csmonitor--2020-07-01--In a pandemic summer, picnicking ‘nurtures the soul’

Recently Connie Helms and her husband reunited for a lakeside picnic with friends they ’ d only seen on video calls for the past few months .
The group did potlucks in summers past , but this time felt different .
Says Ms. Helms , a Vermont education consultant : “ Being together again was even more special.
” “ It ’ s everyone ’ s preferred way to meet up these days , ” says Annie Copps , a cookbook author who herself has been picnicking .
Indeed , during the summer of 2020 , as the pandemic persists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new and different choices .
And as they seek ways to gather with friends in a coronavirus-safe manner , outdoor picnics have emerged as the dinner party of choice .
“ It ’ s a massive pivot for us , ” says co-owner Alex Taylor .
“ We were inspired by our staff and how we all choose to enjoy our free time.
” The Outermost Inn – one of the most exquisite properties on the Massachusetts island of Martha ’ s Vineyard – has an elegant , special-occasion restaurant .
But this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different : no-fuss picnics packed in traditional baskets that customers can tote to a beach , carry onto a boat , or just take back home .
The French get all the credit .
Sure , pique-nique is a French word with a history dating back to the 17th century , when the French would gather for a shared meal .
And then later in the early 1900s , people from Paris to Provence took those meals into a bucolic outdoor setting .
French impressionists often depicted the picnic tradition on canvas – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ iconic “ Le déjeuner sur l ’ herbe.
” And the French are known for picnicking with style – packing baskets brimming with assorted cheeses , charcuteries , pâtés , fruits , and chocolates , and of course the requisite baguette , wooden-handled Opinel knife , and pretty Provençal tablecloth .
But it ’ s not just the French who can pull off a classy picnic or appreciate the casual , carefree ambiance associated with dining en plein air .
Picnics are plentiful in New England , too , particularly during the summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , temperatures heat up , and Americans seek ways to gather with friends in a coronavirus-safe manner .
Outdoor picnics have become the dinner party of choice .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
“ It ’ s everyone ’ s preferred way to meet up these days , ” says Annie Copps , a cookbook author from the Boston neighborhood of Charlestown , who has been picnicking often now that restrictions in her state have eased and summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more important than ever to check in with one another , and eating together outdoors is a safe way to do that.
” Connie Helms , an education consultant in Monkton , Vermont , would concur .
Recently , she and her husband reunited for a lakeside picnic with friends they ’ d only seen on video calls for the past few months .
In summers past , she ’ d gathered for weekly potlucks with the same group , but this time felt different .
“ The food was less of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” she says , “ and being together again was even more special.
” Not that the meal is an afterthought for either of these women .
Ms. Helms likes to make “ fun food , ” as she says , such as deviled eggs or her grandmother ’ s recipe for baba ghanouj , and Ms. Copps might whip up a beet tzatziki , eaten with pita chips , or her favorite gazpacho , which is smooth enough to be enjoyed without a spoon .
( See recipe below . )
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ picnics – in keeping with Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines – some pressure can be lifted .
People who aren ’ t inclined to cook or who have been working all day needn ’ t worry about wowing others with their homemade tagliatelle or gorgeous fig tart .
To simplify and at the same time support a business they care about , they might even pick up a beach- , park- , or backyard-ready picnic box or basket offered by one of the myriad restaurants , markets , or specialty food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response to this timely trend .
Peter Lovis , owner of the 53-year-old Cheese Shop in Concord , Massachusetts , says he ’ s been selling about 100 custom-prepared picnics each week since March .
Customers might order sandwiches or a variety of salads along with a loaf of crusty bread and a couple of wedges of cheese – more often cheddar or Comté than Camembert or chèvre , as harder cheeses can take the heat .
Then they often head to nearby Walden Pond , to the Old North Bridge , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sudbury River .
“ The simple act of sharing a great meal outdoors with people you care about nurtures the soul , ” says Mr. Lovis .
“ I hope this renewed interest in picnics is here to stay.
” Meanwhile , jokes Mr. Lovis , who can no longer offer his store ’ s much-beloved samples : “ I ’ m waiting for someone to create a mask that allows for cheese tasting !
” Even some fine-dining establishments are packing picnics , swapping out their silver , china , and white @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Outermost Inn , one of Martha ’ s Vineyard ’ s most exquisite properties with an elegant , special-occasion restaurant , is about to roll out a menu of no-fuss picnics packed in traditional baskets that customers could tote to one of several beaches in Aquinnah , carry onto a boat , or just take back home .
“ It ’ s a massive pivot for us , ” says co-owner Alex Taylor .
“ We were inspired by our staff and how we all choose to enjoy our free time.
” Picnic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she explains , from the $ 15 “ Kiddo ” with such child-pleasers as PB & J and classic ham sandwiches , to the $ 25 “ Low Tide , ” starring fresh littleneck clams , lemons , and mignonette sauce and the essential shucking knife and glove .
There ’ s also the similarly priced “ West Basin ” basket filled with an assortment of drinks and snacks .
Whether one opts to gather with loved ones over chips and salsa in the backyard or clams on the half shell aboard a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that today ’ s dinner party is here to stay and just might be one of those silver linings emerging from the current crisis .
Pallavi Mehta , a cooking teacher from Sharon , Massachusetts , certainly feels that .
“ After being in seclusion for so long , ” she says , “ I decided to meet this crisis head-on .
So my husband and I invited friends to join us on a picnic to my favorite park .
What a sheer joy it was to be hanging out outdoors , sharing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enjoying these precious moments in life and making the most of this situation.
” Even in France the much-celebrated tradition is enjoying a resurgence , says Julie Mautner , a travel planner in St.-Rémy-de-Provence .
“ My clients ask me often to plan a picnic for them , but especially after staying home for months , they are more excited than ever to share a leisurely meal in a beautiful outdoor setting with nothing to worry about but the occasional mosquito.
” Here is Ms. Copps ’ gazpacho recipe , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : 1 English cucumber , peeled ( or 2 regular cucumbers , peeled and seeded ) and chopped In a blender , purée all ingredients .
You might need to blend in two batches .
Add salt and pepper to taste .
Pour into containers suitable for a picnic .
Serves 6 to 8 .
– From Annie Copps , cookbook author based in the Boston neighborhood of Charlestown White quinoa has the fluffiest texture and most delicate flavor , but other types of quinoa could be substituted .
About 1/4 cup Italian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( can substitute cilantro or use parsley and cilantro ) In a fine-mesh strainer , rinse quinoa several times .
Transfer quinoa to a saucepan , add 1 3/4 cups water , cover , bring to a boil , and then let simmer for 15 to 18 minutes , until water is absorbed .
While quinoa is cooking , prepare vegetables .
Once quinoa is cooked , release lid to cool and let off steam .
When cooled , add olive oil and vinegar , and mix thoroughly .
Then add vegetables , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a few hours until chilled .
If there are leftovers ( unlikely ! )
, add a bit of rice vinegar before eating , as the dish can lose some of its tang over time .
Serves 4 .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

