csmonitor--2020-08-19--Path forward unclear after military coup ousts Mali president

Mali 's president announced his resignation late Tuesday , just hours after armed soldiers seized him from his home in a dramatic power grab following months of protests demanding his ouster .
The news of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita 's departure was met with jubilation by anti-government demonstrators and alarm by former colonial ruler France , and other allies and foreign nations .
The U.N. Security Council scheduled a closed meeting Wednesday afternoon to discuss the unfolding situation in Mali , where the U.N. has a 15,600-strong peacekeeping mission .
Speaking on national broadcaster ORTM just before midnight , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ amid the COVID-19 pandemic , said his resignation – three years before his final term was due to end – was effective immediately .
A banner across the bottom of the television screen referred to him as the `` outgoing president . ''
`` I wish no blood to be shed to keep me in power , '' Mr. Keita said .
`` I have decided to step down from office . ''
He also announced that his government and the National Assembly would be dissolved , certain to further the country 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the growing coronavirus pandemic .
Mr. Keita , who was democratically elected in 2013 and reelected five years later , was left with few choices after the mutinous soldiers seized weapons from the armory in the garrison town of Kati and then advanced on the capital of Bamako .
They took Prime Minister Boubou Cisse into custody along with the president .
Soldiers who ousted Mali 's president and government in the military coup promised on Wednesday to oversee elections within a `` reasonable '' time , according to Reuters , as calls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to an acute political crisis .
The troops hailed from the same military barracks where a coup was launched more than eight years ago , allowing the Islamic insurgency to take hold amid a power vacuum .
A spokesman for the mutineers , calling themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People , said they had acted to prevent Mali from falling further into chaos , according to Reuters .
The political upheaval unfolded months after disputed legislative elections .
And it also came as support for Mr. Keita tumbled amid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the insurgency , which has engulfed a country once praised as a model of democracy in the region .
The military has taken a beating over the past year from Islamic State and Al Qaeda-linked groups .
A wave of particularly deadly attacks in the north in 2019 prompted the government to close its most vulnerable outposts as part of a reorganization aimed at stemming the losses .
Tuesday 's developments were condemned by the African Union , the United States , and the regional bloc known as ECOWAS , which had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Former colonizer France and the United Nations , which has maintained a peacekeeping mission in Mali since 2013 , also expressed alarm ahead of Mr. Keita 's speech .
U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres sought `` the immediate restoration of constitutional order and rule of law , '' U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric said .
But news of Mr. Keita 's detention was met with celebration throughout the capital by anti-government protesters who first took to the streets back in June to demand that the president step down .
`` All the Malian people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , '' one demonstrator said .
The detention was a dramatic change of fortune for Mr. Keita , who seven years earlier emerged from a field of more than two dozen candidates to win Mali 's first democratic post-coup election in a landslide with more than 77 % of the vote .
Regional mediators from ECOWAS , though , had failed in recent weeks to bridge the impasse between Mr. Keita 's government and opposition leaders , creating mounting anxiety about another military-led change of power .
Then on Tuesday , soldiers in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the barracks and detained senior military officers .
Anti-government protesters immediately cheered the soldiers ' actions , and some set fire to a building that belongs to Mali 's justice minister in the capital .
Mr. Cisse urged the soldiers to put down their arms .
`` There is no problem whose solution can not be found through dialogue , '' he said in a statement .
But the wheels already were in motion – armed men began detaining people in Bamako too , including the country 's finance minister , Abdoulaye Daffe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meet protesters ' demands through a series of concessions , has enjoyed broad support from France and other Western allies .
He also was believed to have widespread backing among high-ranking military officials , underscoring a divide between army leadership and unpredictable rank-and-file soldiers .
Tuesday marked a repeat of the events leading up to the 2012 coup , which unleashed years of chaos in Mali when the ensuing power vacuum allowed Islamic extremists to seize control of northern towns .
Ultimately a French-led military operation ousted the jihadists , but they merely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keita 's presidency into central Mali .
Mr. Keita 's political downfall closely mirrors that of his predecessor : Amadou Toumani Toure was forced out of the presidency in 2012 after a series of punishing military defeats .
That time , the attacks were carried out by ethnic Tuareg separatist rebels .
This time , Mali 's military has sometimes seemed powerless to stop extremists linked to Al Qaeda and ISIS .
Back in 2012 , the mutiny erupted at the Kati military camp as rank-and-file soldiers began rioting and then broke into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weapons , they later headed for the seat of government under the leadership of Capt .
Amadou Haya Sanogo .
Captain Sanogo was later forced to hand over power to a civilian transitional government , which then organized the election Mr. Keita won .
Mediators this time around have urged Mr. Keita to share power in a unity government .
He even said he was open to redoing disputed legislative elections .
But those overtures were swiftly rejected by opposition leaders who said they would not stop short of Mr. Keita 's ouster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Associated Press .
AP writer Edith M. Lederer at the United Nations contributed to this report .
Material from Reuters was used in this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Mali's president announced his resignation late Tuesday, just hours after armed soldiers seized him from his home in a dramatic power grab following months of protests demanding his ouster.
The news of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita's departure was met with jubilation by anti-government demonstrators and alarm by former colonial ruler France, and other allies and foreign nations.
The U.N. Security Council scheduled a closed meeting Wednesday afternoon to discuss the unfolding situation in Mali, where the U.N. has a 15,600-strong peacekeeping mission.
Speaking on national broadcaster ORTM just before midnight, a distressed Mr. Keita, wearing a mask amid the COVID-19 pandemic, said his resignation – three years before his final term was due to end – was effective immediately. A banner across the bottom of the television screen referred to him as the "outgoing president."
"I wish no blood to be shed to keep me in power," Mr. Keita said. "I have decided to step down from office."
He also announced that his government and the National Assembly would be dissolved, certain to further the country's turmoil amid an eight-year Islamic insurgency and the growing coronavirus pandemic.
Mr. Keita, who was democratically elected in 2013 and reelected five years later, was left with few choices after the mutinous soldiers seized weapons from the armory in the garrison town of Kati and then advanced on the capital of Bamako. They took Prime Minister Boubou Cisse into custody along with the president.
Soldiers who ousted Mali's president and government in the military coup promised on Wednesday to oversee elections within a "reasonable" time, according to Reuters, as calls from abroad grew for a peaceful resolution to an acute political crisis.
The troops hailed from the same military barracks where a coup was launched more than eight years ago, allowing the Islamic insurgency to take hold amid a power vacuum.
A spokesman for the mutineers, calling themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People, said they had acted to prevent Mali from falling further into chaos, according to Reuters.
The political upheaval unfolded months after disputed legislative elections. And it also came as support for Mr. Keita tumbled amid criticism of his government's handling of the insurgency, which has engulfed a country once praised as a model of democracy in the region.
The military has taken a beating over the past year from Islamic State and Al Qaeda-linked groups. A wave of particularly deadly attacks in the north in 2019 prompted the government to close its most vulnerable outposts as part of a reorganization aimed at stemming the losses.
Tuesday's developments were condemned by the African Union, the United States, and the regional bloc known as ECOWAS, which had been trying to mediate Mali's political crisis. Former colonizer France and the United Nations, which has maintained a peacekeeping mission in Mali since 2013, also expressed alarm ahead of Mr. Keita's speech.
U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres sought "the immediate restoration of constitutional order and rule of law," U.N. spokesman Stephane Dujarric said.
But news of Mr. Keita's detention was met with celebration throughout the capital by anti-government protesters who first took to the streets back in June to demand that the president step down.
"All the Malian people are tired – we have had enough," one demonstrator said.
The detention was a dramatic change of fortune for Mr. Keita, who seven years earlier emerged from a field of more than two dozen candidates to win Mali's first democratic post-coup election in a landslide with more than 77% of the vote.
Regional mediators from ECOWAS, though, had failed in recent weeks to bridge the impasse between Mr. Keita's government and opposition leaders, creating mounting anxiety about another military-led change of power.
Then on Tuesday, soldiers in Kati took weapons from the armory at the barracks and detained senior military officers. Anti-government protesters immediately cheered the soldiers' actions, and some set fire to a building that belongs to Mali's justice minister in the capital.
Mr. Cisse urged the soldiers to put down their arms.
"There is no problem whose solution cannot be found through dialogue," he said in a statement.
But the wheels already were in motion – armed men began detaining people in Bamako too, including the country's finance minister, Abdoulaye Daffe.
Mr. Keita, who tried to meet protesters' demands through a series of concessions, has enjoyed broad support from France and other Western allies. He also was believed to have widespread backing among high-ranking military officials, underscoring a divide between army leadership and unpredictable rank-and-file soldiers.
Tuesday marked a repeat of the events leading up to the 2012 coup, which unleashed years of chaos in Mali when the ensuing power vacuum allowed Islamic extremists to seize control of northern towns. Ultimately a French-led military operation ousted the jihadists, but they merely regrouped and expanded their reach during Mr. Keita's presidency into central Mali.
