csmonitor--2020-02-28--Why California's 'Super Tuesday' could be a voting litmus test

Major changes to the way people vote have election advocates on edge as Californians cast ballots in a high-profile primary that was moved up from June so the country 's most populous state could have a bigger say in picking the Democratic presidential nominee .
More than 2.7 million of 20.6 million registered voters had returned ballots in early voting as of Thursday , Secretary of State Alex Padilla said .
California is among several states holding elections on `` Super Tuesday , '' and the state 's 416 delegates are a rich prize for the Democrats slugging it out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going into this election with record registration and a whole lot of energy , '' Mr. Padilla said in a phone briefing with reporters Thursday .
California 's primary also comes amid massive changes aimed at expanding voter participation : new voting equipment , vote centers that are replacing polling places in some counties , and expanded same-day voter registration .
Those changes may confuse some voters .
The fear is that California will end up with a mess much larger than the Feb. 3 debacle in Iowa , where the Democratic Party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days because of problems with a new cellphone app used to collect data from caucus sites , among other blunders .
The results of competitive races , such as the presidential primary , likely wo n't be known Tuesday .
California accepts ballots arriving up to three days after election day and has expanded same-day voter registration , so ballot counting will continue well after Tuesday .
There were more than 2 million ballots left to process after the 2016 primary .
Paul Mitchell , vice president of data firm Political Data Inc. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around 50 % , roughly the same as in the 2016 primary , with most people voting Tuesday .
He said there 's excitement for the Democratic presidential race , but Republicans have little reason to vote in the primary despite congressional races on the ballot .
Election observers are keeping tabs on Los Angeles County , the nation 's most populous county with more than 5.5 million registered voters and an upgraded $ 300 million voting system , including new ballot-marking devices .
It 's also among 15 counties – up from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional polling places with multipurpose vote centers , where people who live anywhere in the county can vote early , drop off ballots , register to vote , or vote on election day .
The vote centers ' rollout last weekend was bumpy , with some opening late or not at all because supplies had n't arrived or workers did n't have correct information to start new touch-screen ballot markers .
Los Angeles County is the only one of the 15 counties with vote centers that did not automatically mail ballots to all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people will have no ballot and wo n't know where to go on election day .
The county has taken extra steps to educate voters about the change , says Jonathan Stein , head of the voting rights program at Asian Americans Advancing Justice-Asian Law Caucus .
Still , `` in a county that enormous , all of the public outreach efforts in the world are still going to fall short , '' he said .
The Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder 's office did not return calls and emails seeking comment .
Registrar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new equipment worked well but there is `` more work ahead to ensure better coordination of facilities and logistics . ''
The transition to vote centers is huge , says Orange County Registrar Neal Kelley , and he worries he 'll get calls from irate voters on Tuesday : `` I ’ m standing in front of the garage I ’ ve voted at for the last 20 years – why is it not open ? ''
Orange County has 1.6 million registered voters , and returns are 35 % higher than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he said .
Also new this year , Californians can register to vote up to 8 p.m. on election day wherever ballots are cast , which could mean a surge of last-minute ballots , including provisional ballots that take longer to count .
Kim Alexander , president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation , said she 's not surprised people are holding on to their ballots as they debate the merits of the candidates – a still-evolving pool is precisely why lawmakers moved up the election date – but she and others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long lines .
`` It ’ s fine to wait , '' she said .
`` Just don ’ t wait too long , and for God ’ s sake , don ’ t put your ballot in the mail on election day . ''
Another group that voting advocates say will face problems and perhaps contribute to longer lines is the state 's 5 million `` no party preference '' voters .
They are given a nonpartisan ballot that lists no presidential candidates unless they specifically request a ballot from one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote in their presidential contests without re-registering : Democratic , Libertarian , or American Independent .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Major changes to the way people vote have election advocates on edge as Californians cast ballots in a high-profile primary that was moved up from June so the country's most populous state could have a bigger say in picking the Democratic presidential nominee.
More than 2.7 million of 20.6 million registered voters had returned ballots in early voting as of Thursday, Secretary of State Alex Padilla said. California is among several states holding elections on "Super Tuesday," and the state's 416 delegates are a rich prize for the Democrats slugging it out for the nomination.
"We're going into this election with record registration and a whole lot of energy," Mr. Padilla said in a phone briefing with reporters Thursday.
California's primary also comes amid massive changes aimed at expanding voter participation: new voting equipment, vote centers that are replacing polling places in some counties, and expanded same-day voter registration.
Those changes may confuse some voters. The fear is that California will end up with a mess much larger than the Feb. 3 debacle in Iowa, where the Democratic Party could not declare a winner for several days because of problems with a new cellphone app used to collect data from caucus sites, among other blunders.
The results of competitive races, such as the presidential primary, likely won't be known Tuesday. California accepts ballots arriving up to three days after election day and has expanded same-day voter registration, so ballot counting will continue well after Tuesday. There were more than 2 million ballots left to process after the 2016 primary.
Paul Mitchell, vice president of data firm Political Data Inc., expects turnout in California to be around 50%, roughly the same as in the 2016 primary, with most people voting Tuesday. He said there's excitement for the Democratic presidential race, but Republicans have little reason to vote in the primary despite congressional races on the ballot.
Election observers are keeping tabs on Los Angeles County, the nation's most populous county with more than 5.5 million registered voters and an upgraded $300 million voting system, including new ballot-marking devices.
It's also among 15 counties – up from five in 2018 – that have replaced traditional polling places with multipurpose vote centers, where people who live anywhere in the county can vote early, drop off ballots, register to vote, or vote on election day.
The vote centers' rollout last weekend was bumpy, with some opening late or not at all because supplies hadn't arrived or workers didn't have correct information to start new touch-screen ballot markers.
Los Angeles County is the only one of the 15 counties with vote centers that did not automatically mail ballots to all registered voters, increasing the possibility that people will have no ballot and won't know where to go on election day.
The county has taken extra steps to educate voters about the change, says Jonathan Stein, head of the voting rights program at Asian Americans Advancing Justice-Asian Law Caucus.
Still, "in a county that enormous, all of the public outreach efforts in the world are still going to fall short," he said.
The Los Angeles County Registrar-Recorder's office did not return calls and emails seeking comment. Registrar Dean Logan posted Saturday on Twitter that the new equipment worked well but there is "more work ahead to ensure better coordination of facilities and logistics."
The transition to vote centers is huge, says Orange County Registrar Neal Kelley, and he worries he'll get calls from irate voters on Tuesday: "I’m standing in front of the garage I’ve voted at for the last 20 years – why is it not open?"
Orange County has 1.6 million registered voters, and returns are 35% higher than they were at this point in 2016, he said.
Also new this year, Californians can register to vote up to 8 p.m. on election day wherever ballots are cast, which could mean a surge of last-minute ballots, including provisional ballots that take longer to count.
Kim Alexander, president of the nonpartisan California Voter Foundation, said she's not surprised people are holding on to their ballots as they debate the merits of the candidates – a still-evolving pool is precisely why lawmakers moved up the election date – but she and others worry about an election day meltdown with long lines.
"It’s fine to wait," she said. "Just don’t wait too long, and for God’s sake, don’t put your ballot in the mail on election day."
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Another group that voting advocates say will face problems and perhaps contribute to longer lines is the state's 5 million "no party preference" voters. They are given a nonpartisan ballot that lists no presidential candidates unless they specifically request a ballot from one of the three parties that allows them to vote in their presidential contests without re-registering: Democratic, Libertarian, or American Independent.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-26--Cracks in Biden’s ‘firewall’? Black voters split in S. Carolina.