Recently Connie Helms and her husband reunited for a lakeside picnic with friends they’d only seen on video calls for the past few months. The group did potlucks in summers past, but this time felt different. Says Ms. Helms, a Vermont education consultant: “Being together again was even more special.”
“It’s everyone’s preferred way to meet up these days,” says Annie Copps, a cookbook author who herself has been picnicking.
Indeed, during the summer of 2020, as the pandemic persists, people are making all sorts of new and different choices. And as they seek ways to gather with friends in a coronavirus-safe manner, outdoor picnics have emerged as the dinner party of choice.
Amid coronavirus restrictions, people have displayed ingenuity and resourcefulness in finding ways to still come together. Exhibit A this summer: picnics. For added inspiration, included here are two recipes.
“It’s a massive pivot for us,” says co-owner Alex Taylor. “We were inspired by our staff and how we all choose to enjoy our free time.”
The Outermost Inn – one of the most exquisite properties on the Massachusetts island of Martha’s Vineyard – has an elegant, special-occasion restaurant. But this summer, it’s trying something different: no-fuss picnics packed in traditional baskets that customers can tote to a beach, carry onto a boat, or just take back home.
The French get all the credit. Sure, pique-nique is a French word with a history dating back to the 17th century, when the French would gather for a shared meal. And then later in the early 1900s, people from Paris to Provence took those meals into a bucolic outdoor setting.
French impressionists often depicted the picnic tradition on canvas – most famously, Édouard Manet with his iconic “Le déjeuner sur l’herbe.”
And the French are known for picnicking with style – packing baskets brimming with assorted cheeses, charcuteries, pâtés, fruits, and chocolates, and of course the requisite baguette, wooden-handled Opinel knife, and pretty Provençal tablecloth.
Why We Wrote This Amid coronavirus restrictions, people have displayed ingenuity and resourcefulness in finding ways to still come together. Exhibit A this summer: picnics. For added inspiration, included here are two recipes.
But it’s not just the French who can pull off a classy picnic or appreciate the casual, carefree ambiance associated with dining en plein air.
Picnics are plentiful in New England, too, particularly during the summer of 2020, as a pandemic persists, temperatures heat up, and Americans seek ways to gather with friends in a coronavirus-safe manner. Outdoor picnics have become the dinner party of choice.
Ann Hermes/Staff View caption Hide caption The French Picnic sandwich is one of the most popular items on the menu at the Cheese Shop, June 27, 2020, in Concord, Massachusetts. The Cheese Shop has taken measures to safeguard staff and customers by limiting the number of patrons in the store to five and requiring masks and gloves.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
“It’s everyone’s preferred way to meet up these days,” says Annie Copps, a cookbook author from the Boston neighborhood of Charlestown, who has been picnicking often now that restrictions in her state have eased and summer weather has arrived. “It feels more important than ever to check in with one another, and eating together outdoors is a safe way to do that.”
Connie Helms, an education consultant in Monkton, Vermont, would concur. Recently, she and her husband reunited for a lakeside picnic with friends they’d only seen on video calls for the past few months. In summers past, she’d gathered for weekly potlucks with the same group, but this time felt different. “The food was less of the focus since we weren’t sharing,” she says, “and being together again was even more special.”
Not that the meal is an afterthought for either of these women. Ms. Helms likes to make “fun food,” as she says, such as deviled eggs or her grandmother’s recipe for baba ghanouj, and Ms. Copps might whip up a beet tzatziki, eaten with pita chips, or her favorite gazpacho, which is smooth enough to be enjoyed without a spoon. (See recipe below.)
But by nixing the potluck aspect to picnics – in keeping with Centers for Disease Control and Prevention guidelines – some pressure can be lifted. People who aren’t inclined to cook or who have been working all day needn’t worry about wowing others with their homemade tagliatelle or gorgeous fig tart.
To simplify and at the same time support a business they care about, they might even pick up a beach-, park-, or backyard-ready picnic box or basket offered by one of the myriad restaurants, markets, or specialty food shops that have pivoted to picnics in response to this timely trend.
Peter Lovis, owner of the 53-year-old Cheese Shop in Concord, Massachusetts, says he’s been selling about 100 custom-prepared picnics each week since March. Customers might order sandwiches or a variety of salads along with a loaf of crusty bread and a couple of wedges of cheese – more often cheddar or Comté than Camembert or chèvre, as harder cheeses can take the heat. Then they often head to nearby Walden Pond, to the Old North Bridge, or for a sunset kayak tour on the Sudbury River.
“The simple act of sharing a great meal outdoors with people you care about nurtures the soul,” says Mr. Lovis. “I hope this renewed interest in picnics is here to stay.” Meanwhile, jokes Mr. Lovis, who can no longer offer his store’s much-beloved samples: “I’m waiting for someone to create a mask that allows for cheese tasting!”
Ann Hermes/Staff View caption Hide caption Peter Lovis, owner of the Cheese Shop in Concord, Massachusetts, says he’s been selling about 100 custom-prepared picnics each week since March. “I hope this renewed interest in picnics is here to stay,” he says.
Even some fine-dining establishments are packing picnics, swapping out their silver, china, and white tablecloths for paper and plastic.
The Outermost Inn, one of Martha’s Vineyard’s most exquisite properties with an elegant, special-occasion restaurant, is about to roll out a menu of no-fuss picnics packed in traditional baskets that customers could tote to one of several beaches in Aquinnah, carry onto a boat, or just take back home.
“It’s a massive pivot for us,” says co-owner Alex Taylor. “We were inspired by our staff and how we all choose to enjoy our free time.”
Picnic baskets and price tags will vary, she explains, from the $15 “Kiddo” with such child-pleasers as PB&J and classic ham sandwiches, to the $25 “Low Tide,” starring fresh littleneck clams, lemons, and mignonette sauce and the essential shucking knife and glove. There’s also the similarly priced “West Basin” basket filled with an assortment of drinks and snacks.
Whether one opts to gather with loved ones over chips and salsa in the backyard or clams on the half shell aboard a sailboat, all interviewed shared their hope that today’s dinner party is here to stay and just might be one of those silver linings emerging from the current crisis.
Ann Hermes/Staff View caption Hide caption (From left to right) Fatima Franco, David Lemus, and Wendy Franco eat a meal from a local taqueria at a picnic table in Piers Park on June 30, 2020, in East Boston.
Pallavi Mehta, a cooking teacher from Sharon, Massachusetts, certainly feels that. “After being in seclusion for so long,” she says, “I decided to meet this crisis head-on. So my husband and I invited friends to join us on a picnic to my favorite park. What a sheer joy it was to be hanging out outdoors, sharing our meals, exotic or simple, enjoying these precious moments in life and making the most of this situation.”
Even in France the much-celebrated tradition is enjoying a resurgence, says Julie Mautner, a travel planner in St.-Rémy-de-Provence. “My clients ask me often to plan a picnic for them, but especially after staying home for months, they are more excited than ever to share a leisurely meal in a beautiful outdoor setting with nothing to worry about but the occasional mosquito.”
Here is Ms. Copps’ gazpacho recipe, as well as a quinoa salad recipe from Ms. Helms:
Spoon-free gazpacho
1 English cucumber, peeled (or 2 regular cucumbers, peeled and seeded) and chopped
1 red pepper, seeded and chopped
1 green pepper, seeded and chopped
1 small jalapeño pepper, seeded and chopped
2 to 3 garlic cloves
2 tablespoons fresh parsley, plus extra for garnish
4 medium ripe tomatoes, skinned and chopped
1 medium red onion, chopped
4 cups (1 quart) tomato juice
1 1/2 cups plain bread crumbs
1/3 cup sherry vinegar
1 cup extra-virgin olive oil
Kosher or sea salt and freshly ground black pepper
In a blender, purée all ingredients. You might need to blend in two batches. Add salt and pepper to taste. Pour into containers suitable for a picnic. Serves 6 to 8.
– From Annie Copps, cookbook author based in the Boston neighborhood of Charlestown
Tangy quinoa salad
White quinoa has the fluffiest texture and most delicate flavor, but other types of quinoa could be substituted.
1 cup quinoa
2 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil
2 tablespoons rice vinegar
3 to 4 scallions, chopped
1 red bell pepper, diced
Half of one English (long, thin variety) cucumber, diced
1/4 cup carrots, peeled and grated
About 1/4 cup Italian (flat leaf) parsley, chopped (can substitute cilantro or use parsley and cilantro)
Salt and freshly ground pepper to taste
In a fine-mesh strainer, rinse quinoa several times. Transfer quinoa to a saucepan, add 1 3/4 cups water, cover, bring to a boil, and then let simmer for 15 to 18 minutes, until water is absorbed. While quinoa is cooking, prepare vegetables. Once quinoa is cooked, release lid to cool and let off steam. When cooled, add olive oil and vinegar, and mix thoroughly. Then add vegetables, and salt and pepper, and refrigerate for a few hours until chilled.
If there are leftovers (unlikely!), add a bit of rice vinegar before eating, as the dish can lose some of its tang over time. Serves 4.
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– From Connie Helms, frequent picnicker in Monkton, Vermont
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-07-01--Oklahoma expands Medicaid. Will more states follow?

Oklahoma voters narrowly decided on Tuesday to expand Medicaid health insurance to tens of thousands low-income residents , becoming the first state to amend its Constitution to do so .
With 100 % of precincts reporting unofficial results , State Question 802 passed by less than 1 percentage point .
The question fared well in metropolitan areas , including Oklahoma City and Tulsa , but was overwhelmingly opposed in rural counties .
Idaho , Maine , Nebraska , and Utah have all expanded Medicaid through ballot questions , but did so by amending state statutes , according to the nonpartisan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Constitution will prevent the Republican-controlled Legislature , which has resisted Medicaid expansion for a decade , from tinkering with the program or rolling back coverage .
Missouri voters also will decide on a constitutional amendment on Aug. 4 .
State Question 802 will extend Medicaid health insurance to those earning up to 138 % of the federal poverty level , which is about $ 17,200 for an individual or $ 35,500 for a family of four .
Oklahoma was one of 14 states , along with neighboring Texas and Kansas , that had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Affordable Care Act .
Republican Gov .
Kevin Stitt and his predecessor , Mary Fallin , have opposed expansion , citing uncertainty about future costs for the state .
`` We have a billion-dollar shortfall next year , '' Mr. Stitt said recently at a forum hosted by Americans for Prosperity , a conservative political advocacy group that opposes the measure .
The state would have to `` either raise taxes or to cut services somewhere else like education , first responders , or roads and bridges '' to cut additional Medicaid costs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislative inaction on health insurance proposals , supporters of Medicaid expansion launched an initiative petition last year to get the measure on the ballot , and collected a record number of signatures .
The plan was endorsed by several politically powerful groups , including chambers of commerce , medical trade groups , the Oklahoma Education Association , and the Oklahoma Conference of Churches .
Some Republican opposition to Medicaid expansion has eroded in recent years , particularly in rural areas where hospitals have suffered financial problems or closed .
Kevin Penry , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said that before going on Medicare last month he had to buy expensive insurance on the federal marketplace , which `` really made me feel for folks who are in a difficult financial situation . ''
He said he voted for the expansion .
The Oklahoma Health Care Authority has projected that about 215,000 residents would qualify for a Medicaid expansion , for a total annual cost of about $ 1.3 billion .
The estimated state share would be about $ 164 million .
But those numbers could be considerably higher given the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jobs and work-related health insurance because of the economic shutdown amid the coronavirus pandemic .
To help fund the proposal , the Legislature is expected to increase a fee that hospitals pay from 2.5 % to 4 % , which would generate about $ 134 million annually .
Mr. Stitt vetoed such a measure earlier this year .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free @