Mr. Keita's political downfall closely mirrors that of his predecessor: Amadou Toumani Toure was forced out of the presidency in 2012 after a series of punishing military defeats. That time, the attacks were carried out by ethnic Tuareg separatist rebels. This time, Mali's military has sometimes seemed powerless to stop extremists linked to Al Qaeda and ISIS.
Back in 2012, the mutiny erupted at the Kati military camp as rank-and-file soldiers began rioting and then broke into the camp's armory. After grabbing weapons, they later headed for the seat of government under the leadership of Capt. Amadou Haya Sanogo.
Captain Sanogo was later forced to hand over power to a civilian transitional government, which then organized the election Mr. Keita won.
Mediators this time around have urged Mr. Keita to share power in a unity government. He even said he was open to redoing disputed legislative elections. But those overtures were swiftly rejected by opposition leaders who said they would not stop short of Mr. Keita's ouster.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Edith M. Lederer at the United Nations contributed to this report. Material from Reuters was used in this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-19--How Richmond plans to remove its Robert E. Lee statue

When the bronze equestrian statue of Gen. Robert E. Lee arrived by rail in Richmond from Paris in 1890 , it took 10,000 men , women , and children to haul its pieces more than a mile to the site where the towering monument was erected as a tribute to a Confederate hero .
Now , 130 years later , conservation experts who plan to relocate , yet preserve , the statue face the intricate logistics of disassembling and transporting it to a storage facility .
They must also ensure worker safety amid heated public debate over whether the statue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or a symbol of white supremacy and racism .
Virginia Gov .
Ralph Northam announced plans to remove the 13-ton sculpture in June , after the death of George Floyd sparked a nationwide protest movement over racial inequality and police brutality .
Mr. Floyd , a Black man , died in May after a white Minneapolis police officer put his knee on Mr. Floyd 's neck for several minutes .
The plan to remove the monument – an imposing , 21-foot tall bronze likeness of General Lee on a horse that sits atop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – has been halted at least temporarily by a lawsuit .
But Mr. Northam has vowed to quickly take down the state-owned statue if and when a judge lifts an injunction barring its removal .
Now covered by graffiti , the Lee monument has become the epicenter of the protest movement in Richmond , a former capital of the Confederacy that has moved slowly in shedding vestiges of its past .
Four other city-owned Confederate statues on Richmond 's historic Monument Avenue were taken down last month in response to sometimes-violent protests .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ company that specializes in art conservation and historic preservation projects , has developed a plan that calls for removing 16 bronze pins to separate the statue from its base , removing the harness and reins of General Lee 's horse , then attaching padded straps and using a crane to lift it and lower it to the ground .
A 100-ton crane brought in from Connecticut was used to remove large statues of Confederate Gens .
J.E.B .
Stuart and Stonewall Jackson , said Paul DiPasquale , a sculptor who designed and built @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arthur Ashe and served as a consultant on the removals of the Stuart and Jackson statues .
A similarly large crane is expected to be used to take down the Lee statue .
Because of its enormous size , the statue will then be cut into three pieces so that it can fit under highway overpasses with height restrictions of between 13 1/2 to 14 feet as it is taken to an undisclosed storage site .
The Northam administration has said it will seek public input on the statue 's future .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ present some challenges , but can be done safely while preserving the artistic integrity of the sculpture , one of the largest and most recognizable Confederate statues in the United States .
`` Lifting it is a challenge , where to cut it is a challenge and then how to load it , you want it to travel safely , '' he said .
Mr. DiPasquale said there is strong public interest in witnessing the monuments come down because of the historical significance and symbolism of removing Confederate icons .
`` Once removed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it 's been there and why it 's coming down , '' he said .
`` That is a milestone in our cultural experience , and I think whether it 's conscious or not , that 's why people want to be there . ''
The plan calls for cutting the statue along existing folds and seams to minimize any damage .
Based on written accounts describing the assembly of the sculpture in 1890 , the first section to be cut will include the cast base and the legs of Lee 's horse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and head of the horse ; and the third , the figure of Gen. Lee , from the waist up .
The conservator recommends putting up a partition so that the work can be done `` away from the view of the public for their safety and protection of the crew . ''
Confederate monument removals have provoked high tensions elsewhere in the U.S .
In New Orleans , contractors involved in the removal of the city 's Confederate monuments in 2017 faced threats .
They often wore bulletproof vests , helmets , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the work took place , sometimes in the overnight hours .
Then-Mayor Mitch Landrieu proposed the monuments ' removal after the 2015 massacre of nine black parishioners at a South Carolina church by a gunman who was an avowed racist and brandished Confederate battle flags in photos .
B.R .
Howard has a separate plan for disassembling the Lee monument 's 40-foot high pedestal , which may contain a time capsule , although Mr. Northam 's administration has not yet made a decision about that part of the monument .
The plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scan of the pedestal .
An inventory will be done to identify and locate hundreds of granite blocks and carved decorative elements .
Then , workers will cut mortar joints to separate the individual pieces .
All of the disassembled granite blocks will be placed on pallets and layered with padding to protect them during relocation and storage .
The Lee statue was created by the internationally renowned French sculptor Marius-Jean-Antonin Mercie and is considered a `` masterpiece , '' according to its nomination to the National Register of Historic Places , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

When the bronze equestrian statue of Gen. Robert E. Lee arrived by rail in Richmond from Paris in 1890, it took 10,000 men, women, and children to haul its pieces more than a mile to the site where the towering monument was erected as a tribute to a Confederate hero.
Now, 130 years later, conservation experts who plan to relocate, yet preserve, the statue face the intricate logistics of disassembling and transporting it to a storage facility. They must also ensure worker safety amid heated public debate over whether the statue is an important piece of Southern heritage or a symbol of white supremacy and racism.
Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam announced plans to remove the 13-ton sculpture in June, after the death of George Floyd sparked a nationwide protest movement over racial inequality and police brutality. Mr. Floyd, a Black man, died in May after a white Minneapolis police officer put his knee on Mr. Floyd's neck for several minutes.
The plan to remove the monument – an imposing, 21-foot tall bronze likeness of General Lee on a horse that sits atop a granite pedestal nearly twice that high – has been halted at least temporarily by a lawsuit. But Mr. Northam has vowed to quickly take down the state-owned statue if and when a judge lifts an injunction barring its removal.
Now covered by graffiti, the Lee monument has become the epicenter of the protest movement in Richmond, a former capital of the Confederacy that has moved slowly in shedding vestiges of its past. Four other city-owned Confederate statues on Richmond's historic Monument Avenue were taken down last month in response to sometimes-violent protests.
B.R. Howard Conservation, a Pennsylvania company that specializes in art conservation and historic preservation projects, has developed a plan that calls for removing 16 bronze pins to separate the statue from its base, removing the harness and reins of General Lee's horse, then attaching padded straps and using a crane to lift it and lower it to the ground.
A 100-ton crane brought in from Connecticut was used to remove large statues of Confederate Gens. J.E.B. Stuart and Stonewall Jackson, said Paul DiPasquale, a sculptor who designed and built Richmond's monument to Black tennis legend Arthur Ashe and served as a consultant on the removals of the Stuart and Jackson statues. A similarly large crane is expected to be used to take down the Lee statue.
Because of its enormous size, the statue will then be cut into three pieces so that it can fit under highway overpasses with height restrictions of between 13 1/2 to 14 feet as it is taken to an undisclosed storage site. The Northam administration has said it will seek public input on the statue's future.
Mr. DiPasquale said taking down the statue could present some challenges, but can be done safely while preserving the artistic integrity of the sculpture, one of the largest and most recognizable Confederate statues in the United States.
"Lifting it is a challenge, where to cut it is a challenge and then how to load it, you want it to travel safely," he said.
Mr. DiPasquale said there is strong public interest in witnessing the monuments come down because of the historical significance and symbolism of removing Confederate icons.
"Once removed, it severs the history of why it's been there and why it's coming down," he said. "That is a milestone in our cultural experience, and I think whether it's conscious or not, that's why people want to be there."
The plan calls for cutting the statue along existing folds and seams to minimize any damage. Based on written accounts describing the assembly of the sculpture in 1890, the first section to be cut will include the cast base and the legs of Lee's horse; the second section, the body and head of the horse; and the third, the figure of Gen. Lee, from the waist up.
The conservator recommends putting up a partition so that the work can be done "away from the view of the public for their safety and protection of the crew."
Confederate monument removals have provoked high tensions elsewhere in the U.S.
In New Orleans, contractors involved in the removal of the city's Confederate monuments in 2017 faced threats. They often wore bulletproof vests, helmets, and face coverings to shield their identities as the work took place, sometimes in the overnight hours.
Then-Mayor Mitch Landrieu proposed the monuments' removal after the 2015 massacre of nine black parishioners at a South Carolina church by a gunman who was an avowed racist and brandished Confederate battle flags in photos.
B.R. Howard has a separate plan for disassembling the Lee monument's 40-foot high pedestal, which may contain a time capsule, although Mr. Northam's administration has not yet made a decision about that part of the monument.
