csmonitor--2020-08-11--Biden’s historic choice as running mate

Biden’s historic choice as running mate

Half a century after Americans landed men on the moon , a Black woman is the nominee for vice president , thus standing on the threshold of becoming president .
As a measure of human progress , the first is to physics while the second is to social equality .
Yet each is alike in the distance traveled and the obstacles overcome .
Joe Biden vowed to name a woman as his running mate even before he emerged as the Democratic Party ’ s primary winner from the most diverse field of presidential candidates – diverse in gender , ethnicity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ideology .
He had no shortage of prospects .
In Kamala Harris he has chosen a governing partner with roots in social justice .
Ms. Harris was raised in Oakland , California , by immigrant parents .
Her father emigrated from Jamaica to study economics .
Her mother arrived from India and became a medical scientist .
They raised their daughters amid the civil rights movement in the Bay Area .
Ms. Harris became the district attorney of San Francisco and then attorney general of California before being elected to the U.S. Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s promise to reduce incarceration and reform policing in response to the summer ’ s social justice protest movement .
As an emblem of a Democratic establishment that is largely male , white , and older , Mr. Biden may be a transitional agent of change .
He has billed himself as the bridge to a more inclusive era of politics that has already arrived in the party ’ s rank and file .
The current Congress marks the fifth time in a row that the House and Senate became more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up nearly a quarter of the membership in each chamber , the highest percentage in history .
The speaker of the House is a woman .
Roughly 13 % of lawmakers are immigrants or children of immigrants .
When Geraldine Ferraro became the first woman to be added to the ticket of a major political party in 1984 , her candidacy was considered a novelty .
Since then the political landscape has been transformed .
Nearly half of all the women who have ever served in the House were elected since 1998 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 29 of the 56 women who have served in the Senate were elected in 2000 or later .
Beyond Washington , 29 % of all state legislators are women .
The Republican Party added a woman , Sarah Palin , to its ticket in 2008 .
Eight years later , Hillary Clinton became the first woman to lead her party into an election .
Although she lost , she shattered one glass ceiling .
Six women sought the party ’ s nomination this year .
There is also greater gender , ethnic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state legislative races .
Demographic milestones are one measure of progress to the extent that they reflect a broadening consent about equality in citizenship .
Over the decades , from Emancipation to the current social justice movement , representative democracy has gradually come to represent a fuller range of the governed .
The acceptance of different groups also forces deeper insight into each person ’ s qualities of thought , regardless of human circumstances .
Governing , after all , requires universal application of laws and principles .
Through the troubled history of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ borne in quiet dignity and despair a unique weight , whether from sexual violence , social injustice , or economic marginalization .
Now that history enters a new chapter with a Black woman as the Democratic candidate for vice president .
Whether her party ’ s ticket wins or loses , the choice of Ms. Harris sends a signal – especially to Black girls – that Americans have gained greater capacity to recognize each individual ’ s inherent worth .

Half a century after Americans landed men on the moon, a Black woman is the nominee for vice president, thus standing on the threshold of becoming president. As a measure of human progress, the first is to physics while the second is to social equality. Yet each is alike in the distance traveled and the obstacles overcome.
Joe Biden vowed to name a woman as his running mate even before he emerged as the Democratic Party’s primary winner from the most diverse field of presidential candidates – diverse in gender, ethnicity, generation, sexual orientation, and ideology. He had no shortage of prospects.
In Kamala Harris he has chosen a governing partner with roots in social justice. Ms. Harris was raised in Oakland, California, by immigrant parents. Her father emigrated from Jamaica to study economics. Her mother arrived from India and became a medical scientist. They raised their daughters amid the civil rights movement in the Bay Area. Ms. Harris became the district attorney of San Francisco and then attorney general of California before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 2016. Her selection reflects Mr. Biden’s promise to reduce incarceration and reform policing in response to the summer’s social justice protest movement.
As an emblem of a Democratic establishment that is largely male, white, and older, Mr. Biden may be a transitional agent of change. He has billed himself as the bridge to a more inclusive era of politics that has already arrived in the party’s rank and file. The current Congress marks the fifth time in a row that the House and Senate became more diverse following an election. Women make up nearly a quarter of the membership in each chamber, the highest percentage in history. The speaker of the House is a woman. Roughly 13% of lawmakers are immigrants or children of immigrants.
When Geraldine Ferraro became the first woman to be added to the ticket of a major political party in 1984, her candidacy was considered a novelty. Since then the political landscape has been transformed. Nearly half of all the women who have ever served in the House were elected since 1998. Across the Capitol’s Rotunda, 29 of the 56 women who have served in the Senate were elected in 2000 or later. Beyond Washington, 29% of all state legislators are women.
The Republican Party added a woman, Sarah Palin, to its ticket in 2008. Eight years later, Hillary Clinton became the first woman to lead her party into an election. Although she lost, she shattered one glass ceiling. Six women sought the party’s nomination this year. There is also greater gender, ethnic, and income diversity unfolding in congressional and state legislative races.
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Demographic milestones are one measure of progress to the extent that they reflect a broadening consent about equality in citizenship. Over the decades, from Emancipation to the current social justice movement, representative democracy has gradually come to represent a fuller range of the governed. The acceptance of different groups also forces deeper insight into each person’s qualities of thought, regardless of human circumstances. Governing, after all, requires universal application of laws and principles.
Through the troubled history of the United States, Black women have borne in quiet dignity and despair a unique weight, whether from sexual violence, social injustice, or economic marginalization. Now that history enters a new chapter with a Black woman as the Democratic candidate for vice president. Whether her party’s ticket wins or loses, the choice of Ms. Harris sends a signal – especially to Black girls – that Americans have gained greater capacity to recognize each individual’s inherent worth.


csmonitor--2020-08-11--Trump’s executive actions: Legal? Helpful? Three questions.

But the Democratic leaders said they had not contacted the White House .
As of Tuesday , the two sides remained far apart .
Here are three questions sparked by the president ’ s weekend moves .
It ’ s possible the document signings were as much a negotiating tactic as an end in themselves .
On Monday Mr. Trump and senior administration officials pressed Democrats to return to the bargaining table .
On his Twitter feed , the president claimed that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi now “ want to make a deal .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t it.
” As with many of Mr. Trump ’ s unilateral domestic moves , a close reading of the documents shows that the details don ’ t quite match the sweeping claims .
The executive actions he approved appear to be , at best , less than meets the eye – and at worst , unworkable .
Some may also be illegal .
Days later , U.S. states and companies are struggling to figure out how – or whether – to implement the president ’ s directives .
President Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ negotiations Saturday , signing a series of executive actions he said would “ pretty much ” take care of the nation ’ s coronavirus relief needs .
Flourishing a pen , President Donald Trump attempted an end run around stalled congressional negotiations Saturday , signing a series of executive actions he said would “ pretty much ” take care of the nation ’ s coronavirus relief needs .
Days later , U.S. states and companies are struggling to figure out how – or whether – to implement the president ’ s directives .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s unilateral domestic moves , a close reading of the documents shows that the details don ’ t quite match the sweeping claims .
The executive actions he approved appear to be , at best , less than meets the eye – and , at worst , unworkable .
Some may also be illegal .
The unemployment memorandum , for instance , requires that hard-pressed states kick in 25 % of the extended $ 400 weekly per-person benefit .
Some Democratic governors were scathing about the chance of that happening .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay 25 % of the unemployment insurance is just laughable , ” said New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo .
“ The executive orders will not be a substitute for legislation.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
It ’ s possible the document signings were as much a negotiating tactic as an end in themselves .
On Monday Mr. Trump and senior administration officials pressed Democrats to return to the bargaining table .
On his Twitter feed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chuck Schumer and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi now “ want to make a deal .
Amazing how it all works , isn ’ t it.
” But the two Democratic leaders said they had not contacted the White House , and , as of Tuesday , no further negotiations were scheduled – though both sides said they remained open to discussions .
On the bottom-line cost , the two sides remained far apart .
Democrats were seeking relief worth about $ 2 trillion , down from an initial $ 3.4 trillion target .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1 trillion .
Here are three questions sparked by the president ’ s weekend moves : What , exactly , did President Trump sign ?
On Saturday at his Bedminster , New Jersey , golf club the president proclaimed that he was going to sign “ bills ” that would “ take care of , pretty much , this entire situation ” ( meaning Congress ’ failure to agree on a relief package ) .
He announced he was postponing payroll taxes through the end of the year , extending extra federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their homes , and waiving payments on federal student loans .
The documents the president signed weren ’ t bills , a term generally reserved for legislation passed by Congress .
He signed one executive order on housing , and three presidential memorandums , which carry less legal weight .
On housing , Mr. Trump ’ s order did not extend the federal ban on many evictions , which expired in late July .
Instead , it called for top administration housing officials , including Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eviction ban is necessary .
On unemployment benefits , Mr. Trump ’ s memorandum extended extra federal payments .
But the amount was cut to $ 400 a week , from the previous level of $ 600 – and of that , states would have to supply $ 100 .
The memo ’ s wording holds that if a state can ’ t ante up that cash – and many will be hard-pressed to afford it – it won ’ t get the federal supplement .
On payroll taxes , Mr. Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collection of the 6.2 % paycheck levy from Sept. 1 to Dec. 31 .
But it ’ s a deferment , not a tax cut – meaning that at the end of the year , taxpayers ( or their employers ) would have to pay the full amount for that period of time .
On federally held student loans , Mr. Trump ’ s memo waives all interest until the end of the year , and delays principal payments until Dec. 31 .
On Jan. 1 , normal payment schedules are supposed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenges may delay implementation of some or all of these moves .
But the main challenge may be that the executive actions are so narrow and complicated , particularly for the unemployment payments and payroll tax deferments , that many states and businesses will likely struggle to figure out what exactly to do .
Take the extension of federal unemployment benefits , arguably the most important of all Mr. Trump ’ s actions .
States are supposed to pay $ 100 a week per person of the cost , and administer the effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afford that , will they get nothing ?
The memo ’ s wording suggests that would be the case , but on Tuesday administration officials backed up a bit and clarified the situation .
White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow said states would be able to credit $ 100 of their existing unemployment benefits toward the 25 % cost-sharing requirement .
States would still have to apply for the benefit , according to Mr. Kudlow .
Plus , the unemployment memo draws on federal disaster funds as its source of money .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money would be used up within weeks – certainly by October .
Should a state go through the hassle of changing its data systems to accommodate the new payments , if it may not be able to do so before the money effectively runs out ?
Many states may not be able to implement this program , according to Georgetown University law professor David A. Super .
Likewise , the tax deferment doesn ’ t make the obligation go away .
Will companies adjust their payroll calculations to temporarily stop collecting a tax @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collect later , under current law ?
And if they do make those changes , and employee income temporarily increases , will that be subject to income tax ?
Mr. Trump has said that if reelected , he will forgive the deferred payroll tax .
But he doesn ’ t have the power to do that – presidents can ’ t cut taxes on their own .
Plus , it ’ s a ton of money , another trillion dollars or so , and it ’ s the primary funding mechanism for Social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s giant ( and popular ) senior support programs .
Many businesses may just throw up their hands and leave payroll withholdings as they are .
Republican Sen. Ben Sasse of Nebraska has slammed Mr. Trump ’ s signings as “ unconstitutional slop.
” Indeed , the Constitution explicitly assigns taxing and spending powers to Congress , and Mr. Trump is trying to take some measure of that power for his own .
But the order and memos are so narrowly drawn that they may avoid constitutional issues .
They draw on existing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the Disaster Mitigation Act of 2000 , which allow chief executives to spend federal money on relief for disaster victims , according to University of Chicago law professor Daniel Hemel .
They ’ re not illegal so much as ineffective , according to Mr. Hemel .
President Barack Obama used an executive order in 2014 to order prosecutorial discretion in the case of the “ Dreamers , ” immigrants brought to America illegally as children .
Republicans say that precedent is one of the things Mr. Trump is drawing on today .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s measures has generally been to portray them as insufficient , not as executive branch overreach .
The implication : Under a President Joe Biden , executive orders and memorandums might continue to play a role in getting around congressional inaction .