Oklahoma voters narrowly decided on Tuesday to expand Medicaid health insurance to tens of thousands low-income residents, becoming the first state to amend its Constitution to do so.
With 100% of precincts reporting unofficial results, State Question 802 passed by less than 1 percentage point. The question fared well in metropolitan areas, including Oklahoma City and Tulsa, but was overwhelmingly opposed in rural counties.
Idaho, Maine, Nebraska, and Utah have all expanded Medicaid through ballot questions, but did so by amending state statutes, according to the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation.
Amending the Oklahoma Constitution will prevent the Republican-controlled Legislature, which has resisted Medicaid expansion for a decade, from tinkering with the program or rolling back coverage. Missouri voters also will decide on a constitutional amendment on Aug. 4.
State Question 802 will extend Medicaid health insurance to those earning up to 138% of the federal poverty level, which is about $17,200 for an individual or $35,500 for a family of four.
Oklahoma was one of 14 states, along with neighboring Texas and Kansas, that had not expanded Medicaid under the 2010 federal Affordable Care Act. Republican Gov. Kevin Stitt and his predecessor, Mary Fallin, have opposed expansion, citing uncertainty about future costs for the state.
"We have a billion-dollar shortfall next year," Mr. Stitt said recently at a forum hosted by Americans for Prosperity, a conservative political advocacy group that opposes the measure. The state would have to "either raise taxes or to cut services somewhere else like education, first responders, or roads and bridges" to cut additional Medicaid costs, he said.
After years of legislative inaction on health insurance proposals, supporters of Medicaid expansion launched an initiative petition last year to get the measure on the ballot, and collected a record number of signatures. The plan was endorsed by several politically powerful groups, including chambers of commerce, medical trade groups, the Oklahoma Education Association, and the Oklahoma Conference of Churches.
Some Republican opposition to Medicaid expansion has eroded in recent years, particularly in rural areas where hospitals have suffered financial problems or closed.
Kevin Penry, a Republican and retired pastor from Edmond, said that before going on Medicare last month he had to buy expensive insurance on the federal marketplace, which "really made me feel for folks who are in a difficult financial situation." He said he voted for the expansion.
The Oklahoma Health Care Authority has projected that about 215,000 residents would qualify for a Medicaid expansion, for a total annual cost of about $1.3 billion. The estimated state share would be about $164 million. But those numbers could be considerably higher given the number of Oklahomans who have lost their jobs and work-related health insurance because of the economic shutdown amid the coronavirus pandemic.
To help fund the proposal, the Legislature is expected to increase a fee that hospitals pay from 2.5% to 4%, which would generate about $134 million annually. Mr. Stitt vetoed such a measure earlier this year.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


Super-duper reduplicative words

Two readers sent in their favorite reduplicative words , two-part words in which the second half is a repeat or rhyme of the first .
English has at least 2,000 of these , according to linguist Nils Thun .
Some words , like bye-bye and tidbit ( titbit in Britain ) , are so common that we may not even notice the reduplication .
With others – roly-poly , crinkum-crankum , higgledy-piggledy – it ’ s impossible to ignore .
The first words we speak are reduplicative .
Around the world , babies refer to their parents by simple , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ papa , tata , and so on .
As a result , reduplicative words can sound childish or silly .
Exact repetition can also suggest boredom or thoughtlessness , as with blah blah blah and yada yada , which “ indicat [ e ] ( usually dismissively ) that further details are predictable or evident from what has preceded , ” according to the Oxford English Dictionary ( OED ) .
More often , the second part rhymes with the first , as with hurly-burly .
This word is unusual among its reduplicative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , literary tone , and appeared in early modern royal histories as a “ dignified ” way to say “ uproar , turmoil.
” My readers sent in some words I had never heard of , including niminy-piminy , “ affectedly refined : finicky.
” The OED suggests this may have been an onomatopoeic rendering of upper-class 18th-century speech ; in the earliest citation , a young woman practices the fashionable accent by repeating the phrase in front of a mirror .
Or it might derive from Namby Pamby , a mocking nickname @ @ @ @ @ @ @ famous 18th-century contemporaries , Alexander Pope and Henry Carey .
Philips wrote what they considered to be overly sentimental poems for children ; namby-pamby thus means “ insipid.
” Ablaut reduplication involves a vowel shift from a short “ i ” or long “ e ” to an “ a ” sound , as with shilly-shally ( “ to show hesitation or lack of decisiveness or resolution ” ) .
This word comes from an old idiom , “ shill I , shall I ?
” which depicts how it feels to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Other examples are dillydally ( “ to waste time by loitering or delaying ” ) , wishy-washy ( “ lacking in character or determination ” ) , flip-flop ( “ a sudden reversal ” ) , and crinkum-crankum ( “ fancifully or excessively intricate and elaborate ” ) .
“ Ablaut ” refers to an unwritten rule of English : We list vowel sounds in a certain order , as with the verb forms sing , sang , sung or drink , drank , drunk .
Though many reduplicative words are mildly derisive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s speech , they can have more positive connotations .
Flapper slang transformed the bee ’ s knees , which had meant “ small , insignificant ” in the 19th century , into “ the acme of perfection ” in the 1920s .

Two readers sent in their favorite reduplicative words, two-part words in which the second half is a repeat or rhyme of the first. English has at least 2,000 of these, according to linguist Nils Thun. Some words, like bye-bye and tidbit (titbit in Britain), are so common that we may not even notice the reduplication. With others – roly-poly, crinkum-crankum, higgledy-piggledy – it’s impossible to ignore.
The first words we speak are reduplicative. Around the world, babies refer to their parents by simple, repeating syllables: mama, dada, papa, tata, and so on. As a result, reduplicative words can sound childish or silly. Exact repetition can also suggest boredom or thoughtlessness, as with blah blah blah and yada yada, which “indicat[e] (usually dismissively) that further details are predictable or evident from what has preceded,” according to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED).
More often, the second part rhymes with the first, as with hurly-burly. This word is unusual among its reduplicative kin because it once had a solemn, literary tone, and appeared in early modern royal histories as a “dignified” way to say “uproar, turmoil.” My readers sent in some words I had never heard of, including niminy-piminy, “affectedly refined: finicky.” The OED suggests this may have been an onomatopoeic rendering of upper-class 18th-century speech; in the earliest citation, a young woman practices the fashionable accent by repeating the phrase in front of a mirror. Or it might derive from Namby Pamby, a mocking nickname given to Ambrose Philips by his more famous 18th-century contemporaries, Alexander Pope and Henry Carey. Philips wrote what they considered to be overly sentimental poems for children; namby-pamby thus means “insipid.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Ablaut reduplication involves a vowel shift from a short “i” or long “e” to an “a” sound, as with shilly-shally (“to show hesitation or lack of decisiveness or resolution”). This word comes from an old idiom, “shill I, shall I?” which depicts how it feels to be caught in the throes of indecision. Other examples are dillydally (“to waste time by loitering or delaying”), wishy-washy (“lacking in character or determination”), flip-flop (“a sudden reversal”), and crinkum-crankum (“fancifully or excessively intricate and elaborate”). “Ablaut” refers to an unwritten rule of English: We list vowel sounds in a certain order, as with the verb forms sing, sang, sung or drink, drank, drunk.
Though many reduplicative words are mildly derisive because of their association with children’s speech, they can have more positive connotations. Flapper slang transformed the bee’s knees, which had meant “small, insignificant” in the 19th century, into “the acme of perfection” in the 1920s.


csmonitor--2020-07-02--On America’s most political holiday, clashing visions are nothing new