The plan calls for photographing or creating a three-dimensional scan of the pedestal. An inventory will be done to identify and locate hundreds of granite blocks and carved decorative elements. Then, workers will cut mortar joints to separate the individual pieces. All of the disassembled granite blocks will be placed on pallets and layered with padding to protect them during relocation and storage.
The Lee statue was created by the internationally renowned French sculptor Marius-Jean-Antonin Mercie and is considered a "masterpiece," according to its nomination to the National Register of Historic Places, where it has been listed since 2007.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-19--Republicans join Dems on virtual stage at second night of DNC

Democrats formally nominated Joe Biden as their presidential candidate , with party elders , a new generation of politicians , and voters in every state joining in an extraordinary , pandemic-cramped virtual convention to send him into the general election campaign to oust President Donald Trump .
For someone who has spent more than three decades eyeing the presidency , the moment Tuesday night was the realization of a long-sought goal .
But it occurred in a way that Mr. Biden couldn ’ t have imagined just months ago as the coronavirus pandemic prompted profound change across the country and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Milwaukee convention hall as initially planned , the roll call of convention delegates played out in a combination of live and recorded video feeds from American landmarks packed with meaning : Alabama ’ s Edmund Pettus Bridge , the headwaters of the Mississippi River , a Puerto Rican community still recovering from a hurricane , and Washington ’ s Black Lives Matter Plaza .
Mr. Biden celebrated his new status as the Democratic nominee alongside his wife and grandchildren in a Delaware school library .
His wife of more than 40 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her husband in deeply personal terms , reintroducing the lifelong politician as a man of deep empathy , faith , and resilience to American voters less than three months before votes are counted .
“ There are times when I couldn ’ t imagine how he did it – how he put one foot in front of the other and kept going , ” she said .
“ But I ’ ve always understood why he did it .
He does it for you.
” Speaking Wednesday on NBC 's “ Today ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is up for the job of president and called a Trump campaign ad questioning his mental fitness “ ridiculous . ''
“ Joe ’ s on the phone every single minute of the day talking to governors who are calling him and Nancy Pelosi .
He ’ s on the Zoom .
He ’ s doing fundraisers .
He ’ s doing briefings , ” she said .
“ I mean he doesn ’ t stop from 9 in the morning till 11 at night .
That ’ s ridiculous.
” The convention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unfold on the next two nights .
Kamala Harris will accept her nomination as Mr. Biden ’ s running mate on Wednesday , the first Black woman to join a major party ticket .
Former President Barack Obama will also speak as part of his stepped-up efforts to defeat his successor .
Mr. Biden will deliver his acceptance speech Thursday night in a mostly empty convention hall near his Delaware home .
Mr. Biden used the second night of the four-day convention to feature a mix of party elders , Republican as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he has the experience and energy to repair chaos that Mr. Trump has created at home and abroad .
Former President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State John Kerry – and former Republican Secretary of State Colin Powell – were among the heavy hitters on a schedule that emphasized a simple theme : Leadership matters .
Former President Jimmy Carter also made a brief appearance .
Some of them delivered attacks against Mr. Trump that were unusually personal , all in an effort to establish Mr. Biden as the competent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Donald Trump inherited a growing economy and a more peaceful world , ” Mr. Kerry said .
“ And like everything else he inherited , he bankrupted it .
When this president goes oversees it isn ’ t a goodwill mission .
It ’ s a blooper reel.
” Mr. Clinton said Mr. Trump ’ s Oval Office is a place of chaos , not a command center .
“ If you want a president who defines the job as spending hours a day watching TV and zapping people on social media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Mr. Clinton said .
For his part , Mr. Trump spent Tuesday courting battleground voters in an effort to distract from Mr. Biden ’ s convention .
Appearing in Arizona near the Mexican border during the day , the Republican president claimed a Biden presidency would trigger “ a flood of illegal immigration like the world has never seen.
” Such divisive rhetoric , which is not supported by Mr. Biden ’ s positions , has become a hallmark of Mr. Trump ’ s presidency , which has inflamed tensions at home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Biden has the support of a sprawling political coalition , as demonstrated again during Tuesday 's convention , although neither history nor enthusiasm is on his side .
Just one incumbent president has been defeated since 1992 , George H.W .
Bush .
And Mr. Biden ’ s supporters consistently report that they ’ re motivated more by opposition to Mr. Trump than excitement about Mr. Biden .
A collection of younger Democrats , including former Georgia lawmaker Stacey Abrams and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , were given a few minutes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was little room on Tuesday ’ s program for the younger stars of the party ’ s far-left wing .
“ In a democracy , we do not elect saviors .
We cast our ballots for those who see our struggles and pledge to serve , ” said Ms. Abrams , who emerged as a national player during her unsuccessful bid for governor in 2018 and was among those considered to be Mr. Biden ’ s running mate .
For a second night , the Democrats featured Republicans .
Mr. Powell , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ W. Bush and appeared at multiple Republican conventions in years past , endorsed the Democratic candidate .
He joined the wife of the late Arizona Sen. John McCain , Cindy McCain , who stopped short of a formal endorsement but spoke in a video of the mutual respect and friendship her husband and Mr. Biden shared .
While there have been individual members of the opposing party featured at presidential conventions before , a half-dozen Republicans , including a former two-term governor of Ohio , have now spoken for Democrat Mr. Biden .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ prominent role throughout the night .
Mr. Clinton hasn ’ t held office in two decades .
Mr. Kerry was the Democratic presidential nominee back in 2004 when the youngest voters this fall were still in diapers .
And Mr. Carter left office in 1981 .
Mr. Biden ’ s team did not give the night ’ s coveted keynote address to a single fresh face , preferring instead to pack the slot with more than a dozen Democrats in their 20s , 30s , and 40s .
The younger leaders included Ms. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and the president of the Navajo Nation , Jonathan Nez .
It remains to be seen whether the unconventional convention will give Mr. Biden the momentum he ’ s looking for .
Preliminary estimates show that television viewership for the first night of the virtual convention was down compared with the opening of Hillary Clinton ’ s onsite nominating party four years ago .
An estimated 18.7 million people watched coverage between 10 and 11 p.m. on ABC , CBS , NBC , CNN , Fox News Channel , and MSNBC , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , the opening night drew just under 26 million viewers .
Mr. Biden ’ s campaign said an additional 10.2 million streamed the convention online Monday night .
“ We are producing a digital convention , and people are watching , ” Biden spokesman T.J. Ducklo tweeted .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP Washington Bureau Chief Julie Pace contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ @ @ @

Steve Peoples, Michelle L. Price, and Alexandra Jaffe

Democrats formally nominated Joe Biden as their presidential candidate, with party elders, a new generation of politicians, and voters in every state joining in an extraordinary, pandemic-cramped virtual convention to send him into the general election campaign to oust President Donald Trump.
For someone who has spent more than three decades eyeing the presidency, the moment Tuesday night was the realization of a long-sought goal. But it occurred in a way that Mr. Biden couldn’t have imagined just months ago as the coronavirus pandemic prompted profound change across the country and in his presidential campaign.
Instead of a Milwaukee convention hall as initially planned, the roll call of convention delegates played out in a combination of live and recorded video feeds from American landmarks packed with meaning: Alabama’s Edmund Pettus Bridge, the headwaters of the Mississippi River, a Puerto Rican community still recovering from a hurricane, and Washington’s Black Lives Matter Plaza.
Mr. Biden celebrated his new status as the Democratic nominee alongside his wife and grandchildren in a Delaware school library. His wife of more than 40 years, Jill Biden, later spoke of her husband in deeply personal terms, reintroducing the lifelong politician as a man of deep empathy, faith, and resilience to American voters less than three months before votes are counted.
“There are times when I couldn’t imagine how he did it – how he put one foot in front of the other and kept going,” she said. “But I’ve always understood why he did it. He does it for you.”
Speaking Wednesday on NBC's “Today” show, Jill Biden said her husband is up for the job of president and called a Trump campaign ad questioning his mental fitness “ridiculous."
“Joe’s on the phone every single minute of the day talking to governors who are calling him and Nancy Pelosi. He’s on the Zoom. He’s doing fundraisers. He’s doing briefings,” she said. “I mean he doesn’t stop from 9 in the morning till 11 at night. That’s ridiculous.”
The convention’s most highly anticipated moments will unfold on the next two nights. Kamala Harris will accept her nomination as Mr. Biden’s running mate on Wednesday, the first Black woman to join a major party ticket. Former President Barack Obama will also speak as part of his stepped-up efforts to defeat his successor.
Mr. Biden will deliver his acceptance speech Thursday night in a mostly empty convention hall near his Delaware home.
Mr. Biden used the second night of the four-day convention to feature a mix of party elders, Republican as well as Democratic, to make the case that he has the experience and energy to repair chaos that Mr. Trump has created at home and abroad.
Former President Bill Clinton and former Secretary of State John Kerry – and former Republican Secretary of State Colin Powell – were among the heavy hitters on a schedule that emphasized a simple theme: Leadership matters. Former President Jimmy Carter also made a brief appearance.