Those splits aren ’ t new , he adds , but with a candidate like Barack Obama they weren ’ t apparent , because there was consensus around his candidacy .
“ Those [ divisions ] certainly emerge , ” Professor Shaw says , “ when there ’ s greater uncertainty about which candidate could effectively challenge Trump and is electable.
” “ There are divisions of gender within the black community ; there are divisions by age and generation , ” says Todd Shaw , who studies social movements within the black community at the University of South Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the most diverse Democratic fields in history has been winnowed to an all-white group of candidates .
They are courting a primary electorate in this state that is two-thirds African American , and far from unified around any one candidate this year .
With African Americans including Mr. Morrison representing a growing share of the Democratic Party overall , South Carolina ’ s “ First in the South ” primary will offer this cycle ’ s first real electoral test of that clout .
As a Saturday primary vote approaches , South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden is a good man , but my vote is not guaranteed.
” The Jonesville resident is leaning toward Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont .
Sitting on a cluster of chairs next to an abandoned softball field , Deacon James Morrison and his after-church buddies are busy sorting out the next president of the United States .
The group of mostly older African American men , who get together every Sunday in a kind of makeshift social club , are united in their view that President Donald Trump has drawn the nation into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they see him as affront to the legacy of President Barack Obama .
But that doesn ’ t mean their support for Mr. Obama ’ s vice president , Joe Biden , is a given .
“ Joe Biden is a good man , but my vote is not guaranteed , ” says Mr. Morrison , who is leaning toward Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont .
“ I ’ m in nobody ’ s pocket.
” With African Americans representing a growing share of the Democratic Party overall , South Carolina ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will offer this cycle ’ s first real electoral test of that clout .
What began as one of the most diverse Democratic fields in history has been winnowed to an all-white group of candidates courting a primary electorate here that is about two-thirds African American .
And the choices made on Saturday by voters like Mr. Morrison could foreshadow – as well as influence – what happens just three days later on Super Tuesday , when a slew of heavily diverse Southern states , as well as giants like California and Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here is going to reverberate through Georgia , North Carolina , Alabama , and beyond , ” says Harold Mitchell , a former member of the South Carolina legislature from Spartanburg , South Carolina .
“ It ’ s going to start a wave.
” For Democrats concerned about the rise of the far-left Senator Sanders , South Carolina could be their last chance to boost a moderate alternative .
Vice President Biden has long cast the Palmetto State as a “ firewall ” for his campaign , thanks to the goodwill he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American voters .
On Wednesday , he got the official endorsement of influential South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn , the third-ranking Democrat in the U.S. House of Representatives .
“ I know Joe .
We know Joe , ” Congressman Clyburn said .
“ But most importantly , Joe knows us.
” But while most polls still show Mr. Biden in front , the race has dramatically narrowed .
Other candidates – such as billionaire Tom Steyer , who has been pouring resources into the state – have been growing their support in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shaky performances in Iowa and New Hampshire .
Most notably , Senator Sanders has risen sharply , particularly after his decisive victory last Saturday in Nevada .
Trounced by Hillary Clinton in South Carolina in 2016 , he now has a real shot at winning here , which could make him virtually unstoppable going into Super Tuesday , where 1,400 delegates are in play .
On the surface , a septuagenarian democratic socialist from Vermont may seem to have little in common with black voters in the South .
Yet Mr. Sanders ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be resonating with many in this industrial and agricultural state , where stark pockets of deep poverty abound .
Mr. Morrison , for one , dismisses criticisms of Senator Sanders as a leftist radical .
“ Those labels just don ’ t stick with me , ” he says .
“ They called Martin Luther King Jr. a communist , too.
” “ Sanders has a strong grassroots organization , legions of small donors , and he has that tailwind of being the major challenger to Clinton in the last election , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ movements within the black community at the University of South Carolina , in Columbia .
“ Biden , for one , certainly underestimated the strength of Bernie Sanders in South Carolina.
” Saturday ’ s primary comes as African American voters have a growing voice in the Democratic Party .
They made up 19 % of the Democratic primary electorate in 2008 ; this year , they ’ re likely to reach 25 % or more .
In South Carolina , they have often broken decisively for a candidate – helping Mr. Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their paths to the Democratic nomination in 2008 and 2016 .
But this year , experts say the African American vote could splinter , particularly as there appears to be little consensus around who would be the strongest candidate to go up against President Trump .
“ There are divisions of gender within the black community ; there are divisions by age and generation , ” says Professor Shaw .
Those splits aren ’ t new , he adds , but with a candidate like Mr. Obama they weren ’ t apparent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ But those [ divisions ] certainly emerge when there ’ s greater uncertainty about which candidate could effectively challenge Trump and is electable , ” he says .
Younger black voters , in particular , are evincing a broader frustration with the Democratic establishment , as reflected in a recent East Carolina University poll , which showed more than half of older African Americans supporting Mr. Biden , while those younger than 35 more likely to support Mr. Sanders or Mr. Steyer .
Those trends are mirrored in the growing numbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ registering as “ unaffiliated ” instead of as Democrats , says J .
Miles Coleman , a political analyst at Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball at the University of Virginia .
Many of those voters did not cast a ballot in the last presidential election , where black participation dropped by 7 % .
“ These are voters who are not misinformed , not ill-educated , but registered voters who [ in the past ] have made an intelligent decision from their standpoint that , ‘ My vote is not important , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to get involved , ’ ” says Johnnie Cordero , chairman of the state ’ s Democratic Black Caucus .
Some of those disaffected voters , he says , are not only getting involved now , but becoming sounding boards for older voters .
“ I had a young lady call me in tears , sharing with me that her grandmother called her and ... said to her , ‘ Baby , who should I vote for ?
’ ” says Mr. Cordero .
In Tuesday ’ s contentious Democratic debate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for granted .
“ I ’ ve worked like the devil to earn the votes of the African American community , not just here but around the country , ” he said .
He promised to put a black woman on the U.S. Supreme Court .
Not surprisingly , he has also heavily emphasized his ties to former President Obama , says Mr. Coleman .
Still , he notes that Michael Bloomberg – who is not on the ballot in South Carolina – has also been running ads that prominently feature Mr. Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Bloomberg , in particular , is trying to steal some of that nostalgic connection that Biden has to Obama – which , if successful , could be very hurtful [ to Biden ] in a state like South Carolina , ” he says .
Black voters , of course , are united by a common history , one forged by prejudice and suffering .
In South Carolina , that past is not that far in the past .
In 2015 , 150 years after the fall of the Confederacy , South Carolina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state grounds , after a white supremacist killed nine black parishioners at Emanuel AME Church in Charleston that summer .
Allegations of racism have been a persistent thread in the Democratic contest .
Mr. Bloomberg has been attacked over the stop-and-frisk police tactic he once promoted .
Mr. Biden has had to defend his support as a senator for an omnibus crime bill that disproportionately affected black people .
In Tuesday ’ s debate , Mr. Biden attacked Mr. Steyer for his hedge fund ’ s past investment in a private prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisoners .
“ They hogtied young men in prison here in this state , ” he said .
Mr. Steyer responded indignantly , saying he ’ d sold the stock after investigating , and that he ’ d worked to eliminate private prisons in California .
On Sunday , reporters asked the California billionaire about allegations he ’ s been buying endorsements in the state ( something Mr. Sanders has also been accused of doing ) .
He told the Monitor that assuming African American lawmakers ’ support is for sale “ is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a loose collared shirt , Mr. Steyer addressed a large crowd of mostly black parishioners at Family Worship Center , in Yemassee , South Carolina , the heart of the Lowcountry .
“ We need to tell the truth about 400 years of injustice , ” he told the crowd .
“ And there ’ s no other way to look at economic and environmental justice other than through race.
” Mr. Steyer ’ s push for a race commission , reparations for slavery , and rural infrastructure funding has made him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on African American issues .
And his speech resonated among some in the crowd .
Democratic voter Phyllis Grant says she hasn ’ t decided yet on her choice , but Mr. Steyer ’ s pitch made a solid impression .
When it comes to “ education , foreign policy , the economy , and race in America – this is our chance to say where we go next , ” says Ms. Grant .

