csmonitor--2020-05-05--Separatist power grab throws Yemen's south into turmoil

A bid by separatists funded by the United Arab Emirates to assert control over southern Yemen has reopened a dangerous new front in Yemen 's civil war and pushed it closer to fragmentation at a time when the coronavirus pandemic poses a growing threat .
The separatists ’ recent declaration of self-rule over the key port city of Aden and other southern provinces also further pits Saudi Arabia and the UAE on opposing sides in the conflict , now in its sixth year .
A separatist leader made the declaration from the UAE – a clear sign of its backing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states had been partners in a coalition waging war against Iran-linked Houthi rebels who seized the northern part of Yemen in 2014 .
The two allies have conflicting interests in the south , though , and are aligned with rival sides .
The UAE backs the separatists , and Saudi Arabia sides with Yemen ’ s internationally recognized government , led by exiled President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi .
The intensifying split in the south could further impede the Saudis ’ efforts to find a way out of the costly and seemingly unwinnable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has accelerated its exit strategy in recent months , including conducting back channel talks with the rebels .
Last month , the Saudis declared a unilateral cease-fire , but it was rebuffed by the Houthis as a purported ploy , and fighting continued .
The UAE , meanwhile , is interested in securing shipping lanes along the Red Sea corridor and the crucial Bab el-Mandeb chokepoint off Yemen ’ s shoreline .
The UAE is both a major oil exporter and home to DP World , a global shipping and logistics firm .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ also ensures that the Saudi-backed Islah party – the transnational Muslim Brotherhood ’ s branch in Yemen – won ’ t grow too powerful .
The UAE opposes Brotherhood affiliates throughout the Middle East .
“ It ’ s becoming a conflict by proxy between the UAE and Saudis , ” said Fernando Carvajal , a former member of the U.N. Security Council Panel of Experts .
Yemen ’ s conflict has split the country along tribal , regional , and political lines .
It started with the Houthis taking Sanaa , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spring of 2015 , Saudi Arabia , the UAE , and other Arab states formed a coalition to battle the rebels and curb Iran ’ s influence in what turned into a regional proxy war .
Since then , more than 100,000 people – fighters and civilians – have been killed .
Airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition and Houthis ’ ground fighting has displaced more than 3 million people and left millions of others unable to meet basic needs , pushing them to near-famine conditions .
The bid for southern self-rule comes as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a possible virus outbreak .
Yemen has only reported 21 confirmed cases of the virus , including three fatalities , most of them in Aden , according to the internationally recognized government 's Health Ministry .
Aden residents claimed the hospitals shut their doors as medical staffers feared contracting the virus while lacking protective equipment .
The World Health Organization warned Saturday that the virus is actively circulating in Yemen and that it 's preparing for the possibility of half the population getting infected .
In the south , the separatists ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had been largely untouched by violence , threatening further displacement .
Late last week , explosions and artillery fire echoed through the valleys of the island of Socotra , a UNESCO world heritage site and home to species not found elsewhere .
Separatists fought with forces loyal to Mr. Hadi 's government on the island , a former UAE stronghold .
The UAE officially pulled troops out of southern Yemen last summer , but it continues to exert control through its proxies to ensure it holds onto key areas on Yemen ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aydarous al-Zubaidi delivered the April 25 declaration of self-rule from the UAE 's seat of government , Abu Dhabi .
Mr. Al-Zubaidi heads the Southern Transitional Council , an umbrella group of heavily armed and well-financed militias propped up by the UAE since 2015 .
The council hopes to restore an independent southern Yemen , which existed from 1967-1990 .
The southern fighting leaves Mr. Hadi ’ s government in a much weaker position amid efforts to end the conflict with the Houthis .
The self-rule declaration robbed the Hadi government of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been living in exile in the Saudi capital of Riyadh for several years , but his government maintained a presence in Aden .
His government called the announcement a “ blatant coup ” against a peace deal with the separatists signed in Riyadh in November .
The Saudis had brokered the agreement after deadly battles between the separatists and Hadi-allied forces .
The fighting left the separatists in firm control of Aden , with the help of air cover from Emirati jets .
The Saudi-led coalition said the self-rule declaration was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the implementation of the Riyadh power-sharing deal , which stipulated the handover of heavy weapons , withdrawal of rival forces , and formation a new government .
The Hadi government said it had largely upheld the November power-sharing agreement and accused the separatists of failing to meet their obligations .