Some of them delivered attacks against Mr. Trump that were unusually personal, all in an effort to establish Mr. Biden as the competent, moral counter to the Republican president.
“Donald Trump inherited a growing economy and a more peaceful world,” Mr. Kerry said. “And like everything else he inherited, he bankrupted it. When this president goes oversees it isn’t a goodwill mission. It’s a blooper reel.”
Mr. Clinton said Mr. Trump’s Oval Office is a place of chaos, not a command center.
“If you want a president who defines the job as spending hours a day watching TV and zapping people on social media, he’s your man,” Mr. Clinton said.
For his part, Mr. Trump spent Tuesday courting battleground voters in an effort to distract from Mr. Biden’s convention. Appearing in Arizona near the Mexican border during the day, the Republican president claimed a Biden presidency would trigger “a flood of illegal immigration like the world has never seen.”
Such divisive rhetoric, which is not supported by Mr. Biden’s positions, has become a hallmark of Mr. Trump’s presidency, which has inflamed tensions at home and alienated allies around the world.
Mr. Biden has the support of a sprawling political coalition, as demonstrated again during Tuesday's convention, although neither history nor enthusiasm is on his side.
Just one incumbent president has been defeated since 1992, George H.W. Bush. And Mr. Biden’s supporters consistently report that they’re motivated more by opposition to Mr. Trump than excitement about Mr. Biden.
A collection of younger Democrats, including former Georgia lawmaker Stacey Abrams and New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, were given a few minutes to shine. But overall, there was little room on Tuesday’s program for the younger stars of the party’s far-left wing.
“In a democracy, we do not elect saviors. We cast our ballots for those who see our struggles and pledge to serve,” said Ms. Abrams, who emerged as a national player during her unsuccessful bid for governor in 2018 and was among those considered to be Mr. Biden’s running mate.
For a second night, the Democrats featured Republicans.
Mr. Powell, who served as secretary of state under George W. Bush and appeared at multiple Republican conventions in years past, endorsed the Democratic candidate. He joined the wife of the late Arizona Sen. John McCain, Cindy McCain, who stopped short of a formal endorsement but spoke in a video of the mutual respect and friendship her husband and Mr. Biden shared.
While there have been individual members of the opposing party featured at presidential conventions before, a half-dozen Republicans, including a former two-term governor of Ohio, have now spoken for Democrat Mr. Biden.
The Democrats’ party elders played a prominent role throughout the night.
Mr. Clinton hasn’t held office in two decades. Mr. Kerry was the Democratic presidential nominee back in 2004 when the youngest voters this fall were still in diapers. And Mr. Carter left office in 1981.
Mr. Biden’s team did not give the night’s coveted keynote address to a single fresh face, preferring instead to pack the slot with more than a dozen Democrats in their 20s, 30s, and 40s. The younger leaders included Ms. Abrams, Rep. Conor Lamb, D-Pa., and the president of the Navajo Nation, Jonathan Nez.
It remains to be seen whether the unconventional convention will give Mr. Biden the momentum he’s looking for.
Preliminary estimates show that television viewership for the first night of the virtual convention was down compared with the opening of Hillary Clinton’s onsite nominating party four years ago.
An estimated 18.7 million people watched coverage between 10 and 11 p.m. on ABC, CBS, NBC, CNN, Fox News Channel, and MSNBC, the Nielsen company said. Four years ago, the opening night drew just under 26 million viewers.
Mr. Biden’s campaign said an additional 10.2 million streamed the convention online Monday night.
“We are producing a digital convention, and people are watching,” Biden spokesman T.J. Ducklo tweeted.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP Washington Bureau Chief Julie Pace contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-20--Joe Biden’s moment: Why his improbable candidacy may finally work

She also entered the race having already been effectively demonized in conservative media outlets .
Mr. Biden , by contrast , has been a much harder figure to define , with a public persona that ’ s more along the lines of “ Uncle Joe ” who sometimes says the wrong thing .
Many analysts saw an element of sexism in some voters ’ resistance to Mrs. Clinton ’ s campaign .
But her presidential bid likely suffered as a result of her image as part of the Beltway elite , right as a long-building populist backlash was cresting .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ white , non-college-graduate voters to Mr. Trump by a whopping 37 percentage points .
Today , Mr. Biden is losing them by a far smaller margin , and leads Mr. Trump overall by about 8 percentage points .
But arguably just as important , as Mr. Biden takes the virtual convention stage Thursday night to accept his party ’ s presidential nomination , he is also not Hillary Clinton .
In many ways , Joe Biden is the antithesis of President Donald Trump .
The former vice president exudes empathy , amid his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tragedies .
He was , while in the Senate , proudly at or near the bottom of the rankings for personal wealth .
He didn ’ t attend elite schools .
Joe Biden is , in crucial ways , the most improbable major-party presidential nominee in modern American history .
He ’ d be the oldest first-term president by more than seven years .
His prior presidential campaigns , in the 1988 and 2008 cycles , ended early amid serious stumbles .
And he has a very long public record – 36 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as vice president – providing his opponent with almost endless fodder for attacks .
He ’ s also a white man in a rapidly diversifying nation that , especially now , is acutely aware of the privileges that attach to being white and male , perhaps more than at any time since the 1960s .
Yet as former Vice President Biden takes the virtual convention stage Thursday night to accept his party ’ s presidential nomination , he may end up being just what the Democrats need , political analysts and allies say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the antithesis of President Donald Trump .
He exudes empathy , amid his own struggles with stuttering and multiple family tragedies .
He was also , while in the Senate , proudly at or near the bottom in terms of personal wealth .
He didn ’ t attend elite schools .
But arguably just as important , he ’ s also not Hillary Clinton , the 2016 Democratic nominee who fumbled away the presidency in part by losing the white working-class vote – big .
“ Hillary Clinton in particular , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , did not connect with people in the way Joe Biden has , ” says David Redlawsk , political science chair at the University of Delaware , Newark .
Four years ago , Mrs. Clinton lost white , non-college-graduate voters to Mr. Trump by a whopping 37 percentage points – 66 % to 29 % , according to the exit polls .
That demographic was especially important in Pennsylvania , Michigan , and Wisconsin , the three “ blue wall ” states that Mr. Trump won to pollsters ’ surprise , handing him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is still losing white non-college voters to Mr. Trump , but by a much smaller margin – 40 % to 55 % , according to the latest Marist poll .
Two and a half months before the Nov. 3 election , he leads Mr. Trump overall by about 8 percentage points .
Bobby Juliano , a retired consultant and former labor lobbyist , knows both Mr. Biden and Mrs. Clinton well .
The key difference , he says , is that Mr. Biden is himself in public , whereas Mrs. Clinton was more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have lunch or see her , she was much warmer – great sense of humor , huge laugh – than the more public persona , ” Mr. Juliano says .
“ For whatever reason , there was a reluctance to show that side .
Huge mistake.
” Many analysts saw an element of sexism in some voters ’ resistance to Mrs. Clinton .
But her presidential bid likely also suffered as a result of her decades at the highest levels within the Beltway elite , and eventual wealth .
She boasted gold-plated Washington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was cresting – stoked by an outsider with no political experience and a larger-than-life persona .
The technocratic , and at times cautious , Obama presidency usually subsumed Mr. Biden ’ s more gut-level approach to politics and governing , which in a narrow sense makes the former veep a bit more like Mr. Trump than President Barack Obama .
Mr. Biden ’ s history of gaffes can also be seen in that light .
As vice president , he usually deferred to President Obama on policy .
A notable exception came when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marriage – now an unremarkable view in both parties – before Mr. Obama did .
Ironically , Mr. Biden has actually been a Washington creature much longer than the Clintons .
And he seems to have developed some of the blind spots that can come from operating at the top levels of government – including looking the other way when adult children use their government connections for private gain , just as Mr. Trump has done with his own children .
Mr. Biden ’ s son Hunter – specifically , his business dealings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was vice president – looms as a major Trump campaign talking point .
Team Trump launched a seven-figure digital ad Thursday aimed at portraying the younger Mr. Biden as corrupt .
Biden spokeswoman Symone Sanders told Politico the ad , which focused on Hunter Biden ’ s trip to China in 2013 , was “ a conspiracy theory.
” Mr. Biden routinely says he has never talked to his son about his business dealings .
The timing of the new ad campaign could have been better for Mr. Trump .
Former senior adviser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donors to an online crowdfunding campaign for a U.S.-Mexico border wall .
Mr. Bannon joins a long line of Trump associates who have landed in legal trouble and even prison .
Still , it ’ s Mr. Biden ’ s identity as the “ anti-Hillary ” that could be most salient come November , especially among swing voters in battleground states .
Four years ago , Mrs. Clinton entered the race having already been effectively demonized for decades in conservative media outlets .
Mr. Biden , by contrast , has been a much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His public persona is more along the lines of “ Uncle Joe , ” who sometimes says the wrong thing – not unlike the older white man currently occupying the White House .
Notably , Mr. Trump ’ s most frequent nickname for Mr. Biden is “ Sleepy Joe ” – a far cry from “ Crooked Hillary , ” and a sign that he sees Mr. Biden ’ s advanced age as a greater liability than a hard-to-follow story about Ukraine or China .