“ Freedom is never given ; it ’ s always demanded , ” says novelist Tina McElroy Ansa of St. Simons Island , Georgia , talking about this particular moment in American race relations .
“ We are not asking the government for something .
We are moving ahead and changing and improving and getting glitches out.
” The holiday shows how Black and white Americans , immigrants and the native-born , have over decades battled over the meaning of freedom and to whom it applies .
Yet the Fourth has not always been a relaxed entrance to high summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bottle rockets , and all things red , white , and blue .
At various points in history , it has been a day for divisive political expression .
A holiday rooted in the celebration of American freedom and unity is today producing sharply divergent scenes .
Even as President Donald Trump celebrates with a fireworks extravaganza at Mount Rushmore and a speech from the White House , Black Lives Matter protests are continuing in U.S. cities , and small-town parades and celebrations across the country have been canceled due to the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Continued Black Lives Matter protests in U.S. cities .
A “ Salute to America ” featuring music and a presidential speech from the White House .
Canceled small town parades across the country – and a plea from Washington , D.C. ’ s mayor for city residents to stay safe by just staying home .
Welcome to the fractured landscape of 2020 ’ s July Fourth holiday weekend .
A holiday rooted in the celebration of American freedom and unity is today producing clashing images of differences over the dangers of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle for racial equality , and the political fissures those battles reveal .
But is that kind of dissonance at the heart of the Fourth ’ s true purpose ?
It is , after all , arguably the most political of U.S. holidays .
It commemorates a political act – the signing of the Declaration of Independence .
At its beginning in 1776 , New York City residents tore down an equestrian statue of King George III and hacked it to pieces .
At various points in history , the Fourth has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It has not always been a relaxed entrance to high summer , a time of hot dogs , bottle rockets , and all things red , white , and blue .
The holiday shows how Black and white Americans , immigrants and the native-born , have over decades battled over the meaning of freedom and to whom it applies , says Blain Roberts , a history professor at California State University , Fresno , and co-author of “ Denmark Vesey ’ s Garden : Slavery and Memory in the Cradle of the Confederacy.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fourth of July is really a window into that long political struggle about what it means to be an American , ” Dr. Roberts says .
“ What to the slave is the Fourth of July ?
” In the sweep of national history , many Black Americans have had different attitudes toward the Fourth of July than their white counterparts .
“ To be clear , Fourth of July means different things to different people , and so does ‘ Americanness ’ depending on the color one ‘ wears ’ , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ science at Norfolk State University , an HBCU .
When white America gained independence in 1776 , Black America remained persona non grata , Dr. Akomolafe says .
Before the Civil War , the basic reason for this split was obvious : the glaring hypocrisy between the Declaration ’ s words “ all men are created equal ” and the reality of the existence of slavery .
This was eloquently expressed in Frederick Douglass ’ s famous 1852 address to the Ladies ’ Anti-Slavery Society of Rochester , New York .
Speaking , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asked “ What to the Slave is the Fourth of July ?
” and answered “ The Fourth of July is yours , not mine .
You may rejoice , I must mourn.
” What Douglass was trying to do in his speech was point out that the Fourth isn ’ t just a celebration of American food and fireworks and freedom , says Keidrick Roy , a doctoral candidate in American literature and intellectual history at Harvard University .
“ For Douglass , the Fourth of July is a time for us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about ourselves and how we reflect on our institutions that govern us , ” says Mr. Roy .
Douglass points out the ideals of the Declaration and the Constitution are things to which we should aspire , Mr. Roy adds .
“ And what we see now in America conflicts with those ideals .
So we need to endeavor to reconcile that contradiction , ” he says .
Elizabeth Rice-Johnson was a civil rights activist starting in her college days , when she was a member of the Richmond 34 – a group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lunch counter in Richmond in 1960 .
They were one of the first mass arrests of the civil rights era and helped lead to the city ’ s desegregation .
“ The founding fathers at the time [ of the Declaration of Independence ] really weren ’ t thinking about me , ” she says .
“ They were looking at us like chattel .
They weren ’ t looking at us like human beings when this whole thing was drafted , ” she adds .
Remembering the Fourth only in the red-white-and-blue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Declaration focuses too little on the contributions of Black Americans , who weren ’ t treated equally at the time yet whose labor still was a backbone of the country ’ s growth , says Ms. Rice-Johnson .
Ironically , there was a short period in U.S. history when , in the South in particular , the Fourth of July was a true Black holiday .
The Civil War ’ s outcome flipped attitudes around .
Defeated white Confederates did not want to celebrate the Union .
Meanwhile , African Americans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new order .
They gathered in small towns and big cities to picnic , hear orators read the Emancipation Proclamation and the Declaration of Independence , and see fireworks , says Ethan Kytle , a California State University , Fresno , historian and co-author with spouse Dr. Roberts of “ Denmark Vesey ’ s Garden , ” which recounts some of these celebrations .
The most elaborate took place in Charleston , South Carolina .
Black militia units with names like the “ Douglass Light Infantry ” marched through the streets of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slavery .
They ended at White Point Garden , a park at the base of the Charleston peninsula .
“ African Americans felt for the first time that it was a holiday that included them , ” says Dr. Kytle .
But white Southerners resented the celebrations .
Beginning in the 1880s they pushed back , reclaiming local political power as Reconstruction waned , and then passing ordinances restricting the Black gatherings .
Eventually Southern whites stripped Black Americans of citizenship in all but name .
By the turn of the century , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were white affairs that would pair renditions of “ Dixie ” with the “ Star-Spangled Banner.
” In the Jim Crow era , cities erected many memorials to Confederate soldiers – the same memorials that protesters are toppling today .
“ It ’ s not that Black people aren ’ t patriotic .
They have a different sense and understanding of what that means and how we want to express and celebrate that , ” says Hasan Kwame Jeffries , a historian at The Ohio State University and author of “ Bloody Lowndes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alabama ’ s Black Belt.
” “ Here ’ s the thing .
Black people have a blood investment in the nation , in the soil , in the land .
People recognize that , ‘ This is my country , ’ but what does it mean to not be a full citizen in this country ?
That limits the real joyousness of the Fourth of July.
” U.S. presidents have long used July Fourth as a means to promote their particular visions of what being an American means .
In 1962 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signed the Civil Rights Act on July 2 , the actual date of the signing of the Declaration of Independence .
“ One hundred eighty-eight years ago this week , a small band of valiant men began a struggle for freedom , ” President Johnson said in a nationally-televised speech from the White House .
“ Yet those who founded America knew that freedom would be secure only if each generation fought to renew and enlarge its meaning.
” Eight years later , with the country riven by protests against the Vietnam War @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a giant “ Honor America Day ” for July Fourth on the Washington Mall .
Evangelist Billy Graham gave the keynote address .
Comedian Bob Hope served as co-host of the entertainment .
But the day didn ’ t end as planned .
It attracted droves of protesters , some of whom stripped naked and cooled off in the Reflecting Pool .
To keep them at bay , the Park Police eventually resorted to tear gas , which blew back and wafted over the celebration itself as the Navy Band wrapped up with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , President Donald Trump has used the holiday to invoke symbols of military strength and national grandeur .
In 2019 , he headlined a “ Salute to America ” event with a speech in front of the Lincoln Memorial , accompanied by military band performances , a military flyover , and a fireworks display .
According to a recently-released General Accounting Office Report , the event cost about $ 13 million , double that of previous years .
For 2020 , the president opted for the sweeping stage of Mount Rushmore , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to give remarks and attend a firework display in front of sculptor Gutzon Borglum ’ s giant carved faces of George Washington , Thomas Jefferson , Theodore Roosevelt , and Abraham Lincoln .
On July Fourth he will host this year ’ s “ Salute to America ” from the White House South Lawn and the Ellipse .
It will include music , military demonstrations , and a flyover of military aircraft along the East Coast from Boston to D.C .
Typically , presidents use patriotic holidays like the Fourth of July to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what being American entails and how our national values serve the greater good in the U.S. and around the world , says Jennifer Mercieca , a historian of American political rhetoric at Texas A & M and author of “ Demagogue for President : The Rhetorical Genius of Donald Trump.
” President Trump has famously shown little interest in acting the role of a traditional , unifying U.S. chief executive .
His version of July 4 showmanship , says Dr. Mercieca in an email , seems to define American exceptionalism as “ winning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first-class military and economic power , as opposed to a symbol of liberty and justice for the world .
The majestic backdrops are meant to link President Trump to his greatest predecessors , she says .
He ’ s like Lincoln at the Lincoln Memorial .
He ’ s like Washington , Jefferson , et al , at Mt .
Rushmore .
“ It ’ s convenient staging that is meant to bolster Trump ’ s claims to being American exceptionalism personified , ” says Dr. Mercieca .
Has President Trump politicized national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his recent predecessors didn ’ t make themselves the keynote speaker of the Washington celebrations .
D.C. residents bemoan the loss of what used to be a relaxing local break from politics – a concert on the Mall , followed by spectacular fireworks , with nary a partisan word to be heard from the podium .
“ This is a show of pageantry , and it really is not getting down to the root of the issues for the minority communities , the Black and brown communities that are suffering indiscriminately and unequally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the unjust murders of people of color , ” says Dr. Sharlene Sinegal-DeCuir , department chair and associate professor of history at Xavier University of Louisiana .
“ That ’ s a really , really big thing.
” But in a basic sense , the celebrations around July Fourth really have always been political , notes David Waldstreicher , a historian of early America at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York .
The question , he says , is which vision of American citizenship it ’ s being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for his part , has charged that the current push to remove Confederate memorials is , in its own way , a politicization of American history .
On Wednesday , the president went so far as to threaten to veto the annual defense authorization bill if it includes a provision that would lead to the renaming of Fort Bragg and other U.S. military bases that bear Confederate names .
On this issue Dr. Waldstreicher points back to the original July Fourth , when stripping the new nation of the symbols of its old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the English king , was a part of , indeed central to , the meaning of the day .
“ Nothing is more American than tearing down statues in the name of the people ’ s right to decide what is an apt symbol of popular rule , ” he says in an email .
“ In that sense , even with some accompanying flag-burnings , every day is the Fourth of July.
” Indeed , protests might be as much a Fourth of July celebration as picnics .
“ Freedom is never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says novelist Tina McElroy Ansa of St. Simons Island , Georgia , talking about this particular moment in American race relations .
“ We are not asking the government for something .
We are moving ahead and changing and improving and getting glitches out.
” Staff writers Patrik Jonsson , Noah Robertson , and Sophie Hills contributed to this report .

