench .
In fact , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fired up by the open Supreme Court seat as Republicans , says Mr. Payne .
According to Pew , 66 % of Biden supporters place a high priority on the issue of Supreme Court appointments , as opposed to 61 % of Trump supporters .
In the first day after Justice Ginsburg ’ s death was announced , grassroots donors gave $ 91.4 million to Democratic candidates and causes – smashing previous records , ActBlue announced this weekend .
If they forge ahead with a pre-election vote , Republicans likely will be sacrificing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already struggling in her reelection race , and perhaps other GOP Senate candidates in swing states , says Mr. Payne .
And they may unite Democrats on court issues , something that ’ s not been the case in the past .
Court packing – adding seats to the Supreme Court via legislation , which is legal under the Constitution – has long been controversial in the party .
President Franklin Roosevelt tried and failed to expand the high court when conservative justices initially blocked key New Deal reforms .
Such a move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might see increasing the number of justices as overreach in itself .
In the past , former Vice President Biden has dismissed the idea .
But if they win the Senate and the presidency , yet face a Supreme Court dominated by conservative judges , the Democratic Party could come together to support this or other big structural changes , such as statehood for D.C. and Puerto Rico .
“ What you are seeing the beginning of is pretty widespread court reform becoming a mainstream issue in the Democratic Party .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Republican overreach , ” says Payne .
The process of putting judges on the bench of federal courts , particularly at the Supreme Court level , has been political for a very long time .
F.D.R.
’ s failed court packing attempt is just one example .
Richard Nixon , the last president with three court picks in the space of a single four-year term , lost Senate votes on two nominees before successfully getting Justice Harry Blackmun confirmed .
But the tipping point was Robert Bork ’ s failed nomination by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nemacheck of William and Mary .
That ’ s when judicial nominees began attracting concerted opposition from political activists – a trend that ’ s only intensified since , culminating to this point in the intense confirmation battle of Justice Brett Kavanaugh , who was accused of sexual misconduct in high school by Christine Blasey Ford .
Is there any way of getting past the cycle of grievances created by this process , with both sides feeling the other treated them unfairly ?
Brian Darling of Liberty Government Affairs is not sure there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the nation as a whole and the high stakes of the fights .
“ This will go on for the rest of our lives because this is the way the process is built , ” he says .
“ That ’ s politics , and that ’ s OK. ” And the court itself has some power over how it affects America ’ s political balance .
There is some evidence that the court has responded to public opinion and acted strategically in response to the national political divide .
Chief Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moderated somewhat and become the median justice , swinging back and forth to protect what he sees as the court ’ s legitimacy , says Lee Epstein , the Ethan A.H. Shepley distinguished professor at Washington University in St. Louis .
“ It is possible , of course , that the court will pay attention to the mood of the country , ” says Dr. Epstein .
“ Maybe some of these predictions about a super conservative court are a little overwrought .
But a lot of it depends on what happens in @ @ @ @

“What’s gone on over the last four years is one threat after another and the weakening of our institutions,” says government professor Christine Nemacheck. “It’s got to be, at some point here, country over party.”
When parties exercise their powers of office to the very edge, they encourage opponents to do the same if they’re elected. And as the stakes of losing rise, politics becomes more heated, voters become more polarized – and the long-standing norm that lawmakers act with the realization they will not always be the majority withers away.
All these moves are within constitutional bounds. The problem is the escalating brinkmanship of action and reaction.
In response, some Democratic lawmakers are threatening, should their party win control of the Senate and the White House, to add seats to the Supreme Court or push for statehood for Puerto Rico and Washington, D.C.
Think politics and fairness belong in the same sphere? Our reporters look at how hardball tactics may be putting party over country in the Supreme Court succession battle.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, by vowing to proceed only weeks before Election Day, has enraged Democrats, who see the move as blatantly hypocritical given that Senator McConnell refused to even allow a hearing for President Barack Obama’s nominee to an open high court seat in 2016.
The battle to fill Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s seat on the U.S. Supreme Court is shaping up to be a defining moment in politics – a titanic struggle that could shift a presidential election and produce enormous policy consequences, while straining the limits of constitutional democracy.
The battle to fill Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s seat on the U.S. Supreme Court is shaping up to be a defining moment in politics – a titanic struggle that could shift a presidential election and produce enormous policy consequences, while straining the limits of American constitutional democracy.
Much depends on how the Senate’s “advice and consent” confirmation process plays out. Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, by vowing to proceed only weeks before Election Day, has enraged many Democrats, who see the move as blatantly hypocritical given that Senator McConnell refused to even allow a hearing for President Barack Obama’s nominee to an open high court seat in 2016.
In response, some Democratic lawmakers are threatening, should their party win control of the Senate and the White House, to add seats to the Supreme Court or push for statehood for Puerto Rico and Washington, D.C., to dilute the Republicans’ geographic edge in the Senate.
Why We Wrote This Think politics and fairness belong in the same sphere? Our reporters look at how hardball tactics may be putting party over country in the Supreme Court succession battle.
All these moves – Senator McConnell’s included – are within constitutional bounds. The problem is the escalating brinkmanship of action and reaction.
When parties exercise their powers of office to the very edge, they encourage opponents to do the same if they’re elected. And as the stakes of losing rise, politics becomes more heated, voters become more polarized – and the longstanding norm that lawmakers act with the realization they will not always be the majority withers away.
“What’s gone on over the last four years is one threat after another and the weakening of our institutions. Our institutions of government are frayed at this point,” says Christine Nemacheck, a professor of government at the College of William and Mary. “It’s got to be, at some point here, country over party.”
Final weeks of 2020 campaign, upended
If nothing else, the sudden vacancy at the Supreme Court has scrambled the way President Donald Trump and Democratic nominee Joe Biden plan to deal with the last weeks of the 2020 election.
Democrats have tried to make the election a referendum on Mr. Trump’s performance in office, in particular his perceived mismanagement of the U.S. response to the coronavirus pandemic. Some 200,000 Americans have died – the highest death toll in the world. Republicans have attempted to focus on the economy, pre-COVID-19, and the possibility of a sharp recovery from recession. Now both have to incorporate the Supreme Court in some manner, keeping in mind that “Supreme Court appointments” ranked third in a recent Pew poll of which issues voters think important in the upcoming election.
President Trump has vowed to name his nominee for the seat by the weekend. Senator McConnell will likely proceed quickly with the hearing process after that, though it remains unclear whether he will schedule votes on the nominee before or after the November election. Two GOP senators – Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, and Susan Collins of Maine – have already objected to voting before Election Day.
Republicans say that the introduction of the court as a campaign subject can only help their candidates, from the president on down, by raising the visibility of judicial appointments – an area where Mr. Trump has had success.
“It reminds people of one of the more critical decisions that their elected officials make,” says Eric Wilson, a GOP strategist.