Unlike Mrs. Clinton , Mr. Biden has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – Scranton , Pennsylvania , and the state he moved to as a teenager , Delaware – as central to his story .
That identity , rooted outside the power corridors of Washington , involved famously taking Amtrak back to Delaware every night to be with his family during his decades in the Senate .
Mr. Biden ’ s image as a family man took hold early , after his first wife and baby daughter were killed in a car crash right after his first Senate election .
The 2015 death of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a promising national political figure in his own right , added to the Biden story of persevering through personal tragedy .
Through it all , Mr. Biden has maintained his home-state connection .
From the state ’ s highest ranking leaders to small-business owners , Delawareans have their Biden stories .
Former Democratic Gov .
Jack Markell tells of meeting the then-senator in 1998 , and how he offered to spend a day on the campaign trail with Mr. Markell as he made his first run for office .
“ It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Governor Markell says .
The lesson , he says , was not just to walk up to people and ask for their vote .
That was “ presumptuous , ” the former governor says Mr. Biden told him .
“ You have to ask them to learn more about you , so when they go to vote , they have a sense of who you are .
He was right.
” Candace Roseo remembers how Mr. Biden treated her and her family when her sister , a state police officer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three days after she started on the job .
She recalls Mr. Biden saying he felt somehow responsible for her death , as the funding for her position had come through a crime bill he had pushed in 1994 .
“ I won ’ t ever forget the empathy and genuine compassion that Joe showed , ” says Ms. Roseo , the owner of a pizza restaurant in Wilmington , Delaware .
“ He sat there holding my mother ’ s hand.
” Political demographers are still sorting through the reasons for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by some white working-class voters .
But they are focused on the multiple national crises at play .
“ Supporters of Mr. Trump in this group in 2016 may be roughly divided into those who were primarily concerned with sending an aggressive cultural signal through their vote , and those who primarily believed Trump would actually make their lives better and bring back their communities , ” writes Ruy Texeira of the Democratic-aligned Center for American Progress in an email .
“ His failure to do so , made much worse by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significant defections among the latter group , ” he says .
In addition , Mr. Biden is also likely to benefit from the support of voters who backed third-party candidates in 2016 , thinking a Clinton victory was a foregone conclusion , but who now feel compelled to vote against the president .
Another key group among whom Mr. Trump is losing traction is seniors .
They are a relatively conservative population group , but “ they ’ re not as conservative as their reputation suggests , ” he says .
They support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 600,000 a year by 44 points , paid family leave by 29 points , and a $ 15-an-hour minimum wage by 21 points , he says , citing data from the UCLA Nationscape survey .
“ Ultimately , this campaign is about values and decency , ” says Moe Vela , who was a senior adviser to then-Vice President Biden on Latino and LGBTQ matters .
Among the large , diverse Democratic field that ran this primary cycle , Mr. Vela says , Mr. Biden offered more than all the others a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ People are familiar with him , ” Mr. Vela says .
“ Does he make you want to jump up and down with pompoms and a sign ?
No .
But you won ’ t wake up worried .
”

She also entered the race having already been effectively demonized in conservative media outlets. Mr. Biden, by contrast, has been a much harder figure to define, with a public persona that’s more along the lines of “Uncle Joe” who sometimes says the wrong thing.
Many analysts saw an element of sexism in some voters’ resistance to Mrs. Clinton’s campaign. But her presidential bid likely suffered as a result of her image as part of the Beltway elite, right as a long-building populist backlash was cresting.
Four years ago, Mrs. Clinton lost white, non-college-graduate voters to Mr. Trump by a whopping 37 percentage points. Today, Mr. Biden is losing them by a far smaller margin, and leads Mr. Trump overall by about 8 percentage points.
Mr. Biden’s relationship-centered approach to politics stands apart from the technocratic Obama presidency, and Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. It might be what voters are looking for.
But arguably just as important, as Mr. Biden takes the virtual convention stage Thursday night to accept his party’s presidential nomination, he is also not Hillary Clinton.
In many ways, Joe Biden is the antithesis of President Donald Trump. The former vice president exudes empathy, amid his own struggles with stuttering and multiple family tragedies. He was, while in the Senate, proudly at or near the bottom of the rankings for personal wealth. He didn’t attend elite schools.
Joe Biden is, in crucial ways, the most improbable major-party presidential nominee in modern American history.
He’d be the oldest first-term president by more than seven years. His prior presidential campaigns, in the 1988 and 2008 cycles, ended early amid serious stumbles. And he has a very long public record – 36 years as a United States senator and eight as vice president – providing his opponent with almost endless fodder for attacks.
He’s also a white man in a rapidly diversifying nation that, especially now, is acutely aware of the privileges that attach to being white and male, perhaps more than at any time since the 1960s.
Why We Wrote This Mr. Biden’s relationship-centered approach to politics stands apart from the technocratic Obama presidency, and Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. It might be what voters are looking for.
Yet as former Vice President Biden takes the virtual convention stage Thursday night to accept his party’s presidential nomination, he may end up being just what the Democrats need, political analysts and allies say.
In many ways, Mr. Biden is the antithesis of President Donald Trump. He exudes empathy, amid his own struggles with stuttering and multiple family tragedies. He was also, while in the Senate, proudly at or near the bottom in terms of personal wealth. He didn’t attend elite schools.
But arguably just as important, he’s also not Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee who fumbled away the presidency in part by losing the white working-class vote – big.
“Hillary Clinton in particular, for better or worse, right or wrong, did not connect with people in the way Joe Biden has,” says David Redlawsk, political science chair at the University of Delaware, Newark.
Four years ago, Mrs. Clinton lost white, non-college-graduate voters to Mr. Trump by a whopping 37 percentage points – 66% to 29%, according to the exit polls. That demographic was especially important in Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, the three “blue wall” states that Mr. Trump won to pollsters’ surprise, handing him the presidency.
Today, Mr. Biden is still losing white non-college voters to Mr. Trump, but by a much smaller margin – 40% to 55%, according to the latest Marist poll. Two and a half months before the Nov. 3 election, he leads Mr. Trump overall by about 8 percentage points.
Bobby Juliano, a veteran consultant with strong ties to organized labor, knows both Mr. Biden and Mrs. Clinton well. The key difference, he says, is that Mr. Biden is himself in public, whereas Mrs. Clinton was more guarded.
“When you’d have lunch or see her, she was much warmer – great sense of humor, huge laugh – than the more public persona,” Mr. Juliano says. “For whatever reason, there was a reluctance to show that side. Huge mistake.”
Susan Walsh/AP/File View caption Hide caption Then-Vice President Joe Biden watches President Barack Obama at Conmy Hall, Joint Base Myer-Henderson Hall, Virginia, on Jan. 4, 2017. The former president urged voters to back his former No. 2 in a speech at the Democratic National Convention, saying, "12 years ago, when I began my search for a vice president, I didn’t know I’d end up finding a brother."
A gut-level approach
Many analysts saw an element of sexism in some voters’ resistance to Mrs. Clinton. But her presidential bid likely also suffered as a result of her decades at the highest levels within the Beltway elite, and eventual wealth. She boasted gold-plated Washington credentials right as a long-building populist backlash was cresting – stoked by an outsider with no political experience and a larger-than-life persona.
The technocratic, and at times cautious, Obama presidency usually subsumed Mr. Biden’s more gut-level approach to politics and governing, which in a narrow sense makes the former veep a bit more like Mr. Trump than President Barack Obama. Mr. Biden’s history of gaffes can also be seen in that light. As vice president, he usually deferred to President Obama on policy. A notable exception came when Mr. Biden declared his support for same-sex marriage – now an unremarkable view in both parties – before Mr. Obama did.
Ironically, Mr. Biden has actually been a Washington creature much longer than the Clintons. And he seems to have developed some of the blind spots that can come from operating at the top levels of government – including looking the other way when adult children use their government connections for private gain, just as Mr. Trump has done with his own children.
Mr. Biden’s son Hunter – specifically, his business dealings in Ukraine and China while his father was vice president – looms as a major Trump campaign talking point. Team Trump launched a seven-figure digital ad Thursday aimed at portraying the younger Mr. Biden as corrupt. Biden spokeswoman Symone Sanders told Politico the ad, which focused on Hunter Biden’s trip to China in 2013, was “a conspiracy theory.” Mr. Biden routinely says he has never talked to his son about his business dealings.
The timing of the new ad campaign could have been better for Mr. Trump. Former senior adviser Steve Bannon was indicted Thursday for defrauding donors to an online crowdfunding campaign for a U.S.-Mexico border wall. Mr. Bannon joins a long line of Trump associates who have landed in legal trouble and even prison.
Still, it’s Mr. Biden’s identity as the “anti-Hillary” that could be most salient come November, especially among swing voters in battleground states. Four years ago, Mrs. Clinton entered the race having already been effectively demonized for decades in conservative media outlets. Mr. Biden, by contrast, has been a much harder figure for his critics to define. His public persona is more along the lines of “Uncle Joe,” who sometimes says the wrong thing – not unlike the older white man currently occupying the White House.