But the Democratic leaders said they had not contacted the White House. As of Tuesday, the two sides remained far apart. Here are three questions sparked by the president’s weekend moves.
It’s possible the document signings were as much a negotiating tactic as an end in themselves. On Monday Mr. Trump and senior administration officials pressed Democrats to return to the bargaining table. On his Twitter feed, the president claimed that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi now “want to make a deal. Amazing how it all works, isn’t it.”
As with many of Mr. Trump’s unilateral domestic moves, a close reading of the documents shows that the details don’t quite match the sweeping claims. The executive actions he approved appear to be, at best, less than meets the eye – and at worst, unworkable. Some may also be illegal.
The pandemic relief order and memos President Trump signed over the weekend may be narrow enough to avoid constitutional issues. But states and businesses worry they will simply create administrative burdens.
Days later, U.S. states and companies are struggling to figure out how – or whether – to implement the president’s directives.
President Donald Trump attempted an end run around stalled congressional negotiations Saturday, signing a series of executive actions he said would “pretty much” take care of the nation’s coronavirus relief needs.
Flourishing a pen, President Donald Trump attempted an end run around stalled congressional negotiations Saturday, signing a series of executive actions he said would “pretty much” take care of the nation’s coronavirus relief needs.
Days later, U.S. states and companies are struggling to figure out how – or whether – to implement the president’s directives.
As with many of Mr. Trump’s unilateral domestic moves, a close reading of the documents shows that the details don’t quite match the sweeping claims. The executive actions he approved appear to be, at best, less than meets the eye – and, at worst, unworkable. Some may also be illegal.
Why We Wrote This The pandemic relief order and memos President Trump signed over the weekend may be narrow enough to avoid constitutional issues. But states and businesses worry they will simply create administrative burdens.
The unemployment memorandum, for instance, requires that hard-pressed states kick in 25% of the extended $400 weekly per-person benefit. Some Democratic governors were scathing about the chance of that happening.
“The concept of saying to states that you pay 25% of the unemployment insurance is just laughable,” said New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo. “The executive orders will not be a substitute for legislation.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
It’s possible the document signings were as much a negotiating tactic as an end in themselves. On Monday Mr. Trump and senior administration officials pressed Democrats to return to the bargaining table. On his Twitter feed, the president claimed that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and House Speaker Nancy Pelosi now “want to make a deal. Amazing how it all works, isn’t it.”
But the two Democratic leaders said they had not contacted the White House, and, as of Tuesday, no further negotiations were scheduled – though both sides said they remained open to discussions. On the bottom-line cost, the two sides remained far apart. Democrats were seeking relief worth about $2 trillion, down from an initial $3.4 trillion target. Republicans have countered with a package worth $1 trillion.
Here are three questions sparked by the president’s weekend moves:
What, exactly, did President Trump sign?
On Saturday at his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club the president proclaimed that he was going to sign “bills” that would “take care of, pretty much, this entire situation” (meaning Congress’ failure to agree on a relief package).
He announced he was postponing payroll taxes through the end of the year, extending extra federal unemployment benefits, helping people stay in their homes, and waiving payments on federal student loans.
The documents the president signed weren’t bills, a term generally reserved for legislation passed by Congress. He signed one executive order on housing, and three presidential memorandums, which carry less legal weight.
On housing, Mr. Trump’s order did not extend the federal ban on many evictions, which expired in late July. Instead, it called for top administration housing officials, including Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar, to “consider” whether a new eviction ban is necessary.
On unemployment benefits, Mr. Trump’s memorandum extended extra federal payments. But the amount was cut to $400 a week, from the previous level of $600 – and of that, states would have to supply $100. The memo’s wording holds that if a state can’t ante up that cash – and many will be hard-pressed to afford it – it won’t get the federal supplement.
On payroll taxes, Mr. Trump’s memo instructs the Treasury to stop collection of the 6.2% paycheck levy from Sept. 1 to Dec. 31. But it’s a deferment, not a tax cut – meaning that at the end of the year, taxpayers (or their employers) would have to pay the full amount for that period of time.
On federally held student loans, Mr. Trump’s memo waives all interest until the end of the year, and delays principal payments until Dec. 31. On Jan. 1, normal payment schedules are supposed to restart.
What happens next?
Court challenges may delay implementation of some or all of these moves. But the main challenge may be that the executive actions are so narrow and complicated, particularly for the unemployment payments and payroll tax deferments, that many states and businesses will likely struggle to figure out what exactly to do.
Take the extension of federal unemployment benefits, arguably the most important of all Mr. Trump’s actions. States are supposed to pay $100 a week per person of the cost, and administer the effort besides. If they can’t afford that, will they get nothing? The memo’s wording suggests that would be the case, but on Tuesday administration officials backed up a bit and clarified the situation. White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow said states would be able to credit $100 of their existing unemployment benefits toward the 25% cost-sharing requirement. States would still have to apply for the benefit, according to Mr. Kudlow.
Plus, the unemployment memo draws on federal disaster funds as its source of money. At current levels of unemployment, the disaster money would be used up within weeks – certainly by October. Should a state go through the hassle of changing its data systems to accommodate the new payments, if it may not be able to do so before the money effectively runs out? Many states may not be able to implement this program, according to Georgetown University law professor David A. Super.
Likewise, the tax deferment doesn’t make the obligation go away. Will companies adjust their payroll calculations to temporarily stop collecting a tax that they’ll just have to collect later, under current law? And if they do make those changes, and employee income temporarily increases, will that be subject to income tax?
Mr. Trump has said that if reelected, he will forgive the deferred payroll tax. But he doesn’t have the power to do that – presidents can’t cut taxes on their own. Plus, it’s a ton of money, another trillion dollars or so, and it’s the primary funding mechanism for Social Security and Medicare, the government’s giant (and popular) senior support programs.
Many businesses may just throw up their hands and leave payroll withholdings as they are.
Are the actions unconstitutional?
Republican Sen. Ben Sasse of Nebraska has slammed Mr. Trump’s signings as “unconstitutional slop.” Indeed, the Constitution explicitly assigns taxing and spending powers to Congress, and Mr. Trump is trying to take some measure of that power for his own.
But the order and memos are so narrowly drawn that they may avoid constitutional issues. They draw on existing presidential powers as outlined in statutes such as the Disaster Mitigation Act of 2000, which allow chief executives to spend federal money on relief for disaster victims, according to University of Chicago law professor Daniel Hemel.
They’re not illegal so much as ineffective, according to Mr. Hemel.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
President Barack Obama used an executive order in 2014 to order prosecutorial discretion in the case of the “Dreamers,” immigrants brought to America illegally as children. Republicans say that precedent is one of the things Mr. Trump is drawing on today.
The Democratic response to Mr. Trump’s measures has generally been to portray them as insufficient, not as executive branch overreach. The implication: Under a President Joe Biden, executive orders and memorandums might continue to play a role in getting around congressional inaction.