It will also fire up Republican voters, they say. Taking things slow, perhaps by delaying anticipated votes, might squelch some of this enthusiasm. And voter enthusiasm is something that endangered GOP candidates such as Sen. Martha McSally in Arizona need.
“In the big picture of all the Senate races, they’re going to have a big problem if they don’t dig in and fight on this,” says Brian Darling, a GOP strategist at Liberty Government Affairs and a former Senate staffer.
Mr. Darling and other Republicans defend Senator McConnell against charges of hypocrisy by noting that in 2016 circumstances were different. A Democrat was president and Republicans controlled the Senate, as opposed to today’s situation, where Republicans control both.
And procedural debates about such things as a so-called “McConnell rule” on nominations don’t matter in the end, Mr. Darling says.
“What matters is in the Constitution, and the Constitution says the president nominates and the Senate confirms,” says the GOP strategist.
New Democratic interest in the court?
Conversely, Democrats say Senator McConnell’s actions demonstrate openly to voters that all the GOP is interested in is power, not principles or voter representation.
“I think Republicans are overreaching here. I know this is politics and we’re all big boys and girls, but I think they are going to pay a price for that,” says Joel Payne, a Democratic strategist with The Hub Project.
In the past, Democrats haven’t placed that much emphasis on the courts, but that’s changing as an organized GOP effort places more and more right-leaning judges on the bench. In fact, this year Democratic voters might be as fired up by the open Supreme Court seat as Republicans, says Mr. Payne. According to Pew, 66% of Biden supporters place a high priority on the issue of Supreme Court appointments, as opposed to 61% of Trump supporters. In the first day after Justice Ginsburg’s death was announced, grassroots donors gave $91.4 million to Democratic candidates and causes – smashing previous records, ActBlue announced this weekend.
If they forge ahead with a pre-election vote, Republicans likely will be sacrificing Senator Collins, a moderate who is already struggling in her reelection race, and perhaps other GOP Senate candidates in swing states, says Mr. Payne. And they may unite Democrats on court issues, something that’s not been the case in the past.
Court packing – adding seats to the Supreme Court via legislation, which is legal under the Constitution – has long been controversial in the party. President Franklin Roosevelt tried and failed to expand the high court when conservative justices initially blocked key New Deal reforms.
Such a move all but invites GOP retaliation. Voters might see increasing the number of justices as overreach in itself. In the past, former Vice President Biden has dismissed the idea.
But if they win the Senate and the presidency, yet face a Supreme Court dominated by conservative judges, the Democratic Party could come together to support this or other big structural changes, such as statehood for D.C. and Puerto Rico.
“What you are seeing the beginning of is pretty widespread court reform becoming a mainstream issue in the Democratic Party. It’s not a far-left issue anymore because of Republican overreach,” says Payne.
Bruising nomination fights now the norm
The process of putting judges on the bench of federal courts, particularly at the Supreme Court level, has been political for a very long time. F.D.R.’s failed court packing attempt is just one example. Richard Nixon, the last president with three court picks in the space of a single four-year term, lost Senate votes on two nominees before successfully getting Justice Harry Blackmun confirmed.
But the tipping point was Robert Bork’s failed nomination by Ronald Reagan in 1987, says Dr. Nemacheck of William and Mary. That’s when judicial nominees began attracting concerted opposition from political activists – a trend that’s only intensified since, culminating to this point in the intense confirmation battle of Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who was accused of sexual misconduct in high school by Christine Blasey Ford.
Is there any way of getting past the cycle of grievances created by this process, with both sides feeling the other treated them unfairly? Brian Darling of Liberty Government Affairs is not sure there is, given the close political balance of the nation as a whole and the high stakes of the fights.
“This will go on for the rest of our lives because this is the way the process is built,” he says. “That’s politics, and that’s OK.”
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And the court itself has some power over how it affects America’s political balance. There is some evidence that the court has responded to public opinion and acted strategically in response to the national political divide. Chief Justice John Roberts, for instance, has moderated somewhat and become the median justice, swinging back and forth to protect what he sees as the court’s legitimacy, says Lee Epstein, the Ethan A.H. Shepley distinguished professor at Washington University in St. Louis.
“It is possible, of course, that the court will pay attention to the mood of the country,” says Dr. Epstein. “Maybe some of these predictions about a super conservative court are a little overwrought. But a lot of it depends on what happens in the elections.”


csmonitor--2020-09-21--After the pandemic, where will the US child care system end up?

“ There is the need to build child care back better , ” says Marica Cox Mitchell of Bainum Family Foundation in Maryland .
“ It ’ s now a conversation that ’ s happening outside of the insular child care space.
” Yet the pandemic has also focused public attention on the role that child care plays for families and the economy , advocates say , and has created momentum for a significant reevaluation of the system , which has long been unaffordable for many parents and expensive for providers .
Over the past six months , child care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pandemic restrictions and parents opting to keep their children at home .
Some research suggests that when the public health crisis recedes , the U.S. may emerge with a loss of nearly half of its available child care spots .
“ It is taking a toll , ” says Mr. Young of the pandemic .
He ’ s confident that his organization will survive , but says “ it ’ s not easy and it ’ s not guaranteed.
” In Richmond , Virginia , J. David Young , the CEO of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ centers , is having to spend extra money on cleaning products and reconfiguring building space .
Enrollment in his centers , which serve mostly low-income families , has dropped in half .
Muluwork Kenea closed Amen Family Child Care for almost two months during the height of COVID-19 lockdowns .
The business she operates out of her home in Washington , D.C. , survived through a loan from the federal Paycheck Protection Program .
Although she doesn ’ t expect to close for good , she ’ s worried about her costs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ operate a 24-hour facility , so she can care for children at night for parents working nontraditional hours .
Prior to the pandemic , she purchased protective gloves for $ 42 .
Now they ’ re running $ 89 a box .
A box of disinfectant spray has jumped from under $ 20 to $ 90 .
“ The federal government has to think about us , ” she says .
“ We are super necessary , without us there is no work .
We don ’ t want to close our businesses.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ those that have forced thousands of child care providers out of business over the past six months , as class sizes have dwindled due to pandemic restrictions and parents have opted to keep their children at home .
When the public health crisis recedes , the United States may emerge with a loss of nearly half of its available child care spots , according to one study .
Traditionally , closed child care businesses have not been quickly replaced .
Yet the pandemic has also focused public attention on the role that child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a new way , advocates say , and has created momentum for a significant reevaluation of the U.S. care system , which has long been unaffordable for many parents and expensive for providers to operate .
“ There is the need to build child care back better , ” says Marica Cox Mitchell , director of early learning at the Bainum Family Foundation in Bethesda , Maryland , which helped establish a new private fund that provides grants to child care operators in Washington , D.C. , including Ms. Kenea .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s happening outside of the insular child care space.
” While there ’ s widespread agreement on the crisis facing the U.S. child care industry , solutions vary from creating a universal child care system to focusing on reducing regulations and fostering more parent choice , experts say .