Notably, Mr. Trump’s most frequent nickname for Mr. Biden is “Sleepy Joe” – a far cry from “Crooked Hillary,” and a sign that he sees Mr. Biden’s advanced age as a greater liability than a hard-to-follow story about Ukraine or China.
The Scranton connection
Unlike Mrs. Clinton, Mr. Biden has held tight to his original home bases – Scranton, Pennsylvania, and the state his family later moved to, Delaware – as central to his story.
That identity, rooted outside the power corridors of Washington, involved famously taking Amtrak back to Delaware every night to be with his family during his decades in the Senate. Mr. Biden’s image as a family man took hold early, after his first wife and baby daughter were killed in a car crash right after his first Senate election. The 2015 death of his older son, Beau, once seen as a promising national political figure in his own right, added to the Biden story of persevering through personal tragedy.
Andy Nelson/The Christian Science Monitor/File View caption Hide caption Joe Biden stands with his three children (from left to right), Hunter, Ashley, and Beau, at a book signing event in Washington in August 2007. At the time, then-Senator Biden was making his second run at becoming president of the United States.
Through it all, Mr. Biden has maintained his home-state connection. From the state’s highest ranking leaders to small-business owners, Delawareans have their Biden stories.
Former Democratic Gov. Jack Markell tells of meeting the then-senator in 1998, and how he offered to spend a day on the campaign trail with Mr. Markell as he made his first run for office.
“It was an absolute master class in retail campaigning,” Governor Markell says.
The lesson, he says, was not just to walk up to people and ask for their vote. That was “presumptuous,” the former governor says Mr. Biden told him. “You have to ask them to learn more about you, so when they go to vote, they have a sense of who you are. He was right.”
Candace Roseo remembers how Mr. Biden treated her and her family when her sister, a state police officer, was killed in the line of duty three days after she started on the job. She recalls Mr. Biden saying he felt somehow responsible for her death, as the funding for her position had come through a crime bill he had pushed in 1994.
“I won’t ever forget the empathy and genuine compassion that Joe showed,” says Ms. Roseo, the owner of a pizza restaurant in Wilmington, Delaware. “He sat there holding my mother’s hand.”
Political demographers are still sorting through the reasons for the shift in polls away from Mr. Trump by some white working-class voters. But they are focused on the multiple national crises at play.
“Supporters of Mr. Trump in this group in 2016 may be roughly divided into those who were primarily concerned with sending an aggressive cultural signal through their vote, and those who primarily believed Trump would actually make their lives better and bring back their communities,” writes Ruy Teixeira of the Democratic-aligned Center for American Progress in an email.
“His failure to do so, made much worse by the current pandemic and recession, has caused significant defections among the latter group,” he says. In addition, Mr. Biden is also likely to benefit from the support of voters who backed third-party candidates in 2016, thinking a Clinton victory was a foregone conclusion, but who now feel compelled to vote against the president.
Another key group among whom Mr. Trump is losing traction is seniors. They are a relatively conservative population group, but “they’re not as conservative as their reputation suggests,” Mr. Teixeira says.
They support raising taxes on those earning more than $600,000 a year by 44 points, paid family leave by 29 points, and a $15-an-hour minimum wage by 21 points, he says, citing data from the UCLA Nationscape survey.
“Ultimately, this campaign is about values and decency,” says Moe Vela, who was a senior adviser to then-Vice President Biden on Latino and LGBTQ matters.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Among the large, diverse Democratic field that ran this primary cycle, Mr. Vela says, Mr. Biden offered more than all the others a sense of security with the electorate.
“People are familiar with him,” Mr. Vela says. “Does he make you want to jump up and down with pompoms and a sign? No. But you won’t wake up worried.”


csmonitor--2020-08-20--Why Afghan government is pushing more Taliban-style policies

He notes that the government has also recently decreed creation of a deputy governor post for each of the country ’ s 34 provinces – and that they be reserved for women .
“ The government is also trying to simultaneously keep international audiences and more progressive parts of its civil society happy as well , ” says Mr. Watkins .
It ’ s “ trying to send out whatever will stick , to keep different constituencies happy.
” “ I imagine it is a signal to actors on the pro-government side , but that are quite socially conservative , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to go over to the Taliban to get some of what you want , ’ ” says Andrew Watkins , senior Afghanistan analyst for the International Crisis Group .
One theory why is President Ashraf Ghani ’ s practical need to shore up conservative support ahead of the negotiations .
Peace talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban have been postponed indefinitely amid a dispute over reciprocal prisoner releases .
At the same time , the government has tried to quietly roll back nearly two decades of increased freedoms by pushing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and media .
They ’ re moves that aren ’ t too far from agenda items of the Taliban .
When , to kick-start long-delayed intra-Afghan peace talks , thousands of Afghan delegates gathered to consider a final release of hardened Taliban prisoners , Belquis Roshan held up a sign of protest .
The words on the female lawmaker ’ s banner were clear : “ Redeeming ” the Taliban amounted to “ national treason.
” At the podium was President Ashraf Ghani , who had already released 4,600 Taliban prisoners in accord @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He had convened the loya jirga , or traditional council , this month to gain popular approval to free 400 remaining prisoners – from a Taliban list that included men convicted of murder and of conducting high-profile attacks that killed Afghans and foreigners alike .
Ms. Roshan ’ s message was short-lived : She was tackled and thrown to the ground by a female security guard , silenced in an act civil society activists condemn as revealing the fragility of both freedom of speech and women ’ s rights in Afghanistan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the balance – they were meant to begin Thursday , after a five-month delay , but have now been postponed indefinitely over the continued prisoner dispute .
Yet at the same time , analysts say , the government has sought in recent months to quietly roll back nearly two decades of increased freedoms by pushing conservative changes to laws governing the family , media , and nongovernmental organizations , moves that , in fact , aren ’ t too far from agenda items of the archconservative Taliban .
The analysts ’ theories as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s past inclinations to centralize government power to a practical need to shore up conservative support ahead of negotiations .
But his moves are colliding with the expectations of Afghans who have grown accustomed to expanding freedoms .
Many also fear that bringing the Taliban into government – or Taliban battlefield victories – will inevitably lead to a new , less free era .
“ Jirga is the place to raise voices without limitations ; everyone has a right to raise their voice , ” said Asila Wardak , a women ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s United Nations mission , complaining from the stage about the treatment of Ms. Roshan the day after the incident .
“ A jirga is not a place to disrespect ; it is not a place for beating women.
” Ms. Wardak ’ s speech was disrupted by the abusive shouts of several male lawmakers in the hall , including one man from the conservative southern city of Kandahar – where support for the Taliban remains strong – who stormed the stage and accused the women on it of being “ too Western.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the jirga that is supposed to decide about peace , women had their voices curtailed significantly , ” says a Kabul-based Western official who asked not to be identified .
“ If they can ’ t even get their voices heard at the loya jirga ... how are [ women ] going to preserve their rights of the last 18 years ?
” she asks .
“ We ’ ve seen the government portray itself as very progressive , but when it comes to it ... the government barely did anything to sanction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up.
” The attempted changes to family law , the NGO law , and media law – the last , only made public and sparking an outcry over censorship and free speech concerns after it was quietly approved by the Cabinet and sent to parliament in June – illustrate the challenge ahead for Afghan civil society trying to solidify gains as the talks with the Taliban approach .
“ This coincidence of the government – ahead of the peace process – getting more conservative ... these are exactly the things the Taliban would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Western official .
“ So ahead of intra-Afghan negotiations , we see convergence on issues we don ’ t want them to converge on.
” Writing in The Washington Post this week , Mr. Ghani demanded that the Taliban acknowledge the “ changed reality of today ’ s Afghanistan ” and work to “ preserve and expand the gains the Afghan people have made ” since U.S. forces toppled the Taliban in 2001 .
But analysts and civil society activists say fresh government efforts to change some rules amount to an unexpected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Proposed changes to the family law , for example , include immediate forfeiture of maintenance by a husband for his wife if she refuses intercourse – for reasons beyond those permissible under sharia ( Islamic ) law – or even goes out without his permission .
Underage marriage would become possible through a loophole that would require consent of a male relative and court approval .
One reason may be campaign commitments made by Mr. Ghani to conservative elements during his reelection campaign last September , before Afghanistan ’ s presidential vote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the appeal of a government that is accused by the Taliban of being a pro-Western U.S. puppet and is perceived to have ushered too many liberal changes into a traditional society .
“ I imagine it is a signal to actors on the pro-government side , but that are quite socially conservative , ‘ Look , you don ’ t need to go over to the Taliban to get some of what you want , ’ ” says Andrew Watkins , senior Afghanistan analyst for the International Crisis Group .
“ The palace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics and society splintering off if they believe that the Taliban is going to end up winning this thing , ” says Mr. Watkins , referring to years of steady insurgent battlefield advances , and the Taliban yielding few compromises in negotiations with the United States .