“Freedom is never given; it’s always demanded,” says novelist Tina McElroy Ansa of St. Simons Island, Georgia, talking about this particular moment in American race relations. “We are not asking the government for something. We are moving ahead and changing and improving and getting glitches out.”
The holiday shows how Black and white Americans, immigrants and the native-born, have over decades battled over the meaning of freedom and to whom it applies.
Historically, the Fourth of July has been as much about toppling statues as about grilling hot dogs, as presidents and various groups have used the holiday to advance different views of American citizenship.
Yet the Fourth has not always been a relaxed entrance to high summer, a time of hot dogs, bottle rockets, and all things red, white, and blue. At various points in history, it has been a day for divisive political expression.
A holiday rooted in the celebration of American freedom and unity is today producing sharply divergent scenes. Even as President Donald Trump celebrates with a fireworks extravaganza at Mount Rushmore and a speech from the White House, Black Lives Matter protests are continuing in U.S. cities, and small-town parades and celebrations across the country have been canceled due to the pandemic.
A fireworks extravaganza at Mount Rushmore. Continued Black Lives Matter protests in U.S. cities.
A “Salute to America” featuring music and a presidential speech from the White House. Canceled small town parades across the country – and a plea from Washington, D.C.’s mayor for city residents to stay safe by just staying home.
Welcome to the fractured landscape of 2020’s July Fourth holiday weekend. A holiday rooted in the celebration of American freedom and unity is today producing clashing images of differences over the dangers of the coronavirus, the nation’s continuing struggle for racial equality, and the political fissures those battles reveal.
Why We Wrote This Historically, the Fourth of July has been as much about toppling statues as about grilling hot dogs, as presidents and various groups have used the holiday to advance different views of American citizenship.
But is that kind of dissonance at the heart of the Fourth’s true purpose? It is, after all, arguably the most political of U.S. holidays. It commemorates a political act – the signing of the Declaration of Independence. At its beginning in 1776, New York City residents tore down an equestrian statue of King George III and hacked it to pieces.
At various points in history, the Fourth has been a day for divisive political expression. It has not always been a relaxed entrance to high summer, a time of hot dogs, bottle rockets, and all things red, white, and blue.
The holiday shows how Black and white Americans, immigrants and the native-born, have over decades battled over the meaning of freedom and to whom it applies, says Blain Roberts, a history professor at California State University, Fresno, and co-author of “Denmark Vesey’s Garden: Slavery and Memory in the Cradle of the Confederacy.”
“In that way, the Fourth of July is really a window into that long political struggle about what it means to be an American,” Dr. Roberts says.
“What to the slave is the Fourth of July?”
In the sweep of national history, many Black Americans have had different attitudes toward the Fourth of July than their white counterparts.
“To be clear, Fourth of July means different things to different people, and so does ‘Americanness’ depending on the color one ‘wears’,” says Soji Akomolafe, chair of political science at Norfolk State University, an HBCU (historically black college or university).
When white America gained independence in 1776, Black America remained persona non grata, Dr. Akomolafe says.
Before the Civil War, the basic reason for this split was obvious: the glaring hypocrisy between the Declaration’s words “all men are created equal” and the reality of the existence of slavery.
This was eloquently expressed in Frederick Douglass’s famous 1852 address to the Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society of Rochester, New York. Speaking, pointedly, on July 5, Douglass asked, “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” and answered: “The Fourth of July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn.”
What Douglass was trying to do in his speech was point out that the Fourth isn’t just a celebration of American food and fireworks and freedom, says Keidrick Roy, a doctoral candidate in American literature and intellectual history at Harvard University.
“For Douglass, the Fourth of July is a time for us to reflect, and to be critical about ourselves and how we reflect on our institutions that govern us,” says Mr. Roy.
Douglass points out the ideals of the Declaration and the Constitution are things to which we should aspire, Mr. Roy adds.
“And what we see now in America conflicts with those ideals. So we need to endeavor to reconcile that contradiction,” he says.
Elizabeth Johnson Rice was a civil rights activist starting in her college days, when she was a member of the Richmond 34 – a group of students who sat-in at an all-white lunch counter in Richmond in 1960. They were one of the first mass arrests of the civil rights era and helped lead to the city’s desegregation.
“The founding fathers at the time [of the Declaration of Independence] really weren’t thinking about me,” she says.
“They were looking at us like chattel. They weren’t looking at us like human beings when this whole thing was drafted,” she adds.
Remembering the Fourth only in the red-white-and-blue imagery of tricorn hats and bewigged signers of the Declaration focuses too little on the contributions of Black Americans, who weren’t treated equally at the time yet whose labor still was a backbone of the country’s growth, says Ms. Johnson Rice.
Ironically, there was a short period in U.S. history when, in the South in particular, the Fourth of July was a true Black holiday.
The Civil War’s outcome flipped attitudes around. Defeated white Confederates did not want to celebrate the Union. Meanwhile, African Americans embraced it as a symbol of the new order.
They gathered in small towns and big cities to picnic, hear orators read the Emancipation Proclamation and the Declaration of Independence, and see fireworks, says Ethan Kytle, a California State University, Fresno, historian and co-author with spouse Dr. Roberts of “Denmark Vesey’s Garden,” which recounts some of these celebrations.
The most elaborate took place in Charleston, South Carolina. Black militia units with names like the “Douglass Light Infantry” marched through the streets of a city known as the capital of Southern slavery. They ended at White Point Garden, a park at the base of the Charleston peninsula.
“African Americans felt for the first time that it was a holiday that included them,” says Dr. Kytle.
But white Southerners resented the celebrations. Beginning in the 1880s they pushed back, reclaiming local political power as Reconstruction waned, and then passing ordinances restricting the Black gatherings. Eventually Southern whites stripped Black Americans of citizenship in all but name.
By the turn of the century, Fourth of July celebrations in the South were white affairs that would pair renditions of “Dixie” with the “Star-Spangled Banner.” In the Jim Crow era, cities erected many memorials to Confederate soldiers – the same memorials that protesters are toppling today.
“It’s not that Black people aren’t patriotic. They have a different sense and understanding of what that means and how we want to express and celebrate that,” says Hasan Kwame Jeffries, a historian at The Ohio State University and author of “Bloody Lowndes: Civil Rights and Black Power in Alabama’s Black Belt.” “Here’s the thing. Black people have a blood investment in the nation, in the soil, in the land. People recognize that, ‘This is my country,’ but what does it mean to not be a full citizen in this country? That limits the real joyousness of the Fourth of July.”
Presidents and symbolism
U.S. presidents have long used July Fourth as a means to promote their particular visions of what being an American means.
In 1964, for instance, Lyndon Baines Johnson pointedly signed the Civil Rights Act on July 2, the actual date of the signing of the Declaration of Independence.
“One hundred eighty-eight years ago this week, a small band of valiant men began a struggle for freedom,” President Johnson said in a nationally-televised speech from the White House. “Yet those who founded America knew that freedom would be secure only if each generation fought to renew and enlarge its meaning.”
AP/File View caption Hide caption President Lyndon B. Johnson reaches to shake hands with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. after presenting the civil rights leader with one of the 72 pens used to sign the Civil Rights Act in Washington on July 2, 1964. Surrounding the president, from left, are, Rep. Roland Libonati, D-Ill., Rep. Peter Rodino, D-N.J., Dr. King, Emanuel Celler, D-N.Y., and behind Celler is Whitney Young, executive director of the National Urban League.
Eight years later, with the country riven by protests against the Vietnam War, Richard Nixon and conservative supporters organized a giant “Honor America Day” for July Fourth on the Washington Mall. Evangelist Billy Graham gave the keynote address. Comedian Bob Hope served as co-host of the entertainment.
But the day didn’t end as planned. It attracted droves of protesters, some of whom stripped naked and cooled off in the Reflecting Pool. To keep them at bay, the Park Police eventually resorted to tear gas, which blew back and wafted over the celebration itself as the Navy Band wrapped up with “The Star-Spangled Banner.”
In recent years, President Donald Trump has used the holiday to invoke symbols of military strength and national grandeur.
In 2019, he headlined a “Salute to America” event with a speech in front of the Lincoln Memorial, accompanied by military band performances, a military flyover, and a fireworks display. According to a recently-released General Accounting Office Report, the event cost about $13 million, double that of previous years.
For 2020, the president opted for the sweeping stage of Mount Rushmore, where on July 3 he is scheduled to give remarks and attend a firework display in front of sculptor Gutzon Borglum’s giant carved faces of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Theodore Roosevelt, and Abraham Lincoln. On July Fourth he will host this year’s “Salute to America” from the White House South Lawn and the Ellipse. It will include music, military demonstrations, and a flyover of military aircraft along the East Coast from Boston to D.C.
Typically, presidents use patriotic holidays like the Fourth of July to reaffirm communal values – to remind us what being American entails and how our national values serve the greater good in the U.S. and around the world, says Jennifer Mercieca, a historian of American political rhetoric at Texas A&M and author of “Demagogue for President: The Rhetorical Genius of Donald Trump.”
President Trump has famously shown little interest in acting the role of a traditional, unifying U.S. chief executive. His version of July 4 showmanship, says Dr. Mercieca in an email, seems to define American exceptionalism as “winning” – depicting the nation as a first-class military and economic power, as opposed to a symbol of liberty and justice for the world.
The majestic backdrops are meant to link President Trump to his greatest predecessors, she says. He’s like Lincoln at the Lincoln Memorial. He’s like Washington, Jefferson, et al, at Mount Rushmore.
“It’s convenient staging that is meant to bolster Trump’s claims to being American exceptionalism personified,” says Dr. Mercieca.
A political holiday
Has President Trump politicized national July Fourth celebrations? Critics complain that his recent predecessors didn’t make themselves the keynote speaker of the Washington celebrations. D.C. residents bemoan the loss of what used to be a relaxing local break from politics – a concert on the Mall, followed by spectacular fireworks, with nary a partisan word to be heard from the podium.
“This is a show of pageantry, and it really is not getting down to the root of the issues for the minority communities, the Black and brown communities that are suffering indiscriminately and unequally due to COVID-19, and to all of the unjust murders of people of color,” says Dr. Sharlene Sinegal-DeCuir, department chair and associate professor of history at Xavier University of Louisiana. “That’s a really, really big thing.”
But in a basic sense, the celebrations around July Fourth really have always been political, notes David Waldstreicher, a historian of early America at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York. The question, he says, is which vision of American citizenship it’s being used to advance.
President Trump, for his part, has charged that the current push to remove Confederate memorials is, in its own way, a politicization of American history. On Wednesday, the president went so far as to threaten to veto the annual defense authorization bill if it includes a provision that would lead to the renaming of Fort Bragg and other U.S. military bases that bear Confederate names.
On this issue Dr. Waldstreicher points back to the original July Fourth, when stripping the new nation of the symbols of its old colonial overlords, such as statues of the English king, was a part of, indeed central to, the meaning of the day.
“Nothing is more American than tearing down statues in the name of the people’s right to decide what is an apt symbol of popular rule,” he says in an email. “In that sense, even with some accompanying flag-burnings, every day is the Fourth of July.”
Indeed, protests might be as much a Fourth of July celebration as picnics.
“Freedom is never given, it’s always demanded,” says novelist Tina McElroy Ansa of St. Simons Island, Georgia, talking about this particular moment in American race relations. “We are not asking the government for something. We are moving ahead and changing and improving and getting glitches out.”
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Staff writers Patrik Jonsson, Noah Robertson, and Sophie Hills contributed to this report.
Correction: This article has been updated to correct Elizabeth Johnson Rice’s name.