In an interview with The Associated Press , the foreign minister in Mr. Hadi ’ s government , Mohammed al-Hadhrami , appealed to the UAE to stop its support for the separatists ’ council .
Derailing the November agreement “ means bringing down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace deal , ” he said .
It ’ s unclear if Saudi Arabia has the stamina for more maneuvering in Yemen .
The Saudis are already embroiled in an international oil price war and a coronavirus outbreak of their own .
Consolidating Yemen ’ s south to only continue their stalemate with the Houthis might prove too great a task , some observers say .
“ It ’ s like a bullet-riddled boat and Saudis have to use all their 10 fingers and 10 toes to plug in all holes else the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carvajal .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Samy Magdy in Cairo contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

A bid by separatists funded by the United Arab Emirates to assert control over southern Yemen has reopened a dangerous new front in Yemen's civil war and pushed it closer to fragmentation at a time when the coronavirus pandemic poses a growing threat.
The separatists’ recent declaration of self-rule over the key port city of Aden and other southern provinces also further pits Saudi Arabia and the UAE on opposing sides in the conflict, now in its sixth year. A separatist leader made the declaration from the UAE – a clear sign of its backing for the move.
The two Gulf states had been partners in a coalition waging war against Iran-linked Houthi rebels who seized the northern part of Yemen in 2014.
The two allies have conflicting interests in the south, though, and are aligned with rival sides. The UAE backs the separatists, and Saudi Arabia sides with Yemen’s internationally recognized government, led by exiled President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi.
The intensifying split in the south could further impede the Saudis’ efforts to find a way out of the costly and seemingly unwinnable war against the Houthis.
Saudi Arabia has accelerated its exit strategy in recent months, including conducting back channel talks with the rebels. Last month, the Saudis declared a unilateral cease-fire, but it was rebuffed by the Houthis as a purported ploy, and fighting continued.
The UAE, meanwhile, is interested in securing shipping lanes along the Red Sea corridor and the crucial Bab el-Mandeb chokepoint off Yemen’s shoreline. The UAE is both a major oil exporter and home to DP World, a global shipping and logistics firm. By supporting Yemeni separatists, the UAE also ensures that the Saudi-backed Islah party – the transnational Muslim Brotherhood’s branch in Yemen – won’t grow too powerful. The UAE opposes Brotherhood affiliates throughout the Middle East.
“It’s becoming a conflict by proxy between the UAE and Saudis,” said Fernando Carvajal, a former member of the U.N. Security Council Panel of Experts.
Yemen’s conflict has split the country along tribal, regional, and political lines. It started with the Houthis taking Sanaa, the capital, in 2014. In the spring of 2015, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and other Arab states formed a coalition to battle the rebels and curb Iran’s influence in what turned into a regional proxy war.
Since then, more than 100,000 people – fighters and civilians – have been killed. Airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition and Houthis’ ground fighting has displaced more than 3 million people and left millions of others unable to meet basic needs, pushing them to near-famine conditions.
The bid for southern self-rule comes as the country finds itself on the brink of a possible virus outbreak.
Yemen has only reported 21 confirmed cases of the virus, including three fatalities, most of them in Aden, according to the internationally recognized government's Health Ministry. Aden residents claimed the hospitals shut their doors as medical staffers feared contracting the virus while lacking protective equipment.
The World Health Organization warned Saturday that the virus is actively circulating in Yemen and that it's preparing for the possibility of half the population getting infected.
In the south, the separatists’ power grab brought fighting to areas that had been largely untouched by violence, threatening further displacement.
Late last week, explosions and artillery fire echoed through the valleys of the island of Socotra, a UNESCO world heritage site and home to species not found elsewhere. Separatists fought with forces loyal to Mr. Hadi's government on the island, a former UAE stronghold.
The UAE officially pulled troops out of southern Yemen last summer, but it continues to exert control through its proxies to ensure it holds onto key areas on Yemen’s 1,250 miles of coastline.
Separatist leader Aydarous al-Zubaidi delivered the April 25 declaration of self-rule from the UAE's seat of government, Abu Dhabi.
Mr. Al-Zubaidi heads the Southern Transitional Council, an umbrella group of heavily armed and well-financed militias propped up by the UAE since 2015. The council hopes to restore an independent southern Yemen, which existed from 1967-1990.
The southern fighting leaves Mr. Hadi’s government in a much weaker position amid efforts to end the conflict with the Houthis.