Those splits aren’t new, he adds, but with a candidate like Barack Obama they weren’t apparent, because there was consensus around his candidacy. “Those [divisions] certainly emerge,” Professor Shaw says, “when there’s greater uncertainty about which candidate could effectively challenge Trump and is electable.”
“There are divisions of gender within the black community; there are divisions by age and generation,” says Todd Shaw, who studies social movements within the black community at the University of South Carolina in Columbia.
What began as one of the most diverse Democratic fields in history has been winnowed to an all-white group of candidates. They are courting a primary electorate in this state that is two-thirds African American, and far from unified around any one candidate this year.
In recent primaries, black South Carolinians swung heavily for the eventual nominee. This time around, though, it’s apparent that the largest racial group in the state’s Democratic electorate is hardly a monolithic voting bloc.
With African Americans including Mr. Morrison representing a growing share of the Democratic Party overall, South Carolina’s “First in the South” primary will offer this cycle’s first real electoral test of that clout.
As a Saturday primary vote approaches, South Carolina voter James Morrison says “Joe Biden is a good man, but my vote is not guaranteed.” The Jonesville resident is leaning toward Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont.
Sitting on a cluster of chairs next to an abandoned softball field, Deacon James Morrison and his after-church buddies are busy sorting out the next president of the United States.
The group of mostly older African American men, who get together every Sunday in a kind of makeshift social club, are united in their view that President Donald Trump has drawn the nation into a kind of playground sandbox. And they see him as affront to the legacy of President Barack Obama.
But that doesn’t mean their support for Mr. Obama’s vice president, Joe Biden, is a given.
Why We Wrote This In recent primaries, black South Carolinians swung heavily for the eventual nominee. This time around, though, it’s apparent that the largest racial group in the state’s Democratic electorate is hardly a monolithic voting bloc.
“Joe Biden is a good man, but my vote is not guaranteed,” says Mr. Morrison, who is leaning toward Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont. “I’m in nobody’s pocket.”
With African Americans representing a growing share of the Democratic Party overall, South Carolina’s “First in the South” primary will offer this cycle’s first real electoral test of that clout. What began as one of the most diverse Democratic fields in history has been winnowed to an all-white group of candidates courting a primary electorate here that is about two-thirds African American. And the choices made on Saturday by voters like Mr. Morrison could foreshadow – as well as influence – what happens just three days later on Super Tuesday, when a slew of heavily diverse Southern states, as well as giants like California and Texas, will vote.
“What happens here is going to reverberate through Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, and beyond,” says Harold Mitchell, a former member of the South Carolina legislature from Spartanburg, South Carolina. “It’s going to start a wave.”
For Democrats concerned about the rise of the far-left Senator Sanders, South Carolina could be their last chance to boost a moderate alternative. Vice President Biden has long cast the Palmetto State as a “firewall” for his campaign, thanks to the goodwill he enjoys among the state’s African American voters. On Wednesday, he got the official endorsement of influential South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn, the third-ranking Democrat in the U.S. House of Representatives.
“I know Joe. We know Joe,” Congressman Clyburn said. “But most importantly, Joe knows us.”
But while most polls still show Mr. Biden in front, the race has dramatically narrowed. Other candidates – such as billionaire Tom Steyer, who has been pouring resources into the state – have been growing their support in the wake of Mr. Biden’s shaky performances in Iowa and New Hampshire.
Most notably, Senator Sanders has risen sharply, particularly after his decisive victory last Saturday in Nevada. Trounced by Hillary Clinton in South Carolina in 2016, he now has a real shot at winning here, which could make him virtually unstoppable going into Super Tuesday, where 1,400 delegates are in play.
On the surface, a septuagenarian democratic socialist from Vermont may seem to have little in common with black voters in the South. Yet Mr. Sanders’ advocacy for the working class appears to be resonating with many in this industrial and agricultural state, where stark pockets of deep poverty abound.
Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption James Morrison of Jonesville says he has voted for both Republicans and Democrats, but is eyeing Bernie Sanders as his choice for Saturday's South Carolina primary. He bristles at the idea that black voters should fall into line with establishment Democrats like Joe Biden.
Mr. Morrison, for one, dismisses criticisms of Senator Sanders as a leftist radical. “Those labels just don’t stick with me,” he says. “They called Martin Luther King Jr. a communist, too.”
“Sanders has a strong grassroots organization, legions of small donors, and he has that tailwind of being the major challenger to Clinton in the last election,” says Todd Shaw, who studies social movements within the black community at the University of South Carolina, in Columbia. “Biden, for one, certainly underestimated the strength of Bernie Sanders in South Carolina.”
Unlike 2008 and 2016
Saturday’s primary comes as African American voters have a growing voice in the Democratic Party. They made up 19% of the Democratic primary electorate in 2008; this year, they’re likely to reach 25% or more. In South Carolina, they have often broken decisively for a candidate – helping Mr. Obama and Mrs. Clinton, respectively, secure their paths to the Democratic nomination in 2008 and 2016.
But this year, experts say the African American vote could splinter, particularly as there appears to be little consensus around who would be the strongest candidate to go up against President Trump.
“There are divisions of gender within the black community; there are divisions by age and generation,” says Professor Shaw. Those splits aren’t new, he adds, but with a candidate like Mr. Obama they weren’t apparent, because there was consensus around his candidacy. “But those [divisions] certainly emerge when there’s greater uncertainty about which candidate could effectively challenge Trump and is electable,” he says.
Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Presidential candidate Tom Steyer shakes hands at an event in Yemassee, South Carolina, Feb. 23, 2020. The California billionaire poured big money into this "first in the South" primary state, touting his "5 Rights" plan for addressing race-based inequities related to economics and the environment. Recent polls show him in third place.
Younger black voters, in particular, are evincing a broader frustration with the Democratic establishment, as reflected in a recent East Carolina University poll, which showed more than half of older African Americans supporting Mr. Biden, while those younger than 35 more likely to support Mr. Sanders or Mr. Steyer. Those trends are mirrored in the growing numbers of younger liberal voters in the South registering as “unaffiliated” instead of as Democrats, says J. Miles Coleman, a political analyst at Sabato’s Crystal Ball at the University of Virginia.
Many of those voters did not cast a ballot in the last presidential election, where black participation dropped by 7%.
“These are voters who are not misinformed, not ill-educated, but registered voters who [in the past] have made an intelligent decision from their standpoint that, ‘My vote is not important, but wasted, and I’m not going to get involved,’” says Johnnie Cordero, chairman of the state’s Democratic Black Caucus.
Some of those disaffected voters, he says, are not only getting involved now, but becoming sounding boards for older voters. “I had a young lady call me in tears, sharing with me that her grandmother called her and ... said to her, ‘Baby, who should I vote for?’” says Mr. Cordero.
In Tuesday’s contentious Democratic debate, Mr. Biden insisted he was taking nothing for granted. “I’ve worked like the devil to earn the votes of the African American community, not just here but around the country,” he said. He promised to put a black woman on the U.S. Supreme Court.
Not surprisingly, he has also heavily emphasized his ties to former President Obama, says Mr. Coleman. Still, he notes that Michael Bloomberg – who is not on the ballot in South Carolina – has also been running ads that prominently feature Mr. Obama praising the former New York mayor. “Bloomberg, in particular, is trying to steal some of that nostalgic connection that Biden has to Obama – which, if successful, could be very hurtful [to Biden] in a state like South Carolina,” he says.
Race as a campaign issue
Black voters, of course, are united by a common history, one forged by prejudice and suffering. In South Carolina, that past is not that far in the past. In 2015, 150 years after the fall of the Confederacy, South Carolina finally removed the Confederate battle flag from the state grounds, after a white supremacist killed nine black parishioners at Emanuel AME Church in Charleston that summer.
Allegations of racism have been a persistent thread in the Democratic contest. Mr. Bloomberg has been attacked over the stop-and-frisk police tactic he once promoted. Mr. Biden has had to defend his support as a senator for an omnibus crime bill that disproportionately affected black people.
In Tuesday’s debate, Mr. Biden attacked Mr. Steyer for his hedge fund’s past investment in a private prison corporation that had been accused of mistreating prisoners. “They hogtied young men in prison here in this state,” he said.
Mr. Steyer responded indignantly, saying he’d sold the stock after investigating, and that he’d worked to eliminate private prisons in California.
On Sunday, reporters asked the California billionaire about allegations he’s been buying endorsements in the state (something Mr. Sanders has also been accused of doing). He told the Monitor that assuming African American lawmakers’ support is for sale “is racist.”
Wearing an Indian bead belt and a loose collared shirt, Mr. Steyer addressed a large crowd of mostly black parishioners at Family Worship Center, in Yemassee, South Carolina, the heart of the Lowcountry.
“We need to tell the truth about 400 years of injustice,” he told the crowd. “And there’s no other way to look at economic and environmental justice other than through race.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Mr. Steyer’s push for a race commission, reparations for slavery, and rural infrastructure funding has made him perhaps the most focused of any candidate on African American issues. And his speech resonated among some in the crowd.
Democratic voter Phyllis Grant says she hasn’t decided yet on her choice, but Mr. Steyer’s pitch made a solid impression. When it comes to “education, foreign policy, the economy, and race in America – this is our chance to say where we go next,” says Ms. Grant.


csmonitor--2020-02-26--New Mexico signs red-flag gun law, but will it be enforced?

New Mexico Gov .
Michelle Lujan Grisham signed a red-flag gun bill Tuesday that will allow state district courts to order the temporary surrender of firearms , and she urged sheriffs to resign if they still refuse to enforce it .
Flanked by advocates for stricter gun control and supportive law enforcement officials at a signing ceremony , Ms. Lujan Grisham said the legislation provides law enforcement authorities with an urgently needed tool to deter deadly violence by temporarily removing firearms from people who pose a threat to themselves or others .
Some sheriffs from mostly rural areas opposed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of constitutional guarantees to due process , free speech , and the right to bear arms .
Public rallies were held for and against the legislation .
Lujan Grisham said sheriffs should have the opportunity to oppose any proposed policy change , but `` they can not not enforce . ''
`` If they really intend to do that , they should resign as a law enforcement officer and leader in that community , '' she said .
New Mexico Sheriffs ' Association President Tony Mace of Cibola County said the new law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before any crime is committed and that he and other sheriffs will assert their discretion over its enforcement .
`` We do n't work for the governor , we do n't work for the Legislature , '' he said .
`` We work for the people that elected us into office . ''
New Mexico lawmakers last year expanded background check requirements to most private gun sales and banned firearms possession for people under permanent protective orders for domestic violence .
Highlighting discontent in rural communities , elected commissioners declared Roosevelt County a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Tuesday , recognizing the right of the local sheriff `` not to enforce any unconstitutional firearms law against any citizens . ''
The county of roughly 20,000 residents adjacent to Texas is the latest of at least a dozen New Mexico counties to embrace the sanctuary label .
This year 's red-flag legislation allows police and sheriffs ' deputies to petition a court for the surrender of household firearms within 48 hours from people who appear to pose a danger to themselves or others .
Petitions can be based on sworn affidavits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school administrators , and authorities can be held liable for officers who fail to enforce the law .
The gun-control advocacy group Moms Demand Action is planning a yearslong campaign to publicize the law and outline how people can petition law enforcement for extreme risk protection orders , said Emelie De Angelis , a state chapter leader .
She said her group is emphasizing that district attorneys can seek red-flag orders from judges in areas where sheriffs may show reluctance .
`` We were really adamant that particularly with our sheriffs ' situation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they do n't want to enforce this – that the DAs had to stay in '' the law , she said .
Lujan Grisham outlined her motivation for signing the red-flag law by invoking the 2019 mass shooting in El Paso , Texas , and the 2018 mass shooting that killed 17 students at a Florida high school .
Red-flag laws gained momentum after it was learned that the young man accused in the Florida attack was widely known to be mentally troubled yet had access to weapons .
`` Now this state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` We 're looking at the opportunity to do as much as we can for threats that could create mass violence . ''
A red-flag order would set off a 10-day deadline for a court hearing on whether the initial order to surrender firearms is extended for a year .
A flagged gun owner can request an extension of up to 30 days for the hearing .
Failure to relinquish firearms as ordered is a misdemeanor that can lead authorities to remove weapons .
The law takes effect on May 20 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Press .