csmonitor--2020-07-02--As police face a public grilling, so do iconic cop shows

“ I feel guilty because I still do want to watch the next season of ‘ Law and Order : SVU , ’ ” says Katherine Singh of Toronto .
“ If I do watch , I ’ ll just try to be more aware of how I approach the show and just do a little bit more work independent of the show to educate myself on violence and police brutality .
I will try really hard not to just go so blindly into it.
” Paramount canceled the reality series “ Cops ” in early June .
A & @ @ @ @ @ @ @ series “ Live PD.
” A subsequent report released Wednesday by The Marshall Project reveals that “ Live PD ” producers routinely accommodated requests from the Los Angeles Police Department to edit out footage of officers using violence and bad language .
And some viewers have even called for the cancellation of Nickelodeon ’ s cartoon series “ Paw Patrol , ” which features a canine officer named Chase .
Police officers are ubiquitous in American media , with crime shows pulling in more viewers than any other genre .
But amid the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defund the police , ” these programs are facing heat .
When Katherine Singh started watching “ Law & Order : SVU ” as an undergrad , she was fascinated by the “ ripped from the headlines ” stories , strong female leads , and the way the series validated victims of sexual assault .
She quickly became a die-hard fan .
“ I tried to get everyone I knew to watch it , ” says Ms. Singh , who works in Toronto as an assistant editor at Flare magazine .
But recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconsider her love of the long-running procedural and its effect on her perception of law enforcement .
As a woman of color , Ms. Singh is not unfamiliar with racism , “ but I ’ m not a Black woman ; I ’ m not an Indigenous woman , ” she says .
“ So I ’ ve never had to worry personally about my interactions with police .
...
I think of them as like characters on my TV screen , as opposed to real people actually out there that can sometimes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ubiquitous in American media , with crime shows pulling in more viewers than any other television genre .
Of the top 10 longest-running prime-time dramas , half are police procedurals .
Now those programs are facing heat .
Paramount canceled the reality series “ Cops ” in early June .
A & E ceased production on its hit series “ Live PD ” around the same time .
A subsequent report released Wednesday by The Marshall Project reveals that “ Live PD ” producers routinely accommodated requests from the Los Angeles Police Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence and bad language .
“ Law & Order ” writer Craig Gore was fired for threatening protesters who were breaking curfew on Facebook , and people have even called for the cancellation of Nickelodeon ’ s cartoon series “ Paw Patrol , ” which features a canine officer named Chase .
“ There ’ s been a real shift in the consciousness about what policing does and how it operates in society , ” says Steven Thrasher , a professor at Northwestern University ’ s journalism school who has studied marginalized communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I think [ the George Floyd video has ] made people realize they ’ re not so comfortable glorifying police all the time.
” The alphabet soup of crime procedurals popular today can be traced back to “ Dragnet , ” a radio show turned TV series that portrayed LA detectives as level-headed heroes who kept city streets safe .
The real LAPD loved it – they were also deeply involved in the production of every episode .
As his department faced accusations of brutality and racism , Chief William H. Parker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scripts , ensuring that the show ’ s 16.5 million viewers saw officers who were calm , honest , and acting by the book .
Since “ Dragnet , ” TV officers have become more nuanced .
Adisa Iwa , a professor of television and film at Morehouse College , remembers watching “ Hill Street Blues ” in the 1980s .
“ That was the first time on the television when you had cops who were regulars on the show who were flawed , who were not paradigms of virtue all the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Street Blues , ” in part , inspired him to become a screenwriter .
He ended up writing episodes of “ Law & Order : SVU ” and “ NYPD Blue ” about 20 years later .
“ Back then , the concern primarily was telling an interesting story , ” he says .
“ Now people are taking a much more critical eye .
It ’ s not necessarily the officers ’ flaws that viewers are taking issue with – it ’ s the lack of accountability when those flaws turn into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Change study of 26 scripted crime series found that in the 2017-18 season , most shows normalized bad behavior – coercion , lying and tampering , overt racism , etc .
– by criminal justice professionals .
The frequency of the protagonists ’ violations makes such behavior seem natural or necessary in the pursuit of justice , say researchers , and the characters rarely receive any formal punishment for the offenses .
It ’ s a theme that ’ s bothered TV critic LaToya Ferguson throughout her career .
“ Internal affairs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which is insane to me , ” she says .
“ I ’ ve never understood it .
...
If you ’ re all afraid of IA , even if you ’ re a good cop , that says a lot.
” In “ Law & Order : SVU , ” it was Detective Elliot Stabler who had the most to fear .
He was a boundaryless , short-tempered cop who regularly abused suspects with little to no repercussions .
But instead of condemnation , viewers are offered glances into his challenging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his baggage .
The character left the show in 2011 , but will return in a new series , “ Law & Order : Organized Crime , ” debuting this fall .
Christine Zimmer , who runs the popular fan blog “ All Things Law & Order , ” says that ’ s been concerning for some SVU fans .
“ As we haven ’ t even seen one episode of the new series yet , it ’ s unfair to pass judgment on what kind of person Stabler , or others working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said in an email to the Monitor , adding , “ Characters like this may not be tolerated much longer , unless they come to justice or change their ways.
” What can be saved ?
Mrs. Zimmer says there ’ s still a strong desire for crime dramas , but “ they will have to do something more substantial than covering the issues with law enforcement and racial injustice over just an episode or two .
It ’ s great to have TV shows that highlight the ideal image of law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be done without showing how we can get there.
” Tackling police brutality has been a challenge for many cop shows , including “ Brooklyn Nine-Nine , ” a precinct sitcom that has been celebrated for challenging stereotypes .
In the fourth-season episode titled “ Moo Moo , ” Sgt .
Terry Jeffords , played by Terry Crews , is racially profiled by another officer while searching for his child ’ s lost blanket .
He ’ s released , but must decide whether to risk political backlash by filing a complaint .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for me , ” says Ms. Ferguson .
“ My biggest issue with the show is that it lives in this magical world where it will acknowledge there are a lot of bad cops , but our cops are the only good ones.
” It looks like the series will try again .
In addition to donating $ 100,000 to the National Bail Fund Network , the “ Brooklyn Nine-Nine ” team is rethinking its next season .
Four episodes have already been scrapped after some “ solemn conversations ” about Mr. Floyd @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Access Hollywood last week .
“ We have an opportunity and we plan to use it in the best way possible , ” he said .
Ms. Ferguson , meanwhile , references “ Person of Interest , ” which featured Taraji P. Henson as an NYPD detective , as one of her favorite shows .
She says it ’ s “ a very good story about an actual good cop in a sea of bad cops ” who is killed while trying to “ uncover and dismantle the very corrupt organization within the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she says , “ because the rot is just from the top down , pretty much .
It ’ s just an unflinchingly honest story about this .
But a lot of cop shows aren ’ t going to do that.
” Mr. Iwa says if shows are going to wade into this subject matter , a diverse writers ’ room is essential .
According to the Color of Change report , 88 % of “ Brooklyn Nine-Nine ” writers during the 2017–18 season were white and “ Law & Order : SVU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To hit the right tone , Mr. Iwa says that needs to change .
Long term , Ms. Ferguson thinks that we may also see more procedurals centered on private investigators and consultants to make “ the cop of it all ” more palatable .
But in the meantime , many fans will have a personal decision to make about how they engage with their favorite fictional cops .
“ I feel guilty because I still do want to watch the next season of ‘ Law and Order : SVU , ’ ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do watch , I ’ ll just try to be more aware of how I approach the show and just do a little bit more work independent of the show to educate myself on violence and police brutality .
I will try really hard not to just go so blindly into it .
”