The self-rule declaration robbed the Hadi government of its temporary capital, Aden. Mr. Hadi has been living in exile in the Saudi capital of Riyadh for several years, but his government maintained a presence in Aden.
His government called the announcement a “blatant coup” against a peace deal with the separatists signed in Riyadh in November. The Saudis had brokered the agreement after deadly battles between the separatists and Hadi-allied forces. The fighting left the separatists in firm control of Aden, with the help of air cover from Emirati jets.
The Saudi-led coalition said the self-rule declaration was a “strange action” and called for the implementation of the Riyadh power-sharing deal, which stipulated the handover of heavy weapons, withdrawal of rival forces, and formation a new government.
The Hadi government said it had largely upheld the November power-sharing agreement and accused the separatists of failing to meet their obligations.
In an interview with The Associated Press, the foreign minister in Mr. Hadi’s government, Mohammed al-Hadhrami, appealed to the UAE to stop its support for the separatists’ council.
Derailing the November agreement “means bringing down all efforts for a comprehensive and just peace deal,” he said.
It’s unclear if Saudi Arabia has the stamina for more maneuvering in Yemen. The Saudis are already embroiled in an international oil price war and a coronavirus outbreak of their own.
Consolidating Yemen’s south to only continue their stalemate with the Houthis might prove too great a task, some observers say.
“It’s like a bullet-riddled boat and Saudis have to use all their 10 fingers and 10 toes to plug in all holes else the ship will sink,” said Mr. Carvajal.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Samy Magdy in Cairo contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-12--US Indo-Pacific naval presence grows: Sign of strength to China?

For the first time in nearly three years , three American aircraft carriers are patrolling the Indo-Pacific waters , a massive show of naval force in a region roiled by spiking tensions between the United States and China and a sign that the Navy has bounced back from the worst days of the coronavirus outbreak .
The unusual simultaneous appearance of the three warships , accompanied by Navy cruisers , destroyers , fighter jets , and other aircraft , comes as the U.S. escalates criticism of Beijing ’ s response to the coronavirus outbreak , its moves to impose greater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign to militarize human-made islands in the South China Sea .
“ There have been some indications in Chinese writings that the United States was hit hard by COVID-19 , that military preparedness was low , so perhaps there is an effort by the United States to signal China that it should not miscalculate , ” said Bonnie Glaser , director of the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies .
“ The Chinese will definitely portray this as an example of U.S. provocations , and as evidence that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the region . ''
President Donald Trump , criticized for his own handling of the coronavirus outbreak , has condemned China for what he sees as a failure to adequately warn the world about the COVID-19 threat .
The administration has also moved to ban Chinese graduate students and researchers with links to the People ’ s Liberation Army or other security services from the U.S .
The convergence of three carrier strike groups in the region is unusual because of the limited number of carriers and the fact that they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visits , training , or deployments to other parts of the world .
This week , however , Navy commanders said they were able to take advantage of the timing , particularly during this period of great power competition with China .
The U.S. national defense strategy cites China as a top security concern , and Pentagon leaders have been working to shift more resources and military assets to the region to battle what they see is Beijing 's growing economic influence and military might .
“ The ability to be present in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competition .
And as I always tell my guys here , you ’ ve got to be present to win when you ’ re competing , ” said Rear Adm. Stephen Koehler , director of operations at Indo-Pacific Command .
“ Carriers and carrier strike groups writ large are phenomenal symbols of American naval power .
I really am pretty fired up that we ’ ve got three of them at the moment.
” Speaking to The Associated Press from his office in Hawaii , Admiral Koehler said China is slowly and methodically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China Sea , putting missile and electronic warfare systems on them .
The U.S. and other allies and partners in the region have beefed up operations near the human-made islands to try to blunt China 's development , but none of that has appeared to work .
Admiral Koehler said that most recently China deployed aircraft to Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands and is now operating them out of there .
On Thursday , the strike group warships were spread out across the Indo-Pacific .
The USS Theodore Roosevelt and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sea near Guam .
The USS Nimitz strike group is in the Pacific off the U.S. West Coast .
The USS Ronald Reagan has left port in Japan and is operating in the Philippine Sea south of there .
Navy commanders were quick to point out that dozens of other Navy ships had been operating around the Pacific , but the three strike groups put a bit of an exclamation point on America 's commitment to the region and its allies .