Whether the political appetite exists at the state or federal levels to create long-term change is open for debate .
“ I think the question is , are we going to make incremental improvements or are we going to have wholesale change ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Crawling Behind : America ’ s Child Care Crisis and How to Fix It.
” He says child care has not been a top political issue in the past , but that the pandemic has exposed how a lack of such care hurts the economy and child development .
A June survey of 5,000 child care providers across the U.S. and Puerto Rico found that 40 % of child care businesses say they are certain they will close permanently without further public assistance , and that , on average , enrollment is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of child care providers who expect to close rose to 50 % among minority-owned child care businesses , according to the survey from the National Association for the Education of Young Children .
Congress allocated $ 3.5 billion for the child care industry in the CARES Act .
Since then , the National Women ’ s Law Center released a report estimating that the U.S. child care system needs at least $ 9.6 billion each month to survive the pandemic .
In Richmond , Virginia , J. David Young , the CEO of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ centers , is having to spend extra on cleaning products and reconfiguring building space .
Enrollment in his centers , which serve mostly low-income families , has dropped in half .
He knows other child care providers who are permanently closing due to spikes in expenses coupled with revenue drops .
“ It is taking a toll , ” says Mr. Young of the pandemic ’ s impact on the finances of the nonprofit he leads , Friends Association for Children .
He ’ s confident that the organization will survive , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not easy and it ’ s not guaranteed.
” For communities of color in particular , “ this is a crisis built on top of a crisis , ” says Myra Jones-Taylor , chief policy officer at Zero to Three , an advocacy group for young children .
She points to examples of pre-COVID child care deserts , predominately in low-income and rural areas , where little affordable or quality child care exists .
In addition , women of color constitute about 40 % of the child care workforce .
“ The families @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been for so long are disproportionately in rural , Black and brown communities , ” she says .
And she ’ s worried the pandemic will exacerbate that trend .
For families with young children , child care often serves as more than simply a place to leave kids while parents work .
It also supports child development and early education for infants through pre-kindergartners , who learn initial social and academic skills .
Most developed countries put significantly more public resources toward child care than the U.S. , says Samuel Meisels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buffett Early Childhood Institute at the University of Nebraska , who notes that education is particularly important during the earliest years , between ages 0 and 5 .
“ France , Germany , almost every single Westernized , industrialized country has care for children and for families that this country does not have , whether it ’ s the école maternelle [ public preschool ] in France or the payments that cover salary for new parents in Scandinavia , ” he says .
“ We are far behind these other countries.
” Part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less in child care and preschool , observers say , is that it results in both high costs for parents ( a national average of nearly $ 10,000 ) and extremely low wages for child care workers , since tuition doesn ’ t cover the full cost of providing care , such as maintaining low staff-to-child ratios .
“ We make child care operate much more like a restaurant than a public school or a library , ” says Mr. Haspel .
“ You have to have a certain number of paying customers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposed to a public school or library where there ’ s a constant stream of public funding coming in .
It ’ s a public good , and so they ’ re not facing the same existential crisis if suddenly there aren ’ t those paying customers.
” The idea of federal universal child care remains a political nonstarter to most conservatives , says Hadley Heath Manning , director of policy at the Independent Women ’ s Forum , a right-leaning think tank based in Washington , D.C. , because of concerns over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government overreach .
“ I think it ’ s tempting to come up with a one-size-fits-all solution , and that ’ s a red flag with a lot of universal child care policies , ” she says .
Instead , there might be more bipartisan willingness to address child care at state and local levels , she suggests , and to consider proposals such as increasing tax credits for families , and reforming the dependent care flexible spending account so parents can set aside more tax-free dollars to spend on child care .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ families have access to affordable and high quality child care , and providers earn a decent living , says Ms. Jones-Taylor of Zero to Three , is to transform public perception of child care from an individual family responsibility to a public good that benefits society and requires significant public investment .
“ If we want the economy to get back going we have to support this critical part , ” she says .
“ The only way to do that is rethink this entire [ child care ] system and imagine it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is , ” she says .
“ When you think about the way we invest in K-12 education , we should be thinking of children under kindergarten in the same way.
” One area of agreement for many policymakers is on the importance of home-based day cares during the pandemic , and in the future , due to their small sizes and the role that the mostly female small-business owners can play in their communities .
Some employers and technology startups are trying to help with that .
Jessica Chang co-founded WeeCare in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care during her first pregnancy .
The goal , she says , is to “ empower female entrepreneurs.
” The platform allows small home day cares to better advertise online and efficiently run their business .
Mr. Young , who runs the Richmond child care centers , is hopeful that the pandemic will encourage people to view child care as an educational service that deserves respect and support from the public and private sectors alike .
“ I think this whole pandemic really serves to open folks ’ eyes , not just politicians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he says .
“ People realize now just how important the job is that we do.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

“There is the need to build child care back better,” says Marica Cox Mitchell of Bainum Family Foundation in Maryland. “It’s now a conversation that’s happening outside of the insular child care space.”
Yet the pandemic has also focused public attention on the role that child care plays for families and the economy, advocates say, and has created momentum for a significant reevaluation of the system, which has long been unaffordable for many parents and expensive for providers.
Over the past six months, child care providers have faced dwindling class sizes due to pandemic restrictions and parents opting to keep their children at home. Some research suggests that when the public health crisis recedes, the U.S. may emerge with a loss of nearly half of its available child care spots.
Of all the services that the pandemic seems poised to reboot, child care may be among the most basic. A lot rides on working parents having support. But the discussion increasingly also includes ways to offer learning opportunities to children earlier.
“It is taking a toll,” says Mr. Young of the pandemic. He’s confident that his organization will survive, but says “it’s not easy and it’s not guaranteed.”
In Richmond, Virginia, J. David Young, the CEO of a nonprofit that runs two child care centers, is having to spend extra money on cleaning products and reconfiguring building space. Enrollment in his centers, which serve mostly low-income families, has dropped in half.
Muluwork Kenea closed Amen Family Child Care for almost two months during the height of COVID-19 lockdowns. The business she operates out of her home in Washington, D.C., survived through a loan from the federal Paycheck Protection Program.
Although she doesn’t expect to close for good, she’s worried about her costs. She employs two other people to help operate a 24-hour facility, so she can care for children at night for parents working nontraditional hours. Prior to the pandemic, she purchased protective gloves for $42. Now they’re running $89 a box. A box of disinfectant spray has jumped from under $20 to $90.
“The federal government has to think about us,” she says. “We are super necessary, without us there is no work. We don’t want to close our businesses.”
Why We Wrote This Of all the services that the pandemic seems poised to reboot, child care may be among the most basic. A lot rides on working parents having support. But the discussion increasingly also includes ways to offer learning opportunities to children earlier.