“I feel guilty because I still do want to watch the next season of ‘Law and Order: SVU,’” says Katherine Singh of Toronto. “If I do watch, I’ll just try to be more aware of how I approach the show and just do a little bit more work independent of the show to educate myself on violence and police brutality. I will try really hard not to just go so blindly into it.”
Television can be a tool for building social awareness, but recent protests against police brutality have some cop-show fans wondering if their favorite prime-time detectives are actually part of the problem.
Paramount canceled the reality series “Cops” in early June. A&E has ceased production on its hit series “Live PD.” A subsequent report released Wednesday by The Marshall Project reveals that “Live PD” producers routinely accommodated requests from the Los Angeles Police Department to edit out footage of officers using violence and bad language. And some viewers have even called for the cancellation of Nickelodeon’s cartoon series “Paw Patrol,” which features a canine officer named Chase.
Police officers are ubiquitous in American media, with crime shows pulling in more viewers than any other genre. But amid the surge of protests and calls to “defund the police,” these programs are facing heat.
When Katherine Singh started watching “Law & Order: SVU” as an undergrad, she was fascinated by the “ripped from the headlines” stories, strong female leads, and the way the series validated victims of sexual assault. She quickly became a die-hard fan.
“I tried to get everyone I knew to watch it,” says Ms. Singh, who works in Toronto as an assistant editor at Flare magazine.
But recent protests against police brutality have made her reconsider her love of the long-running procedural and its effect on her perception of law enforcement.
Why We Wrote This Television can be a tool for building social awareness, but recent protests against police brutality have some cop-show fans wondering if their favorite prime-time detectives are actually part of the problem.
As a woman of color, Ms. Singh is not unfamiliar with racism, “but I’m not a Black woman; I’m not an Indigenous woman,” she says. “So I’ve never had to worry personally about my interactions with police. ... I think of them as like characters on my TV screen, as opposed to real people actually out there that can sometimes cause people harm.”
Police officers are ubiquitous in American media, with crime shows pulling in more viewers than any other television genre. Of the top 10 longest-running prime-time dramas, half are police procedurals. Now those programs are facing heat.
Paramount canceled the reality series “Cops” in early June. A&E ceased production on its hit series “Live PD” around the same time. A subsequent report released Wednesday by The Marshall Project reveals that “Live PD” producers routinely accommodated requests from the Los Angeles Police Department to edit out footage of officers using violence and bad language. “Law & Order” writer Craig Gore was fired for threatening protesters who were breaking curfew on Facebook, and people have even called for the cancellation of Nickelodeon’s cartoon series “Paw Patrol,” which features a canine officer named Chase.
“There’s been a real shift in the consciousness about what policing does and how it operates in society,” says Steven Thrasher, a professor at Northwestern University’s journalism school who has studied marginalized communities as a reporter and an academic. “I think [the George Floyd video has] made people realize they’re not so comfortable glorifying police all the time.”
History of bad behavior
The alphabet soup of crime procedurals popular today can be traced back to “Dragnet,” a radio show turned TV series that portrayed LA detectives as level-headed heroes who kept city streets safe. The real LAPD loved it – they were also deeply involved in the production of every episode. As his department faced accusations of brutality and racism, Chief William H. Parker held veto power on “Dragnet” scripts, ensuring that the show’s 16.5 million viewers saw officers who were calm, honest, and acting by the book.
Since “Dragnet,” TV officers have become more nuanced. Adisa Iwa, a professor of television and film at Morehouse College, remembers watching “Hill Street Blues” in the 1980s. “That was the first time on the television when you had cops who were regulars on the show who were flawed, who were not paradigms of virtue all the time,” he says.
“Hill Street Blues,” in part, inspired him to become a screenwriter. He ended up writing episodes of “Law & Order: SVU” and “NYPD Blue” about 20 years later. “Back then, the concern primarily was telling an interesting story,” he says. “Now people are taking a much more critical eye.”
It’s not necessarily the officers’ flaws that viewers are taking issue with – it’s the lack of accountability when those flaws turn into abuses of power.
A recent Color of Change study of 26 scripted crime series found that in the 2017-18 season, most shows normalized bad behavior – coercion, lying and tampering, overt racism, etc. – by criminal justice professionals. The frequency of the protagonists’ violations makes such behavior seem natural or necessary in the pursuit of justice, say researchers, and the characters rarely receive any formal punishment for the offenses.
It’s a theme that’s bothered TV critic LaToya Ferguson throughout her career. “Internal affairs is always seen as the bad guy, which is insane to me,” she says. “I’ve never understood it. ... If you’re all afraid of IA, even if you’re a good cop, that says a lot.”
In “Law & Order: SVU,” it was Detective Elliot Stabler who had the most to fear. He was a boundaryless, short-tempered cop who regularly abused suspects with little to no repercussions. But instead of condemnation, viewers are offered glances into his challenging family life as a way to explain his baggage.
20TH CENTURY FOX TV/Album/Newscom View caption Hide caption Jimmy Smits, Dennis Franz, and James McDaniels perform in a scene from "NYPD Blue."
The character left the show in 2011, but will return in a new series, “Law & Order: Organized Crime,” debuting this fall. Christine Zimmer, who runs the popular fan blog “All Things Law & Order,” says that’s been concerning for some SVU fans.
“As we haven’t even seen one episode of the new series yet, it’s unfair to pass judgment on what kind of person Stabler, or others working with him, will be,” she said in an email to the Monitor, adding, “Characters like this may not be tolerated much longer, unless they come to justice or change their ways.”
What can be saved?
Mrs. Zimmer says there’s still a strong desire for crime dramas, but “they will have to do something more substantial than covering the issues with law enforcement and racial injustice over just an episode or two. It’s great to have TV shows that highlight the ideal image of law enforcement, but that can’t be done without showing how we can get there.”
Tackling police brutality has been a challenge for many cop shows, including “Brooklyn Nine-Nine,” a precinct sitcom that has been celebrated for challenging stereotypes.
In the fourth-season episode titled “Moo Moo,” Sgt. Terry Jeffords, played by Terry Crews, is racially profiled by another officer while searching for his child’s lost blanket. He’s released, but must decide whether to risk political backlash by filing a complaint.
“It just didn’t work for me,” says Ms. Ferguson. “My biggest issue with the show is that it lives in this magical world where it will acknowledge there are a lot of bad cops, but our cops are the only good ones.”
It looks like the series will try again. In addition to donating $100,000 to the National Bail Fund Network, the “Brooklyn Nine-Nine” team is rethinking its next season. Four episodes have already been scrapped after some “solemn conversations” about Mr. Floyd’s death, Mr. Crews told Access Hollywood last week. “We have an opportunity and we plan to use it in the best way possible,” he said.
Diverse writers’ room
Ms. Ferguson, meanwhile, references “Person of Interest,” which featured Taraji P. Henson as an NYPD detective, as one of her favorite shows. She says it’s “a very good story about an actual good cop in a sea of bad cops” who is killed while trying to “uncover and dismantle the very corrupt organization within the NYPD.”
She’s killed, she says, “because the rot is just from the top down, pretty much. It’s just an unflinchingly honest story about this. But a lot of cop shows aren’t going to do that.”
Mr. Iwa says if shows are going to wade into this subject matter, a diverse writers’ room is essential. According to the Color of Change report, 88% of “Brooklyn Nine-Nine” writers during the 2017–18 season were white and “Law & Order: SVU” had no writers of color. To hit the right tone, Mr. Iwa says that needs to change. Long term, Ms. Ferguson thinks that we may also see more procedurals centered on private investigators and consultants to make “the cop of it all” more palatable.
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But in the meantime, many fans will have a personal decision to make about how they engage with their favorite fictional cops.
“I feel guilty because I still do want to watch the next season of ‘Law and Order: SVU,’” says Ms. Singh. “If I do watch, I’ll just try to be more aware of how I approach the show and just do a little bit more work independent of the show to educate myself on violence and police brutality. I will try really hard not to just go so blindly into it.”


