csmonitor--2020-07-06--Reflections from community college: how the pandemic made me a better teacher

Herding cats was the image that came to my mind as I made the mad dash to virtually migrate my community college Intro to Humanities 101 class from face to face to distance learning .
The coronavirus hit California with a vengeance and on March 19 , Gov .
Gavin Newsom declared all schools , including the community colleges , closed until further notice .
All the plans I had for the semester were now useless .
Showing films like “ Frida ” and “ A Lust for Life ” was out of the question .
While Zoom didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I did make liberal use of Youtube clips .
The class discussions , group assignments , and readings – and the field trip to the Grammy Museum which I had excitedly put on the syllabus just weeks earlier – had to be scrapped in favor of lessons more conducive to online instruction and the nationwide lockdown reality .
As the changeover date grew closer , I sent out dozens of “ please confirm receipt ” emails , texts , video messages , and electronic announcements explaining how we would use Zoom along with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the rest of the semester .
I felt like a conductor on a speeding train , worried some students would be left behind as we careened toward an uncertain future .
I started the semester on ground with 23 students .
By the time we had our first Zoom class , to my great relief , 20 students had arrived .
There were some students I knew would be able to adapt to the virtual format fairly easily .
They were the ones who spent lots of out of class time on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Twitter .
Others were flummoxed by the technology and resentful COVID-19 had upended their lives .
But sometimes those who struggle , through extraordinary effort and taking their studies seriously , turn out to be superstars .
Such was the case with Giselle .
Just as my students transitioned to distance learning , the same was true for me .
I had never taught an online course and knew little about video conferencing .
Though students could see my video feed , the body language cues I rely on in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I had to repeat instructions a few times to make sure everyone got it .
Through trial and error , I learned the quirks of Zoom .
One time , I mistakenly scheduled the class meeting on my personal Zoom account , instead of the institutional one , so students received an error message , which led them to blow up my cell phone , trying to figure out what was going on .
By the time I figured it out , class time was over and students were frustrated .
Another time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students a chance to review for a test .
Unfortunately , some students left the feed early and didn ’ t receive the directions .
That led a couple of them to miss the test .
One of those students was Giselle .
The nongrade dropped GIselle beneath the A she had earned .
Her academic counselor wrote me in a panic asking if there was anything Giselle could do .
Unfortunately , there wasn ’ t , as the rest of the class had taken the test and the answers had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ My class was a diverse group , reflective of the surrounding community , mostly African Americans and Latinx .
Some of them were over 30 , folks who had not been in a classroom in a long time .
Lidia , a Latinx mother of three , told the class the reason she maintained straight A ’ s , is she “ takes her studies seriously ” because at 32 , she had “ no time to fool around.
” Other students are part of Gen Z , barely out of high school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ended each class with “ stay inside , if you do go outside , wear a mask , wash your hands often and stay away from crowds.
” The first few weeks on Zoom , all the students wanted to talk about during discussions was the coronavirus and how miserable they were having to stay inside .
Trying to keep them on track with lessons on Renaissance painters , surrealism , and the Romantic writers was a real challenge .
“ Are you scared , Professor ?
” asked Andrea , a young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Women ’ s Studies class the previous semester .
“ Not at all , ” I said .
“ And you shouldn ’ t be either .
Wear a mask , wash your hands constantly , stay away from crowds .
We will all get over this.
” It occurred to me that my position as an educator now encompassed the role of consoler , news reporter , and college administration liaison .
Every class meeting , I congratulated the class on how brave and flexible they were and reminded them one day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how “ they had lived through the great pandemic of 2020.
” My one white student was a man in his early 60s , William* , a former longshoreman .
William had returned to college to get an associate ’ s degree after years of working on the docks .
William can best be described as a Trumper .
He railed against the “ fake ” pandemic , and angrily cited “ statistics ” about how a woman was more likely to lose their children in a car accident than to a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incensed Governor Newsom had closed the beaches and “ taken away our rights.
” When hundreds of thousands of protesters around the world took to the streets demanding justice over the killing of George Floyd by a white police officer , William ’ s rants cooled but the other students were disgusted and fired up .
I used the historic global demonstrations to examine protest art and how artists from other eras used monumental changes in society to inform their art .
Reading student essays about racism and inequality , I was surprised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had anyone outside of their own race in the homes for a meal .
“ How will we ever get together if we can ’ t even break bread ?
” I asked .
Ola , a man from Nigeria and one of my top students , asked William to come over to his house for a visit .
William described how he had eaten at his black relatives ’ homes and accepted Ola ’ s invitation .
I am not sure if the two ever got together because the shelter in place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students were quite emotional on the last day on Zoom .
Everyone had turned on their videos so I could see them together as a class one last time .
I praised them for their hard work , despite the struggles and tumult .
After she missed that test early on , Giselle was early to each class meeting and stayed for the duration .
She ultimately earned an A , but I thought she might still be angry with me for not allowing her to re-take the exam .
Instead , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'd like to take my time and thank you for not dropping the class and helping us students during these tough times .
I know it 's not hard for us but also the professors because it was an unexpected transfer .
Thank you once again for being with us .
Sudden change is never easy for anyone .
But the way in which Spring 2020 played out for my Humanities class , I do believe most of them realized the confidence and determination they didn ’ t know they had .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a better teacher .
It forced me to be more creative with my lessons , more patient with my students and more adaptable and ready for a future in academia still undefined .

Herding cats was the image that came to my mind as I made the mad dash to virtually migrate my community college Intro to Humanities 101 class from face to face to distance learning. The coronavirus hit California with a vengeance and on March 19, Gov. Gavin Newsom declared all schools, including the community colleges, closed until further notice.
All the plans I had for the semester were now useless. Showing films like “Frida” and “A Lust for Life” was out of the question. While Zoom didn’t allow me to screen movies, I did make liberal use of Youtube clips. The class discussions, group assignments, and readings – and the field trip to the Grammy Museum which I had excitedly put on the syllabus just weeks earlier – had to be scrapped in favor of lessons more conducive to online instruction and the nationwide lockdown reality.
As the changeover date grew closer, I sent out dozens of “please confirm receipt” emails, texts, video messages, and electronic announcements explaining how we would use Zoom along with Canvas, a learning management system, for the rest of the semester. I felt like a conductor on a speeding train, worried some students would be left behind as we careened toward an uncertain future. I started the semester on ground with 23 students. By the time we had our first Zoom class, to my great relief, 20 students had arrived.
****
There were some students I knew would be able to adapt to the virtual format fairly easily. They were the ones who spent lots of out of class time on Facebook, the Gram, Tik Tok, and Twitter. Others were flummoxed by the technology and resentful COVID-19 had upended their lives. But sometimes those who struggle, through extraordinary effort and taking their studies seriously, turn out to be superstars. Such was the case with Giselle.
Just as my students transitioned to distance learning, the same was true for me. I had never taught an online course and knew little about video conferencing. Though students could see my video feed, the body language cues I rely on in the classroom are nonexistent on Zoom, so I had to repeat instructions a few times to make sure everyone got it. Through trial and error, I learned the quirks of Zoom. One time, I mistakenly scheduled the class meeting on my personal Zoom account, instead of the institutional one, so students received an error message, which led them to blow up my cell phone, trying to figure out what was going on. By the time I figured it out, class time was over and students were frustrated. Another time, I ended class early to give students a chance to review for a test. Unfortunately, some students left the feed early and didn’t receive the directions. That led a couple of them to miss the test. One of those students was Giselle. The nongrade dropped GIselle beneath the A she had earned. Her academic counselor wrote me in a panic asking if there was anything Giselle could do. Unfortunately, there wasn’t, as the rest of the class had taken the test and the answers had been automatically released for all to see.
****
My class was a diverse group, reflective of the surrounding community, mostly African Americans and Latinx. Some of them were over 30, folks who had not been in a classroom in a long time. Lidia, a Latinx mother of three, told the class the reason she maintained straight A’s, is she “takes her studies seriously” because at 32, she had “no time to fool around.” Other students are part of Gen Z, barely out of high school, still living with parents. I ended each class with “stay inside, if you do go outside, wear a mask, wash your hands often and stay away from crowds.”
***
The first few weeks on Zoom, all the students wanted to talk about during discussions was the coronavirus and how miserable they were having to stay inside. Trying to keep them on track with lessons on Renaissance painters, surrealism, and the Romantic writers was a real challenge.
“Are you scared, Professor?” asked Andrea, a young African American woman who had taken my Women’s Studies class the previous semester.
“Not at all,” I said. “And you shouldn’t be either. Wear a mask, wash your hands constantly, stay away from crowds. We will all get over this.”
It occurred to me that my position as an educator now encompassed the role of consoler, news reporter, and college administration liaison. Every class meeting, I congratulated the class on how brave and flexible they were and reminded them one day they could tell their children and grandkids how “they had lived through the great pandemic of 2020.”
****
My one white student was a man in his early 60s, William*, a former longshoreman. William had returned to college to get an associate’s degree after years of working on the docks. William can best be described as a Trumper. He railed against the “fake” pandemic, and angrily cited “statistics” about how a woman was more likely to lose their children in a car accident than to a “so-called” virus.” He was especially incensed Governor Newsom had closed the beaches and “taken away our rights.”
When hundreds of thousands of protesters around the world took to the streets demanding justice over the killing of George Floyd by a white police officer, William’s rants cooled but the other students were disgusted and fired up. I used the historic global demonstrations to examine protest art and how artists from other eras used monumental changes in society to inform their art. Reading student essays about racism and inequality, I was surprised to learn most of them had never had anyone outside of their own race in the homes for a meal.
“How will we ever get together if we can’t even break bread?” I asked.
Ola, a man from Nigeria and one of my top students, asked William to come over to his house for a visit. William described how he had eaten at his black relatives’ homes and accepted Ola’s invitation. I am not sure if the two ever got together because the shelter in place orders are still in place.
****
The students were quite emotional on the last day on Zoom. Everyone had turned on their videos so I could see them together as a class one last time. I praised them for their hard work, despite the struggles and tumult. After she missed that test early on, Giselle was early to each class meeting and stayed for the duration. She ultimately earned an A, but I thought she might still be angry with me for not allowing her to re-take the exam. Instead, I received this note from her.
Dear Professor,
I'd like to take my time and thank you for not dropping the class and helping us students during these tough times. I know it's not hard for us but also the professors because it was an unexpected transfer. Thank you once again for being with us.
Giselle S.
Sudden change is never easy for anyone. But the way in which Spring 2020 played out for my Humanities class, I do believe most of them realized the confidence and determination they didn’t know they had. For me, the pandemic chaos made me a better teacher. It forced me to be more creative with my lessons, more patient with my students and more adaptable and ready for a future in academia still undefined.