csmonitor--2020-08-11--The COVID ‘vaccine war’ that everybody loses

That worries Dr. Seth Berkley , head of an international consortium of institutions seeking to protect the world against the virus .
The pandemic “ does not respect borders , ” he said recently .
“ This global problem requires a global solution.
” Some governments and philanthropists have paid into a fund to provide vaccines to the developing world , but there is no coherent international plan to coordinate their production , verification , and equitable distribution .
So rich countries , and some not so rich , are pouring billions of dollars into research on possible vaccines and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But this “ vaccine nationalism , ” as the World Health Organization called it last week , risks leaving the poorest countries at the end of the line , or simply ignored .
The race for a COVID-19 vaccine , which Russia claimed to have won this week , has got caught up in the same geopolitical tangle as everything else to do with the coronavirus – the tension between the international scope of the public health challenge and national governments ’ urge to put their own people first .
This is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not about the vaccine itself .
( It doesn ’ t exist . )
Nor whether it will be efficacious .
( We simply don ’ t know yet . )
It ’ s about how the quest for a vaccine is getting caught up in a political tangle at the heart of the world ’ s response to the pandemic : the tension between the obviously international scope of COVID-19 ’ s public-health challenge , and national governments ’ urge to prioritize their own agendas and their own citizens .
This struggle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is playing out in real time .
Its resolution could go a long way to determining who actually gets a vaccine , if and when a safe and effective one does emerge .
At least so far , it ’ s the nationalists , not those pushing for a coordinated international plan , who seem to be winning .
A host of countries with major economic clout , sophisticated vaccine labs , or both – including the United States , Britain , European Union countries , Japan , India , China , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dollars into research on a range of possible vaccines and pre-purchasing many hundreds of millions of doses .
But people in the poorer countries in Africa , Asia , and Latin America , with vulnerable populations and overtaxed public health systems , could find themselves last in line , or simply ignored .
There lies the potential peril of the “ vaccine nationalism ” that the World Health Organization warned of last week .
There have been some signs of internationalism .
Scientists and researchers across the globe have been in unprecedentedly close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limit the spread of the virus .
A number of the companies developing potential vaccines have pledged to supply less developed countries .
Even some of the countries rushing to pre-pay for their own stocks have devoted at least some funds for that cause .
Central to that effort has been a 20-year-old organization called Gavi .
It ’ s a partnership among bodies like the United Nations , the WHO , and the World Bank , national governments , private businesses , and philanthropists , including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hosted earlier this summer by British Prime Minister Boris Johnson launched a fund , initially worth $ 500 million , to purchase COVID-19 vaccines for developing countries .
The major U.K.-based pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca pledged to participate by providing doses of the vaccine it has been working on with Oxford University .
Just last Friday , the Gates Foundation gave $ 150 million to the Serum Institute of India , the world ’ s largest vaccine manufacturer , to produce 100 million doses of the Oxford vaccine for less-developed countries .
Yet all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international plan for how COVID-19 vaccines might best be bulk-purchased , produced , bottled , verified as safe and effective , and then distributed worldwide – in both wealthy nations and poorer ones .
The argument in favor of such a plan would seem strong .
While scientists are working on some 160 candidate vaccines around the world , and subjecting a few to advanced testing , there ’ s no way of knowing yet how effective , or safe , any of them will prove , or whether there will be an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a need for billions of high-standard vials , mainly produced in European countries and China – giving those countries potential leverage if , for instance , an eventually successful vaccine were produced somewhere else and a free-for-all to get hold of it broke out .
Some degree of “ vaccine nationalism ” is inevitable and understandable .
But the assertive , at times virulent , brand of nationalism in today ’ s world , and growing tension between its key powers , are making international coordination difficult .
That ’ s particularly true @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been critical to past responses to worldwide public health challenges .
The Trump administration has effectively ruled out pandemic response cooperation with the world ’ s second-largest power , China , blaming Beijing for the spread of the coronavirus .
Far from signaling a readiness to participate in an internationally coordinated plan , President Donald Trump recently announced his decision to withdraw the U.S. from the WHO .
He has also held out the hope of a successful vaccine becoming available to Americans by Election Day on November 3 .
Both China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their own – are pushing to develop early vaccines .
Russia this week actually became the first country formally to approve its vaccine , even before it had completed clinical trials .
India is sprinting ahead as well .
To the public alarm of health experts there , the government has accelerated normal testing procedures and said it can start rolling out a vaccine by August 15 , the country ’ s Independence Day .
The concern for organizations like the WHO and Gavi is that , since early supplies of any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global demand , wealthy states will spend whatever they can afford to buy doses of apparently promising candidates , making them unavailable to the rest of the world .
Proponents of a coordinated international response hope to convince decision-makers – in governments , as well as in pharmaceutical companies – that a far greater degree of international cooperation is a matter of simple enlightened self-interest .
However much national governments have been spending on candidate vaccines , after all , a large number may end up failing .
National competition could also snarl @ @ @ @ @ @ @ items , not to mention stymie the reopening of borders and reinvigoration of trade if not all countries are equipped to suppress the virus .
Seth Berkley , CEO of Gavi , made the point at its recent summit .
“ One thing that has been made all too clear over the past few months is that this [ pandemic ] does not respect borders , ” he said .
“ This global problem requires a global solution .
”