New Mexico Gov. Michelle Lujan Grisham signed a red-flag gun bill Tuesday that will allow state district courts to order the temporary surrender of firearms, and she urged sheriffs to resign if they still refuse to enforce it.
Flanked by advocates for stricter gun control and supportive law enforcement officials at a signing ceremony, Ms. Lujan Grisham said the legislation provides law enforcement authorities with an urgently needed tool to deter deadly violence by temporarily removing firearms from people who pose a threat to themselves or others.
Some sheriffs from mostly rural areas opposed the bill in committee hearings as a violation of constitutional guarantees to due process, free speech, and the right to bear arms. Public rallies were held for and against the legislation.
Lujan Grisham said sheriffs should have the opportunity to oppose any proposed policy change, but "they cannot not enforce."
"If they really intend to do that, they should resign as a law enforcement officer and leader in that community," she said.
New Mexico Sheriffs' Association President Tony Mace of Cibola County said the new law goes too far by potentially impounding guns before any crime is committed and that he and other sheriffs will assert their discretion over its enforcement.
"We don't work for the governor, we don't work for the Legislature," he said. "We work for the people that elected us into office."
New Mexico lawmakers last year expanded background check requirements to most private gun sales and banned firearms possession for people under permanent protective orders for domestic violence.
Highlighting discontent in rural communities, elected commissioners declared Roosevelt County a "sanctuary" for Second Amendment guarantees on Tuesday, recognizing the right of the local sheriff "not to enforce any unconstitutional firearms law against any citizens." The county of roughly 20,000 residents adjacent to Texas is the latest of at least a dozen New Mexico counties to embrace the sanctuary label.
This year's red-flag legislation allows police and sheriffs' deputies to petition a court for the surrender of household firearms within 48 hours from people who appear to pose a danger to themselves or others.
Petitions can be based on sworn affidavits filed by relatives, employers, or school administrators, and authorities can be held liable for officers who fail to enforce the law.
The gun-control advocacy group Moms Demand Action is planning a yearslong campaign to publicize the law and outline how people can petition law enforcement for extreme risk protection orders, said Emelie De Angelis, a state chapter leader.
She said her group is emphasizing that district attorneys can seek red-flag orders from judges in areas where sheriffs may show reluctance.
"We were really adamant that particularly with our sheriffs' situation – a lot of them saying that they don't want to enforce this – that the DAs had to stay in" the law, she said.
Lujan Grisham outlined her motivation for signing the red-flag law by invoking the 2019 mass shooting in El Paso, Texas, and the 2018 mass shooting that killed 17 students at a Florida high school.
Red-flag laws gained momentum after it was learned that the young man accused in the Florida attack was widely known to be mentally troubled yet had access to weapons.
"Now this state is responding," Lujan Grisham said. "We're looking at the opportunity to do as much as we can for threats that could create mass violence."
A red-flag order would set off a 10-day deadline for a court hearing on whether the initial order to surrender firearms is extended for a year. A flagged gun owner can request an extension of up to 30 days for the hearing.
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Failure to relinquish firearms as ordered is a misdemeanor that can lead authorities to remove weapons. The law takes effect on May 20.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-26--South Carolina debate: Why Democrats piled on Bernie Sanders

Democrats unleashed a roaring assault against Bernie Sanders and seized on Mike Bloomberg 's past with women in the workplace during a contentious debate Tuesday night that tested the strength of the two men at the center of the party 's presidential nomination fight .
As the undeniable Democratic front-runner , Mr. Sanders faced the brunt of the attacks for much of the night , and for one of the few times , fellow progressive Elizabeth Warren was among the critics .
The Massachusetts senator pressed the case that she could execute ideas that the Vermont senator could only talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a lot of things , '' she said .
`` But I think I would make a better president than Bernie . ''
A group of moderates , meanwhile , fought to emerge as the chief Sanders alternative .
Former Vice President Joe Biden , who is seeking a strong win in South Carolina to keep his campaign afloat , argued only he has the experience to lead in the world .
Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota repeatedly contended that she alone could win the votes of battleground state moderates .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ self-described democratic socialism and his recent comments expressing admiration for Cuban dictator Fidel Castro 's push for education .
`` I am not looking forward to a scenario where it comes down to Donald Trump with his nostalgia for the social order of the 1950s and Bernie Sanders with a nostalgia for the revolutionary politics of the 1960s , '' the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , declared .
But the moderates did little to draw separation among themselves , a dynamic that has so far only benefited the Vermont senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ night , pointing to polls that showed him beating the Republican president and noting all the recent attention he 's gotten : `` I 'm hearing my name mentioned a little bit tonight .
I wonder why ? ''
President Donald Trump , who returned to Washington early Wednesday after a two-day trip to India , responded to a reporter 's shouted question about whether he 'd seen the debate : “ I did , ” he said while stepping into a car .
“ Not too good , not too good.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with candidates repeatedly shouting over each other , reflected the reality that the Democrats ' establishment wing is quickly running out of time to stop Mr. Sanders ' rise .
Even some critics , Mr. Bloomberg among them , conceded that Mr. Sanders could build an insurmountable delegate lead as soon as next week .
The 10th debate of the 2020 primary season , sponsored by CBS and the Congressional Black Caucus Institute , was just four days before South Carolina 's first-in-the-South primary and one week before more than a dozen states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House hopefuls will not stand side-by-side on the debate stage again until the middle of March .
That made Tuesday 's debate likely the last chance for some candidates to save themselves and alter the trajectory of the nomination fight .
Though Mr. Sanders was at the center of the attacks , the night was actually something of a high point in his political career .
After spending nearly three decades as an agitator who delighted in tearing into his party 's establishment , that very party establishment was suddenly fighting to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his rising status as the leading candidate for the nomination .
Mr. Bloomberg also faced sustained attacks that gave him an opportunity to redeem himself after a bad debate debut one week earlier .
Ms. Warren cut hard at his record as a businessman , bringing up reports of one particular allegation that he told a pregnant employee `` to kill it , '' a reference to the woman 's unborn child .
Mr. Bloomberg fiercely denied the allegation , but acknowledged he sometimes made comments that were inappropriate .
Mr. Bloomberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the core of the Democratic Party , '' Ms. Warren said .
`` He is the riskiest candidate standing on this stage . ''
But Mr. Bloomberg will likely remain a force in the contest even as other candidates may quickly face tough choices about the sustainability of their campaigns .
Mr. Bloomberg has already spent more than $ 500 million on a national advertising campaign , and his fortune ensures he will remain a factor at least through Super Tuesday .
From the earliest moments of the debate , Mr. Bloomberg sought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders .
He said Mr. Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin agree that Mr. Sanders would be the best outcome for the Democrats .
`` Vladimir Putin thinks Donald Trump should be president of the United States and that 's why Russia is helping you get elected so you lose to him , '' Mr. Bloomberg said .
Last week , Mr. Sanders acknowledged that he 'd be been briefed by intelligence officials who said that Russia is attempting to interfere in the elections to benefit him .
He responded to Mr. Bloomberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Putin : `` Hey , Mr. Putin , if I 'm president of the United States , trust me you 're not going to interfere in any more American elections . ''
But the skepticism for Mr. Sanders was a constant .
Mr. Buttigieg raised concerns that a Sanders nomination would cost Democrats the House and make it harder to retake the Senate .
`` We 're not going to win these critical , critical House and Senate races if people in those races have to explain why the nominee of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the bright side of the Castro regime , '' Mr. Buttigieg said .
And Mr. Bloomberg said Mr. Sanders would n't be able to build a winning coalition that includes Republicans unhappy with Mr. Trump 's performance in the White House .
`` Can anyone in this room imagine moderate Republican going over and voting for him , '' he said .
`` You have to do that or you ca n't win . ''
Ms. Warren , who raised questions about Mr. Sanders ' electability earlier in the night , intercepted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressive agenda is popular . ''
The South Carolina contest offers the first real look at the influence African American voters play in the Democrats ' presidential nomination process .
Mr. Biden is trying to make a big impression in the state , where he was long viewed as the unquestioned front-runner because of his support from black voters .
But heading into Saturday 's primary after three consecutive underwhelming finishes , there were signs that the former vice president 's African American support may be slipping .
One reason : Tom Steyer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money into African American outreach , which threatens to peel away some of the support Biden badly needs .
Mr. Steyer noted Tuesday that he was the only candidate on stage who supported reparations for descendants of slaves .
Mr. Bloomberg , who for years defended New York City 's stop-and-frisk policing policy that a federal court struck down , made an overt appeal to the nation 's black voters .
`` I know that if I were black , my success would have been a lot harder to achieve , '' he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we 've got to do something about . ''
The attacks against Mr. Sanders did not slow as the night went on .
He was forced to defend his position on Israel , having condemned the American ally for its treatment of Palestinians .
`` Sadly , tragically in Israel , through Bibi Netanyahu , you have a reactionary racist , who is now running that country , '' said Mr. Sanders .
He added : `` What you can not ignore is the suffering of the Palestinian people . ''
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ record on gun control , seizing on the Vermont senator 's support of the 2005 Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act , legislation that protects gun manufacturers and sellers from laws that attempt to hold them liable for dealing firearms that end up in the hand of criminals .
`` My friend to my right , and others , have in fact also given in to gun manufacturers absolute immunity , '' said Mr. Biden .
`` Imagine if I stood here and said , 'We give immunity to drug companies .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ' `` That has caused carnage on our streets . ''
Mr. Sanders proudly highlighted his `` D minus '' rating from the pro-gun organization .
And just last week , several gun control advocates who survived the Parkland , Florida , school shooting endorsed him .
Moving forward from the fiery debate , there are questions about the Democratic Party 's ability to unify behind a nominee .
Ms. Klobuchar perhaps summed up her party 's challenge best : `` If we spend the next 10 months tearing our party apart , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next four years tearing this country apart . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Mr .
Peoples and Mr. Madhani reported from Washington .