csmonitor--2020-07-06--Summer camps use survival skills to keep running during COVID-19

Camp Winnebago was founded during the Spanish Flu and weathered all manner of health scares from polio to the swine flu over a century .
It was n't about to let the coronavirus stop the fun .
But things will be different this summer at this camp and others that buck the trend and welcome children .
The vast majority of overnight camps are closed due to the pandemic .
Campers were tested five days before arriving and will be tested again five days later .
The camp installed additional hand-washing stations on the 150-acre property .
Each cabin has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entering and leaving , and before and after group activities .
Face coverings are required in larger groups .
`` We believe that we can run a program safely and with the health of the campers at the top of our minds .
We 're not doing this cavalierly .
We 're taking this extremely seriously , '' Camp Winnebago owner Andy Lilienthal said .
Nationwide , the summer camp picture is coming into sharper focus with many of the 15,000-plus summer camps opting to close because of health concerns surrounding the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rules or guidelines from licensing officials .
New York , New Jersey , Connecticut , and Oregon have banned overnight camps , and more than 20 states still have n't issued guidance for overnight camp directors during what would normally be the start of the busy summer season , according to the American Camp Association .
All told , an estimated 19.5 million youths will miss out on either day camp or overnight camp this summer , said Tom Rosenberg , from the American Camp Association .
It 's not just a loss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeing friends , becoming independent , and developing outdoor skills .
It 's a devastating financial loss for camps , some of which wo n't recover .
Camps are estimated to lose $ 16 billion in revenue , with more than $ 4.4 billion in lost wages and over 900,000 lost jobs this summer , Mr. Rosenberg said .
Even camps that do jump through the hoops to open are going to have a tough time .
Most of them are losing money but believe strongly in the importance of the camp experience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maine Summer Camps .
Camps that consider opening are confronting a hodgepodge of safety rules , some of which were late in coming from states .
There is also guidance from the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention , and the American Camp Association .
In Maine , where only 20 of 110 licensed overnight camps are opening , guidelines require staff and counselors to quarantine or receive a negative test result .
Campers also must quarantine , or get tested , unless they 're from an exempted state .
Campers must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social distancing .
There are rigid guidelines for sanitizing , and an isolation area must be established in the event someone falls ill .
It was all too much for some camps .
In Vermont , Ellen Flight said the decision was made not to open the girls ' Camp Songadeewin and the separate boys camp Keewaydin because the safety of campers could not be assured , especially when they 're camping out .
`` When you start thinking about cooking a meal over the fire , you ca n't touch the utensils @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you just ca n't run a program with any sense of safety , '' said Ms .
Flight , who 's also president of the Vermont Camp Association .
Others are opening but are scaling back .
In Maine , Camp Winona , in Bridgton , will operate with one session instead of two .
Normally , the camp hosts about 220 campers , but this year it will be closer to 150 , co-owner Laura Ordway said .
The campers will be divided into groups by age , and then further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eat , sleep , and engage in activities together to avoid transmission of the virus to the larger group .
There will be staggered times for showering .
Meals will be outdoors .
`` Camp directors are risk managers , every single day of the camp .
We 're also innovative and tenacious , '' Ms. Ordway said .
`` I know that there are challenges , but we 've figured out the safety side of things .
Now we have to figure out the logistics so our campers really thrive . ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and her husband weighed the benefits and dangers of sending their two sons and daughter to camp in Maine after watching their kids deal with the roller coaster of social isolation , distance learning , and quarantines .
They were won over by the `` sealed bubble '' concept with no outsiders allowed , only campers , counselors , and staff .
`` When the plan came out , we were convinced it was a good place for our children .
In fact , I 've become even more convinced since then that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camp , '' she said .
But Andrew Klein , from New York City , reached the opposite conclusion for his son .
The family lives a block from Mount Sinai Hospital , one of the hospitals that dealt with a massive outbreak in the spring .
The parents did not like the idea of teens in close quarters in cabins .
If their son became sick , he 'd have to quarantine at camp .
`` Even my son did n't feel comfortable with it , '' Mr. Klein said .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to wait it out , and go back next year . ''
Here at Camp Winnebago , on Echo Lake , about 80 % of summer slots are filled .
The camp purposefully kept some slots unfilled to create a separate area where campers can be isolated in the event someone falls ill , Mr. Lilienthal said .
The camp property was largely closed off after the arrival of 140 campers Wednesday .
There will be no high-intensity , close-contact activities like basketball or soccer until after an initial period .
`` Our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk in all phases of camp .
We see COVID-19 as that , another layer of risk , '' Mr. Lilienthal said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Camp Winnebago was founded during the Spanish Flu and weathered all manner of health scares from polio to the swine flu over a century. It wasn't about to let the coronavirus stop the fun.
But things will be different this summer at this camp and others that buck the trend and welcome children. The vast majority of overnight camps are closed due to the pandemic.
Campers were tested five days before arriving and will be tested again five days later. The camp installed additional hand-washing stations on the 150-acre property. Each cabin has hand sanitizer that must be used when entering and leaving, and before and after group activities. Face coverings are required in larger groups.
"We believe that we can run a program safely and with the health of the campers at the top of our minds. We're not doing this cavalierly. We're taking this extremely seriously," Camp Winnebago owner Andy Lilienthal said.
Nationwide, the summer camp picture is coming into sharper focus with many of the 15,000-plus summer camps opting to close because of health concerns surrounding the pandemic, or because of delays in receiving rules or guidelines from licensing officials.
New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Oregon have banned overnight camps, and more than 20 states still haven't issued guidance for overnight camp directors during what would normally be the start of the busy summer season, according to the American Camp Association.
All told, an estimated 19.5 million youths will miss out on either day camp or overnight camp this summer, said Tom Rosenberg, from the American Camp Association.
It's not just a loss for kids who will miss out on seeing friends, becoming independent, and developing outdoor skills. It's a devastating financial loss for camps, some of which won't recover. Camps are estimated to lose $16 billion in revenue, with more than $4.4 billion in lost wages and over 900,000 lost jobs this summer, Mr. Rosenberg said.
Even camps that do jump through the hoops to open are going to have a tough time. Most of them are losing money but believe strongly in the importance of the camp experience, said Ron Hall, from the Maine Summer Camps.
Camps that consider opening are confronting a hodgepodge of safety rules, some of which were late in coming from states. There is also guidance from the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and the American Camp Association.
In Maine, where only 20 of 110 licensed overnight camps are opening, guidelines require staff and counselors to quarantine or receive a negative test result. Campers also must quarantine, or get tested, unless they're from an exempted state. Campers must be broken up into smaller groups for social distancing. There are rigid guidelines for sanitizing, and an isolation area must be established in the event someone falls ill.
It was all too much for some camps.
In Vermont, Ellen Flight said the decision was made not to open the girls' Camp Songadeewin and the separate boys camp Keewaydin because the safety of campers could not be assured, especially when they're camping out.
"When you start thinking about cooking a meal over the fire, you can't touch the utensils that somebody else touched, you know, you just can't run a program with any sense of safety," said Ms. Flight, who's also president of the Vermont Camp Association.
Others are opening but are scaling back.
In Maine, Camp Winona, in Bridgton, will operate with one session instead of two. Normally, the camp hosts about 220 campers, but this year it will be closer to 150, co-owner Laura Ordway said.
The campers will be divided into groups by age, and then further divided into tents. Smaller groups will eat, sleep, and engage in activities together to avoid transmission of the virus to the larger group. There will be staggered times for showering. Meals will be outdoors.
"Camp directors are risk managers, every single day of the camp. We're also innovative and tenacious," Ms. Ordway said. "I know that there are challenges, but we've figured out the safety side of things. Now we have to figure out the logistics so our campers really thrive."
In Washington, D.C., Nicole Elkon and her husband weighed the benefits and dangers of sending their two sons and daughter to camp in Maine after watching their kids deal with the roller coaster of social isolation, distance learning, and quarantines.
They were won over by the "sealed bubble" concept with no outsiders allowed, only campers, counselors, and staff.
"When the plan came out, we were convinced it was a good place for our children. In fact, I've become even more convinced since then that the safest place for them is at camp," she said.
But Andrew Klein, from New York City, reached the opposite conclusion for his son.
The family lives a block from Mount Sinai Hospital, one of the hospitals that dealt with a massive outbreak in the spring. The parents did not like the idea of teens in close quarters in cabins. If their son became sick, he'd have to quarantine at camp.
"Even my son didn't feel comfortable with it," Mr. Klein said. "He felt that this was a summer to wait it out, and go back next year."
Here at Camp Winnebago, on Echo Lake, about 80% of summer slots are filled. The camp purposefully kept some slots unfilled to create a separate area where campers can be isolated in the event someone falls ill, Mr. Lilienthal said.
The camp property was largely closed off after the arrival of 140 campers Wednesday. There will be no high-intensity, close-contact activities like basketball or soccer until after an initial period.
"Our system has gotten very good at mitigating risk in all phases of camp. We see COVID-19 as that, another layer of risk," Mr. Lilienthal said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-06--How COVID-19, Black Lives Matter became the target of FB groups