That worries Dr. Seth Berkley, head of an international consortium of institutions seeking to protect the world against the virus. The pandemic “does not respect borders,” he said recently. “This global problem requires a global solution.”
Some governments and philanthropists have paid into a fund to provide vaccines to the developing world, but there is no coherent international plan to coordinate their production, verification, and equitable distribution.
The race for a vaccine is underlining the new global order of recent years: When it’s everyone for themselves, many risk being left behind.
So rich countries, and some not so rich, are pouring billions of dollars into research on possible vaccines and into pre-purchase of likely looking candidates. But this “vaccine nationalism,” as the World Health Organization called it last week, risks leaving the poorest countries at the end of the line, or simply ignored.
The race for a COVID-19 vaccine, which Russia claimed to have won this week, has got caught up in the same geopolitical tangle as everything else to do with the coronavirus – the tension between the international scope of the public health challenge and national governments’ urge to put their own people first.
This is a story about the coronavirus vaccine. But not about the vaccine itself. (It doesn’t exist.) Nor whether it will be efficacious. (We simply don’t know yet.)
It’s about how the quest for a vaccine is getting caught up in a political tangle at the heart of the world’s response to the pandemic: the tension between the obviously international scope of COVID-19’s public-health challenge, and national governments’ urge to prioritize their own agendas and their own citizens.
This struggle – a kind of vaccine war – is playing out in real time. Its resolution could go a long way to determining who actually gets a vaccine, if and when a safe and effective one does emerge.
Why We Wrote This The race for a vaccine is underlining the new global order of recent years: When it’s everyone for themselves, many risk being left behind.
At least so far, it’s the nationalists, not those pushing for a coordinated international plan, who seem to be winning.
A host of countries with major economic clout, sophisticated vaccine labs, or both – including the United States, Britain, European Union countries, Japan, India, China, and Russia – have been pouring billions of dollars into research on a range of possible vaccines and pre-purchasing many hundreds of millions of doses.
But people in the poorer countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, with vulnerable populations and overtaxed public health systems, could find themselves last in line, or simply ignored.
There lies the potential peril of the “vaccine nationalism” that the World Health Organization warned of last week.
Baby steps toward cooperation
There have been some signs of internationalism. Scientists and researchers across the globe have been in unprecedentedly close contact in the search for ways to limit the spread of the virus. A number of the companies developing potential vaccines have pledged to supply less developed countries. Even some of the countries rushing to pre-pay for their own stocks have devoted at least some funds for that cause.
Central to that effort has been a 20-year-old organization called Gavi. It’s a partnership among bodies like the United Nations, the WHO, and the World Bank, national governments, private businesses, and philanthropists, including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.
A Gavi “virtual summit” hosted earlier this summer by British Prime Minister Boris Johnson launched a fund, initially worth $500 million, to purchase COVID-19 vaccines for developing countries. The major U.K.-based pharmaceutical company AstraZeneca pledged to participate by providing doses of the vaccine it has been working on with Oxford University.
Just last Friday, the Gates Foundation gave $150 million to the Serum Institute of India, the world’s largest vaccine manufacturer, to produce 100 million doses of the Oxford vaccine for less-developed countries.
Yet all of this falls short of a coherent international plan for how COVID-19 vaccines might best be bulk-purchased, produced, bottled, verified as safe and effective, and then distributed worldwide – in both wealthy nations and poorer ones.
The argument in favor of such a plan would seem strong. While scientists are working on some 160 candidate vaccines around the world, and subjecting a few to advanced testing, there’s no way of knowing yet how effective, or safe, any of them will prove, or whether there will be an adequate supply.
There will also be a need for billions of high-standard vials, mainly produced in European countries and China – giving those countries potential leverage if, for instance, an eventually successful vaccine were produced somewhere else and a free-for-all to get hold of it broke out.
Gonzalo Fuentes/AP View caption Hide caption French President Emmanuel Macron, (r.), listens as he attends an international videoconference on vaccination on May 4, 2020. Wealthy governments that can afford to pre-purchase promising vaccines, or fund their own laboratories to meet their own needs, risk crowding out developing countries.
Politics prevail, for now
Some degree of “vaccine nationalism” is inevitable and understandable. But the assertive, at times virulent, brand of nationalism in today’s world, and growing tension between its key powers, are making international coordination difficult.
That’s particularly true of the United States. U.S. leadership has been critical to past responses to worldwide public health challenges.
The Trump administration has effectively ruled out pandemic response cooperation with the world’s second-largest power, China, blaming Beijing for the spread of the coronavirus. Far from signaling a readiness to participate in an internationally coordinated plan, President Donald Trump recently announced his decision to withdraw the U.S. from the WHO.
He has also held out the hope of a successful vaccine becoming available to Americans by Election Day on November 3.
Both China and Russia – with domestic political imperatives of their own – are pushing to develop early vaccines. Russia this week actually became the first country formally to approve its vaccine, even before it had completed clinical trials. India is sprinting ahead as well. To the public alarm of health experts there, the government has accelerated normal testing procedures and said it can start rolling out a vaccine by August 15, the country’s Independence Day.
The concern for organizations like the WHO and Gavi is that, since early supplies of any effective vaccine will be insufficient to meet global demand, wealthy states will spend whatever they can afford to buy doses of apparently promising candidates, making them unavailable to the rest of the world.
Proponents of a coordinated international response hope to convince decision-makers – in governments, as well as in pharmaceutical companies – that a far greater degree of international cooperation is a matter of simple enlightened self-interest.
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However much national governments have been spending on candidate vaccines, after all, a large number may end up failing. National competition could also snarl global supply chains of vials and other items, not to mention stymie the reopening of borders and reinvigoration of trade if not all countries are equipped to suppress the virus.
Seth Berkley, CEO of Gavi, made the point at its recent summit. “One thing that has been made all too clear over the past few months is that this [pandemic] does not respect borders,” he said. “This global problem requires a global solution.”


csmonitor--2020-08-11--In the Tongass, a tussle over Alaska’s identity

But logging still plays a key role in defining the state ’ s self-image , says Stephen Haycox , an emeritus history professor at the University of Alaska Anchorage and author of “ Alaska : An American Colony.
” The mythos of a self-reliant individual who squeezes wealth from the land “ plays very well in the Alaskan psyche , ” he says , and for Alaskans it ’ s “ second nature for them to protest any action of federal government that inhibits any economic activity.
” Either way , it ’ s unlikely that logging will return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been on the decline for decades before the rule .
Today , just 300 Alaskans are working in forestry and wood processing .
Last fall , the Forest Service proposed exempting America ’ s largest national forest – the Tongass National Forest in Southeast Alaska , from the rule .
Alaska ’ s governor and congressional delegation support the exemption , making it all but inevitable .
But public opinion in Alaska leans against it .
In 2001 , the U.S. Forest Service issued the so-called Roadless Rule , which limits new roads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , effectively protecting large swaths of land from timber harvesting .
About 20 years ago , Ernie Eads , who lives on Prince of Wales Island on the tip of the Alaska Panhandle , had a business idea .
He emptied his bank account and bought , for $ 50,000 , a sawmill in Pennsylvania that he disassembled , crated , and barged from Seattle to his home .
But before Mr. Eads had a chance to bolt the mill together , the U.S. Forest Service issued the Roadless Area Conservation Rule , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on nearly 60 million acres of land in national forests across the United States – including half of the largest one , Alaska ’ s Tongass National Forest .
Home to wolves , brown bears , flying squirrels , and endangered birds such as the marbled murrelet , the Tongass is the largest ( mostly ) intact temperate rainforest on Earth .
It spans 17 million acres from Mount Armour , 8,000 feet above sea level , across ice fields , glaciers , fjords , wetlands , and forests of old growth spruce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ combined , are larger than Maryland .
The so-called Roadless Rule , issued right before President Bill Clinton left office , doesn ’ t apply to the relatively small tracts of Native American land in Southeast Alaska .
And timber companies inside the forest could still bulldoze short stretches that branch off existing roads .
But , by and large , loggers could no longer take their skidders and loaders into the panhandle ’ s most profitable old-growth tracts .
With the rule in place , Mr. Eads couldn ’ t buy up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his mill .
“ It pretty much wiped out any plans I had , ” he says .
Today , his investment lies unused in his yard , now a heap of rusting steel .