Ms. Kenea faces challenges similar to those that have forced thousands of child care providers out of business over the past six months, as class sizes have dwindled due to pandemic restrictions and parents have opted to keep their children at home. When the public health crisis recedes, the United States may emerge with a loss of nearly half of its available child care spots, according to one study. Traditionally, closed child care businesses have not been quickly replaced.
Yet the pandemic has also focused public attention on the role that child care plays for families and the economy in a new way, advocates say, and has created momentum for a significant reevaluation of the U.S. care system, which has long been unaffordable for many parents and expensive for providers to operate.
“There is the need to build child care back better,” says Marica Cox Mitchell, director of early learning at the Bainum Family Foundation in Bethesda, Maryland, which helped establish a new private fund that provides grants to child care operators in Washington, D.C., including Ms. Kenea. “It’s now a conversation that’s happening outside of the insular child care space.”
While there’s widespread agreement on the crisis facing the U.S. child care industry, solutions vary from creating a universal child care system to focusing on reducing regulations and fostering more parent choice, experts say. Whether the political appetite exists at the state or federal levels to create long-term change is open for debate.
“I think the question is, are we going to make incremental improvements or are we going to have wholesale change?” says Elliot Haspel, author of “Crawling Behind: America’s Child Care Crisis and How to Fix It.” He says child care has not been a top political issue in the past, but that the pandemic has exposed how a lack of such care hurts the economy and child development.
“It’s taking a toll”
A June survey of 5,000 child care providers across the U.S. and Puerto Rico found that 40% of child care businesses say they are certain they will close permanently without further public assistance, and that, on average, enrollment is down by 67%. The number of child care providers who expect to close rose to 50% among minority-owned child care businesses, according to the survey from the National Association for the Education of Young Children.
Congress allocated $3.5 billion for the child care industry in the CARES Act. Since then, the National Women’s Law Center released a report estimating that the U.S. child care system needs at least $9.6 billion each month to survive the pandemic.
Courtesy of: J. David Young. View caption Hide caption Dazai Smith practices wearing a face mask at a child care center run by Friends Association for Children in Richmond, Virginia. Enrollment at the nonprofit's two child care centers has fallen by half due to lower class sizes and hesitancy by some parents to return their children to day care.
In Richmond, Virginia, J. David Young, the CEO of a nonprofit that runs two child care centers, is having to spend extra on cleaning products and reconfiguring building space. Enrollment in his centers, which serve mostly low-income families, has dropped in half. He knows other child care providers who are permanently closing due to spikes in expenses coupled with revenue drops.
“It is taking a toll,” says Mr. Young of the pandemic’s impact on the finances of the nonprofit he leads, Friends Association for Children. He’s confident that the organization will survive, but he says, “it’s not easy and it’s not guaranteed.”
For communities of color in particular, “this is a crisis built on top of a crisis,” says Myra Jones-Taylor, chief policy officer at Zero to Three, an advocacy group for young children. She points to examples of pre-COVID child care deserts, predominately in low-income and rural areas, where little affordable or quality child care exists. In addition, women of color constitute about 40% of the child care workforce.
“The families who already are in crisis mode and have been for so long are disproportionately in rural, Black and brown communities,” she says. And she’s worried the pandemic will exacerbate that trend.
U.S. is “far behind”
For families with young children, child care often serves as more than simply a place to leave kids while parents work. It also supports child development and early education for infants through pre-kindergartners, who learn initial social and academic skills.
Most developed countries put significantly more public resources toward child care than the U.S., says Samuel Meisels, the founding executive director of the Buffett Early Childhood Institute at the University of Nebraska, who notes that education is particularly important during the earliest years, between ages 0 and 5.
“France, Germany, almost every single Westernized, industrialized country has care for children and for families that this country does not have, whether it’s the école maternelle [public preschool] in France or the payments that cover salary for new parents in Scandinavia,” he says. “We are far behind these other countries.”
Part of the problem with the U.S. investing less in child care and preschool, observers say, is that it results in both high costs for parents (a national average of nearly $10,000) and extremely low wages for child care workers, since tuition doesn’t cover the full cost of providing care, such as maintaining low staff-to-child ratios.
“We make child care operate much more like a restaurant than a public school or a library,” says Mr. Haspel. “You have to have a certain number of paying customers to keep your doors opened, as opposed to a public school or library where there’s a constant stream of public funding coming in. It’s a public good, and so they’re not facing the same existential crisis if suddenly there aren’t those paying customers.”
Seeking bipartisan common ground
The idea of federal universal child care remains a political nonstarter to most conservatives, says Hadley Heath Manning, director of policy at the Independent Women’s Forum, a right-leaning think tank based in Washington, D.C., because of concerns over cost, lack of quality, and government overreach.
“I think it’s tempting to come up with a one-size-fits-all solution, and that’s a red flag with a lot of universal child care policies,” she says.
Instead, there might be more bipartisan willingness to address child care at state and local levels, she suggests, and to consider proposals such as increasing tax credits for families, and reforming the dependent care flexible spending account so parents can set aside more tax-free dollars to spend on child care.
The way to create a structure where families have access to affordable and high quality child care, and providers earn a decent living, says Dr. Jones-Taylor of Zero to Three, is to transform public perception of child care from an individual family responsibility to a public good that benefits society and requires significant public investment.
“If we want the economy to get back going we have to support this critical part,” she says. “The only way to do that is rethink this entire [child care] system and imagine it as the public good that it really is,” she says. “When you think about the way we invest in K-12 education, we should be thinking of children under kindergarten in the same way.”
One area of agreement for many policymakers is on the importance of home-based day cares during the pandemic, and in the future, due to their small sizes and the role that the mostly female small-business owners can play in their communities.
Some employers and technology startups are trying to help with that. Jessica Chang co-founded WeeCare in 2017 after she struggled to arrange child care during her first pregnancy. The goal, she says, is to “empower female entrepreneurs.” The platform allows small home day cares to better advertise online and efficiently run their business.
Mr. Young, who runs the Richmond child care centers, is hopeful that the pandemic will encourage people to view child care as an educational service that deserves respect and support from the public and private sectors alike.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“I think this whole pandemic really serves to open folks’ eyes, not just politicians’, but everyone’s eyes,” he says. “People realize now just how important the job is that we do.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-09-21--Once struggling, Britain’s corner shops give comfort to UK shoppers

It wasn ’ t just about shopping either , says James Kilgallon , who lives a 2-minute walk away .
“ Where previously I was in and out , during the lockdown I ’ d end up staying and chatting a bit.
” Nazir Zondo , the manager of Dunorlan Park Stores in Royal Tunbridge Wells , estimates that the store rang up double the transactions since lockdown in mid-March .
“ There were queues outside the door , with more people than ever coming in , asking for things that we ’ d never even stocked before , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six days a week , sometimes even coming in on my one day off.
” Now , the pandemic has shoppers abandoning the big supermarkets and out-of-town stores that had come to dominate the British retail landscape .