A loose network of Facebook groups that took root across the country in April to organize protests over coronavirus stay-at-home orders has become a hub of misinformation and conspiracy theories that have pivoted to a variety of new targets .
Their latest : Black Lives Matter and the nationwide protests of racial injustice .
These groups , which now boast a collective audience of more than 1 million members , are still thriving after most states started lifting virus restrictions .
And many have expanded their focus .
One group transformed itself last month from `` Reopen California '' to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' with recent posts mocking Black Lives Matter or changing the slogan to `` White Lives Matter . ''
Members have used profane slurs to refer to Black people and protesters , calling them `` animals , '' `` racist , '' and `` thugs '' – a direct violation of Facebook 's hate speech standards .
Others have become gathering grounds for promoting conspiracy theories about the protests , suggesting protesters were paid to go to demonstrations and that even the death of George Floyd , an unarmed Black man who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , was staged .
An Associated Press review of the most recent posts in 40 of these Facebook groups – most of which were launched by conservative groups or pro-gun activists – found the conversations largely shifted last month to attacking the nationwide protests over the killing of Black men and women after Mr. Floyd 's death .
Facebook users in some of these groups post hundreds of times a day in threads often seen by members only and shielded from public view .
`` Unless Facebook is actively looking for disinformation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a long time and they will grow , '' said Joan Donovan , the research director at the Harvard Kennedy School 's Shorenstein Center on Media , Politics and Public Policy .
`` Over time , people will drag other people into them and they will continue to organize . ''
Facebook said it is aware of the collection of reopen groups , and is using technology as well as relying on users to identify problematic posts .
The company has vowed in the past to look for material that violates its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in public places on its site .
But the platform has not always been able to deliver on that promise .
Shortly after the groups were formed , they were rife with coronavirus misinformation and conspiracy theories , including assertions that masks are `` useless , '' the U.S. government intends to forcibly vaccinate people , and that COVID-19 is a hoax intended to hurt President Donald Trump 's re-election chances this fall .
Posts in these private groups are less likely to be scrutinized by Facebook or its independent fact-checkers , said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the world , including The Associated Press , to fact-check claims on its site .
Members in these private groups have created an echo chamber and tend to agree with the posts , so are therefore less likely to flag them for Facebook or fact-checkers to review , Ms. Donovan added .
At least one Facebook group , ReOpen PA , asked its 105,000 members to keep the conversation focused on reopening businesses and schools in Pennsylvania , and implemented rules to forbid posts about the racial justice protests as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But most others have not moderated their pages as closely .
For example , some groups in New Jersey , Texas , and Ohio have labeled systemic racism a hoax .
A member of the California Facebook group posted a widely debunked flyer that says `` White men , women , and children , you are the enemy , '' which was falsely attributed to Black Lives Matter .
Another falsely claimed that a Black man was brandishing a gun outside the St. Louis mansion where a white couple confronted protesters with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the groups have pushed an unsubstantiated theory that liberal billionaire George Soros is paying crowds to attend racial justice protests .
Facebook members in two groups – Wisconsinites Against Excessive Quarantine and Ohioans Against Excessive Quarantine – also regularly refer to protesters as `` animals , '' `` thugs , '' or `` paid '' looters .
In the Ohio group , one user wrote on May 31 : `` The focus is shifted from the voice of free people rising up against tyranny ... to lawless thugs from a well known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives . ''
Those two pages are part of a network of groups in Ohio , Wisconsin , Minnesota , New York , and Pennsylvania created by conservative activist Ben Dorr , who has for years raised money to lobby on hot-button conservative issues like abortion or gun rights .
Their latest cause – pushing for governors to reopen their states – has attracted hundreds of thousands of followers in the private Facebook groups they launched .
Private groups that balloon to that size , with little oversight , are like `` creepy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can lurk , said disinformation researcher Nina Jankowicz , a fellow at the nonpartisan Wilson Center , a Washington , D.C. , think tank .
`` It 's sort of a way that the platforms are enabling some of the worst actors to stay on it , '' said Ms. Jankowicz .
`` Rather than being de-platformed – they can organize . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Barbara Ortutay in Oakland , California , contributed .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

A loose network of Facebook groups that took root across the country in April to organize protests over coronavirus stay-at-home orders has become a hub of misinformation and conspiracy theories that have pivoted to a variety of new targets. Their latest: Black Lives Matter and the nationwide protests of racial injustice.
These groups, which now boast a collective audience of more than 1 million members, are still thriving after most states started lifting virus restrictions.
And many have expanded their focus.
One group transformed itself last month from "Reopen California" to "California Patriots Pro Law & Order," with recent posts mocking Black Lives Matter or changing the slogan to "White Lives Matter." Members have used profane slurs to refer to Black people and protesters, calling them "animals," "racist," and "thugs" – a direct violation of Facebook's hate speech standards.
Others have become gathering grounds for promoting conspiracy theories about the protests, suggesting protesters were paid to go to demonstrations and that even the death of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man who died in the custody of Minneapolis police, was staged.
An Associated Press review of the most recent posts in 40 of these Facebook groups – most of which were launched by conservative groups or pro-gun activists – found the conversations largely shifted last month to attacking the nationwide protests over the killing of Black men and women after Mr. Floyd's death.
Facebook users in some of these groups post hundreds of times a day in threads often seen by members only and shielded from public view.
"Unless Facebook is actively looking for disinformation in those spaces, they will go unnoticed for a long time and they will grow," said Joan Donovan, the research director at the Harvard Kennedy School's Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy.
"Over time, people will drag other people into them and they will continue to organize."
Facebook said it is aware of the collection of reopen groups, and is using technology as well as relying on users to identify problematic posts. The company has vowed in the past to look for material that violates its rules in private groups as well as in public places on its site. But the platform has not always been able to deliver on that promise.
Shortly after the groups were formed, they were rife with coronavirus misinformation and conspiracy theories, including assertions that masks are "useless," the U.S. government intends to forcibly vaccinate people, and that COVID-19 is a hoax intended to hurt President Donald Trump's re-election chances this fall.
Posts in these private groups are less likely to be scrutinized by Facebook or its independent fact-checkers, said Ms. Donovan. Facebook enlists media outlets around the world, including The Associated Press, to fact-check claims on its site. Members in these private groups have created an echo chamber and tend to agree with the posts, so are therefore less likely to flag them for Facebook or fact-checkers to review, Ms. Donovan added.
At least one Facebook group, ReOpen PA, asked its 105,000 members to keep the conversation focused on reopening businesses and schools in Pennsylvania, and implemented rules to forbid posts about the racial justice protests as well as conspiracy theories about the efficacy of masks.
But most others have not moderated their pages as closely.
For example, some groups in New Jersey, Texas, and Ohio have labeled systemic racism a hoax. A member of the California Facebook group posted a widely debunked flyer that says "White men, women, and children, you are the enemy," which was falsely attributed to Black Lives Matter. Another falsely claimed that a Black man was brandishing a gun outside the St. Louis mansion where a white couple confronted protesters with firearms. Dozens of users in several of the groups have pushed an unsubstantiated theory that liberal billionaire George Soros is paying crowds to attend racial justice protests.
Facebook members in two groups – Wisconsinites Against Excessive Quarantine and Ohioans Against Excessive Quarantine – also regularly refer to protesters as "animals," "thugs," or "paid" looters.
In the Ohio group, one user wrote on May 31: "The focus is shifted from the voice of free people rising up against tyranny ... to lawless thugs from a well known racist group causing violence and upheaval of lives."
Those two pages are part of a network of groups in Ohio, Wisconsin, Minnesota, New York, and Pennsylvania created by conservative activist Ben Dorr, who has for years raised money to lobby on hot-button conservative issues like abortion or gun rights. Their latest cause – pushing for governors to reopen their states – has attracted hundreds of thousands of followers in the private Facebook groups they launched.
Private groups that balloon to that size, with little oversight, are like "creepy basements" where extremist views and misinformation can lurk, said disinformation researcher Nina Jankowicz, a fellow at the nonpartisan Wilson Center, a Washington, D.C., think tank.
"It's sort of a way that the platforms are enabling some of the worst actors to stay on it," said Ms. Jankowicz. "Rather than being de-platformed – they can organize."
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Barbara Ortutay in Oakland, California, contributed.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-06--Why Biden and Dems are focusing on political shift in South