Late last fall , the Forest Service proposed exempting the Tongass from the Roadless Rule .
According to reporting by the Washington Post , President Donald Trump personally requested the revision .
More places might be next : Last July Utah asked for an exemption for its own Forest Service lands .
A final decision in Alaska could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If , as expected , the agency reverses the road-construction ban , some of the groves of giant conifers that have been protected by it will once more be at risk .
Mr. Eads hopes the restrictions will end , but he says the change will come too late for him .
“ I got old , ” he says .
Alaska ’ s Republican governor and all-Republican congressional delegation favor reversing the road ban , but public opinion in the state tilts against it , either by a large majority or a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the opinion poll conducted by a Republican pollster or one commissioned by a national environmental group .
The Forest Service received 144,000 comments – mostly opposed – to a draft published in 2018 .
But both proponents and opponents agree that new roads won ’ t revive Alaska ’ s timber industry .
Lying at the heart of the disagreement is Alaska ’ s dual identity as both an untouched wilderness and as a font of economic opportunity for those willing to brave it .
At stake is millions of acres of Alaska @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that have stood for centuries , and an important carbon sink for the world 's fossil fuel emissions .
Michael Kampnich , who lives on a head of land facing the Pacific Ocean in Craig , the island ’ s largest town , has spent most of his life on Prince of Wales , or POW , as locals call it .
A New York state native , he drove up to Alaska in 1980 at the age of 21 , where he landed a job felling timber .
Cutting timber , especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he says , recalling his years wielding chain saws with cutting bars as long as fishing rods along the fog-shrouded fjords of Southeast Alaska .
This was in the 1980s , when the timber boom was in full swing .
Mills sawed some of the wood into lumber for home construction and specialized uses such as piano soundboards where lengths of straight , tight grain is prized .
But much of the harvest was ground into chips and simmered in acid , producing an industrial feedstock that this one mill , Ketchikan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of it was shipped to Japan , China , and other southeast Asian countries , where factories spun it into rayon .
This mill , one of two such mills in the region , employed more than 1,000 workers , and supported hundreds more loggers , longshoremen , truckers , tug boat operators , and road builders .
The company had a 50-year contract with the Forest Service for 8 billion board feet of wood , enough to build a boardwalk to the moon .
“ I went from making minimum wage , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 200 to 250 dollars a day.
” But times changed , and so did Mr. Kampnich .
Alaska pulp faced new overseas competition , rayon lost market share , and , mirroring battles to protect old-growth forests in the Pacific Northwest , environmental groups pushed through greater protection for old-growth trees .
In 1981 and again in 1990 , large swaths of the Tongass became designated wilderness areas , with logging prohibited .
New rules reduced the size of clear cuts , halted cutting alongside streams , and outlawed “ high grading , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trees .
Mr. Kampnich retired from logging , and took up commercial fishing .
He now says that loggers cut too much : “ I ’ ve come to realize that we need to maintain some of these areas as unroaded in natural conditions.
” The Nature Conservancy has hired him to promote its pro-environmental message on the island .
A 2013 paper in the journal Conservation Biology found that two-thirds of the big contiguous stands of the largest spruce , cedar , and hemlock in the Tongass have now been removed .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Southeast , a nature education center , says what ’ s left breaks his heart .
“ If people want to experience what it must have been like to walk half a day through a giant-tree forest , we can send them to a place where they walk for five minutes before they pop out the other side.
” On POW , just 6.2 % of the big-tree forests remain .
Would more roads bring the boom back ?
Dennis Watson , who lives near Mr. Kampnich , doubts that revising the Roadless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut .
“ I don ’ t think it ’ s going to go up .
It ’ s not in the cards.
” Mr. Watson was mayor of Craig for 26 years , until 2017 .
He has tried to reverse the Roadless Rule ever since it became law .
But he ’ s aware that timber harvests had been sliding steadily for a decade before the Forest Service banned new roads .
Nathalie Dawson , head of the Audubon Society ’ s Alaska office and a Ph.D. biologist , says Tongass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competitive , despite heavy subsidies from the Forest Service .
The federal government props up logging Tongass wood in several ways , including funding maintenance of existing logging roads .
It might pay for construction of new ones .
Environmental rules have increased the oversight , and therefore the cost to taxpayers , of logging .
But Alaska ’ s greatest problem is its uneconomical distance from the contiguous U.S. and international timber markets .
The pulp mills had closed down years before the Roadless Rule became law .
And , Dr. Dawson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Basically , they cut everything that was easy to get.
” New timber has gotten more and more expensive to get .
Tessa Axelson , director of the Alaska Forestry Association , agrees with Dr. Dawson in one regard : that much of the timber currently offered by the Forest Service is too expensive to be profitable .
“ We have been challenged to receive a predictable supply ” of economically harvestable wood , she says .
Opening up new areas to logging ( with roads that the Forest Service might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the problem , she adds .
“ The primary beneficiaries are the communities of Southeast Alaska.
” Dr. Dawson doubts that releasing the industry from road-building rules will help the local economy much .
Most Tongass logs are shipped directly to Asia with little processing .
And the timber industry now has little potential to boost Southeast Alaska ’ s employment .
The only sawmill with more than a handful of workers , Viking Lumber , a few miles outside Craig , employs only about 35 people .
Roughly 300 people in Alaska @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less than one-tenth of 1 % of the state ’ s workforce .
So why did Alaska ’ s leading elected officials campaign to rescind the rule ?
Stephen Haycox , an emeritus history professor at the University of Alaska Anchorage says that the state ’ s unusual political culture plays a big role .
He says Alaskans spend more time on public and wild lands than most other Americans .
But , “ that doesn ’ t prevent them at all from supporting exploitation of the resource base.
” Alaskans have earned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up what ’ s below the ground , chopping down what ’ s on the surface , and scooping out what ’ s in the sea ever since the Klondike Gold Rush .
( And , of course the state 's indigenous people have lived off the land for much longer . )
Alaska ’ s frigid temperatures and separation from the rest of the country make it noncompetitive for most growing and manufacturing as well as for timbering .
Professor Haycox , author of “ Alaska : An American Colony , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ association with the myth of the rugged individual : self-reliant and free of distant bureaucrats .
It “ plays very well in the Alaskan psyche.
” Successful state-level politicians know how to harness this ideology , he says , for their own purposes .
It ’ s “ second nature for them to protest any action of federal government that inhibits any economic activity in Alaska.
” Never mind the cold fact that Alaska is thoroughly dependent on federal subsidies and oil-company payments .
Lisa Murkowski , a Republican , is the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Roadless Rule is “ not only about timber , ” she says in a phone interview .
She says the rule hampers access to mineral resources and hydroelectric sites .
The goal , she says , is to “ make sure people can actually access the region.
” Mr. Watson , the former Craig mayor , hopes that a new mine extracting rare earth metals , elements in demand for electronics and high performance magnets , will soon open at an inaccessible site on the island , the first such mine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ red tape could slow approval of a road to the location , even though the Roadless Rule permits transportation corridors in support of such nonlogging activities .
“ We ’ d like to have things happen on this island that will allow us to survive , ” he said .
Eric Jorgensen , managing attorney of EarthJustice ’ s Alaska office and veteran of more than a dozen lawsuits countering challenges to the Roadless Rule , says Mr. Watson ’ s and Sen. Murkowski ’ s concern is “ not based in reality.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ red tape were a problem , that would not be a rationale for gutting the rule , ” as the Forest Service could solve that issue without allowing new logging roads .
In an old-growth forest 20 miles northwest of Craig , Elsa Sebastian , a commercial fisherman who grew up on POW , points out a new clear-cut .
The trunks had been dragged away , and the waist-high stumps were like empty pedestals after the ransacking of an ancient temple .
Downhill , through carpets of moss , liverworts , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thin strip of uncut forest , required by state law , was left to protect the stream .
Pink salmon flopped frantically in shallow pools .
They ’ d spawn soon .
Ms. Sebastian leaned against the base of a hemlock nearly as wide as her outstretched arms and probably half as high as the 22-story Conoco-Phillips building in Anchorage .
Rescinding the Roadless Rule might not increase the wood logged .
But it will threaten surviving ancients like this and threaten rare animals that live among them .
“ That tree was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States , ” she said , gazing into its crown .
“ Just being in the presence of such a being puts our lifetimes into perspective .
”