Thousands of corner shops and independent stores saw an overall 63 % surge in trade at the peak of the lockdown in the United Kingdom , according to analyst firm Kantar .
For many years , there has been real concern that the heart and soul of Britain ’ s traditional towns and villages have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every neighborhood , competing heavily on price and offering the convenience of everything under one roof .
For much of Britain ’ s economy , the coronavirus pandemic has been devastating .
But the small corner shop on Windmill Street in Royal Tunbridge Wells , a historic market town in Kent , has never been busier .
Since lockdown in mid-March , Dunorlan Park Stores ’ regular customers – who previously only came in to stock up on drinks for the weekend , or buy a pint of milk or treats for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ daily to get more of their groceries and household goods .
Business has been so good , in fact , that the profits have been reinvested to create more floor space and a larger line of supplies .
Nazir Zondo , the store ’ s manager , estimates that the store rang up double the transactions during this period .
“ There were queues outside the door , with more people than ever coming in , asking for things that we ’ d never even stocked before , ” he says .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sometimes even coming in on my one day off.
” For many years , there has been real concern that the heart and soul of Britain ’ s traditional towns and villages have been disappearing .
Superstores expanded into almost every neighborhood , competing heavily on price and offering the convenience of everything under one roof .
Now , the pandemic has shoppers abandoning the big supermarkets and out-of-town stores that had come to dominate the British retail landscape .
And Dunorlan Park Stores is one of thousands of corner shops and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % surge in trade at the peak of the lockdown in the United Kingdom , according to analyst firm Kantar .
The question plaguing the big , billion-dollar grocers such as Tesco and Asda is whether this abrupt change might become permanent .
Not three months ago , the owners of Dunorlan Park Stores had been considering shutting down the shop .
Other store owners in town had died of COVID-19 and the risk seemed too great .
But local residents , who were no longer making the 50-minute daily commute to London @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They were happy to pay the extra 10 pence to 20 pence ( 13 cents to 26 cents ) per item if it meant supporting the local business and avoiding supermarkets , says Mr. Zondo .
It wasn ’ t just that the pandemic had changed shopping schedules , says James Kilgallon , a sales consultant who used to spend much of his week on the road and in face-to-face client meetings .
He was in the shop , a 2-minute walk from his flat , almost every day during lockdown , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to $ 45 ) each time .
But in addition to the ease of getting everything he wanted in the little shop , Mr. Kilgallon says the shop served as a small bit of contact with other adults outside the household .
“ Where previously I was in and out , during the lockdown I ’ d end up staying and chatting a bit , ” he says .
Mr. Kilgallon says that for his weekly shopping , he goes online , like millions of other Britons .
Fraser McKevitt , the head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says that 1.6 million more shoppers had switched to buying groceries online so far this year than in the previous five years .
“ Although restrictions have eased , more than 1 in 5 households still made an online order during the latest four weeks , ” he says .
Shopping online “ now accounts for 13 % of all grocery sales in Great Britain , which is up from 7.4 % in March and reflects a significant increase in capacity by the grocers.
” The trouble for supermarkets is that selling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steals trade away from stores .
Industry experts suggest that with more people now working from home , the business that ’ s gone online is not likely to return to brick-and-mortar stores .
Not returning to the cities The change in grocery-buying habits is a side effect of the larger phenomenon of the pandemic ’ s effect on cities across Britain .
With just one-third of white collar workers having returned to their offices in the country – compared with 83 % in France and 76 % in Italy – main street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 150,000 workers are at risk or have been laid off since the pandemic began according to data gathered by the Press Association news agency , with many of Britain ’ s biggest companies struggling to stay afloat or calling in administrators .
The picture of post-lockdown Britain that is beginning to emerge is of a society keen to return to something like its roots .
Small villages and traditional towns seem relatively unscathed , while in the City of London , businesses are boarded up and the streets lie empty .
That is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ threatened by corporate jobs luring 20-somethings away to big cities .
The numbers suggest Britons , already fed up with long commutes on densely packed and expensive trains , have thoroughly embraced working from home .
“ A lot of the residents of Tunbridge Wells are commuters , and so many are actually better off because they don ’ t have to pay train fares to London , ” says David Hayward , a Tunbridge Wells councillor .
He says the local community has rallied behind pubs and small shop owners and helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis , but thrive in spite of it .
Complaints about a lack of opportunities in the traditional communities – the same ones that voted for Brexit as a protest against the sense they had been left behind – are slowly but noticeably giving way to an awareness that they were more resilient in lockdown than the glass and steel towers of London .
Analysis of mobile phone data shows that in August , more people had returned to offices in towns such as Mansfield , in northern England , where 40 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , than in London , with only 13 % returning .
Indeed , a survey of 50 of the biggest U.K. employers conducted by the BBC revealed that most had no plans in place to return workers to the office this year .
Demand for rail travel is at 31 % of pre-pandemic levels , according to Department for Transport figures , and daily Tube journeys across the capital are less than a third of what they were in March .
Meanwhile , life has gone on in the shires , relatively uninterrupted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to enjoy it – and they don ’ t seem to want to go back to the commute .
With more people working from home and shopping locally , the coronavirus pandemic has presented an opportunity to reestablish the character of the local communities .
In Tunbridge Wells , it wasn ’ t just Dunorlan Park Stores that experienced an increase in traffic – the nearby Dunorlan Park itself , popular with families and dog walkers , was busier than anyone could remember it .
And the success of remote working during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will never again return to the office full time .
“ Tunbridge Wells is one of those towns where people like my wife and I who ’ ve done the city living thing moved out to have kids , ” says Mr. Kilgallon .
“ Most of my mates around here were either able to work from home or had already migrated their businesses out here from London.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

It wasn’t just about shopping either, says James Kilgallon, who lives a 2-minute walk away. “Where previously I was in and out, during the lockdown I’d end up staying and chatting a bit.”
Nazir Zondo, the manager of Dunorlan Park Stores in Royal Tunbridge Wells, estimates that the store rang up double the transactions since lockdown in mid-March. “There were queues outside the door, with more people than ever coming in, asking for things that we’d never even stocked before,” he says. “I was working six days a week, sometimes even coming in on my one day off.”
In Britain, the pandemic is giving new life to the local corner store, a business once threatened by the internet and big-box stores. That suggests small-town life is more resilient than it has seemed.
Now, the pandemic has shoppers abandoning the big supermarkets and out-of-town stores that had come to dominate the British retail landscape. Thousands of corner shops and independent stores saw an overall 63% surge in trade at the peak of the lockdown in the United Kingdom, according to analyst firm Kantar.
For many years, there has been real concern that the heart and soul of Britain’s traditional towns and villages have been disappearing. Superstores expanded into almost every neighborhood, competing heavily on price and offering the convenience of everything under one roof.