From Mississippi retiring its state flag to local governments removing Confederate statues from public spaces , a bipartisan push across the South is chipping away at reminders of the Civil War and Jim Crow segregation .
Now , during a national reckoning on racism , Democratic Party leaders want those symbolic changes to become part of a fundamental shift at the ballot box .
Many Southern electorates are getting younger , less white , and more urban , and thus less likely to embrace President Donald Trump ’ s white identity politics .
Southern Democrats are pairing a demographically diverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offices with presumptive presidential nominee Joe Biden , a 77-year-old white man they believe can appeal to what remains perhaps the nation ’ s most culturally conservative region .
“ There ’ s so much opportunity for everyone in this region , ” said Jaime Harrison , Democratic challenger to South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham and a Black man .
Decades of economic development have coaxed new residents to the area .
That includes white people from other parts of the country , Black families returning generations after the Great Migration north during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a growing Latino population .
Mr. Harrison noted that even younger native Southerners , Black and white , are less wed to hard-partisan identities than their parents and grandparents were.Decades of economic development have coaxed new residents to the area .
“ Sometimes we get held back by leadership that ’ s still anchored in old ways , ” Mr. Harrison said .
But “ all of these changes are starting to move the dynamics in so many communities .
… That ’ s not to say we ’ re forgetting our past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the thing that ’ s dragging us back.
” The November elections will determine the extent of the change , with competitive races in the South affecting the presidency , U.S. Senate control , and the balance of power in statehouses from Raleigh , North Carolina ; to Austin , Texas .
Democratic victories would redefine policy fights over expanding health insurance access and overhauling criminal justice procedures , among other matters .
The general election is also critical because voters will elect the state lawmakers who will draw legislative and congressional boundaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the most part , aren ’ t as quick as Democrats to frame 2020 as a redefining year .
Still , they acknowledge obvious shifts that began with suburban growth in northern Virginia and extended southward down the coastline and westward to Texas .
“ North Carolina , Georgia , Texas – these are becoming real two-party states , ” said Republican pollster Brent Buchanan , whose firm , Cygnal , aides GOP campaigns across the country .
Mr. Biden ’ s campaign manager , Jen O ’ Malley Dillon , talks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that puts North Carolina and Florida in the same toss-up category as the Great Lakes states that sent Mr. Trump to the White House .
Georgia and Texas , she adds , will be tighter than they ’ ve been in decades .
Mr. Buchanan said GOP-run state House chambers in Georgia and Texas are up for grabs , as are Republican U.S. Senate seats in North Carolina , Georgia , and perhaps Texas .
Senate contests in South Carolina , Alabama , and Mississippi could be much closer than typical statewide races @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgia and the South are changing faster than most people think , ” said DuBose Porter , a former Georgia lawmaker and state party chair .
“ That was happening before Trump , ” Mr. Porter said , but the president “ has accelerated it.
” True two-party states in the Old Confederacy – at least beyond Florida and Virginia and occasionally North Carolina – would be relatively newfound .
For generations after post-Civil War Reconstruction , the “ Solid South ” was uniformly Democratic , white voters ' visceral rejection of President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the 1960s civil rights movement , most whites drifted to Republicans .
That trend peaked during Democrat Barack Obama ’ s two terms as the first Black president .
More than party identity , the common controlling force was white cultural conservatism .
“ Voters align first on principles , then on policy , ” Mr. Buchanan said .
Democrats see Mr. Biden as a party leader who can put a metro-based coalition over the top by mitigating margins beyond big cities and suburbs .
“ Biden is a safe vessel for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been OK with Trump when everything ’ s going well , but now are just looking for a stable leader who ’ ll do the right thing , ” said Zac McCrary , a Democratic pollster based in Alabama and whose firm is aligned with Mr. Biden 's campaign .
If Mr. Biden manages the feat , it would bridge the Southern appeals of the last three Democratic presidents .
Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were native Southerners who , with whiter , less urban electorates , attracted white moderates and Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , styled himself a racial progressive , yet courted Alabama Gov .
George Wallace , a former segregationist , in the 1976 primary .
Mr. Carter won across the South .
Mr. Clinton , who won several Southern states in 1992 , campaigned seamlessly among Black voters yet made a show of his death penalty support by traveling back to Arkansas during the campaign for the execution of a Black inmate .
Mr. Obama won North Carolina and Virginia in 2008 , leaning more heavily on diverse cities and battleground suburbs .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ display , has noted his list of potential running mates includes “ several ” Black women .
He speaks about centuries of injustice and systemic inequalities , most recently using an Independence Day address to describe American history as a “ constant push and pull between two parts of our character , the idea that all men and women – all people – are created equal and the racism that has torn us apart.
” But with civil unrest spurred by the latest police violence against Black Americans , Mr. Biden has sought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposes progressives ' calls to “ defund the police.
” Confederate symbols , Mr. Biden has argued , should come down , but ideally not through mob action , and he ’ s drawn distinctions between memorials to traitorous Confederates and those to national founders who owned slaves , including George Washington and Thomas Jefferson .
Their monuments , Mr. Biden said , should be protected .
Mr. McCrary said that approach , with Mr. Biden 's center-left positioning on policy , should prevent a white backlash that benefits Mr. Trump .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of what uneasy white Southerners choose .
“ Those voters are still scared about the direction of their country , ” he said .
In South Carolina , Mr. Harrison sees progress , even as more tangible policy fights remain .
“ Almost all of my life , the Confederate flag flew over the state Capitol dome or on the grounds of the Statehouse , ” Mr. Harrison said .
“ For my sons , they will have no memory of that.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

From Mississippi retiring its state flag to local governments removing Confederate statues from public spaces, a bipartisan push across the South is chipping away at reminders of the Civil War and Jim Crow segregation.
Now, during a national reckoning on racism, Democratic Party leaders want those symbolic changes to become part of a fundamental shift at the ballot box.
Many Southern electorates are getting younger, less white, and more urban, and thus less likely to embrace President Donald Trump’s white identity politics. Southern Democrats are pairing a demographically diverse slate of candidates for state and congressional offices with presumptive presidential nominee Joe Biden, a 77-year-old white man they believe can appeal to what remains perhaps the nation’s most culturally conservative region.
“There’s so much opportunity for everyone in this region,” said Jaime Harrison, Democratic challenger to South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham and a Black man.
Decades of economic development have coaxed new residents to the area. That includes white people from other parts of the country, Black families returning generations after the Great Migration north during the lynching and segregation era, and a growing Latino population. Mr. Harrison noted that even younger native Southerners, Black and white, are less wed to hard-partisan identities than their parents and grandparents were.Decades of economic development have coaxed new residents to the area.
“Sometimes we get held back by leadership that’s still anchored in old ways,” Mr. Harrison said. But “all of these changes are starting to move the dynamics in so many communities. … That’s not to say we’re forgetting our past. But it won’t be the thing that’s dragging us back.”
The November elections will determine the extent of the change, with competitive races in the South affecting the presidency, U.S. Senate control, and the balance of power in statehouses from Raleigh, North Carolina; to Austin, Texas.
Democratic victories would redefine policy fights over expanding health insurance access and overhauling criminal justice procedures, among other matters. The general election is also critical because voters will elect the state lawmakers who will draw legislative and congressional boundaries after the 2020 census.
Republicans, for the most part, aren’t as quick as Democrats to frame 2020 as a redefining year. Still, they acknowledge obvious shifts that began with suburban growth in northern Virginia and extended southward down the coastline and westward to Texas.
“North Carolina, Georgia, Texas – these are becoming real two-party states,” said Republican pollster Brent Buchanan, whose firm, Cygnal, aides GOP campaigns across the country.
Mr. Biden’s campaign manager, Jen O’Malley Dillon, talks eagerly of “an expanded map” that puts North Carolina and Florida in the same toss-up category as the Great Lakes states that sent Mr. Trump to the White House. Georgia and Texas, she adds, will be tighter than they’ve been in decades.
Mr. Buchanan said GOP-run state House chambers in Georgia and Texas are up for grabs, as are Republican U.S. Senate seats in North Carolina, Georgia, and perhaps Texas. Senate contests in South Carolina, Alabama, and Mississippi could be much closer than typical statewide races in those Deep South states.
“Georgia and the South are changing faster than most people think,” said DuBose Porter, a former Georgia lawmaker and state party chair. “That was happening before Trump,” Mr. Porter said, but the president “has accelerated it.”
True two-party states in the Old Confederacy – at least beyond Florida and Virginia and occasionally North Carolina – would be relatively newfound. For generations after post-Civil War Reconstruction, the “Solid South” was uniformly Democratic, white voters' visceral rejection of President Abraham Lincoln's Republican Party. Beginning with the 1960s civil rights movement, most whites drifted to Republicans. That trend peaked during Democrat Barack Obama’s two terms as the first Black president. More than party identity, the common controlling force was white cultural conservatism.
“Voters align first on principles, then on policy,” Mr. Buchanan said.
Democrats see Mr. Biden as a party leader who can put a metro-based coalition over the top by mitigating margins beyond big cities and suburbs. “Biden is a safe vessel for these [white] voters who might have been OK with Trump when everything’s going well, but now are just looking for a stable leader who’ll do the right thing,” said Zac McCrary, a Democratic pollster based in Alabama and whose firm is aligned with Mr. Biden's campaign.
If Mr. Biden manages the feat, it would bridge the Southern appeals of the last three Democratic presidents. Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were native Southerners who, with whiter, less urban electorates, attracted white moderates and Black voters. Mr. Carter, for example, styled himself a racial progressive, yet courted Alabama Gov. George Wallace, a former segregationist, in the 1976 primary. Mr. Carter won across the South.
Mr. Clinton, who won several Southern states in 1992, campaigned seamlessly among Black voters yet made a show of his death penalty support by traveling back to Arkansas during the campaign for the execution of a Black inmate. Mr. Obama won North Carolina and Virginia in 2008, leaning more heavily on diverse cities and battleground suburbs.
Mr. Biden, putting his needle-threading attempt on display, has noted his list of potential running mates includes “several” Black women. He speaks about centuries of injustice and systemic inequalities, most recently using an Independence Day address to describe American history as a “constant push and pull between two parts of our character, the idea that all men and women – all people – are created equal and the racism that has torn us apart.”
But with civil unrest spurred by the latest police violence against Black Americans, Mr. Biden has sought a middle ground, making clear he opposes progressives' calls to “defund the police.”
Confederate symbols, Mr. Biden has argued, should come down, but ideally not through mob action, and he’s drawn distinctions between memorials to traitorous Confederates and those to national founders who owned slaves, including George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. Their monuments, Mr. Biden said, should be protected.
Mr. McCrary said that approach, with Mr. Biden's center-left positioning on policy, should prevent a white backlash that benefits Mr. Trump. Mr. Buchanan argued it's an open question of what uneasy white Southerners choose. “Those voters are still scared about the direction of their country,” he said.
In South Carolina, Mr. Harrison sees progress, even as more tangible policy fights remain.
“Almost all of my life, the Confederate flag flew over the state Capitol dome or on the grounds of the Statehouse,” Mr. Harrison said. “For my sons, they will have no memory of that.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-07-07--Senator Joe McCarthy: The original polarizing political figure