Yet he notes that , contrary to the all-conservative appearance of the law changes , the government in recent weeks also issued a decree to create the post of second deputy governor for each of the country ’ s 34 provinces – and to reserve those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is also trying to simultaneously keep international audiences and more progressive parts of its civil society happy as well , ” says Mr. Watkins .
“ You have the government trying to send out whatever will stick , to keep different constituencies happy.
” Still , the proposed changes to the family law appear far-reaching .
“ The provisions , on the surface , appear to be congruent with sharia law and proper family law , but there have been slight tweaks made that actually disadvantage women severely , ” says the Western @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law is debated , Mr. Ghani a week ago announced the establishment of a High Council on Women – a step meant to officially incorporate women ’ s views in the peace process and empower them .
Criticism has come quickly , though , from women ’ s activists complaining that the move was only symbolic , because similar bodies designed to empower women exist already .
“ It is supposed to help women be reassured that their rights will be observed in the peace process , but there is no real connection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says the Western official .
Similar confusion also reigns over the how and why of proposed changes to the media and NGO laws , both of which would have imposed stricter government controls .
They have been put on hold after public criticism .
Afghan journalists reacted noisily when the changes to the media law became public in mid-June , for example , as they accused the government of trying to impose censorship , block freedom of speech , and force journalists to reveal sources to intelligence and government agencies .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government who want to suffocate press freedom through the proposed amendments , [ and ] this indicates censorship of media in the country , ” Mohammad Elham , the head of Rah-e-Farda TV , told TOLOnews , Afghanistan ’ s largest television channel .
“ There are many forces in Afghanistan and outside who wish to curb free media and access to information in our country , but we certainly did not expect the government to be a front-runner in this league , ” Lotfullah Najafizada , the head of TOLOnews , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it was “ strongly committed to our free media and will remain so , ” and withdrew the proposal .
Likewise , the draft NGO law that emerged in June was an updated version of the one approved by the Cabinet in December 2019 , which requires registration and sharing detailed financial information with authorities .
Amnesty International panned it as a “ serious threat to the existence of civil society ” groups in Afghanistan , which “ imposes unnecessary and disproportionate restrictions ... and would exert undue influence and control over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when the Taliban ruled Afghanistan , the hard-line Islamists imposed a range of restrictions on Afghan society .
Recently , Taliban members have noted to Western officials and analysts that both the media law and NGO law , as well as some of the family law changes , are “ something we would have done.
” The loya jirga , meanwhile , endorsed the release of the Taliban prisoners .
But after freeing 80 of the men earlier this week , the government stopped the process , saying the Taliban had yet to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was meant to – a claim denied by the insurgents .

He notes that the government has also recently decreed creation of a deputy governor post for each of the country’s 34 provinces – and that they be reserved for women. “The government is also trying to simultaneously keep international audiences and more progressive parts of its civil society happy as well,” says Mr. Watkins. It’s “trying to send out whatever will stick, to keep different constituencies happy.”
“I imagine it is a signal to actors on the pro-government side, but that are quite socially conservative, ‘Look, you don’t need to go over to the Taliban to get some of what you want,’” says Andrew Watkins, senior Afghanistan analyst for the International Crisis Group.
Afghanistan’s government has a delicate balancing act. As it jockeys for position ahead of talks with the Taliban, it must maintain support from both progressive and conservative segments of the Afghan people.
One theory why is President Ashraf Ghani’s practical need to shore up conservative support ahead of the negotiations.
Peace talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban have been postponed indefinitely amid a dispute over reciprocal prisoner releases. At the same time, the government has tried to quietly roll back nearly two decades of increased freedoms by pushing conservative changes to laws governing the family and media. They’re moves that aren’t too far from agenda items of the Taliban.
When, to kick-start long-delayed intra-Afghan peace talks, thousands of Afghan delegates gathered to consider a final release of hardened Taliban prisoners, Belquis Roshan held up a sign of protest.
The words on the female lawmaker’s banner were clear: “Redeeming” the Taliban amounted to “national treason.”
At the podium was President Ashraf Ghani, who had already released 4,600 Taliban prisoners in accord with a U.S.-Taliban agreement signed Feb. 29. He had convened the loya jirga, or traditional council, this month to gain popular approval to free 400 remaining prisoners – from a Taliban list that included men convicted of murder and of conducting high-profile attacks that killed Afghans and foreigners alike.
Why We Wrote This Afghanistan’s government has a delicate balancing act. As it jockeys for position ahead of talks with the Taliban, it must maintain support from both progressive and conservative segments of the Afghan people.
Ms. Roshan’s message was short-lived: She was tackled and thrown to the ground by a female security guard, silenced in an act civil society activists condemn as revealing the fragility of both freedom of speech and women’s rights in Afghanistan.
The intra-Afghan peace talks now hang in the balance – they were meant to begin Thursday, after a five-month delay, but have now been postponed indefinitely over the continued prisoner dispute.
Yet at the same time, analysts say, the government has sought in recent months to quietly roll back nearly two decades of increased freedoms by pushing conservative changes to laws governing the family, media, and nongovernmental organizations, moves that, in fact, aren’t too far from agenda items of the archconservative Taliban.
The analysts’ theories as to why range from Mr. Ghani’s past inclinations to centralize government power to a practical need to shore up conservative support ahead of negotiations. But his moves are colliding with the expectations of Afghans who have grown accustomed to expanding freedoms. Many also fear that bringing the Taliban into government – or Taliban battlefield victories – will inevitably lead to a new, less free era.
“Jirga is the place to raise voices without limitations; everyone has a right to raise their voice,” said Asila Wardak, a women’s rights activist and diplomat at Afghanistan’s United Nations mission, complaining from the stage about the treatment of Ms. Roshan the day after the incident. “A jirga is not a place to disrespect; it is not a place for beating women.”
Ms. Wardak’s speech was disrupted by the abusive shouts of several male lawmakers in the hall, including one man from the conservative southern city of Kandahar – where support for the Taliban remains strong – who stormed the stage and accused the women on it of being “too Western.”
“Convergence ... we don’t want”
“This shows that, at the jirga that is supposed to decide about peace, women had their voices curtailed significantly,” says a Kabul-based Western official who asked not to be identified.
“If they can’t even get their voices heard at the loya jirga ... how are [women] going to preserve their rights of the last 18 years?” she asks. “We’ve seen the government portray itself as very progressive, but when it comes to it ... the government barely did anything to sanction those people who tried to shut them up.”
The attempted changes to family law, the NGO law, and media law – the last, only made public and sparking an outcry over censorship and free speech concerns after it was quietly approved by the Cabinet and sent to parliament in June – illustrate the challenge ahead for Afghan civil society trying to solidify gains as the talks with the Taliban approach.
“This coincidence of the government – ahead of the peace process – getting more conservative ... these are exactly the things the Taliban would be doing as well,” says the Western official. “So ahead of intra-Afghan negotiations, we see convergence on issues we don’t want them to converge on.”
Mohammad Ismail/Reuters View caption Hide caption Ashraf Ghani arrives at his inauguration as president in Kabul, Afghanistan, March 9, 2020.
Writing in The Washington Post this week, Mr. Ghani demanded that the Taliban acknowledge the “changed reality of today’s Afghanistan” and work to “preserve and expand the gains the Afghan people have made” since U.S. forces toppled the Taliban in 2001.
But analysts and civil society activists say fresh government efforts to change some rules amount to an unexpected bid to impose increasingly conservative restrictions.
Proposed changes to the family law, for example, include immediate forfeiture of maintenance by a husband for his wife if she refuses intercourse – for reasons beyond those permissible under sharia (Islamic) law – or even goes out without his permission. Underage marriage would become possible through a loophole that would require consent of a male relative and court approval.
One reason may be campaign commitments made by Mr. Ghani to conservative elements during his reelection campaign last September, before Afghanistan’s presidential vote.
Broader support
Another may be a bid to broaden the appeal of a government that is accused by the Taliban of being a pro-Western U.S. puppet and is perceived to have ushered too many liberal changes into a traditional society.
“I imagine it is a signal to actors on the pro-government side, but that are quite socially conservative, ‘Look, you don’t need to go over to the Taliban to get some of what you want,’” says Andrew Watkins, senior Afghanistan analyst for the International Crisis Group.
“The palace is worried about various factions of Afghan politics and society splintering off if they believe that the Taliban is going to end up winning this thing,” says Mr. Watkins, referring to years of steady insurgent battlefield advances, and the Taliban yielding few compromises in negotiations with the United States.
Yet he notes that, contrary to the all-conservative appearance of the law changes, the government in recent weeks also issued a decree to create the post of second deputy governor for each of the country’s 34 provinces – and to reserve those posts for women.
“The government is also trying to simultaneously keep international audiences and more progressive parts of its civil society happy as well,” says Mr. Watkins. “You have the government trying to send out whatever will stick, to keep different constituencies happy.”
Still, the proposed changes to the family law appear far-reaching.
“The provisions, on the surface, appear to be congruent with sharia law and proper family law, but there have been slight tweaks made that actually disadvantage women severely,” says the Western official.