csmonitor--2020-07-02--Germany’s recipe for lockdown: Reduced hours, not layoffs

“ We ’ re proud in Germany we have a good social security system , ” says Mr. Jakob .
“ It helps us get out of the crisis as quickly as possible.
” Kurzarbeit keeps most people working , says Johannes Jakob , head of labor market policy at Germany ’ s leading trade union .
And “ short work ” costs governments roughly the same as putting people on unemployment , he notes , yet it reaps much greater rewards .
Employers can get help to keep workers on payrolls , while those workers can feel more secure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Under Kurzarbeit , employers can reduce workers ’ hours to any fraction of a normal workweek and pay accordingly .
Germany ’ s Federal Employment Agency , flush from 10 years of building up reserves , then plugs the remaining salary gap up to a certain percentage of an individual ’ s usual salary .
As the global pandemic prompts an uncertain economic future , employers in Germany have tapped an important patch in the country ’ s social safety net to help avoid mass layoffs and stay afloat .
Translated as “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to whittle down employees ’ working hours to as little as zero if needed , and have the government chip in to restore salaries to a certain level .
Annette Brinkman was only 4 when she took her first trip out of Germany .
That trip to the sun-soaked island of Mallorca , Spain , with her parents inspired a love for travel , and by her teens she was collecting destination brochures 50 at a time .
By high school , she knew she wanted a career in tourism .
Today , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the company that ’ s employed her for four decades as a travel booking agent and office manager .
Yet , even as the travel industry has been gutted , Ms. Brinkman collects more than half of her original salary as she cooks , gardens , takes a breather , and waits for the signal to return to work at her company ’ s local office in Dortmund , a medium-sized city in western Germany .
Thanks to a German government program known as Kurzarbeit , which taps government coffers to help employers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t let go a single employee .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
“ This is the first time I ’ ve not been working in 40 years , ” says Ms. Brinkman .
“ It ’ s a shock .
But without Kurzarbeit , we would all be unemployed right now .
That would be 100 times worse.
” As the global pandemic prompts an uncertain economic future , employers in Germany have tapped an important patch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ net to help avoid mass layoffs and stay afloat .
Translated as “ short work , ” Kurzarbeit allows companies to whittle down employees ’ working hours to as little as zero if needed , and have the government chip in to restore salaries to a certain level .
Deployed during the 2008-09 global recession , the program took about 3.5 million applications in 2009 and assisted nearly 1.5 million workers at its peak .
During the current crisis , applications for more than 11 million workers are winding their way through the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re proud in Germany we have a good social security system , ” says Johannes Jakob , head of labor market policy at DGB , Germany ’ s leading trade union .
“ It may be a little more expensive , but during the 2008-09 crisis skilled workers could stay in place , and when the economy improved they were able to start again the next day .
It helps us get out of the crisis as quickly as possible.
” Under Kurzarbeit , employers can reduce workers ’ hours to any fraction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Germany ’ s Federal Employment Agency , flush from 10 years of building up reserves , then plugs the remaining salary gap up to a certain percentage of an individual ’ s usual salary .
Two years from retirement , Ms. Brinkman volunteered to work zero hours , with the thought that younger colleagues might need hours that would have been allocated to her .
Without working , she ’ s still able to collect 60 % of her pay , but she ’ s cut out frills including once-weekly dinners and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people working , according to Mr. Jakob .
During the 2009 financial crisis , about 3 of 4 employees continued to work even in Kurzarbeit .
And , “ short work ” costs governments roughly the same as putting people on unemployment , Mr. Jakob notes , yet it reaps much greater rewards .
Employers can get help to keep workers on payrolls , while those workers can feel more secure in their financial and career outlooks .
The U.S. situation , where nearly 40 million filed for unemployment during the coronavirus shutdown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says Mr. Jakob .
“ The equivalent in Germany would be roughly 14 million unemployed without Kurzarbeit .
[ With the program ] we actually only have 500,000 unemployed.
” Enzo Weber , a macroeconomist with the University of Regensburg , points out that retaining workers is much more important in a market like Germany ’ s .
In short , companies are slow to hire .
“ In Germany if we had 30 million additional unemployed , it would take us 20 years or so to get back to the pre-crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The U.S. market sheds quickly , but also brings back workers much more quickly .
We are slower than the U.S. in both directions.
” Kurzarbeit isn ’ t a perfect system .
It ’ s relatively expensive and doesn ’ t fully benefit certain workers such as hospitality employees since overtime and tips make up a large proportion of take-home pay .
Such line items aren ’ t typically calculated into Kurzarbeit .
The program also requires the right combination of factors to prompt employers to apply , such as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temporary , and a skilled-worker shortage that makes it difficult to fill positions .
So far , those factors have neatly lined up .
A coronavirus is an external shock , and Germany suffers from a shortage of qualified labor .
“ This makes firms ready to keep people on board , because they might never get them back , ” says Mr. Weber .
“ Kurzarbeit saves them the ‘ match capital ’ so they can restart quickly when they need.
” Yet , Kurzarbeit can also slow progress should industries need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and everyone where it is , ” says Mr. Weber .
Indeed , the pandemic has prompted changes in supply chains and industries such as mobile , transportation , and digitization .
“ Jobs after the recession aren ’ t necessarily going to be the same as before the recession , ” says Mr. Weber .
That means retraining and investment in skills is important to keep the workforce agile and adaptable , he says .
Ms. Brinkman is aware that the travel industry could be radically changed once the economy gets back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always be with us , ” says Ms. Brinkman , “ but will others book online ?
Or will they say the travel agencies really helped us through this time ?
” In short , she wonders if all the 24 colleagues in her local office will be needed in the future .
For Robert Helbig , four weeks on Kurzarbeit was a blessing , as he ’ d just welcomed a newborn son .
A worker at a car factory , he stayed home as the plant was shuttered , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his salary while his employer topped up the rest .
“ Enjoying that time with the family is amazing , ” he says .
Mr. Helbig is back at work now as Germany has reopened for business .
He ’ s thankful that he ’ s survived the crisis financially intact .
“ I think a lot of people don ’ t really know how good Kurzarbeit is , ” says Mr. Helbig .
“ For some people it ’ s hard to survive on 60 % pay .
But we shouldn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if you look at what ’ s happening in America.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“We’re proud in Germany we have a good social security system,” says Mr. Jakob. “It helps us get out of the crisis as quickly as possible.”
Kurzarbeit keeps most people working, says Johannes Jakob, head of labor market policy at Germany’s leading trade union. And “short work” costs governments roughly the same as putting people on unemployment, he notes, yet it reaps much greater rewards. Employers can get help to keep workers on payrolls, while those workers can feel more secure in their financial and career outlooks.
In an economic crisis, there are more options than the extremes of full-time work and layoffs. Germany is using a middle ground – letting people work shorter hours, with government paying the difference. Part 5 of “ One pandemic, many safety nets: A global series. ”
Under Kurzarbeit , employers can reduce workers’ hours to any fraction of a normal workweek and pay accordingly. Germany’s Federal Employment Agency, flush from 10 years of building up reserves, then plugs the remaining salary gap up to a certain percentage of an individual’s usual salary.
As the global pandemic prompts an uncertain economic future, employers in Germany have tapped an important patch in the country’s social safety net to help avoid mass layoffs and stay afloat. Translated as “short work,” Kurzarbeit allows companies to whittle down employees’ working hours to as little as zero if needed, and have the government chip in to restore salaries to a certain level.
Annette Brinkman was only 4 when she took her first trip out of Germany.
That trip to the sun-soaked island of Mallorca, Spain, with her parents inspired a love for travel, and by her teens she was collecting destination brochures 50 at a time. By high school, she knew she wanted a career in tourism.
Today, the coronavirus pandemic has decimated revenues at the company that’s employed her for four decades as a travel booking agent and office manager.
Why We Wrote This In an economic crisis, there are more options than the extremes of full-time work and layoffs. Germany is using a middle ground – letting people work shorter hours, with government paying the difference. Part 5 of “One pandemic, many safety nets: A global series.”
Yet, even as the travel industry has been gutted, Ms. Brinkman collects more than half of her original salary as she cooks, gardens, takes a breather, and waits for the signal to return to work at her company’s local office in Dortmund, a medium-sized city in western Germany. Thanks to a German government program known as Kurzarbeit, which taps government coffers to help employers pay worker salaries, the company hasn’t let go a single employee.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
“This is the first time I’ve not been working in 40 years,” says Ms. Brinkman. “It’s a shock. But without Kurzarbeit, we would all be unemployed right now. That would be 100 times worse.”
Courtesy of Annette Brinkman View caption Hide caption Annette Brinkman, a career travel agent in Germany, is staying home as her company whittles down employee hours to try to stay afloat. But she says that without “Kurzarbeit,” “we would all be unemployed right now. That would be 100 times worse.”
As the global pandemic prompts an uncertain economic future, employers in Germany have tapped an important patch in the country’s social safety net to help avoid mass layoffs and stay afloat. Translated as “short work,” Kurzarbeit allows companies to whittle down employees’ working hours to as little as zero if needed, and have the government chip in to restore salaries to a certain level.
Deployed during the 2008-09 global recession, the program took about 3.5 million applications in 2009 and assisted nearly 1.5 million workers at its peak. During the current crisis, applications for more than 11 million workers are winding their way through the Federal Employment Agency.
“We’re proud in Germany we have a good social security system,” says Johannes Jakob, head of labor market policy at DGB, Germany’s leading trade union. “It may be a little more expensive, but during the 2008-09 crisis skilled workers could stay in place, and when the economy improved they were able to start again the next day. It helps us get out of the crisis as quickly as possible.”
Keeping people working
Under Kurzarbeit, employers can reduce workers’ hours to any fraction of a normal workweek and pay accordingly. Germany’s Federal Employment Agency, flush from 10 years of building up reserves, then plugs the remaining salary gap up to a certain percentage of an individual’s usual salary.
Two years from retirement, Ms. Brinkman volunteered to work zero hours, with the thought that younger colleagues might need hours that would have been allocated to her. Without working, she’s still able to collect 60% of her pay, but she’s cut out frills including once-weekly dinners and thermal baths.
Kurzarbeit does keep most people working, according to Mr. Jakob. During the 2009 financial crisis, about 3 of 4 employees continued to work even in Kurzarbeit. And, “short work” costs governments roughly the same as putting people on unemployment, Mr. Jakob notes, yet it reaps much greater rewards. Employers can get help to keep workers on payrolls, while those workers can feel more secure in their financial and career outlooks.
The U.S. situation, where nearly 40 million filed for unemployment during the coronavirus shutdown, would be a catastrophe in Germany, says Mr. Jakob. “The equivalent in Germany would be roughly 14 million unemployed without Kurzarbeit. [With the program] we actually only have 500,000 unemployed.”
Enzo Weber, a macroeconomist with the University of Regensburg, points out that retaining workers is much more important in a market like Germany’s. In short, companies are slow to hire. “In Germany if we had 30 million additional unemployed, it would take us 20 years or so to get back to the pre-crisis level,” says Mr. Weber. “The U.S. market sheds quickly, but also brings back workers much more quickly. We are slower than the U.S. in both directions.”
A drag on reform?
Kurzarbeit isn’t a perfect system. It’s relatively expensive and doesn’t fully benefit certain workers such as hospitality employees since overtime and tips make up a large proportion of take-home pay. Such line items aren’t typically calculated into Kurzarbeit.
The program also requires the right combination of factors to prompt employers to apply, such as an “exogenous” market shock that appears temporary, and a skilled-worker shortage that makes it difficult to fill positions.
So far, those factors have neatly lined up. A coronavirus is an external shock, and Germany suffers from a shortage of qualified labor. “This makes firms ready to keep people on board, because they might never get them back,” says Mr. Weber. “Kurzarbeit saves them the ‘match capital’ so they can restart quickly when they need.”
Jacob Turcotte/Staff
Yet, Kurzarbeit can also slow progress should industries need restructuring, “because it keeps everything and everyone where it is,” says Mr. Weber.
Indeed, the pandemic has prompted changes in supply chains and industries such as mobile, transportation, and digitization. “Jobs after the recession aren’t necessarily going to be the same as before the recession,” says Mr. Weber. That means retraining and investment in skills is important to keep the workforce agile and adaptable, he says.
Uncertainty in the future
Ms. Brinkman is aware that the travel industry could be radically changed once the economy gets back to normal. “Longtime clients will always be with us,” says Ms. Brinkman, “but will others book online? Or will they say the travel agencies really helped us through this time?”
In short, she wonders if all the 24 colleagues in her local office will be needed in the future.
For Robert Helbig, four weeks on Kurzarbeit was a blessing, as he’d just welcomed a newborn son. A worker at a car factory, he stayed home as the plant was shuttered, and the Federal Employment Agency covered 60% of his salary while his employer topped up the rest. “Enjoying that time with the family is amazing,” he says.
Mr. Helbig is back at work now as Germany has reopened for business. He’s thankful that he’s survived the crisis financially intact.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“I think a lot of people don’t really know how good Kurzarbeit is,” says Mr. Helbig. “For some people it’s hard to survive on 60% pay. But we shouldn’t be complaining in Germany. Especially if you look at what’s happening in America.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.