It has been said that the central task of a biographer is revision .
It was part of Larry Tye ’ s mission in his 2016 book “ Bobby Kennedy : The Making of a Liberal Icon , ” and that revisionism becomes doubly important when it comes to the subject of Tye ’ s new book , “ Demagogue : The Life and Long Shadow of Senator Joe McCarthy.
” As Tye points out immediately , McCarthy is part of a comparatively tiny cast of characters in American civic folklore who are characterized as purely evil – as cautionary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a brick wall .
On a fundamental level , he is undeniably unsalvageable .
Tye mostly seems to know this .
“ I seek not to redeem the Wisconsin senator but rather to unmask fanatics and fabricators on all sides in a way that presents a truer , more fully dimensional portrait of a figure so central to the narrative of America , ” he writes .
“ Pulling open the curtain , we find Senator McCarthy revealed as neither the Genghis Khan his enemies depicted nor the Joan of Arc rendered by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contends , is somewhere between saint and sinner , and in order to flesh out his portrait , Tye has researched extensively and consulted more archival material than has been available to any previous McCarthy biographer , including information from the FBI , CIA , the Russian Foreign Ministry , and the personal recollections of McCarthy ’ s wife , his family , and the children of his various victims .
All of this research allows Tye to correct the biographical record on a few comparatively minor points , but mere corrections do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s postwar career only makes it more difficult for anyone trying to find a relatable human being underneath the myth : He became a senator from Wisconsin in 1946 and ostentatiously hunted Communists and gay men in a series of public accusations and charges , which culminated in his participation in the Army-McCarthy Senate hearings of 1954 .
The hearings were a public sensation .
“ Gallup found that an astounding 78 million Americans understood the basic charges and countercharges , ” Tye writes , “ which was substantially more than could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and probably Lassie.
” And although Tye stresses that the McCarthy revealed in the private hearings is even worse than the one Americans saw on live TV , there ’ s a certain poetic symmetry in the fact that just as McCarthy ’ s rise to brutish , bullying power happened on camera , so too did the beginning of his fall .
On June 9 , 1954 , the Army chief counsel Joseph Nye Welch famously asked McCarthy , “ Have you no sense of decency , sir ?
At long last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decency ?
” As Tye writes , “ The question hung in the air of the hearing room and living rooms across America , and became the watchword of the Army-McCarthy saga .
...
The audience at first seemed stunned , then , defying the chairman ’ s long-standing admonition , it burst into loud and long applause in support of Welch.
” The end came quickly after that .
Public opinion turned against McCarthy , the Senate voted to censure him , and he died at age 48 in 1957 .
Tye @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and with greater sympathy than any previous biographer , and he recognizes not only the uphill task of even partially defending McCarthy but also the dark associations with the present political moment .
Tye draws a link between McCarthyism and Trumpism .
“ To make sense of Donald Trump ’ s rise , reporters swarmed into America ’ s heartland to interview his angry white believers , ” he writes .
“ Another vital way to understand what happened is to look back at the bully who set the guideposts.
” The lessons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events of his own life , Tye writes , are straightforward : “ Stretch the truth often enough and not only will people never trust you , but even you will have trouble remembering what is real .
Malign people enough and they will fight back in kind , with evidence as half-baked as yours.
” It ’ s every demagogue ’ s dilemma , he adds : “ they can ’ t help lying and smearing.
” “ Demagogue ” does an impressive job of shedding new light on Joe McCarthy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the more repulsive he appears .
“ The more we learn , ” Tye writes , “ the fewer heroes this story has .
”

It has been said that the central task of a biographer is revision. It was part of Larry Tye’s mission in his 2016 book “Bobby Kennedy: The Making of a Liberal Icon,” and that revisionism becomes doubly important when it comes to the subject of Tye’s new book, “Demagogue: The Life and Long Shadow of Senator Joe McCarthy.”
As Tye points out immediately, McCarthy is part of a comparatively tiny cast of characters in American civic folklore who are characterized as purely evil – as cautionary tales. With McCarthy, revisionism hits a brick wall. On a fundamental level, he is undeniably unsalvageable.
Tye mostly seems to know this. “I seek not to redeem the Wisconsin senator but rather to unmask fanatics and fabricators on all sides in a way that presents a truer, more fully dimensional portrait of a figure so central to the narrative of America,” he writes. “Pulling open the curtain, we find Senator McCarthy revealed as neither the Genghis Khan his enemies depicted nor the Joan of Arc rendered by friends.”
The real man, Tye contends, is somewhere between saint and sinner, and in order to flesh out his portrait, Tye has researched extensively and consulted more archival material than has been available to any previous McCarthy biographer, including information from the FBI, CIA, the Russian Foreign Ministry, and the personal recollections of McCarthy’s wife, his family, and the children of his various victims.
All of this research allows Tye to correct the biographical record on a few comparatively minor points, but mere corrections do not provide a ringing defense. McCarthy’s postwar career only makes it more difficult for anyone trying to find a relatable human being underneath the myth: He became a senator from Wisconsin in 1946 and ostentatiously hunted Communists and gay men in a series of public accusations and charges, which culminated in his participation in the Army-McCarthy Senate hearings of 1954. The hearings were a public sensation. “Gallup found that an astounding 78 million Americans understood the basic charges and countercharges,” Tye writes, “which was substantially more than could name their senator, their congressman, and probably Lassie.”
And although Tye stresses that the McCarthy revealed in the private hearings is even worse than the one Americans saw on live TV, there’s a certain poetic symmetry in the fact that just as McCarthy’s rise to brutish, bullying power happened on camera, so too did the beginning of his fall. On June 9, 1954, the Army chief counsel Joseph Nye Welch famously asked McCarthy, “Have you no sense of decency, sir? At long last, have you left no sense of decency?” As Tye writes, “The question hung in the air of the hearing room and living rooms across America, and became the watchword of the Army-McCarthy saga. ... The audience at first seemed stunned, then, defying the chairman’s long-standing admonition, it burst into loud and long applause in support of Welch.”
The end came quickly after that. Public opinion turned against McCarthy, the Senate voted to censure him, and he died at age 48 in 1957. Tye narrates all of this in greater detail and with greater sympathy than any previous biographer, and he recognizes not only the uphill task of even partially defending McCarthy but also the dark associations with the present political moment.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Tye draws a link between McCarthyism and Trumpism. “To make sense of Donald Trump’s rise, reporters swarmed into America’s heartland to interview his angry white believers,” he writes. “Another vital way to understand what happened is to look back at the bully who set the guideposts.” The lessons that McCarthy failed to learn from the events of his own life, Tye writes, are straightforward: “Stretch the truth often enough and not only will people never trust you, but even you will have trouble remembering what is real. Malign people enough and they will fight back in kind, with evidence as half-baked as yours.” It’s every demagogue’s dilemma, he adds: “they can’t help lying and smearing.”
“Demagogue” does an impressive job of shedding new light on Joe McCarthy, but the more light is shed, the more repulsive he appears. “The more we learn,” Tye writes, “the fewer heroes this story has.”