Steve Peoples, Meg Kinnard, and Aamer Madhani

Democrats unleashed a roaring assault against Bernie Sanders and seized on Mike Bloomberg's past with women in the workplace during a contentious debate Tuesday night that tested the strength of the two men at the center of the party's presidential nomination fight.
As the undeniable Democratic front-runner, Mr. Sanders faced the brunt of the attacks for much of the night, and for one of the few times, fellow progressive Elizabeth Warren was among the critics. The Massachusetts senator pressed the case that she could execute ideas that the Vermont senator could only talk about.
"Bernie and I agree on a lot of things," she said. "But I think I would make a better president than Bernie."
A group of moderates, meanwhile, fought to emerge as the chief Sanders alternative.
Former Vice President Joe Biden, who is seeking a strong win in South Carolina to keep his campaign afloat, argued only he has the experience to lead in the world. Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota repeatedly contended that she alone could win the votes of battleground state moderates. And Pete Buttigieg pointed to Mr. Sanders' self-described democratic socialism and his recent comments expressing admiration for Cuban dictator Fidel Castro's push for education.
"I am not looking forward to a scenario where it comes down to Donald Trump with his nostalgia for the social order of the 1950s and Bernie Sanders with a nostalgia for the revolutionary politics of the 1960s," the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, declared.
But the moderates did little to draw separation among themselves, a dynamic that has so far only benefited the Vermont senator.
Mr. Sanders fought back throughout the night, pointing to polls that showed him beating the Republican president and noting all the recent attention he's gotten: "I'm hearing my name mentioned a little bit tonight. I wonder why?"
President Donald Trump, who returned to Washington early Wednesday after a two-day trip to India, responded to a reporter's shouted question about whether he'd seen the debate: “I did,” he said while stepping into a car. “Not too good, not too good.”
The intensity of Tuesday's forum, with candidates repeatedly shouting over each other, reflected the reality that the Democrats' establishment wing is quickly running out of time to stop Mr. Sanders' rise. Even some critics, Mr. Bloomberg among them, conceded that Mr. Sanders could build an insurmountable delegate lead as soon as next week.
The 10th debate of the 2020 primary season, sponsored by CBS and the Congressional Black Caucus Institute, was just four days before South Carolina's first-in-the-South primary and one week before more than a dozen states vote on Super Tuesday. The Democratic White House hopefuls will not stand side-by-side on the debate stage again until the middle of March. That made Tuesday's debate likely the last chance for some candidates to save themselves and alter the trajectory of the nomination fight.
Though Mr. Sanders was at the center of the attacks, the night was actually something of a high point in his political career. After spending nearly three decades as an agitator who delighted in tearing into his party's establishment, that very party establishment was suddenly fighting to take him down, a clear sign of his rising status as the leading candidate for the nomination.
Mr. Bloomberg also faced sustained attacks that gave him an opportunity to redeem himself after a bad debate debut one week earlier. Ms. Warren cut hard at his record as a businessman, bringing up reports of one particular allegation that he told a pregnant employee "to kill it," a reference to the woman's unborn child. Mr. Bloomberg fiercely denied the allegation, but acknowledged he sometimes made comments that were inappropriate.
Mr. Bloomberg "cannot earn the trust of the core of the Democratic Party," Ms. Warren said. "He is the riskiest candidate standing on this stage."
But Mr. Bloomberg will likely remain a force in the contest even as other candidates may quickly face tough choices about the sustainability of their campaigns. Mr. Bloomberg has already spent more than $500 million on a national advertising campaign, and his fortune ensures he will remain a factor at least through Super Tuesday.
From the earliest moments of the debate, Mr. Bloomberg sought to portray a clear contrast with Mr. Sanders. He said Mr. Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin agree that Mr. Sanders would be the best outcome for the Democrats.
"Vladimir Putin thinks Donald Trump should be president of the United States and that's why Russia is helping you get elected so you lose to him," Mr. Bloomberg said.
Last week, Mr. Sanders acknowledged that he'd be been briefed by intelligence officials who said that Russia is attempting to interfere in the elections to benefit him. He responded to Mr. Bloomberg on Tuesday with a direct statement for Mr. Putin: "Hey, Mr. Putin, if I'm president of the United States, trust me you're not going to interfere in any more American elections."
But the skepticism for Mr. Sanders was a constant.
Mr. Buttigieg raised concerns that a Sanders nomination would cost Democrats the House and make it harder to retake the Senate.
"We're not going to win these critical, critical House and Senate races if people in those races have to explain why the nominee of the Democratic Party is telling people to look at the bright side of the Castro regime," Mr. Buttigieg said.
And Mr. Bloomberg said Mr. Sanders wouldn't be able to build a winning coalition that includes Republicans unhappy with Mr. Trump's performance in the White House.
"Can anyone in this room imagine moderate Republican going over and voting for him," he said. "You have to do that or you can't win."
Ms. Warren, who raised questions about Mr. Sanders' electability earlier in the night, intercepted that criticism, arguing that a "progressive agenda is popular."
The South Carolina contest offers the first real look at the influence African American voters play in the Democrats' presidential nomination process. Mr. Biden is trying to make a big impression in the state, where he was long viewed as the unquestioned front-runner because of his support from black voters. But heading into Saturday's primary after three consecutive underwhelming finishes, there were signs that the former vice president's African American support may be slipping.
One reason: Tom Steyer. The billionaire activist has been pouring money into African American outreach, which threatens to peel away some of the support Biden badly needs.
Mr. Steyer noted Tuesday that he was the only candidate on stage who supported reparations for descendants of slaves.
Mr. Bloomberg, who for years defended New York City's stop-and-frisk policing policy that a federal court struck down, made an overt appeal to the nation's black voters.
"I know that if I were black, my success would have been a lot harder to achieve," he said. "That's a fact that we've got to do something about."
The attacks against Mr. Sanders did not slow as the night went on.
He was forced to defend his position on Israel, having condemned the American ally for its treatment of Palestinians.
"Sadly, tragically in Israel, through Bibi Netanyahu, you have a reactionary racist, who is now running that country," said Mr. Sanders. He added: "What you cannot ignore is the suffering of the Palestinian people."
And Mr. Biden slammed Mr. Sanders for his record on gun control, seizing on the Vermont senator's support of the 2005 Protection of Lawful Commerce in Arms Act, legislation that protects gun manufacturers and sellers from laws that attempt to hold them liable for dealing firearms that end up in the hand of criminals.
"My friend to my right, and others, have in fact also given in to gun manufacturers absolute immunity," said Mr. Biden. "Imagine if I stood here and said, 'We give immunity to drug companies. We give immunity to tobacco companies.'
"That has caused carnage on our streets."
Mr. Sanders proudly highlighted his "D minus" rating from the pro-gun organization. And just last week, several gun control advocates who survived the Parkland, Florida, school shooting endorsed him.
Moving forward from the fiery debate, there are questions about the Democratic Party's ability to unify behind a nominee.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Ms. Klobuchar perhaps summed up her party's challenge best: "If we spend the next 10 months tearing our party apart, Donald Trump is going to spend the next four years tearing this country apart."
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mr. Peoples and Mr. Madhani reported from Washington.