For much of Britain’s economy, the coronavirus pandemic has been devastating. But the small corner shop on Windmill Street in Royal Tunbridge Wells, a historic market town in Kent, has never been busier.
Since lockdown in mid-March, Dunorlan Park Stores’ regular customers – who previously only came in to stock up on drinks for the weekend, or buy a pint of milk or treats for the children – have been coming in almost daily to get more of their groceries and household goods. Business has been so good, in fact, that the profits have been reinvested to create more floor space and a larger line of supplies.
Nazir Zondo, the store’s manager, estimates that the store rang up double the transactions during this period. “There were queues outside the door, with more people than ever coming in, asking for things that we’d never even stocked before,” he says. “I was working six days a week, sometimes even coming in on my one day off.”
Why We Wrote This In Britain, the pandemic is giving new life to the local corner store, a business once threatened by the internet and big-box stores. That suggests small-town life is more resilient than it has seemed.
For many years, there has been real concern that the heart and soul of Britain’s traditional towns and villages have been disappearing. Superstores expanded into almost every neighborhood, competing heavily on price and offering the convenience of everything under one roof.
Now, the pandemic has shoppers abandoning the big supermarkets and out-of-town stores that had come to dominate the British retail landscape. And Dunorlan Park Stores is one of thousands of corner shops and independent stores that saw an overall 63% surge in trade at the peak of the lockdown in the United Kingdom, according to analyst firm Kantar. The question plaguing the big, billion-dollar grocers such as Tesco and Asda is whether this abrupt change might become permanent.
“Staying and chatting a bit”
Not three months ago, the owners of Dunorlan Park Stores had been considering shutting down the shop. Other store owners in town had died of COVID-19 and the risk seemed too great. But local residents, who were no longer making the 50-minute daily commute to London, begged the shop to stay open. They were happy to pay the extra 10 pence to 20 pence (13 cents to 26 cents) per item if it meant supporting the local business and avoiding supermarkets, says Mr. Zondo.
It wasn’t just that the pandemic had changed shopping schedules, says James Kilgallon, a sales consultant who used to spend much of his week on the road and in face-to-face client meetings. He was in the shop, a 2-minute walk from his flat, almost every day during lockdown, spending £25 to £35 ($32 to $45) each time. But in addition to the ease of getting everything he wanted in the little shop, Mr. Kilgallon says the shop served as a small bit of contact with other adults outside the household. “Where previously I was in and out, during the lockdown I’d end up staying and chatting a bit,” he says.
Mr. Kilgallon says that for his weekly shopping, he goes online, like millions of other Britons. Fraser McKevitt, the head of retail and consumer insight at Kantar, says that 1.6 million more shoppers had switched to buying groceries online so far this year than in the previous five years. “Although restrictions have eased, more than 1 in 5 households still made an online order during the latest four weeks,” he says. Shopping online “now accounts for 13% of all grocery sales in Great Britain, which is up from 7.4% in March and reflects a significant increase in capacity by the grocers.”
The trouble for supermarkets is that selling online is largely a loss-making endeavor that steals trade away from stores. Industry experts suggest that with more people now working from home, the business that’s gone online is not likely to return to brick-and-mortar stores.
Not returning to the cities
The change in grocery-buying habits is a side effect of the larger phenomenon of the pandemic’s effect on cities across Britain. With just one-third of white collar workers having returned to their offices in the country – compared with 83% in France and 76% in Italy – main street businesses are shedding jobs. More than 150,000 workers are at risk or have been laid off since the pandemic began according to data gathered by the Press Association news agency, with many of Britain’s biggest companies struggling to stay afloat or calling in administrators.
The picture of post-lockdown Britain that is beginning to emerge is of a society keen to return to something like its roots. Small villages and traditional towns seem relatively unscathed, while in the City of London, businesses are boarded up and the streets lie empty. That is a reversal for historical towns, long threatened by corporate jobs luring 20-somethings away to big cities. The numbers suggest Britons, already fed up with long commutes on densely packed and expensive trains, have thoroughly embraced working from home.
“A lot of the residents of Tunbridge Wells are commuters, and so many are actually better off because they don’t have to pay train fares to London,” says David Hayward, a Tunbridge Wells councillor. He says the local community has rallied behind pubs and small shop owners and helped them to not only survive through the crisis, but thrive in spite of it.
Complaints about a lack of opportunities in the traditional communities – the same ones that voted for Brexit as a protest against the sense they had been left behind – are slowly but noticeably giving way to an awareness that they were more resilient in lockdown than the glass and steel towers of London.
Analysis of mobile phone data shows that in August, more people had returned to offices in towns such as Mansfield, in northern England, where 40% of staff have gone back to work, than in London, with only 13% returning. Indeed, a survey of 50 of the biggest U.K. employers conducted by the BBC revealed that most had no plans in place to return workers to the office this year. Demand for rail travel is at 31% of pre-pandemic levels, according to Department for Transport figures, and daily Tube journeys across the capital are less than a third of what they were in March.
Meanwhile, life has gone on in the shires, relatively uninterrupted. There were more people at home to enjoy it – and they don’t seem to want to go back to the commute. With more people working from home and shopping locally, the coronavirus pandemic has presented an opportunity to reestablish the character of the local communities.
In Tunbridge Wells, it wasn’t just Dunorlan Park Stores that experienced an increase in traffic – the nearby Dunorlan Park itself, popular with families and dog walkers, was busier than anyone could remember it. And the success of remote working during the pandemic has led to predictions that staff will never again return to the office full time.
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“Tunbridge Wells is one of those towns where people like my wife and I who’ve done the city living thing moved out to have kids,” says Mr. Kilgallon. “Most of my mates around here were either able to work from home or had already migrated their businesses out here from London.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-09-21--Picking a court justice without hardball tactics

During the making of the U.S. Constitution , James Madison warned against “ the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.
” Centuries later , when Ruth Bader Ginsburg was asked what she saw as threats to the rule of law , she replied , “ The problems of indifference , of tribal-like loyalties , lack of observance of the golden rule , ‘ Do unto others.
’ ” These sentiments now seem lost as Senate Republicans and Democrats fight over how to fill the Supreme Court seat left vacant by Justice Ginsburg ’ s death .
Rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spirit of “ advice and consent ” that the Constitution demands – the senators seem “ united and actuated by some common impulse of passion , or of interest , adverse to the rights of other citizens , ” as Madison warned .
Power dynamics may be part of how the Senate normally operates .
Yet for decades that was not always the case for judicial appointments .
Courts , by their inherent appeal to higher law , require elected leaders to also act out of principle in picking judges .
Now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House and Democrats assuming they will gain majority rule after the election , each side is claiming the other is ignoring thei party ’ s interests or making moves that set dangerous precedents .
This runs against not only Madison ’ s advice but also Justice Ginsburg ’ s view of how public officials should get along .
She understood that the norms of noble governance – civility , comity , and tradition – are enduring only to the extent that officials practice them .