csmonitor--2020-07-07--Kashmir’s media survived blackout – but warn of shrinking freedoms

Winning an award from the International Women ’ s Media Foundation “ was an acknowledgement that the world is witnessing and reading our stories , ” says Masrat Zahra .
“ It gave us more strength and courage.
” But there have been brief bright spots this spring , in international awards to four local photojournalists – including Pulitzer Prizes .
Kashmiri journalists are left with just two options , says editor Anuradha Bhasin : “ Either they become vehicles of government publicity departments or continue their work professionally at the risk of facing consequences.
” But now , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they still face an increasingly challenging environment – one that some fear could make independent reporting all but impossible .
A new media policy that allows authorities to examine and punish reporting they deem detrimental to India ’ s “ sovereignty and integrity , ” has added to concerns , and many reporters have been questioned by police .
And yet journalists found a way to report .
Some , unable to access the internet , sent materials on thumb drives to New Delhi .
Nearly one year ago , New Delhi stripped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it into two union territories ruled directly by the capital .
For many months , Kashmir lived under a lockdown , with communication services cut off , which officials argued was needed to maintain order .
Two months since photojournalist Masrat Zahra was booked by Indian police under an anti-terror law , she says , “ I still fear that I might be detained anytime.
” A resident of Srinagar , the summer capital of Indian-administered Kashmir , Ms. Zahra was charged in late April for posting her work on social media – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a banner of popular Kashmiri rebel commander Burhan Wani , who was killed in July 2016 .
In a statement , police said Ms. Zahra was “ uploading photographs which can provoke the public to disturb law and order ... tantamount to glorify anti-national activities and dent image of law enforcing agencies besides causing disaffection against the country.
” Born and raised in Srinagar , she often watched protests against security forces and Indian rule , but “ found it strange that the photographers were only men.
” In university , she enrolled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a journalism program , against her parents ’ wishes .
Today , at 26 , she is one of Kashmir ’ s only women photojournalists – and even has support from her parents .
But over the past year , Ms. Zahra and other journalists in long-troubled Kashmir , one of the world ’ s most militarized regions , have faced increasing risks in their work – risks that could make independent reporting all but impossible , some argue .
They include a monthslong internet shutdown for much of the past year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ms. Zahra is not the only journalist in Kashmir to face questioning .
Another journalist , Gowhar Geelani , was also booked under the same law – the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act ( UAPA ) , which can carry sentences of up to seven years – for the same reasons .
While Ms. Zahra and Mr. Geelani have been released , the investigations continue .
Several other journalists have been summoned by police in the past few months , or accused of reporting “ fake news.
” Islamabad and New Delhi have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and thousands have been killed as rebels fight Indian rule .
Indian-controlled Kashmir and Jammu was the country ’ s only Muslim-majority state – until last August 5 , when the Indian government unilaterally stripped it of its semi-autonomous status and carved it into two union territories ruled directly by New Delhi .
Officials imposed a strict curfew and cut communication channels , which they argued was needed to restore order and avoid violence amid protests .
Many reporters without internet facilities sent text , photographs , and videos in thumb drives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive editor of the Kashmir Times , says that in the past , successive governments have made attempts to gag media by bringing in undemocratic policies , actions , and laws , but “ the media fraternity has been successful in thwarting such attempts.
” However , she adds , “ the present policy is extremely stringent and we seem to be living in different times .
Unless the media is united and ready to challenge this ugly policy , I don ’ t see much hope for the future.
” Ms. Zahra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says that journalists are constantly being harassed , intimidated , summoned , and booked .
“ The case has been a shock for me .
I ’ m new in the field and getting booked under this draconian law was really unexpected .
I could not sleep for so many nights , ” she says .
“ Mental trauma continues , but I also don ’ t want to stop working because I think all journalists in Kashmir face such pressures and we have to be ready for it.
” Similarly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ south Kashmir , Qazi Shibli , was detained last summer and booked under the Public Safety Act after tweeting and reporting on the deployment of troops in Kashmir , just before the state ’ s special status was revoked .
He spent nine months in a jail in Uttar Pradesh , some 660 miles from home , accused of “ anti-national activities.
” Under the law , a person can be imprisoned for up to two years without trial .
“ I have been seeing psychiatrists and doctors as well .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly nine months , with a rare human visit now and then , has caused deep psychological distress , ” says Mr. Shibli , who was released in April and has since restarted his work .
In May , a new , 53-page media policy was put in place , allowing officials to detect and punish “ fake news ” and media they deem detrimental to the “ sovereignty and integrity ” of India .
The policy also adds that government agencies will do background checks of newspaper editors , to determine which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and of staffers , for accreditation .
Most journalists view the rules as an attempt to encourage self-censorship .
Ms. Bhasin , whose newspaper has been barred from publishing government advertisements , says that it is an attempt to “ kill journalism through a systemic policy of surveillance and control of media.
” “ Much of this was already happening , ” she says , adding that the new policy is not only “ a tool to suppress journalists who ask uncomfortable questions but also individuals who exercise their right to free expression.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ two options , she adds : “ either they become vehicles of government publicity departments or continue their work professionally at the risk of facing consequences.
” Though much internet access has been restored , most major newspapers here have continued to refrain from questioning the government or reporting on conflict .
Yet this spring , Kashmir ’ s media had a moment to celebrate : Three photojournalists working with the Associated Press – Dar Yasin and Mukhtar Khan , who are from Kashmir , and Channi Anand , who is from Jammu @ @ @ @ @ @ @ photographs of Kashmir ’ s lockdown .
Within hours of the announcement , India ’ s social media and several members of the ruling party accused the Pulitzer board of being biased .
At such a difficult time , “ to win the most prestigious award of course is encouraging , ” says Mr. Shibli , expressing his gratitude to the journalists .
“ The world needs to see a Kashmiri journalist is putting enough at stake to present them the realities from ground zero.
” “ Despite all odds people here continued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ smuggling pen drives [ USBs ] out of Kashmir to send pictures and videos , ” says Ms. Zahra .
“ This shows the level of dedication and hard work .
In the process of telling stories , journalists here become stories.
” Amid this , the recognition has shown how journalism in Kashmir plays a significant role .
That message set in after the Pulitzer Prize in May , and again in June when Ms. Zahra won the 2020 Anja Niedringhaus Courage in Photojournalism Award from the International Women ’ s Media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalists , Ms. Zahra says that her award was “ a recognition of our hard work and honesty towards the profession .
It was an acknowledgement that the world is witnessing and reading our stories .
It gave us more strength and courage .
”