csmonitor--2020-02-25--How coronavirus offers stress test of Trump’s management

“ Acting officials are like substitute teachers .
They might listen to the principal more , but they can ’ t control the students , ” according to Dr. Glassman .
But some of President Trump ’ s methods weaken his ability to get the executive branch to work his will , says Dr. Glassman .
Vacant jobs can ’ t steer anybody .
“ Acting ” officials are weaker than Senate-confirmed appointees .
It ’ s true that presidents deserve their own team , says Matt Glassman , a senior fellow at the Government Affairs Institute at Georgetown University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t uncommon .
Three years into the Trump presidency , perceived loyalty to the president is perhaps the job qualification prized above all .
Vacancies are numerous and inexperienced “ acting ” personnel common .
“ I think you ought to know that answer , ” Senator Kennedy said .
At a Senate hearing , Republican Sen. John Kennedy pressed acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf for an estimate of the number of people who might be affected .
Early Tuesday President Trump tweeted , “ The coronavirus is very much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the day , the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said that Americans should begin preparing for possible outbreaks .
The coronavirus could become an unexpected stress test of President Donald Trump ’ s churning approach to executive management .
On Monday , acting Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security Ken Cuccinelli took to Twitter to ask for help with some research .
Mr. Cuccinelli – the top member of President Donald Trump ’ s coronavirus task force – was having difficulty accessing an online map of the virus ’ s spread compiled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ So he tweeted out a question : Was the map blocked for other people , too , or just him ?
In the end it appeared overwhelming traffic had temporarily crashed the Hopkins site .
Hours later Mr. Cuccinelli tweeted he had access to the data .
But for critics , the original question , from a top official with all the resources of the United States government at his fingertips , was itself a warning sign of the confusion and turmoil inherent in the Trump administration ’ s singular approach to bureaucratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidency , perceived loyalty to the president is perhaps the job qualification prized above all .
Top White House and executive branch officials seem unsure of their status , vacancies are numerous , and inexperienced “ acting ” personnel are common .
Currently this approach is particularly visible in the area of national security .
Almost all the positions created after Sept. 11 , 2001 , intended to help prevent another 9/11 , are now vacant or lack permanent appointees , points out Garrett Graff of Wired .
That includes the director of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security , the deputy secretary of homeland security , the director of the National Counterterrorism Center , and heads of border security agencies .
It ’ s true that presidents deserve their own team , says Matt Glassman , a senior fellow at the Government Affairs Institute at Georgetown University .
Political purges of the bureaucracy aren ’ t uncommon .
But some of President Trump ’ s methods weaken his ability to get the executive branch to work his will , says Dr. Glassman , an expert on government leadership and personnel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anybody .
“ Acting ” officials are weaker than Senate-confirmed appointees .
“ Acting officials are like substitute teachers .
They might listen to the principal more , but they can ’ t control the students , ” according to Dr. Glassman .
The shuffle at the top of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence has brought administration staffing back into the spotlight .
Earlier this month , President Trump removed one acting director of national intelligence , Joseph Maguire , and replaced him with another deemed more loyal , Richard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an intelligence official had briefed the House Intelligence Committee on an assessment that Russia is working to influence the 2020 election , and in particular wants President Trump to be reelected .
( Later reports said that Russia backs Bernie Sanders for the Democratic nomination as well . )
Current acting Director of National Intelligence Grenell is serving concurrently as ambassador to Germany .
Such dual hatting is not uncommon in the Trump administration .
Acting Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security Cuccinelli , after his appointment to the job last November , continued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S .
Citizenship and Immigration Services .
Meanwhile , Johnny McEntee , a former personal aide to President Trump who was fired by former chief of staff John Kelly over security clearance issues , has returned to the White House as head of the Presidential Personnel Office .
Mr. McEntee ’ s assignment is to rid the administration of officials deemed disloyal and replace them with pro-Trump people , according to an Axios report .
Overall , the turnover for the “ A ” team of Cabinet officials and other top appointees in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration has been 82 % , according to data compiled by the Brookings Institution ’ s Kathryn Dunn Tenpas .
That is higher than the turnover experienced in the first four years of any presidency , back to and including that of Ronald Reagan .
Furthermore , that number reflects just departures from the president ’ s original team .
Many jobs – chief of staff , press secretary – have seen multiple departures .
According to Brookings data , 38 % of President Trump ’ s “ A ” team departures have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s filling of top positions has improved since the president ’ s first year in office , when many remained vacant for months .
A cumulative list compiled by The Washington Post says that of 743 key positions requiring Senate confirmation , 508 are now filled by confirmed personnel .
One hundred seventy have no nominee .
In the American system of government as outlined under the Constitution , executive branch officials , including , and perhaps especially , Senate-confirmed top appointees , don ’ t report to the president alone , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is when you ’ re an appointed official in the federal government , particularly a Senate-confirmed one , you have multiple relationships , ” says Dr. Glassman of Georgetown University .
Above this layer of officials sits Congress .
With their appropriations and oversight powers , and confirmation votes , lawmakers have a significant role to play in executive department activities .
Effective Cabinet secretaries either know this from experience or learn it very quickly .
Below the officials sits the bureaucracy .
Career workers know their subject better than any appointee can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They know they can outlast and perhaps outmaneuver their big bosses .
Presidents can rail at the “ deep state ” all they want , but the fact is they can not directly control the executive branch as they would a family business that runs hotels and golf courses – or even as they would a big corporation .
The essential point of the classic work on presidential power by the late political scientist Richard Neustadt is that presidents can rarely get things done on a sustained basis by command or unilateral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do what they want .
“ The most effective presidents ... are those who understand the sources of their bargaining power , and take steps to nurture those sources , ” writes Matthew Dickinson , a professor of political science at Middlebury College , in a recent post on his blog Presidential Power .
This is why “ acting ” officials are seldom as powerful as permanent ones .
They are weak links in the chain of persuasion .
President Trump has said he likes to use “ acting ” tags because it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toes and eager to please him .
But their other important relationships are flawed .
They don ’ t have the implicit backing of Congress provided by confirmation .
The rank and file know they could be gone at any moment , and that delay is thus even a blockade tool .
This is why Dr. Glassman calls them “ substitute teachers.
” Overuse of these temps is a sign of weakness , he says .
“ If you ’ re really so powerful , how come you can ’ t get your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump administration , the new coronavirus , now labeled COVID-19 , could become an unexpected stress test of the president ’ s churning approach to executive management .
Early Tuesday morning President Trump tweeted , “ The coronavirus is very much under control in the U.S.A. ” But later in the day , the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said that Americans should begin preparing now for possible outbreaks .
At a Senate hearing , both Democratic and Republican lawmakers expressed skepticism that the administration is ready for such a crisis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf for an estimate of the number of people who might be affected .
Acting Secretary Wolf could not provide one .
“ I think you ought to know that answer , ” Senator Kennedy said .