But logging still plays a key role in defining the state’s self-image, says Stephen Haycox, an emeritus history professor at the University of Alaska Anchorage and author of “Alaska: An American Colony.” The mythos of a self-reliant individual who squeezes wealth from the land “plays very well in the Alaskan psyche,” he says, and for Alaskans it’s “second nature for them to protest any action of federal government that inhibits any economic activity.”
Either way, it’s unlikely that logging will return to the Last Frontier. Timber harvesting had been on the decline for decades before the rule. Today, just 300 Alaskans are working in forestry and wood processing.
A debate over conservation in Alaska raises the question of where a forest gets its value. Is it in the lumber and other resources that can be extracted for profit, or does the value reside in the trees themselves?
Last fall, the Forest Service proposed exempting America’s largest national forest – the Tongass National Forest in Southeast Alaska, from the rule. Alaska’s governor and congressional delegation support the exemption, making it all but inevitable. But public opinion in Alaska leans against it.
In 2001, the U.S. Forest Service issued the so-called Roadless Rule, which limits new roads in national forests across the United States, effectively protecting large swaths of land from timber harvesting.
About 20 years ago, Ernie Eads, who lives on Prince of Wales Island on the tip of the Alaska Panhandle, had a business idea. He emptied his bank account and bought, for $50,000, a sawmill in Pennsylvania that he disassembled, crated, and barged from Seattle to his home.
But before Mr. Eads had a chance to bolt the mill together, the U.S. Forest Service issued the Roadless Area Conservation Rule, which severely limited construction of new roads on nearly 60 million acres of land in national forests across the United States – including half of the largest one, Alaska’s Tongass National Forest.
Home to wolves, brown bears, flying squirrels, and endangered birds such as the marbled murrelet, the Tongass is the largest (mostly) intact temperate rainforest on Earth. It spans 17 million acres from Mount Armour, 8,000 feet above sea level, across ice fields, glaciers, fjords, wetlands, and forests of old growth spruce, hemlock, and cedar that, combined, are larger than Maryland.
Why We Wrote This A debate over conservation in Alaska raises the question of where a forest gets its value. Is it in the lumber and other resources that can be extracted for profit, or does the value reside in the trees themselves?
The so-called Roadless Rule, issued right before President Bill Clinton left office, doesn’t apply to the relatively small tracts of Native American land in Southeast Alaska. And timber companies inside the forest could still bulldoze short stretches that branch off existing roads. But, by and large, loggers could no longer take their skidders and loaders into the panhandle’s most profitable old-growth tracts.
With the rule in place, Mr. Eads couldn’t buy up enough timber to make it worth running his mill. “It pretty much wiped out any plans I had,” he says. Today, his investment lies unused in his yard, now a heap of rusting steel.
Late last fall, the Forest Service proposed exempting the Tongass from the Roadless Rule. According to reporting by the Washington Post, President Donald Trump personally requested the revision. More places might be next: Last July Utah asked for an exemption for its own Forest Service lands.
A final decision in Alaska could come in the next several months. If, as expected, the agency reverses the road-construction ban, some of the groves of giant conifers that have been protected by it will once more be at risk. Mr. Eads hopes the restrictions will end, but he says the change will come too late for him. “I got old,” he says.
Daniel Grossman View caption Hide caption Ernie Eads traded his savings for a sawmill just before the Roadless Rule made it hard to find big trees to cut into lumber. He never even bolted it together. The pieces (in the background) lie in rusting near his house.
Alaska’s Republican governor and all-Republican congressional delegation favor reversing the road ban, but public opinion in the state tilts against it, either by a large majority or a plurality, depending on whether you trust the opinion poll conducted by a Republican pollster or one commissioned by a national environmental group. The Forest Service received 144,000 comments – mostly opposed – to a draft published in 2018. But both proponents and opponents agree that new roads won’t revive Alaska’s timber industry.
Lying at the heart of the disagreement is Alaska’s dual identity as both an untouched wilderness and as a font of economic opportunity for those willing to brave it. At stake is millions of acres of Alaska’s natural heritage, immense trees that have stood for centuries, and an important carbon sink for the world's fossil fuel emissions.
Boom and bust
Michael Kampnich, who lives on a head of land facing the Pacific Ocean in Craig, the island’s largest town, has spent most of his life on Prince of Wales, or POW, as locals call it. A New York state native, he drove up to Alaska in 1980 at the age of 21, where he landed a job felling timber.
Cutting timber, especially the larger trees, was a thrill, he says, recalling his years wielding chain saws with cutting bars as long as fishing rods along the fog-shrouded fjords of Southeast Alaska. This was in the 1980s, when the timber boom was in full swing. Mills sawed some of the wood into lumber for home construction and specialized uses such as piano soundboards where lengths of straight, tight grain is prized.
But much of the harvest was ground into chips and simmered in acid, producing an industrial feedstock that this one mill, Ketchikan Pulp, called Tongacell. Almost all of it was shipped to Japan, China, and other southeast Asian countries, where factories spun it into rayon.
This mill, one of two such mills in the region, employed more than 1,000 workers, and supported hundreds more loggers, longshoremen, truckers, tug boat operators, and road builders.
The company had a 50-year contract with the Forest Service for 8 billion board feet of wood, enough to build a boardwalk to the moon. “I went from making minimum wage,” Mr. Kampnich recalls, “to 200 to 250 dollars a day.”
But times changed, and so did Mr. Kampnich. Alaska pulp faced new overseas competition, rayon lost market share, and, mirroring battles to protect old-growth forests in the Pacific Northwest, environmental groups pushed through greater protection for old-growth trees. In 1981 and again in 1990, large swaths of the Tongass became designated wilderness areas, with logging prohibited. New rules reduced the size of clear cuts, halted cutting alongside streams, and outlawed “high grading,” cherry-picking the biggest, most lucrative trees.
Daniel Grossman View caption Hide caption Michael Kampnich moved from the lower 48 to Alaska in 1980 and became a logger. Cutting huge trees was thrilling, he says. But now he says timber companies cut too much.
Mr. Kampnich retired from logging, and took up commercial fishing. He now says that loggers cut too much: “I’ve come to realize that we need to maintain some of these areas as unroaded in natural conditions.” The Nature Conservancy has hired him to promote its pro-environmental message on the island.
A 2013 paper in the journal Conservation Biology found that two-thirds of the big contiguous stands of the largest spruce, cedar, and hemlock in the Tongass have now been removed. Richard Carstensen, a naturalist at Discovery Southeast, a nature education center, says what’s left breaks his heart. “If people want to experience what it must have been like to walk half a day through a giant-tree forest, we can send them to a place where they walk for five minutes before they pop out the other side.” On POW, just 6.2% of the big-tree forests remain.
Would more roads bring the boom back? Dennis Watson, who lives near Mr. Kampnich, doubts that revising the Roadless Rule will increase the amount of timber cut. “I don’t think it’s going to go up. It’s not in the cards.” Mr. Watson was mayor of Craig for 26 years, until 2017. He has tried to reverse the Roadless Rule ever since it became law. But he’s aware that timber harvests had been sliding steadily for a decade before the Forest Service banned new roads.
Nathalie Dawson, head of the Audubon Society’s Alaska office and a Ph.D. biologist, says Tongass wood simply costs too much to be competitive, despite heavy subsidies from the Forest Service. The federal government props up logging Tongass wood in several ways, including funding maintenance of existing logging roads. It might pay for construction of new ones. Environmental rules have increased the oversight, and therefore the cost to taxpayers, of logging. But Alaska’s greatest problem is its uneconomical distance from the contiguous U.S. and international timber markets. The pulp mills had closed down years before the Roadless Rule became law. And, Dr. Dawson says, the best trees are gone. “Basically, they cut everything that was easy to get.” New timber has gotten more and more expensive to get.
Tessa Axelson, director of the Alaska Forestry Association, agrees with Dr. Dawson in one regard: that much of the timber currently offered by the Forest Service is too expensive to be profitable.
“We have been challenged to receive a predictable supply” of economically harvestable wood, she says. Opening up new areas to logging (with roads that the Forest Service might build at taxpayer expense) would alleviate the problem, she adds. “The primary beneficiaries are the communities of Southeast Alaska.”
Dr. Dawson doubts that releasing the industry from road-building rules will help the local economy much. Most Tongass logs are shipped directly to Asia with little processing. And the timber industry now has little potential to boost Southeast Alaska’s employment. The only sawmill with more than a handful of workers, Viking Lumber, a few miles outside Craig, employs only about 35 people. Roughly 300 people in Alaska work in forestry and wood processing, less than one-tenth of 1% of the state’s workforce.
A frontier mentality
So why did Alaska’s leading elected officials campaign to rescind the rule?
Stephen Haycox, an emeritus history professor at the University of Alaska Anchorage says that the state’s unusual political culture plays a big role. He says Alaskans spend more time on public and wild lands than most other Americans. But, “that doesn’t prevent them at all from supporting exploitation of the resource base.” Alaskans have earned their living by digging up and pumping up what’s below the ground, chopping down what’s on the surface, and scooping out what’s in the sea ever since the Klondike Gold Rush. (And, of course the state's indigenous people have lived off the land for much longer.) Alaska’s frigid temperatures and separation from the rest of the country make it noncompetitive for most growing and manufacturing as well as for timbering.
Professor Haycox, author of “Alaska: An American Colony,” says Alaskans have developed a powerful romantic association with the myth of the rugged individual: self-reliant and free of distant bureaucrats. It “plays very well in the Alaskan psyche.” Successful state-level politicians know how to harness this ideology, he says, for their own purposes. It’s “second nature for them to protest any action of federal government that inhibits any economic activity in Alaska.” Never mind the cold fact that Alaska is thoroughly dependent on federal subsidies and oil-company payments.
Lisa Murkowski, a Republican, is the state’s senior senator. Her opposition to the Roadless Rule is “not only about timber,” she says in a phone interview. She says the rule hampers access to mineral resources and hydroelectric sites. The goal, she says, is to “make sure people can actually access the region.”
Mr. Watson, the former Craig mayor, hopes that a new mine extracting rare earth metals, elements in demand for electronics and high performance magnets, will soon open at an inaccessible site on the island, the first such mine in the U.S. But he says red tape could slow approval of a road to the location, even though the Roadless Rule permits transportation corridors in support of such nonlogging activities. “We’d like to have things happen on this island that will allow us to survive,” he said.
Eric Jorgensen, managing attorney of EarthJustice’s Alaska office and veteran of more than a dozen lawsuits countering challenges to the Roadless Rule, says Mr. Watson’s and Sen. Murkowski’s concern is “not based in reality.” He says that “even if red tape were a problem, that would not be a rationale for gutting the rule,” as the Forest Service could solve that issue without allowing new logging roads.
In an old-growth forest 20 miles northwest of Craig, Elsa Sebastian, a commercial fisherman who grew up on POW, points out a new clear-cut. The trunks had been dragged away, and the waist-high stumps were like empty pedestals after the ransacking of an ancient temple.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Downhill, through carpets of moss, liverworts, and ferns toward the Thorne River, a thin strip of uncut forest, required by state law, was left to protect the stream. Pink salmon flopped frantically in shallow pools. They’d spawn soon. Ms. Sebastian leaned against the base of a hemlock nearly as wide as her outstretched arms and probably half as high as the 22-story Conoco-Phillips building in Anchorage.
Rescinding the Roadless Rule might not increase the wood logged. But it will threaten surviving ancients like this and threaten rare animals that live among them. “That tree was standing before the United States was the United States,” she said, gazing into its crown. “Just being in the presence of such a being puts our lifetimes into perspective.”