“ I am hopeful , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in both of our parties will say , ‘ We have had enough of dysfunction .
Let ’ s work together for the good of all people who compose the nation.
’ ” Many provisions in the Constitution were designed to forge deliberation and consensus .
If Republicans and Democrats want to honor that founding document , they should look for procedures and practices that calm the fears of Americans during a time of deep polarization and a pandemic .
They could look to the example of humble listening in the friendship between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scalia .
Each was a champion of a particular judicial perspective yet they had a profound respect for each other ’ s intellect , setting an example of deliberation .
Speaking in tribute to Justice Scalia after his 2016 death , Justice Ginsburg noted the value of their legal disagreements : “ When I wrote for the Court and received a Scalia dissent , the opinion ultimately released was notably better than my initial circulation .
Justice Scalia nailed all the weak spots – the ‘ applesauce ’ and ‘ argle bargle ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed to strengthen the majority opinion.
” She also endorsed a warning by former Chief Justice William Rehnquist that judges should act as referees and not cast their decisions to favor “ the home court crowd.
” Representative democracy is not just a matter of determining a majority ’ s interests and then acting on them .
Madison also expected governing bodies to refine the views of voters and achieve “ the cool and deliberate sense of the community.
” Wisdom and virtue are brought to light through reason and listening .
Such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would provide a healing standard now as America finds itself at a critical turn .

During the making of the U.S. Constitution, James Madison warned against “the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.” Centuries later, when Ruth Bader Ginsburg was asked what she saw as threats to the rule of law, she replied, “The problems of indifference, of tribal-like loyalties, lack of observance of the golden rule, ‘Do unto others.’”
These sentiments now seem lost as Senate Republicans and Democrats fight over how to fill the Supreme Court seat left vacant by Justice Ginsburg’s death. Rather than deliberate across party lines – in the spirit of “advice and consent” that the Constitution demands – the senators seem “united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adverse to the rights of other citizens,” as Madison warned.
Power dynamics may be part of how the Senate normally operates. Yet for decades that was not always the case for judicial appointments. Courts, by their inherent appeal to higher law, require elected leaders to also act out of principle in picking judges.
Now, with Republicans controlling both the Senate and White House and Democrats assuming they will gain majority rule after the election, each side is claiming the other is ignoring thei party’s interests or making moves that set dangerous precedents.
This runs against not only Madison’s advice but also Justice Ginsburg’s view of how public officials should get along. She understood that the norms of noble governance – civility, comity, and tradition – are enduring only to the extent that officials practice them. “I am hopeful,” she stated, “that people of goodwill in both of our parties will say, ‘We have had enough of dysfunction. Let’s work together for the good of all people who compose the nation.’”
Many provisions in the Constitution were designed to forge deliberation and consensus. If Republicans and Democrats want to honor that founding document, they should look for procedures and practices that calm the fears of Americans during a time of deep polarization and a pandemic.
They could look to the example of humble listening in the friendship between Justice Ginsburg and the late Justice Antonin Scalia. Each was a champion of a particular judicial perspective yet they had a profound respect for each other’s intellect, setting an example of deliberation.
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Speaking in tribute to Justice Scalia after his 2016 death, Justice Ginsburg noted the value of their legal disagreements: “When I wrote for the Court and received a Scalia dissent, the opinion ultimately released was notably better than my initial circulation. Justice Scalia nailed all the weak spots – the ‘applesauce’ and ‘argle bargle’ – and gave me just what I needed to strengthen the majority opinion.” She also endorsed a warning by former Chief Justice William Rehnquist that judges should act as referees and not cast their decisions to favor “the home court crowd.”
Representative democracy is not just a matter of determining a majority’s interests and then acting on them. Madison also expected governing bodies to refine the views of voters and achieve “the cool and deliberate sense of the community.” Wisdom and virtue are brought to light through reason and listening. Such a commitment to high-minded principles and fairness would provide a healing standard now as America finds itself at a critical turn.


csmonitor--2020-09-21--With Ginsburg's seat empty, Dems ask GOP to wait on nomination

Joe Biden on Sunday criticized President Donald Trump and leading Senate Republicans for trying to jam through a replacement for the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and urged more senators to stand with a pair of GOP colleagues who oppose the election-season rush .
The extraordinary televised plea from the Democratic presidential candidate to Republican senators reflected the ferocious maneuvering that has followed Justice Ginsburg ’ s death at 87 on Friday .
Her passing upended a campaign that had , until then , focused on Mr. Trump ’ s handling of the coronavirus pandemic , the nation ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has stoked protests in United States cities .
Mr. Trump said Saturday that he intends within days to name a woman to succeed the liberal icon , and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was moving ahead swiftly with plans for confirmation hearings and votes .
`` I think it will be on Friday or Saturday , and we want to pay respect , '' Trump said in an interview on `` Fox and Friends '' Monday morning .
`` It looks like we will have probably services on Thursday or Friday , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in all due respect we should wait until the services are over for Justice Ginsburg . ''
Just hours before Mr. Biden spoke , a second Republican senator , Lisa Murkowski of Alaska , joined Sen. Susan Collins of Maine in opposing efforts to fill Justice Ginsburg ’ s seat before the next president is elected .
It takes four Republicans to break ranks to keep Mr. Trump ’ s nominee off the court .
Attention quickly focused on Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah , who voted to convict Mr. Trump on one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Grassley of Iowa , a former chairman of the Judiciary Committee .
Mr. Biden acknowledged that those Republicans and others like them were his target audience when he warned that Mr. Trump ’ s plan was an “ abuse of power.
” “ Uphold your constitutional duty , your conscience , ” said Mr. Biden , speaking in Pennsylvania .
“ Let the people speak .
Cool the flames that have engulfed our country.
” There was little chance of calm overtaking the historic campaign as early voting progressed and the death toll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Just before Ms. Murkowski joined Ms. Collins , House Speaker Nancy Pelosi referred to the House having “ options ” she did not name to stall or prevent the Senate from confirming Justice Ginsburg ’ s successor to the lifetime job .
“ We have arrows in our quiver that I ’ m not about to discuss right now , ” Ms. Pelosi said on ABC ’ s “ This Week.
” The House has no formal role in the confirmation of Supreme Court justices .
But Ms. Pelosi would not rule out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might divert the Senate ’ s attention .
That route seemed unlikely .
Meanwhile , Ms. Murkowski raised by one the number of Republicans opposing a rush to confirmation .
“ For weeks , I have stated that I would not support taking up ” a potential nomination as the presidential election neared .
“ Sadly , ” she said , “ what was then a hypothetical is now our reality , but my position has not changed.
” Ms. Collins , meanwhile , said the next president should name Justice Ginsburg ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ edge in the Senate .
If there were a 50-50 tie , it could be broken by Vice President Mike Pence .
There is another potential wrinkle : Because Arizona ’ s Senate race is a special election , that seat could be filled as early as Nov. 30 .