“Acting officials are like substitute teachers. They might listen to the principal more, but they can’t control the students,” according to Dr. Glassman.
But some of President Trump’s methods weaken his ability to get the executive branch to work his will, says Dr. Glassman. Vacant jobs can’t steer anybody. “Acting” officials are weaker than Senate-confirmed appointees.
It’s true that presidents deserve their own team, says Matt Glassman, a senior fellow at the Government Affairs Institute at Georgetown University. Political purges of the bureaucracy aren’t uncommon.
Three years into the Trump presidency, perceived loyalty to the president is perhaps the job qualification prized above all. Vacancies are numerous and inexperienced “acting” personnel common.
“I think you ought to know that answer,” Senator Kennedy said.
At a Senate hearing, Republican Sen. John Kennedy pressed acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf for an estimate of the number of people who might be affected.
Republicans tend to like small government. But President Trump’s approach of leaving posts vacant and favoring loyalty over experience may be undermining his ability to get things done.
Early Tuesday President Trump tweeted, “The coronavirus is very much under control in the U.S.A.” Later in the day, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said that Americans should begin preparing for possible outbreaks.
The coronavirus could become an unexpected stress test of President Donald Trump’s churning approach to executive management.
On Monday, acting Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security Ken Cuccinelli took to Twitter to ask for help with some research.
Mr. Cuccinelli – the top member of President Donald Trump’s coronavirus task force – was having difficulty accessing an online map of the virus’s spread compiled by Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. So he tweeted out a question: Was the map blocked for other people, too, or just him?
In the end it appeared overwhelming traffic had temporarily crashed the Hopkins site. Hours later Mr. Cuccinelli tweeted he had access to the data. But for critics, the original question, from a top official with all the resources of the United States government at his fingertips, was itself a warning sign of the confusion and turmoil inherent in the Trump administration’s singular approach to bureaucratic staffing.
Why We Wrote This Republicans tend to like small government. But President Trump’s approach of leaving posts vacant and favoring loyalty over experience may be undermining his ability to get things done.
Three years into the Trump presidency, perceived loyalty to the president is perhaps the job qualification prized above all. Top White House and executive branch officials seem unsure of their status, vacancies are numerous, and inexperienced “acting” personnel are common.
Currently this approach is particularly visible in the area of national security. Almost all the positions created after Sept. 11, 2001, intended to help prevent another 9/11, are now vacant or lack permanent appointees, points out Garrett Graff of Wired. That includes the director of national intelligence, the secretary of homeland security, the deputy secretary of homeland security, the director of the National Counterterrorism Center, and heads of border security agencies.
It’s true that presidents deserve their own team, says Matt Glassman, a senior fellow at the Government Affairs Institute at Georgetown University. Political purges of the bureaucracy aren’t uncommon.
But some of President Trump’s methods weaken his ability to get the executive branch to work his will, says Dr. Glassman, an expert on government leadership and personnel. Vacant jobs can’t steer anybody. “Acting” officials are weaker than Senate-confirmed appointees.
“Acting officials are like substitute teachers. They might listen to the principal more, but they can’t control the students,” according to Dr. Glassman.
The shuffle at the top of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence has brought administration staffing back into the spotlight. Earlier this month, President Trump removed one acting director of national intelligence, Joseph Maguire, and replaced him with another deemed more loyal, Richard Grenell.
The swap followed reports that an intelligence official had briefed the House Intelligence Committee on an assessment that Russia is working to influence the 2020 election, and in particular wants President Trump to be reelected. (Later reports said that Russia backs Bernie Sanders for the Democratic nomination as well.)
Current acting Director of National Intelligence Grenell is serving concurrently as ambassador to Germany. Such dual hatting is not uncommon in the Trump administration. Acting Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security Cuccinelli, after his appointment to the job last November, continued to serve as acting director of the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.
Meanwhile, Johnny McEntee, a former personal aide to President Trump who was fired by former chief of staff John Kelly over security clearance issues, has returned to the White House as head of the Presidential Personnel Office. Mr. McEntee’s assignment is to rid the administration of officials deemed disloyal and replace them with pro-Trump people, according to an Axios report.
Overall, the turnover for the “A” team of Cabinet officials and other top appointees in the first three years of the Trump administration has been 82%, according to data compiled by the Brookings Institution’s Kathryn Dunn Tenpas. That is higher than the turnover experienced in the first four years of any presidency, back to and including that of Ronald Reagan.
Furthermore, that number reflects just departures from the president’s original team. Many jobs – chief of staff, press secretary – have seen multiple departures. According to Brookings data, 38% of President Trump’s “A” team departures have undergone serial turnover.
The administration’s filling of top positions has improved since the president’s first year in office, when many remained vacant for months. A cumulative list compiled by The Washington Post says that of 743 key positions requiring Senate confirmation, 508 are now filled by confirmed personnel. One hundred seventy have no nominee.
In the American system of government as outlined under the Constitution, executive branch officials, including, and perhaps especially, Senate-confirmed top appointees, don’t report to the president alone, according to experts.
“The basic idea is when you’re an appointed official in the federal government, particularly a Senate-confirmed one, you have multiple relationships,” says Dr. Glassman of Georgetown University.
Above this layer of officials sits Congress. With their appropriations and oversight powers, and confirmation votes, lawmakers have a significant role to play in executive department activities. Effective Cabinet secretaries either know this from experience or learn it very quickly.
Below the officials sits the bureaucracy. Career workers know their subject better than any appointee can learn in a limited time in office. They know they can outlast and perhaps outmaneuver their big bosses.
Presidents can rail at the “deep state” all they want, but the fact is they cannot directly control the executive branch as they would a family business that runs hotels and golf courses – or even as they would a big corporation. The essential point of the classic work on presidential power by the late political scientist Richard Neustadt is that presidents can rarely get things done on a sustained basis by command or unilateral action. They must persuade others to do what they want.
“The most effective presidents ... are those who understand the sources of their bargaining power, and take steps to nurture those sources,” writes Matthew Dickinson, a professor of political science at Middlebury College, in a recent post on his blog Presidential Power.
This is why “acting” officials are seldom as powerful as permanent ones. They are weak links in the chain of persuasion.
President Trump has said he likes to use “acting” tags because it keeps the people in question on their toes and eager to please him. But their other important relationships are flawed. They don’t have the implicit backing of Congress provided by confirmation. The rank and file know they could be gone at any moment, and that delay is thus even a blockade tool. This is why Dr. Glassman calls them “substitute teachers.”
Overuse of these temps is a sign of weakness, he says. “If you’re really so powerful, how come you can’t get your own guy confirmed?”
For the Trump administration, the new coronavirus, now labeled COVID-19, could become an unexpected stress test of the president’s churning approach to executive management.
Early Tuesday morning President Trump tweeted, “The coronavirus is very much under control in the U.S.A.” But later in the day, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said that Americans should begin preparing now for possible outbreaks.
At a Senate hearing, both Democratic and Republican lawmakers expressed skepticism that the administration is ready for such a crisis. Republican Sen. John Kennedy of Louisiana pressed acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolf for an estimate of the number of people who might be affected.
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Acting Secretary Wolf could not provide one.
“I think you ought to know that answer,” Senator Kennedy said.


csmonitor--2020-02-28--In Joe Biden’s last stand, a test for American centrism

The emotional exchange underscored what may be one of Mr. Biden ’ s most powerful assets as a candidate – not his decades of governing experience or his connection to former President Barack Obama , but his humanity .
The tragedies he ’ s endured , and his ability to wrest meaning from them , connects him to many voters in a way that transcends politics .
“ Well , Reverend , I kind of know what it ’ s like to lose family , and my heart goes out to you , ” responded the former vice president .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ ve dealt with it , Reverend .
But ...
I ’ ve only been able to deal with it by realizing they ’ re part of my being , ” he said , fighting tears .
It ’ s unclear whether a campaign centered around decency and restoration will be enough .
But take this exchange at a CNN town hall Monday night with a Charleston pastor who lost his wife when a white supremacist murdered nine parishioners as they prayed .
For 50 years , Joe Biden has been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it 's up to South Carolina to decide whether that way of looking at the world still has a place in divided Washington .
It all comes down to South Carolina .
For 50 years , American centrists had an established way of looking at the world .
And for 50 years , Joe Biden has been a standard bearer for that bipartisan way of life .
Now , after dismal showings in the first two contests and a stronger effort last weekend in Nevada , the former vice president and his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make a stand in this critical Southern state .
Swooping into Charleston after a second-place finish in Nevada , Mr. Biden is demonstrating there ’ s some fight in him yet – an “ edge , ” as one voter said after a campaign event on Monday .
This week , influential South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn endorsed his longtime friend , after a feisty debate performance brought praise from pundits and over $ 1 million in donations in a single day .
South Carolina polls show him with a growing lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sizes not seen since he first launched his campaign .
Still , those facts belie a tough truth : A three-time presidential candidate , Mr. Biden has never won a single primary or caucus .
And even if he wins on Saturday , he faces a difficult road ahead , with little in the way of campaign infrastructure or money for TV advertising in the 14 states that will vote on Super Tuesday .
More broadly , it remains unclear whether he – or any Democrat today – can successfully revive the coalition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the White House for eight years , and which the party will likely need to defeat President Donald Trump .
“ When you come off three consecutive losses , it leads people to wonder , ‘ Is this somebody who can deliver the general election to the Democrats ?
’ ” says Jennifer Lawless , a political scientist at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville .
She adds : “ This is an opportunity for him to really turn things around .
He seems more invested in making a case for himself.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this very place .
South Carolina Democrats decisively threw their weight behind newcomer Barack Obama in 2008 , giving him a critical boost on his path to the nomination .
Looking for an experienced and affable partner to help him govern , Mr. Obama tapped Mr. Biden for the ticket .
The pair won reelection in 2012 .
Mr. Biden ’ s ties to the Democratic electorate here , which is two-thirds African American , are personal and abiding .
“ He is definitely one of us , he knows us , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Grant , who came to hear Mr. Biden speak at the College of Charleston on Monday .
As vice president , Mr. Biden prayed with families after a white supremacist killed nine black parishioners at Charleston ’ s Emanuel AME Church in 2015 .
That connection led to a remarkable moment at a CNN town hall on Monday , when a pastor who lost his wife in that shooting asked Mr. Biden how his faith would inform his decision-making as president .
“ Well , Reverend , I kind of know what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and my heart goes out to you , ” responded the former vice president , who lost his wife and infant daughter in a car crash on the eve of his first Senate term , and more recently lost his son Beau to cancer .
“ I don ’ t know how you ’ ve dealt with it , Reverend .
But ...
I ’ ve only been able to deal with it by realizing they ’ re part of my being .
My son Beau is my soul , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Catholic faith , Mr. Biden said , “ For me , it ’ s important because it gives me some reason to have hope and purpose.
” He added : “ It took a long time for me to get to the point to realize that that purpose is the thing that would save me .
And it has.
” The emotional exchange underscored what may be one of Mr. Biden ’ s most powerful assets as a candidate – not his decades of governing experience or his connection to Mr. Obama , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s endured in the public eye , and his ability to wrest meaning from them , connects him to many voters in a way that transcends politics .
“ It is the president who has the responsibility to demonstrate not only empathy and compassion but also a vision for moving forward , ” says Professor Lawless .
“ Biden ’ s life story embodies that.
” Still , it ’ s unclear whether that sense of personal connection , and a campaign centered around decency and restoration , will be enough .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ party ’ s energy has seemed to be with the fiery left-wing candidacy of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders , whose passionate call to overhaul a system he says is rigged against average Americans has inspired many young people and newcomers to get involved .
“ Joe Biden is a decent , inherently good person who does respect America , its laws , its morals , and its mores , ” says Dalhi Myers , a young Richland County Council member who switched her endorsement from Mr. Biden to Mr. Sanders in January .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Biden campaign ] was well placed to bring people into the fold.
” Many younger Democrats see Mr. Biden as “ basically a mainstream Republican , ” says J .
Miles Coleman , a political analyst at “ Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball ” in Charlottesville , Virginia .
Perhaps even more problematic are concerns about his skills as a candidate .
Many of Mr. Biden ’ s debate performances and campaign events have been lackluster , to put it kindly , with a frequent tendency to go off-script and lose the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is much better than the reality of Biden on the campaign trail , ” says Allan Lichtman , a political scientist at American University in Washington .
Still , most head-to-head polls to date show Mr. Biden defeating President Trump by a wider margin in key swing states than any other Democrat .
And the Trump campaign has seemed more worried about his candidacy than any other – as seen in President Trump ’ s effort to get Ukraine to investigate the former vice president and his son .
On Wednesday , former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to yank ads by a pro-Trump PAC featuring a clip of him using the term “ plantation politics ” in a way that misleadingly implied he was talking about Mr. Biden .
The other thing Mr. Biden may have going for him is Americans ’ love of a comeback .
“ When his back is against the wall , Biden does come out swinging and fighting , ” says Barbara Perry , director of presidential studies at the University of Virginia .
In some ways , she adds , “ it is amazing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the point where he can still be out on the public stage fighting for the American people.
” Tall and straight as a two-by-four , with a reedy punch to his at times scattershot delivery , Mr. Biden strides the stage at an event at the College of Charleston , vigorously stabbing at the air with his finger .
In response to Mr. Sanders ’ calls for free college education , Mr. Biden offers what he calls a more “ reality-based ” proposal on college debt , including forgiveness of 10 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the country .
He also talks about gun violence – an issue of particular importance to the African American community , and one where Mr. Sanders , who in the past voted against the Brady Bill and in support of a bill shielding gun manufacturers from lawsuits , may be vulnerable .
Indignantly referring to the president as “ that fella , ” he calls the Trump administration “ more George Orwell than George Washington.
” Then , the veteran politician who first came to Washington when Richard Nixon was president , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remember that it ’ s an idea that holds our country together – an idea , ” he says .
“ This is really about the soul of America .
This is where we can turn it around .
It is all within your power .
You can win this election right here .
”