csmonitor--2020-08-11--Lukashenko opponent left Belarus under duress, say aides

The top opposition candidate in Belarus ' presidential vote , who initially refused to concede her defeat amid a massive police crackdown on anti-government protesters , said Tuesday she has left for Lithuania and called on her supporters to end demonstrations .
Looking haggard and distressed , Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya , a former teacher and political novice , apologized to her supporters in a video statement and said it was her own choice to leave the country .
`` It was a very hard decision to make , '' she said .
`` I know that many of you will understand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and some will even hate me .
But God forbid you ever face the choice that I faced . ''
In another video statement released later on Tuesday , she urged her supporters to respect the law and avoid clashes with police .
Her campaign aides said she made the unexpected move under duress .
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya 's husband has been at a Belarusian jail since his arrest in May .
`` It 's very difficult to resist pressure when your family and all your inner circle have been taken hostages , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figure in Ms. Tsikhanouskaya 's campaign .
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya previously dismissed the official results of Sunday 's election showing authoritarian President Alexander Lukashenko winning a sixth term by a landslide .
Thousands of opposition supporters who also protested the results met with a tough police crackdown in Minsk and several other Belarusian cities for two straight nights .
On Monday , a protester died amid the clashes in Minsk and scores were injured as police used tear gas , flash-bang grenades , and rubber bullets to disperse the demonstrators .
The Interior Ministry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explosive device , but it blew up in his hand and killed him .
The ministry said Tuesday that more than 2,000 people were detained across the country for taking part in unsanctioned protests on Monday evening and overnight .
It added that 21 police officers were injured in clashes with protesters , and five of them were hospitalized .
The previous day , the ministry reported more than 3,000 detentions and said 89 people were injured , including 39 law enforcement officers .
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya , a former English teacher without any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after her husband , an opposition blogger who had hoped to run for president , was arrested in May .
She has managed to unite fractured opposition groups and draw tens of thousands to her campaign rallies – the largest opposition demonstrations in Belarus since the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union .
In the video statement posted on her Facebook , Ms. Tsikhanouskaya thanked her supporters for backing her candidacy , but added that `` the people of Belarus have made their choice . ''
`` Belarusians , I 'm urging you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the law , '' she said , reading a text without raising her eyes from the paper .
`` I do n't want blood and violence .
I 'm asking you not to confront the police and not take to squares to put your lives in danger .
Take care of yourselves and your relatives . ''
Hours before that , Ms. Tsikhanouskaya disputed the vote results and submitted a formal request for a recount to the Central Election Commission .
She stayed in the commission headquarters for hours and faced senior law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aides .
One aide , Olga Kovalkova , said the about-face came under pressure from the authorities who made Ms. Tsikhanouskaya read a prepared statement and then drove her out of the country .
`` We do n't know what kind of pressure she was subjected to and how they tried to break her , '' Ms. Kovalkova said .
`` She could n't have said it on her own .
She was reading a prepared text . ''
She said that Ms. Tsikhanouskaya left the country with her campaign chief , Maria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the weekend .
Several other campaign aides have remained in custody .
Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linas Linkevicius said the videos posted by Ms. Tsikhanouskaya had been recorded in Belarus before her journey to Vilnius .
Mr. Lukashenko , who has ruled the ex-Soviet nation of 9.5 million with an iron fist since 1994 , derided the opposition as `` sheep '' manipulated by foreign masters and vowed to continue the tough crackdown on protests despite Western rebukes .
Election officials said Mr. Lukashenko won a sixth term in office with 80 % of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 % .
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya disputed the election results on Monday and vowed to demand a recount .
`` We have official protocols from many polling stations , where the number of votes in my favor are many more times than for another candidate , '' she told the AP .
When asked Monday if she was planning to go abroad to avoid being arrested , Ms. Tsikhanouskaya said she had no such plan and saw no reason why she would be arrested .
But hours later she went to Belarus ' Central @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a recount and was n't seen again until showing up in Lithuania on Tuesday .
She previously had sent her children there after receiving threats early in the campaign .
`` I thought that the campaign had tempered me and make me so strong that I could resist anything , '' Ms. Tsikhanouskaya said in the first of her two videos , her face haggard and her voice breaking .
`` But it appears that I have remained the same weak woman that I was before . ''
Economic damage caused by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response to the pandemic , which he airily dismissed as `` psychosis , '' has fueled broad anger , helping swell the opposition ranks .
The post-election protest , in which young demonstrators – many of them teenagers – confronted police , marked a previously unseen level of violence .
Rumors that Ms. Tsikhanouskaya had left the country began circulating among the protesters as they confronted police overnight , but the news did n't discourage them from continuing their resistance .
`` She had a clear choice : to be in a Belarusian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' said protester Kirill Kulevich .
`` Tsikhanouskaya has called herself a symbol of change , but they are forcing us to continue living as before . ''
Another protester , Anna Vitushko , said that protests will continue .
`` People are protesting against the crude falsifications , and her departure does n't mean anything , '' Ms. Vitushko said .
`` If Lukashenko won 80 % , why does he need riot police , rubber bullets , and water [ cannons ] ?
They can cheat a few percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cheat the entire country . ''
Heavy police cordons on Minsk 's central squares and avenues did n't stop the demonstrators from gathering around the downtown for the past two nights , chanting `` Freedom ! ''
and `` Long live Belarus ! ''
Motorists were blaring horns in a sign of support , and some used their cars to block police vehicles ' passage .
The Interior Ministry responded by warning Tuesday that such vehicles will be impounded and their owners could face criminal charges .
More rallies are expected later in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drew harsh criticism from the European Union and the United States and will likely complicate Mr. Lukashenko 's efforts to mend ties with the West amid tensions with his main ally and sponsor , Russia .
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in a statement that the election was not `` free and fair , '' and added : `` We strongly condemn ongoing violence against protesters and the detention of opposition supporters . ''
The European Union condemned the police crackdown and called for an immediate release of all those detained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Associated Press .
AP writers Vladimir Isachenkov in Moscow ; Liudas Dapkus in Vilnius , Lithuania ; and Mike Corder in The Hague contributed to this report .

The top opposition candidate in Belarus' presidential vote, who initially refused to concede her defeat amid a massive police crackdown on anti-government protesters, said Tuesday she has left for Lithuania and called on her supporters to end demonstrations.
Looking haggard and distressed, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, a former teacher and political novice, apologized to her supporters in a video statement and said it was her own choice to leave the country.
"It was a very hard decision to make," she said. "I know that many of you will understand me, many others will condemn me, and some will even hate me. But God forbid you ever face the choice that I faced."
In another video statement released later on Tuesday, she urged her supporters to respect the law and avoid clashes with police.
Her campaign aides said she made the unexpected move under duress. Ms. Tsikhanouskaya's husband has been at a Belarusian jail since his arrest in May.
"It's very difficult to resist pressure when your family and all your inner circle have been taken hostages," said Maria Kolesnikova, a top figure in Ms. Tsikhanouskaya's campaign.
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya previously dismissed the official results of Sunday's election showing authoritarian President Alexander Lukashenko winning a sixth term by a landslide. Thousands of opposition supporters who also protested the results met with a tough police crackdown in Minsk and several other Belarusian cities for two straight nights.
On Monday, a protester died amid the clashes in Minsk and scores were injured as police used tear gas, flash-bang grenades, and rubber bullets to disperse the demonstrators. The Interior Ministry said the victim intended to throw an explosive device, but it blew up in his hand and killed him.
The ministry said Tuesday that more than 2,000 people were detained across the country for taking part in unsanctioned protests on Monday evening and overnight. It added that 21 police officers were injured in clashes with protesters, and five of them were hospitalized.
The previous day, the ministry reported more than 3,000 detentions and said 89 people were injured, including 39 law enforcement officers.
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya, a former English teacher without any prior political experience, entered the race after her husband, an opposition blogger who had hoped to run for president, was arrested in May. She has managed to unite fractured opposition groups and draw tens of thousands to her campaign rallies – the largest opposition demonstrations in Belarus since the 1991 collapse of the Soviet Union.
In the video statement posted on her Facebook, Ms. Tsikhanouskaya thanked her supporters for backing her candidacy, but added that "the people of Belarus have made their choice."
"Belarusians, I'm urging you to show common sense and respect for the law," she said, reading a text without raising her eyes from the paper. "I don't want blood and violence. I'm asking you not to confront the police and not take to squares to put your lives in danger. Take care of yourselves and your relatives."
Hours before that, Ms. Tsikhanouskaya disputed the vote results and submitted a formal request for a recount to the Central Election Commission. She stayed in the commission headquarters for hours and faced senior law enforcement officers, according to her campaign aides.
One aide, Olga Kovalkova, said the about-face came under pressure from the authorities who made Ms. Tsikhanouskaya read a prepared statement and then drove her out of the country.
"We don't know what kind of pressure she was subjected to and how they tried to break her," Ms. Kovalkova said. "She couldn't have said it on her own. She was reading a prepared text."
She said that Ms. Tsikhanouskaya left the country with her campaign chief, Maria Moroz, who had been detained over the weekend. Several other campaign aides have remained in custody.
Lithuanian Foreign Minister Linas Linkevicius said the videos posted by Ms. Tsikhanouskaya had been recorded in Belarus before her journey to Vilnius.
Mr. Lukashenko, who has ruled the ex-Soviet nation of 9.5 million with an iron fist since 1994, derided the opposition as "sheep" manipulated by foreign masters and vowed to continue the tough crackdown on protests despite Western rebukes.
Election officials said Mr. Lukashenko won a sixth term in office with 80% of the vote, while Ms. Tsikhanouskaya got 10%.
Ms. Tsikhanouskaya disputed the election results on Monday and vowed to demand a recount. "We have official protocols from many polling stations, where the number of votes in my favor are many more times than for another candidate," she told the AP.
When asked Monday if she was planning to go abroad to avoid being arrested, Ms. Tsikhanouskaya said she had no such plan and saw no reason why she would be arrested. But hours later she went to Belarus' Central Election Commission to submit a formal request for a recount and wasn't seen again until showing up in Lithuania on Tuesday.
She previously had sent her children there after receiving threats early in the campaign.
"I thought that the campaign had tempered me and make me so strong that I could resist anything," Ms. Tsikhanouskaya said in the first of her two videos, her face haggard and her voice breaking. "But it appears that I have remained the same weak woman that I was before."
Economic damage caused by the coronavirus and Mr. Lukashenko's swaggering response to the pandemic, which he airily dismissed as "psychosis," has fueled broad anger, helping swell the opposition ranks. The post-election protest, in which young demonstrators – many of them teenagers – confronted police, marked a previously unseen level of violence.
Rumors that Ms. Tsikhanouskaya had left the country began circulating among the protesters as they confronted police overnight, but the news didn't discourage them from continuing their resistance.
"She had a clear choice: to be in a Belarusian jail or to remain free in Lithuania," said protester Kirill Kulevich. "Tsikhanouskaya has called herself a symbol of change, but they are forcing us to continue living as before."
Another protester, Anna Vitushko, said that protests will continue.
"People are protesting against the crude falsifications, and her departure doesn't mean anything," Ms. Vitushko said. "If Lukashenko won 80%, why does he need riot police, rubber bullets, and water [cannons]? They can cheat a few percent of the population, but they can't cheat the entire country."
Heavy police cordons on Minsk's central squares and avenues didn't stop the demonstrators from gathering around the downtown for the past two nights, chanting "Freedom!" and "Long live Belarus!" Motorists were blaring horns in a sign of support, and some used their cars to block police vehicles' passage.
The Interior Ministry responded by warning Tuesday that such vehicles will be impounded and their owners could face criminal charges.
More rallies are expected later in the evening.
The crackdown on protesters drew harsh criticism from the European Union and the United States and will likely complicate Mr. Lukashenko's efforts to mend ties with the West amid tensions with his main ally and sponsor, Russia.
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in a statement that the election was not "free and fair," and added: "We strongly condemn ongoing violence against protesters and the detention of opposition supporters."
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The European Union condemned the police crackdown and called for an immediate release of all those detained.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Vladimir Isachenkov in Moscow; Liudas Dapkus in Vilnius, Lithuania; and Mike Corder in The Hague contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-08-11--'This wasn't in anyone's budget': Pandemic warps election plans