Yet even as the family law is debated, Mr. Ghani a week ago announced the establishment of a High Council on Women – a step meant to officially incorporate women’s views in the peace process and empower them.
National Security Council of Afghanistan/Reuters View caption Hide caption A Taliban prisoner (left) is released from Pul-e-Charkhi prison in Kabul, Afghanistan, Aug. 13, 2020.
Criticism has come quickly, though, from women’s activists complaining that the move was only symbolic, because similar bodies designed to empower women exist already.
“It is supposed to help women be reassured that their rights will be observed in the peace process, but there is no real connection between that council and the peace process,” says the Western official.
Media law on hold
Similar confusion also reigns over the how and why of proposed changes to the media and NGO laws, both of which would have imposed stricter government controls. They have been put on hold after public criticism.
Afghan journalists reacted noisily when the changes to the media law became public in mid-June, for example, as they accused the government of trying to impose censorship, block freedom of speech, and force journalists to reveal sources to intelligence and government agencies.
“Undoubtedly there are certain circles within the government who want to suffocate press freedom through the proposed amendments, [and] this indicates censorship of media in the country,” Mohammad Elham, the head of Rah-e-Farda TV, told TOLOnews, Afghanistan’s largest television channel.
“There are many forces in Afghanistan and outside who wish to curb free media and access to information in our country, but we certainly did not expect the government to be a front-runner in this league,” Lotfullah Najafizada, the head of TOLOnews, told The Guardian.
The government responded that it was “strongly committed to our free media and will remain so,” and withdrew the proposal.
Likewise, the draft NGO law that emerged in June was an updated version of the one approved by the Cabinet in December 2019, which requires registration and sharing detailed financial information with authorities.
Amnesty International panned it as a “serious threat to the existence of civil society” groups in Afghanistan, which “imposes unnecessary and disproportionate restrictions ... and would exert undue influence and control over NGOs.”
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In the late 1990s, when the Taliban ruled Afghanistan, the hard-line Islamists imposed a range of restrictions on Afghan society. Recently, Taliban members have noted to Western officials and analysts that both the media law and NGO law, as well as some of the family law changes, are “something we would have done.”
The loya jirga, meanwhile, endorsed the release of the Taliban prisoners. But after freeing 80 of the men earlier this week, the government stopped the process, saying the Taliban had yet to release all 1,000 captured Afghan security forces it was meant to – a claim denied by the insurgents.


csmonitor--2020-08-20--Hawaii’s Big Island creates the setting for a novel about family and memory

In Mariko Abe ’ s otherwise uncluttered bedroom in Hilo , Hawaii , a dresser is covered with small objects – stones and shells collected over the years , carved kukui nuts , a piece of obsidian glass from a memorable trip to a lava cave .
“ I ’ m leaving a trail of my life , ” she tells the man who brought her to that cave , Koji Sanada .
“ Tells folks where I ’ ve been and what meant something to me.
” Such small things add up to riches in “ The Color of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ novel of enduring love – and , just as important , enduring friendships .
A weekly card game of hearts in a close-knit community , an annual ritual of picking mangoes from a family tree , a recurring gift of toy train cars – Tsukiyama knows these quiet actions build connections as meaningful as any earth-shattering dramas .
It ’ s even telling that the story ’ s backdrop is the 1935 eruption of Mauna Loa , a notable event but not one of the most destructive blasts in the volcano ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ novel from Tsukiyama , whose website biography notes that she was born to a Chinese mother from Hong Kong and a Japanese father from Hawaii .
It ’ s the first book she ’ s published in eight years , and one of several of her works set in or around the first half of the 20th century .
Tsukiyama ’ s descriptions of Hilo are immersive and intimate , taking readers from muggy heat and scorched sugar cane stalks to bright blossoms and choppy ocean waves .
The natural world is integral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ lives : “ From the moment Koji set foot onto the black lava rocks as a boy , he knew that the island was a living organism and they were simply guests.
” Spirits are present everywhere as well .
The line between present and past is as intangible sometimes as the barrier between the dead and the living .
The effect is poetic , never more so than in Mariko ’ s thoughts when she is ill and near death .
Further illuminating the book ’ s title , she muses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far , I promise , yeah .
Like this island , I ’ m already remaking myself .
Look and you will feel me everywhere , in the rocks , in the water , in the color of the air.
” Beyond the threat from volcanic activity , the book ’ s setting provides plenty of tension .
The characters cope with labor strife in the sugar plantations and the related racism , poverty , and hierarchical struggles facing the Japanese , Chinese , Filipino , and Portuguese workers .
The story begins @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s untimely death , when her grown son Daniel returns to the village .
Daniel is a doctor , the first “ Hilo boy ” to mark that success , overcoming institutional racism as the only “ Oriental ” in his program in Chicago .
When a work tragedy robs Daniel of his confidence , he ’ s welcomed with joy back to Hilo , where he ’ s virtually a son to Mariko ’ s circle of friends .
Daniel ’ s homecoming leads to old secrets being revealed and several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in life .
The book moves back and forth through the decades , with various characters taking turns at narration , but Koji feels the most central and vivid throughout .
He follows in his father ’ s footsteps , becoming the fastest cane cutter on the Big Island .
His skill earns him a measure of security in the brutal fields , despite his quiet personality .
Ultimately , while no one escapes the hardships of life on the island , for most the benefits are worth the cost .
Daniel recognizes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and volcanoes , rumbles in warning .
He watches “ a tall , pale geologist from the Volcano Observatory Center , who talked about the latest eruption and the eventual lava flow toward Hilo if it didn ’ t stop.
” “ Whatever was going to happen , they ’ d find a way through it , ” Daniel says of the villagers .
Some of their stories are small , but in Tsukiyama ’ s hands we ’ re reminded that even ordinary lives contain extraordinary depths .

In Mariko Abe’s otherwise uncluttered bedroom in Hilo, Hawaii, a dresser is covered with small objects – stones and shells collected over the years, carved kukui nuts, a piece of obsidian glass from a memorable trip to a lava cave.
“I’m leaving a trail of my life,” she tells the man who brought her to that cave, Koji Sanada. “Tells folks where I’ve been and what meant something to me.”
Such small things add up to riches in “The Color of Air,” Gail Tsukiyama’s novel of enduring love – and, just as important, enduring friendships. A weekly card game of hearts in a close-knit community, an annual ritual of picking mangoes from a family tree, a recurring gift of toy train cars – Tsukiyama knows these quiet actions build connections as meaningful as any earth-shattering dramas. It’s even telling that the story’s backdrop is the 1935 eruption of Mauna Loa, a notable event but not one of the most destructive blasts in the volcano’s history.
The book is the eighth novel from Tsukiyama, whose website biography notes that she was born to a Chinese mother from Hong Kong and a Japanese father from Hawaii. It’s the first book she’s published in eight years, and one of several of her works set in or around the first half of the 20th century.
Tsukiyama’s descriptions of Hilo are immersive and intimate, taking readers from muggy heat and scorched sugar cane stalks to bright blossoms and choppy ocean waves. The natural world is integral here, and central to her characters’ lives: “From the moment Koji set foot onto the black lava rocks as a boy, he knew that the island was a living organism and they were simply guests.”
Spirits are present everywhere as well. The line between present and past is as intangible sometimes as the barrier between the dead and the living.
The effect is poetic, never more so than in Mariko’s thoughts when she is ill and near death. Further illuminating the book’s title, she muses, “I won’t go far, I promise, yeah. Like this island, I’m already remaking myself. Look and you will feel me everywhere, in the rocks, in the water, in the color of the air.”
Beyond the threat from volcanic activity, the book’s setting provides plenty of tension. The characters cope with labor strife in the sugar plantations and the related racism, poverty, and hierarchical struggles facing the Japanese, Chinese, Filipino, and Portuguese workers.
The story begins in 1935, two years after Mariko’s untimely death, when her grown son Daniel returns to the village. Daniel is a doctor, the first “Hilo boy” to mark that success, overcoming institutional racism as the only “Oriental” in his program in Chicago. When a work tragedy robs Daniel of his confidence, he’s welcomed with joy back to Hilo, where he’s virtually a son to Mariko’s circle of friends. Daniel’s homecoming leads to old secrets being revealed and several characters coming to terms with their choices in life.
The book moves back and forth through the decades, with various characters taking turns at narration, but Koji feels the most central and vivid throughout. He follows in his father’s footsteps, becoming the fastest cane cutter on the Big Island. His skill earns him a measure of security in the brutal fields, despite his quiet personality.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Ultimately, while no one escapes the hardships of life on the island, for most the benefits are worth the cost. Daniel recognizes this when Pele, goddess of fire and volcanoes, rumbles in warning. He watches “a tall, pale geologist from the Volcano Observatory Center, who talked about the latest eruption and the eventual lava flow toward Hilo if it didn’t stop.”
“Whatever was going to happen, they’d find a way through it,” Daniel says of the villagers. Some of their stories are small, but in Tsukiyama’s hands we’re reminded that even ordinary lives contain extraordinary depths.