Winning an award from the International Women’s Media Foundation “was an acknowledgement that the world is witnessing and reading our stories,” says Masrat Zahra. “It gave us more strength and courage.”
But there have been brief bright spots this spring, in international awards to four local photojournalists – including Pulitzer Prizes.
Kashmiri journalists are left with just two options, says editor Anuradha Bhasin: “Either they become vehicles of government publicity departments or continue their work professionally at the risk of facing consequences.”
But now, with much access restored, local journalists say they still face an increasingly challenging environment – one that some fear could make independent reporting all but impossible. A new media policy that allows authorities to examine and punish reporting they deem detrimental to India’s “sovereignty and integrity,” has added to concerns, and many reporters have been questioned by police.
How do you report in a communications blackout? For months, Kashmir’s journalists found a way. Now, with most internet restored, they still face challenges – and tough decisions about the risks of reporting.
And yet journalists found a way to report. Some, unable to access the internet, sent materials on thumb drives to New Delhi.
Nearly one year ago, New Delhi stripped Kashmir of its special status, carving it into two union territories ruled directly by the capital. For many months, Kashmir lived under a lockdown, with communication services cut off, which officials argued was needed to maintain order.
Two months since photojournalist Masrat Zahra was booked by Indian police under an anti-terror law, she says, “I still fear that I might be detained anytime.”
A resident of Srinagar, the summer capital of Indian-administered Kashmir, Ms. Zahra was charged in late April for posting her work on social media – including a photo of a protester with a banner of popular Kashmiri rebel commander Burhan Wani, who was killed in July 2016. In a statement, police said Ms. Zahra was “uploading photographs which can provoke the public to disturb law and order ... tantamount to glorify anti-national activities and dent image of law enforcing agencies besides causing disaffection against the country.”
Born and raised in Srinagar, she often watched protests against security forces and Indian rule, but “found it strange that the photographers were only men.” In university, she enrolled in science classes – but secretly studied for a journalism program, against her parents’ wishes.
Why We Wrote This How do you report in a communications blackout? For months, Kashmir’s journalists found a way. Now, with most internet restored, they still face challenges – and tough decisions about the risks of reporting.
Today, at 26, she is one of Kashmir’s only women photojournalists – and even has support from her parents. But over the past year, Ms. Zahra and other journalists in long-troubled Kashmir, one of the world’s most militarized regions, have faced increasing risks in their work – risks that could make independent reporting all but impossible, some argue. They include a monthslong internet shutdown for much of the past year, the longest-ever imposed in a democracy.
Ms. Zahra is not the only journalist in Kashmir to face questioning. Another journalist, Gowhar Geelani, was also booked under the same law – the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), which can carry sentences of up to seven years – for the same reasons. While Ms. Zahra and Mr. Geelani have been released, the investigations continue. Several other journalists have been summoned by police in the past few months, or accused of reporting “fake news.”
Dar Yasin/AP View caption Hide caption Kashmiri journalists protest against a new media policy in Srinagar, Indian-administered Kashmir, July 6, 2020. The policy, which seeks to regulate reporting in the disputed territory, has been widely criticized by journalists for violating the freedom of the press.
Increasing risks
Islamabad and New Delhi have disputed the wider Kashmir region for decades, and thousands have been killed as rebels fight Indian rule. Indian-controlled Kashmir and Jammu was the country’s only Muslim-majority state – until last August 5, when the Indian government unilaterally stripped it of its semi-autonomous status and carved it into two union territories ruled directly by New Delhi.
Officials imposed a strict curfew and cut communication channels, which they argued was needed to restore order and avoid violence amid protests. Many reporters without internet facilities sent text, photographs, and videos in thumb drives to New Delhi.
Anuradha Bhasin, executive editor of the Kashmir Times, says that in the past, successive governments have made attempts to gag media by bringing in undemocratic policies, actions, and laws, but “the media fraternity has been successful in thwarting such attempts.”
However, she adds, “the present policy is extremely stringent and we seem to be living in different times. Unless the media is united and ready to challenge this ugly policy, I don’t see much hope for the future.”
Ms. Zahra, who has since continued to work, says that journalists are constantly being harassed, intimidated, summoned, and booked.
“The case has been a shock for me. I’m new in the field and getting booked under this draconian law was really unexpected. I could not sleep for so many nights,” she says. “Mental trauma continues, but I also don’t want to stop working because I think all journalists in Kashmir face such pressures and we have to be ready for it.”
Similarly, the editor of a news website in south Kashmir, Qazi Shibli, was detained last summer and booked under the Public Safety Act after tweeting and reporting on the deployment of troops in Kashmir, just before the state’s special status was revoked. He spent nine months in a jail in Uttar Pradesh, some 660 miles from home, accused of “anti-national activities.” Under the law, a person can be imprisoned for up to two years without trial.
“I have been seeing psychiatrists and doctors as well. It’s just that the solitary confinement of nearly nine months, with a rare human visit now and then, has caused deep psychological distress,” says Mr. Shibli, who was released in April and has since restarted his work.
In May, a new, 53-page media policy was put in place, allowing officials to detect and punish “fake news” and media they deem detrimental to the “sovereignty and integrity” of India. The policy also adds that government agencies will do background checks of newspaper editors, to determine which are eligible to run government ads; and of staffers, for accreditation.
Most journalists view the rules as an attempt to encourage self-censorship. Ms. Bhasin, whose newspaper has been barred from publishing government advertisements, says that it is an attempt to “kill journalism through a systemic policy of surveillance and control of media.”
“Much of this was already happening,” she says, adding that the new policy is not only “a tool to suppress journalists who ask uncomfortable questions but also individuals who exercise their right to free expression.” Kashmiri journalists are left with just two options, she adds: “either they become vehicles of government publicity departments or continue their work professionally at the risk of facing consequences.” Though much internet access has been restored, most major newspapers here have continued to refrain from questioning the government or reporting on conflict.
Outside appreciation
Yet this spring, Kashmir’s media had a moment to celebrate: Three photojournalists working with the Associated Press – Dar Yasin and Mukhtar Khan, who are from Kashmir, and Channi Anand, who is from Jammu – won the Pulitzer Prize for their photographs of Kashmir’s lockdown. Within hours of the announcement, India’s social media and several members of the ruling party accused the Pulitzer board of being biased.
At such a difficult time, “to win the most prestigious award of course is encouraging,” says Mr. Shibli, expressing his gratitude to the journalists. “The world needs to see a Kashmiri journalist is putting enough at stake to present them the realities from ground zero.”
“Despite all odds people here continued to work, even if it meant smuggling pen drives [USBs] out of Kashmir to send pictures and videos,” says Ms. Zahra. “This shows the level of dedication and hard work. In the process of telling stories, journalists here become stories.”
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Amid this, the recognition has shown how journalism in Kashmir plays a significant role. That message set in after the Pulitzer Prize in May, and again in June when Ms. Zahra won the 2020 Anja Niedringhaus Courage in Photojournalism Award from the International Women’s Media Foundation.
Speaking on behalf of Kashmiri journalists, Ms. Zahra says that her award was “a recognition of our hard work and honesty towards the profession. It was an acknowledgement that the world is witnessing and reading our stories. It gave us more strength and courage.”


csmonitor--2020-07-07--California seemed to do everything right. So why are COVID-19 cases surging?