Congress ' failure so far to pass another round of coronavirus aid leaves state and local officials on their own to deal with the soaring costs of holding a presidential election amid a deadly pandemic .
That could leave them scrambling to solve problems that surfaced during the primary season in time for November 's election .
The coronavirus outbreak has triggered unprecedented disruptions for election officials across the United States .
They are dealing with staffing shortages and budget constraints while also trying to figure out how to process a flood of absentee ballot requests , as more and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a safer way to vote .
`` It is appalling that Congress has not provided the needed resources for state and local elections officials during the COVID-19 pandemic , '' said California Secretary of State Alex Padilla .
`` Elections officials ' ability to fill the gap is nearly impossible given the already strained state and local government budgets . ''
In its first round of virus relief in March , Congress sent $ 400 million to state election offices to help cover unexpected costs related to the pandemic .
But that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion the Brennan Center for Justice has said is needed .
`` Congress 's failure to reach a coronavirus deal is imperiling November 's elections , '' said Wendy Weiser , director of the center 's democracy program .
`` Without an infusion of federal funds , election officials simply wo n't be able to prepare adequately for the election , and we will see massive meltdowns across the country . ''
The negotiation meltdown raises the prospect of more layoffs and furloughs of government workers and cuts to health care , social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programs .
Lack of money to boost school safety measures also will make it harder for districts to send kids back to the classroom .
On Monday , governors , lawmakers , mayors , teachers , and others said they were going to keep pushing members of Congress to revive talks on another rescue package .
“ Congress and the White House made a commitment to the governors that there would be a second round of relief for states – we are going to hold their feet to the fire until they uphold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Chris Sununu , a Republican , said in a statement .
In the U.S. , state and local officials are responsible for administering elections and covering the costs .
But there was no way for them to plan for holding an election in the middle of a pandemic , essentially having to deal with a massive surge in absentee ballots while also trying to keep in-person voting options available after many workers opted out of staffing the polls during the primaries .
`` This was n't in anyone 's budget , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. Election Assistance Commission , which provides support for state and local election officials .
Experts point to the rocky execution of the primaries since the pandemic began , in which there were numerous reports of absentee ballots failing to arrive or rejected for being late .
Primaries were marred by hours-long lines in Atlanta , Milwaukee , and Las Vegas as polling places were consolidated .
`` Without proper funding , guidance , and preparedness , the problems seen in previous elections are going to be just the tip of the iceberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting and elections director with Common Cause , warned lawmakers during a congressional hearing last week .
If more federal money is made available , it could allow local election offices to hire more temporary workers to help process ballot requests and count ballots on Election Day .
It also could be used to boost the pay of poll workers .
In Ohio , Secretary of State Frank LaRose has said he would seek approval to pay postage for absentee ballot applications and returned ballots if he had more money .
In New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a $ 6 million shortfall without additional funding for the November general election .
Of the nearly $ 3.9 million New Mexico received in the first round of congressional virus relief , all but $ 750,000 was spent during the primary , according to Alex Curtas , spokesman for Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver .
U.S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota , who has been pushing for more funding for elections , said she remains hopeful a deal can be reached .
But she warned that the window was closing for states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cost of postage , purchasing drop boxes for ballots , and recruiting and training a new group of poll workers .
`` If Congress acts quickly , states can still implement these measures to help keep voters safe this November , '' Ms. Klobuchar said .
`` September seems way too late to make a big difference . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ @ @ @

Christina A. Cassidy and Geoff Mulvihill

Congress' failure so far to pass another round of coronavirus aid leaves state and local officials on their own to deal with the soaring costs of holding a presidential election amid a deadly pandemic.
That could leave them scrambling to solve problems that surfaced during the primary season in time for November's election.
The coronavirus outbreak has triggered unprecedented disruptions for election officials across the United States. They are dealing with staffing shortages and budget constraints while also trying to figure out how to process a flood of absentee ballot requests, as more and more states have moved to mail-in balloting as a safer way to vote.
"It is appalling that Congress has not provided the needed resources for state and local elections officials during the COVID-19 pandemic," said California Secretary of State Alex Padilla. "Elections officials' ability to fill the gap is nearly impossible given the already strained state and local government budgets."
In its first round of virus relief in March, Congress sent $400 million to state election offices to help cover unexpected costs related to the pandemic. But that is far short of the $2 billion the Brennan Center for Justice has said is needed.
"Congress's failure to reach a coronavirus deal is imperiling November's elections," said Wendy Weiser, director of the center's democracy program. "Without an infusion of federal funds, election officials simply won't be able to prepare adequately for the election, and we will see massive meltdowns across the country."
The negotiation meltdown raises the prospect of more layoffs and furloughs of government workers and cuts to health care, social services, infrastructure, and other core programs. Lack of money to boost school safety measures also will make it harder for districts to send kids back to the classroom.
On Monday, governors, lawmakers, mayors, teachers, and others said they were going to keep pushing members of Congress to revive talks on another rescue package.
“Congress and the White House made a commitment to the governors that there would be a second round of relief for states – we are going to hold their feet to the fire until they uphold that commitment,” New Hampshire Gov. Chris Sununu, a Republican, said in a statement.
In the U.S., state and local officials are responsible for administering elections and covering the costs. But there was no way for them to plan for holding an election in the middle of a pandemic, essentially having to deal with a massive surge in absentee ballots while also trying to keep in-person voting options available after many workers opted out of staffing the polls during the primaries.
"This wasn't in anyone's budget," said Ben Hovland, chairman of the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, which provides support for state and local election officials.
Experts point to the rocky execution of the primaries since the pandemic began, in which there were numerous reports of absentee ballots failing to arrive or rejected for being late. Primaries were marred by hours-long lines in Atlanta, Milwaukee, and Las Vegas as polling places were consolidated.
"Without proper funding, guidance, and preparedness, the problems seen in previous elections are going to be just the tip of the iceberg this November," Sylvia Albert, voting and elections director with Common Cause, warned lawmakers during a congressional hearing last week.
If more federal money is made available, it could allow local election offices to hire more temporary workers to help process ballot requests and count ballots on Election Day. It also could be used to boost the pay of poll workers.
In Ohio, Secretary of State Frank LaRose has said he would seek approval to pay postage for absentee ballot applications and returned ballots if he had more money.
In New Mexico, state election regulators are anticipating a $6 million shortfall without additional funding for the November general election. Of the nearly $3.9 million New Mexico received in the first round of congressional virus relief, all but $750,000 was spent during the primary, according to Alex Curtas, spokesman for Secretary of State Maggie Toulouse Oliver.
U.S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota, who has been pushing for more funding for elections, said she remains hopeful a deal can be reached. But she warned that the window was closing for states to take action, such as paying the cost of postage, purchasing drop boxes for ballots, and recruiting and training a new group of poll workers.
"If Congress acts quickly, states can still implement these measures to help keep voters safe this November," Ms. Klobuchar said. "September seems way too late to make a big difference."
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.