The emotional exchange underscored what may be one of Mr. Biden’s most powerful assets as a candidate – not his decades of governing experience or his connection to former President Barack Obama, but his humanity. The tragedies he’s endured, and his ability to wrest meaning from them, connects him to many voters in a way that transcends politics.
“Well, Reverend, I kind of know what it’s like to lose family, and my heart goes out to you,” responded the former vice president. “I don’t know how you’ve dealt with it, Reverend. But ... I’ve only been able to deal with it by realizing they’re part of my being,” he said, fighting tears.
Individuals run for president. But Joe Biden’s candidacy is more than a test of the American public’s faith in one man. It is a test of how relevant centrism is in modern American politics.
It’s unclear whether a campaign centered around decency and restoration will be enough. But take this exchange at a CNN town hall Monday night with a Charleston pastor who lost his wife when a white supremacist murdered nine parishioners as they prayed.
For 50 years, Joe Biden has been a standard bearer for American centrists. Now, it's up to South Carolina to decide whether that way of looking at the world still has a place in divided Washington.
Updated March 1, 2020: Joe Biden resoundingly won South Carolina, garnering 48% of the votes. Sen. Bernie Sanders finished a distant second with 20%, and Tom Steyer finished third at 11%.
It all comes down to South Carolina.
For 50 years, American centrists had an established way of looking at the world. And for 50 years, Joe Biden has been a standard bearer for that bipartisan way of life.
Why We Wrote This Individuals run for president. But Joe Biden’s candidacy is more than a test of the American public’s faith in one man. It is a test of how relevant centrism is in modern American politics.
Now, after dismal showings in the first two contests and a stronger effort last weekend in Nevada, the former vice president and his brand of politics have one last chance to make a stand in this critical Southern state.
Swooping into Charleston after a second-place finish in Nevada, Mr. Biden is demonstrating there’s some fight in him yet – an “edge,” as one voter said after a campaign event on Monday. This week, influential South Carolina Rep. Jim Clyburn endorsed his longtime friend, after a feisty debate performance brought praise from pundits and over $1 million in donations in a single day. South Carolina polls show him with a growing lead, and his crowds have swelled to sizes not seen since he first launched his campaign.
Still, those facts belie a tough truth: A three-time presidential candidate, Mr. Biden has never won a single primary or caucus. And even if he wins on Saturday, he faces a difficult road ahead, with little in the way of campaign infrastructure or money for TV advertising in the 14 states that will vote on Super Tuesday. More broadly, it remains unclear whether he – or any Democrat today – can successfully revive the coalition of voters that put President Barack Obama in the White House for eight years, and which the party will likely need to defeat President Donald Trump.
“When you come off three consecutive losses, it leads people to wonder, ‘Is this somebody who can deliver the general election to the Democrats?’” says Jennifer Lawless, a political scientist at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville. She adds: “This is an opportunity for him to really turn things around. He seems more invested in making a case for himself.”
It has been done before, in this very place.
South Carolina Democrats decisively threw their weight behind newcomer Barack Obama in 2008, giving him a critical boost on his path to the nomination. Looking for an experienced and affable partner to help him govern, Mr. Obama tapped Mr. Biden for the ticket. The pair won reelection in 2012.
Mr. Biden’s ties to the Democratic electorate here, which is two-thirds African American, are personal and abiding.
“He is definitely one of us, he knows us, he belongs here,” says Pleshette Grant, who came to hear Mr. Biden speak at the College of Charleston on Monday.
A bond forged in faith
As vice president, Mr. Biden prayed with families after a white supremacist killed nine black parishioners at Charleston’s Emanuel AME Church in 2015.
That connection led to a remarkable moment at a CNN town hall on Monday, when a pastor who lost his wife in that shooting asked Mr. Biden how his faith would inform his decision-making as president.
“Well, Reverend, I kind of know what it’s like to lose family, and my heart goes out to you,” responded the former vice president, who lost his wife and infant daughter in a car crash on the eve of his first Senate term, and more recently lost his son Beau to cancer. “I don’t know how you’ve dealt with it, Reverend. But ... I’ve only been able to deal with it by realizing they’re part of my being. My son Beau is my soul,” he said, fighting tears.
Referencing his Roman Catholic faith, Mr. Biden said, “For me, it’s important because it gives me some reason to have hope and purpose.” He added: “It took a long time for me to get to the point to realize that that purpose is the thing that would save me. And it has.”
The emotional exchange underscored what may be one of Mr. Biden’s most powerful assets as a candidate – not his decades of governing experience or his connection to Mr. Obama, but his humanity. The tragedies he’s endured in the public eye, and his ability to wrest meaning from them, connects him to many voters in a way that transcends politics.
“It is the president who has the responsibility to demonstrate not only empathy and compassion but also a vision for moving forward,” says Professor Lawless. “Biden’s life story embodies that.”
Randall Hill/Reuters View caption Hide caption Supporters of Democratic U.S. presidential candidate and former Vice President Joe Biden listen to him speak at a campaign rally on the night of the New Hampshire primary in Columbia, South Carolina, Feb. 11, 2020.
Still, it’s unclear whether that sense of personal connection, and a campaign centered around decency and restoration, will be enough. Throughout much of this cycle, the party’s energy has seemed to be with the fiery left-wing candidacy of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, whose passionate call to overhaul a system he says is rigged against average Americans has inspired many young people and newcomers to get involved.
“Joe Biden is a decent, inherently good person who does respect America, its laws, its morals, and its mores,” says Dalhi Myers, a young Richland County Council member who switched her endorsement from Mr. Biden to Mr. Sanders in January. “But I did not think [the Biden campaign] was well placed to bring people into the fold.”
Many younger Democrats see Mr. Biden as “basically a mainstream Republican,” says J. Miles Coleman, a political analyst at “Sabato’s Crystal Ball” in Charlottesville, Virginia.
Perhaps even more problematic are concerns about his skills as a candidate. Many of Mr. Biden’s debate performances and campaign events have been lackluster, to put it kindly, with a frequent tendency to go off-script and lose the thread.
“The idea of Biden is much better than the reality of Biden on the campaign trail,” says Allan Lichtman, a political scientist at American University in Washington.
Still, most head-to-head polls to date show Mr. Biden defeating President Trump by a wider margin in key swing states than any other Democrat. And the Trump campaign has seemed more worried about his candidacy than any other – as seen in President Trump’s effort to get Ukraine to investigate the former vice president and his son.
On Wednesday, former President Obama asked South Carolina TV stations to yank ads by a pro-Trump PAC featuring a clip of him using the term “plantation politics” in a way that misleadingly implied he was talking about Mr. Biden.
The comeback candidate?
The other thing Mr. Biden may have going for him is Americans’ love of a comeback.
“When his back is against the wall, Biden does come out swinging and fighting,” says Barbara Perry, director of presidential studies at the University of Virginia. In some ways, she adds, “it is amazing that Biden has overcome these horrible tragedies to the point where he can still be out on the public stage fighting for the American people.”
Tall and straight as a two-by-four, with a reedy punch to his at times scattershot delivery, Mr. Biden strides the stage at an event at the College of Charleston, vigorously stabbing at the air with his finger.
In response to Mr. Sanders’ calls for free college education, Mr. Biden offers what he calls a more “reality-based” proposal on college debt, including forgiveness of 10% of loan balances per year of service to the country.
He also talks about gun violence – an issue of particular importance to the African American community, and one where Mr. Sanders, who in the past voted against the Brady Bill and in support of a bill shielding gun manufacturers from lawsuits, may be vulnerable.
“I defeated the NRA twice,” Mr. Biden says.
Indignantly referring to the president as “that fella,” he calls the Trump administration “more George Orwell than George Washington.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Then, the veteran politician who first came to Washington when Richard Nixon was president, grew thoughtful.
“We have to remember that it’s an idea that holds our country together – an idea,” he says. “This is really about the soul of America. This is where we can turn it around. It is all within your power. You can win this election right here.”