“ It ’ s not at the crisis level you see in Houston or Phoenix , ” he says .
Californians were “ a little bit cavalier ” after opening up , he says .
Still , he believes what the state has done right will allow it to get the virus under control faster than states that have been “ less responsible.
” California ’ s struggle undercuts the narrative that recent spikes in several Republican-led states can largely be chalked up to “ bad behavior ” by their leaders , says Robert Wachter , chair of the department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , San Francisco .
Five other states are now backtracking on reopening because of a surge in new cases , while 13 others are taking a pause .
The U.S. leads the world in cases as well as deaths from COVID-19 , with the nation ’ s death toll now at more than 130,000 .
When the novel coronavirus hit the United States earlier this year , California was held up as a model of response .
It was the first state to go into lockdown , on March 19 , and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York .
But a recent resurgence of the virus has caused the state ’ s Democratic governor to reimpose restrictions – last week closing indoor spaces such as restaurants , museums , and movie theaters .
Recent orders by California ’ s governor to halt indoor dining in many counties may not impact the Blue Plate Oysterette much .
At the Santa Monica seafood eatery , diners lately have been ordering their oysters or king crab legs at an outdoor counter – housed in a vintage VW bus – and feasting at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cliff-side promenade .
Nonetheless , owner Jen Rush has sharp views about Gov .
Gavin Newsom ’ s decision to close indoor spaces such as restaurants , museums , and movie theaters for at least three weeks because of a surge in COVID-19 cases .
Add to that beach closures over the July Fourth holiday weekend .
“ They should never have opened up , ” says Ms .
Rush , complaining that authorities moved too quickly between phased reopenings .
She notes that on a recent drive to the restaurant , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ocean Avenue were wearing masks .
The “ yo-yo ” orders – from full closure , to takeout only , to indoor dining with social distancing , then back to outdoor service – make running a business “ very difficult , ” she says .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
When the novel coronavirus hit the United States earlier this year , California was held up as a model of response .
It was the first state to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and it never experienced the heavy death toll of New York .
But a recent resurgence of the virus has caused the state ’ s Democratic governor to reimpose restrictions – and undercuts the narrative that the spikes in several Republican-led states can largely be chalked up to “ bad behavior ” by their leaders , says Robert Wachter , chair of the department of medicine at the University of California , San Francisco .
As in other places , Californians were “ a little bit cavalier and careless ” after opening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus doesn ’ t care if a state has had a couple of good months if people then let their guard down , he observes .
Still , he believes that because of what California has done right , it will be able to get things under control faster than other states .
“ Yes , we ’ re having a surge , but there will be fewer people that die here per capita than in states that have been less responsible , ” he says , adding , “ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Houston or Phoenix.
” Five states in addition to California are currently backtracking on reopening because of a surge in new cases – Florida , Texas , Arizona , Colorado , and Michigan , according to the New York Times tracker .
Thirteen other states are pausing their openings , while new cases nationwide could rise to 100,000 a day , Dr. Anthony Fauci told Congress last week .
The U.S. leads the world in cases as well as deaths from COVID-19 – with the nation ’ s death toll now at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hopkins University .
With 40 million people , California is the most populous state and a microcosm of the nation .
It has every kind of industry , ranging from tech to agriculture .
It has extreme wealth and poverty .
Its geography spans rural and urban , coastal and inland , and the state is home to an ethnically and racially diverse population .
As such , many of the nation ’ s challenges with the virus are mirrored here .
California has seen , for instance , numerous outbreaks in confined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Marin County , roughly a third of the inmates at San Quentin State Prison have tested positive since a May transfer of hundreds of inmates from another prison that had been battling the virus .
Six people have died .
The top medical officer for the state correction facilities was replaced on Monday .
Last week , the state ’ s health secretary , Dr. Mark Ghaly , characterized some of the causes of the surge throughout the state .
Family gatherings in Sacramento County , where guidelines were not followed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which led to a rise in cases and a more than 40 % rise in hospitalizations in three days , he said .
Rural Imperial County , which borders Mexico and Arizona , has the highest rate of positive tests in the state and has had to send hundreds of patients elsewhere because its health care facilities are overwhelmed .
Some cases have been linked to cross-border traffic in a county where most of the population is Latino and many are migrant farmers .
In California , as in the nation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color .
In Los Angeles County , the epicenter of the virus in California , public health officials found last month that of 3,700 restaurants and bars surveyed , more than 80 % were not complying with reopening guidelines – a big problem being lack of face coverings .
As a result , the governor on June 18 made face masks mandatory in most public settings , followed days later by the closing of bars on the state ’ s county “ watchlist , ” and then last week ’ s restrictions on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor said California became too fixated on when to reopen and not enough on how .
California officials put together a “ really thoughtful road map ” on how to reopen , “ but we may have gone a little bit fast through these steps , ” agrees Jeanne Ringel , senior economist and director of the Rand Corp. ’ s health care access and delivery program .
Livelihoods and mental health were at stake , putting tremendous pressure on officials to reopen .
Because California had flattened the curve , cooped-up residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as low , she says .
What went right Like Dr. Wachter , she says the state has also gotten a lot of the response right : ramping up testing , using time gained during the lockdown to build contact tracing and hospital capacity and buy personal protective equipment , and putting in place a transparent monitoring system and triggers to pull back counties if they fail to meet benchmarks .
While California ’ s leaders have been consistent about messaging – wear face coverings , wash hands , practice social distancing – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ message effectively to different cultures within the state , says Dr. Ringel .
Residents in more liberal Los Angeles County might be more inclined to wear face masks , while less inclined next door in the more conservative Orange County .
Interestingly , several Orange County oceanside communities voluntarily joined Los Angeles County in the temporary July Fourth beach closures – in contrast to strong resistance displayed at earlier forced closures .
The COVID-19 surge in their county seemed to spur them on as did , in the case of Newport Beach , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subsequent quarantining of 23 lifeguards .
At the same time , many national Republican leaders are now urging everyone to wear face coverings .
People need to get back into “ a frame of mind that recognizes the magnitude of this moment , ” Governor Newsom said last week .
If they don ’ t , he added , the state has $ 2.5 billion in funds it can withhold from county recalcitrants and a regulatory arm it can flex with businesses .
That ’ s all right with resident Melissa Longmire , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beach with two family members to celebrate a birthday on July 1 .
“ I ’ m in total agreement with the governor , ” she says , emphasizing the need to social distance and wear masks .
While their original thought had been to have a larger gathering , they ultimately decided to keep it small .
“ Health is the most important [ thing ] , ” she says .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“It’s not at the crisis level you see in Houston or Phoenix,” he says.
Californians were “a little bit cavalier” after opening up, he says. Still, he believes what the state has done right will allow it to get the virus under control faster than states that have been “less responsible.”
California’s struggle undercuts the narrative that recent spikes in several Republican-led states can largely be chalked up to “bad behavior” by their leaders, says Robert Wachter, chair of the department of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco.
Unlike some states that resisted stringent measures, California’s response to the coronavirus drew widespread praise. Its current struggles offer lessons about the pace of reopening and overconfidence born of success.
Five other states are now backtracking on reopening because of a surge in new cases, while 13 others are taking a pause. The U.S. leads the world in cases as well as deaths from COVID-19, with the nation’s death toll now at more than 130,000.
When the novel coronavirus hit the United States earlier this year, California was held up as a model of response. It was the first state to go into lockdown, on March 19, and it never experienced the heavy death toll of New York. But a recent resurgence of the virus has caused the state’s Democratic governor to reimpose restrictions – last week closing indoor spaces such as restaurants, museums, and movie theaters.
Recent orders by California’s governor to halt indoor dining in many counties may not impact the Blue Plate Oysterette much. At the Santa Monica seafood eatery, diners lately have been ordering their oysters or king crab legs at an outdoor counter – housed in a vintage VW bus – and feasting at sidewalk tables or across the street overlooking the cliff-side promenade.
Nonetheless, owner Jen Rush has sharp views about Gov. Gavin Newsom’s decision to close indoor spaces such as restaurants, museums, and movie theaters for at least three weeks because of a surge in COVID-19 cases. Add to that beach closures over the July Fourth holiday weekend.
“They should never have opened up,” says Ms. Rush, complaining that authorities moved too quickly between phased reopenings. She notes that on a recent drive to the restaurant, only about a third of pedestrians on Ocean Avenue were wearing masks. The “yo-yo” orders – from full closure, to takeout only, to indoor dining with social distancing, then back to outdoor service – make running a business “very difficult,” she says.
Why We Wrote This Unlike some states that resisted stringent measures, California’s response to the coronavirus drew widespread praise. Its current struggles offer lessons about the pace of reopening and overconfidence born of success.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
When the novel coronavirus hit the United States earlier this year, California was held up as a model of response. It was the first state to go into lockdown, on March 19, and it never experienced the heavy death toll of New York. But a recent resurgence of the virus has caused the state’s Democratic governor to reimpose restrictions – and undercuts the narrative that the spikes in several Republican-led states can largely be chalked up to “bad behavior” by their leaders, says Robert Wachter, chair of the department of medicine at the University of California, San Francisco.
Francine Kiefer/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Jen Rush (right), owner of the Blue Plate Oysterette in Santa Monica, California, leaning against the ordering counter of a vintage VW bus, says state authorities opened up too quickly. The restaurant's manager, Matthew Kretschmer stands next to her, along with management-team members JoAnna Senatore and Damon Murphy.
As in other places, Californians were “a little bit cavalier and careless” after opening up, says Dr. Wachter. The virus doesn’t care if a state has had a couple of good months if people then let their guard down, he observes.
Still, he believes that because of what California has done right, it will be able to get things under control faster than other states. “Yes, we’re having a surge, but there will be fewer people that die here per capita than in states that have been less responsible,” he says, adding, “It’s not at the crisis level you see in Houston or Phoenix.”
Five states in addition to California are currently backtracking on reopening because of a surge in new cases – Florida, Texas, Arizona, Colorado, and Michigan, according to the New York Times tracker. Thirteen other states are pausing their openings, while new cases nationwide could rise to 100,000 a day, Dr. Anthony Fauci told Congress last week. The U.S. leads the world in cases as well as deaths from COVID-19 – with the nation’s death toll now at more than 130,000, according to Johns Hopkins University.
A microcosm of the nation
With 40 million people, California is the most populous state and a microcosm of the nation. It has every kind of industry, ranging from tech to agriculture. It has extreme wealth and poverty. Its geography spans rural and urban, coastal and inland, and the state is home to an ethnically and racially diverse population. As such, many of the nation’s challenges with the virus are mirrored here.
California has seen, for instance, numerous outbreaks in confined facilities such as nursing homes and jails. In Marin County, roughly a third of the inmates at San Quentin State Prison have tested positive since a May transfer of hundreds of inmates from another prison that had been battling the virus. Six people have died. The top medical officer for the state correction facilities was replaced on Monday.
Last week, the state’s health secretary, Dr. Mark Ghaly, characterized some of the causes of the surge throughout the state. Family gatherings in Sacramento County, where guidelines were not followed, likely led to outbreaks in families, which led to a rise in cases and a more than 40% rise in hospitalizations in three days, he said.
Rural Imperial County, which borders Mexico and Arizona, has the highest rate of positive tests in the state and has had to send hundreds of patients elsewhere because its health care facilities are overwhelmed. Some cases have been linked to cross-border traffic in a county where most of the population is Latino and many are migrant farmers. In California, as in the nation, the virus is disproportionately affecting people of color.
In Los Angeles County, the epicenter of the virus in California, public health officials found last month that of 3,700 restaurants and bars surveyed, more than 80% were not complying with reopening guidelines – a big problem being lack of face coverings.
As a result, the governor on June 18 made face masks mandatory in most public settings, followed days later by the closing of bars on the state’s county “watchlist,” and then last week’s restrictions on indoor settings for watchlist counties. The governor said California became too fixated on when to reopen and not enough on how.
California officials put together a “really thoughtful road map” on how to reopen, “but we may have gone a little bit fast through these steps,” agrees Jeanne Ringel, senior economist and director of the Rand Corp.’s health care access and delivery program. Livelihoods and mental health were at stake, putting tremendous pressure on officials to reopen. Because California had flattened the curve, cooped-up residents may have perceived the risk of socializing as low, she says.
What went right
Like Dr. Wachter, she says the state has also gotten a lot of the response right: ramping up testing, using time gained during the lockdown to build contact tracing and hospital capacity and buy personal protective equipment, and putting in place a transparent monitoring system and triggers to pull back counties if they fail to meet benchmarks.
While California’s leaders have been consistent about messaging – wear face coverings, wash hands, practice social distancing – it can be hard to communicate that message effectively to different cultures within the state, says Dr. Ringel. Residents in more liberal Los Angeles County might be more inclined to wear face masks, while less inclined next door in the more conservative Orange County.
Interestingly, several Orange County oceanside communities voluntarily joined Los Angeles County in the temporary July Fourth beach closures – in contrast to strong resistance displayed at earlier forced closures. The COVID-19 surge in their county seemed to spur them on as did, in the case of Newport Beach, two lifeguards who tested positive and the subsequent quarantining of 23 lifeguards. At the same time, many national Republican leaders are now urging everyone to wear face coverings.
People need to get back into “a frame of mind that recognizes the magnitude of this moment,” Governor Newsom said last week. If they don’t, he added, the state has $2.5 billion in funds it can withhold from county recalcitrants and a regulatory arm it can flex with businesses.
That’s all right with resident Melissa Longmire, who came to Santa Monica’s beach with two family members to celebrate a birthday on July 1. “I’m in total agreement with the governor,” she says, emphasizing the need to social distance and wear masks.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
While their original thought had been to have a larger gathering, they ultimately decided to keep it small. “Health is the most important [thing],” she says.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.