If the winner is Democrat Mark Kelly , that would narrow the window for Mr. McConnell .
Mr. Trump has said he is obligated to act as soon as possible and had at least two women in mind for the seat .
Most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one named a practical reason : The nine-member court , argued Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas , must be full if called upon to decide the outcome of a disputed presidential election .
But Mr. Biden and other Democrats said voters should choose the next president , who should pick Justice Ginsburg ’ s successor .
Health care , abortion rights , and religious freedom are on the line , they said .
Mr. Biden , who has run on uniting the country after Mr. Trump ’ s divisive tenure , warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing we need is a constitutional crisis that plunges us deeper into the abyss and deeper into the darkness , ” he said .
He acknowledged that if Mr. Trump wins , his pick should be approved .
But he added , “ If I win this election , President Trump ’ s nominee should be withdrawn and as the new president I should be the one to nominate Justice Ginsburg ’ s successor.
” Nonetheless , the process for replacing her moved swiftly ahead .
On a call with Mr. McConnell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mentioned two federal appeals court judges : Amy Coney Barrett and Barbara Lagoa , according to a person familiar with the private conversation who was not authorized to publicly discuss the call and spoke on condition of anonymity .
To the chants of “ Fill that seat , ” Mr. Trump told supporters at an event Saturday night in North Carolina that he would nominate a woman as soon as this week .
“ We win an election and those are the consequences , ” said Mr. Trump , who then seemed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to accept a vote on his nominee during the lame-duck period after the election .
“ We have a lot of time .
We have plenty of time .
We ’ re talking about January 20th ” – when the next president is inaugurated .
Democrats have denounced Mr. McConnell ’ s move to push ahead as hypocritical , pointing out that he refused to call hearings for President Barack Obama ’ s nominee , Merrick Garland , 237 days before the 2016 election .
If the court were to take cases with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the decision to a lower court ; for instance , the Affordable Care Act could then be struck down by a lower Texas court .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Laurie Kellman, Lisa Mascaro, and Alexandra Jaffe

Joe Biden on Sunday criticized President Donald Trump and leading Senate Republicans for trying to jam through a replacement for the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg and urged more senators to stand with a pair of GOP colleagues who oppose the election-season rush.
The extraordinary televised plea from the Democratic presidential candidate to Republican senators reflected the ferocious maneuvering that has followed Justice Ginsburg’s death at 87 on Friday. Her passing upended a campaign that had, until then, focused on Mr. Trump’s handling of the coronavirus pandemic, the nation’s economic collapse, and racial unrest that has stoked protests in United States cities.
Mr. Trump said Saturday that he intends within days to name a woman to succeed the liberal icon, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell was moving ahead swiftly with plans for confirmation hearings and votes.
"I think it will be on Friday or Saturday, and we want to pay respect," Trump said in an interview on "Fox and Friends" Monday morning. "It looks like we will have probably services on Thursday or Friday, as I understand it, and I think in all due respect we should wait until the services are over for Justice Ginsburg."
Just hours before Mr. Biden spoke, a second Republican senator, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, joined Sen. Susan Collins of Maine in opposing efforts to fill Justice Ginsburg’s seat before the next president is elected.
It takes four Republicans to break ranks to keep Mr. Trump’s nominee off the court. Attention quickly focused on Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah, who voted to convict Mr. Trump on one count of impeachment, and Sen. Chuck Grassley of Iowa, a former chairman of the Judiciary Committee.
Mr. Biden acknowledged that those Republicans and others like them were his target audience when he warned that Mr. Trump’s plan was an “abuse of power.”
“Uphold your constitutional duty, your conscience,” said Mr. Biden, speaking in Pennsylvania. “Let the people speak. Cool the flames that have engulfed our country.”
There was little chance of calm overtaking the historic campaign as early voting progressed and the death toll from the virus reached 200,000 Americans.
Just before Ms. Murkowski joined Ms. Collins, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi referred to the House having “options” she did not name to stall or prevent the Senate from confirming Justice Ginsburg’s successor to the lifetime job.
“We have arrows in our quiver that I’m not about to discuss right now,” Ms. Pelosi said on ABC’s “This Week.” The House has no formal role in the confirmation of Supreme Court justices. But Ms. Pelosi would not rule out a new round of impeachment proceedings that might divert the Senate’s attention. That route seemed unlikely.
Meanwhile, Ms. Murkowski raised by one the number of Republicans opposing a rush to confirmation.
“For weeks, I have stated that I would not support taking up” a potential nomination as the presidential election neared. “Sadly,” she said, “what was then a hypothetical is now our reality, but my position has not changed.”
Ms. Collins, meanwhile, said the next president should name Justice Ginsburg’s replacement.
Republicans hold a 53-47 edge in the Senate. If there were a 50-50 tie, it could be broken by Vice President Mike Pence.
There is another potential wrinkle: Because Arizona’s Senate race is a special election, that seat could be filled as early as Nov. 30. If the winner is Democrat Mark Kelly, that would narrow the window for Mr. McConnell.
Mr. Trump has said he is obligated to act as soon as possible and had at least two women in mind for the seat. Most Republicans concurred on the need for speed and one named a practical reason: The nine-member court, argued Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas, must be full if called upon to decide the outcome of a disputed presidential election.
But Mr. Biden and other Democrats said voters should choose the next president, who should pick Justice Ginsburg’s successor. Health care, abortion rights, and religious freedom are on the line, they said.
Mr. Biden, who has run on uniting the country after Mr. Trump’s divisive tenure, warned against more upheaval.
“The last thing we need is a constitutional crisis that plunges us deeper into the abyss and deeper into the darkness,” he said. He acknowledged that if Mr. Trump wins, his pick should be approved.
But he added, “If I win this election, President Trump’s nominee should be withdrawn and as the new president I should be the one to nominate Justice Ginsburg’s successor.”
Nonetheless, the process for replacing her moved swiftly ahead. On a call with Mr. McConnell, R-Ky., late Saturday, Mr. Trump mentioned two federal appeals court judges: Amy Coney Barrett and Barbara Lagoa, according to a person familiar with the private conversation who was not authorized to publicly discuss the call and spoke on condition of anonymity.
To the chants of “Fill that seat,” Mr. Trump told supporters at an event Saturday night in North Carolina that he would nominate a woman as soon as this week.
“We win an election and those are the consequences,” said Mr. Trump, who then seemed to signal that he’d be willing to accept a vote on his nominee during the lame-duck period after the election. “We have a lot of time. We have plenty of time. We’re talking about January 20th” – when the next president is inaugurated.
Democrats have denounced Mr. McConnell’s move to push ahead as hypocritical, pointing out that he refused to call hearings for President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, 237 days before the 2016 election.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
If the court were to take cases with eight justices, 4-4 ties would revert the decision to a lower court; for instance, the Affordable Care Act could then be struck down by a lower Texas court.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.