The Roosevelt has just returned to duty after spending more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ massive COVID-19 outbreak among its crew .
And small numbers of sailors on the Nimitz and the Reagan tested positive for the virus , triggering quarantines and extensive new health and safety procedures that had to be instituted before the ships could deploy .
As they deploy , sailors ' daily lives on the ships and to some degree their operations at sea have been altered by the virus and the new precautions they must take to ensure the ships remain clear of infection and able to continue operations .
Onboard the Nimitz @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been no positive cases of the virus on the ship since it set out , and he is confident of all the changes put in place to keep it that way .
On the Nimitz and the other Pacific ships , crew members are screened daily , they wear masks where needed , meal hours have been extended to allow for more social distancing , and specific routes are designated on the ship to prevent sailors from bumping into one another in the narrow passageways and stairs .
“ As we head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ message that I have is that this is the end of the beginning ” for the crew , said Admiral Kirk , commander of Carrier Strike Group 11 .
“ Now it ’ s time to go about doing our job to the best of our abilities.
” Koehler said the ships will continue to work with allies and partners in the region , conducting exercises at sea and patrolling contested regions .
One key change , however , will be their ability to stop in foreign ports .
The port visits have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pick up supplies when necessary .
Guam has been designated the only safe harbor for port stops in the Pacific so far , and sailors have only limited freedom to go to the pier and can not travel freely in the city .
Navy leaders are looking into establishing other safe havens but have n't approved them yet .
This is , said Admiral Koehler , “ the new normal.
” And he said that while it 's not likely there will be three carrier strike groups consistently in the Pacific over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can do when we want to.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

For the first time in nearly three years, three American aircraft carriers are patrolling the Indo-Pacific waters, a massive show of naval force in a region roiled by spiking tensions between the United States and China and a sign that the Navy has bounced back from the worst days of the coronavirus outbreak.
The unusual simultaneous appearance of the three warships, accompanied by Navy cruisers, destroyers, fighter jets, and other aircraft, comes as the U.S. escalates criticism of Beijing’s response to the coronavirus outbreak, its moves to impose greater control over Hong Kong, and its campaign to militarize human-made islands in the South China Sea.
“There have been some indications in Chinese writings that the United States was hit hard by COVID-19, that military preparedness was low, so perhaps there is an effort by the United States to signal China that it should not miscalculate,” said Bonnie Glaser, director of the China Power Project at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. “The Chinese will definitely portray this as an example of U.S. provocations, and as evidence that the U.S. is a source of instability in the region."
President Donald Trump, criticized for his own handling of the coronavirus outbreak, has condemned China for what he sees as a failure to adequately warn the world about the COVID-19 threat. The administration has also moved to ban Chinese graduate students and researchers with links to the People’s Liberation Army or other security services from the U.S.
The convergence of three carrier strike groups in the region is unusual because of the limited number of carriers and the fact that they are often cycling through repair schedules, port visits, training, or deployments to other parts of the world. This week, however, Navy commanders said they were able to take advantage of the timing, particularly during this period of great power competition with China.
The U.S. national defense strategy cites China as a top security concern, and Pentagon leaders have been working to shift more resources and military assets to the region to battle what they see is Beijing's growing economic influence and military might.
“The ability to be present in a strong way is part of the competition. And as I always tell my guys here, you’ve got to be present to win when you’re competing,” said Rear Adm. Stephen Koehler, director of operations at Indo-Pacific Command. “Carriers and carrier strike groups writ large are phenomenal symbols of American naval power. I really am pretty fired up that we’ve got three of them at the moment.”
Speaking to The Associated Press from his office in Hawaii, Admiral Koehler said China is slowly and methodically building up military outposts in the South China Sea, putting missile and electronic warfare systems on them. The U.S. and other allies and partners in the region have beefed up operations near the human-made islands to try to blunt China's development, but none of that has appeared to work.
Admiral Koehler said that most recently China deployed aircraft to Fiery Cross Reef in the Spratly Islands and is now operating them out of there.
On Thursday, the strike group warships were spread out across the Indo-Pacific. The USS Theodore Roosevelt and its strike group are operating in the Philippine Sea near Guam. The USS Nimitz strike group is in the Pacific off the U.S. West Coast. The USS Ronald Reagan has left port in Japan and is operating in the Philippine Sea south of there. Navy commanders were quick to point out that dozens of other Navy ships had been operating around the Pacific, but the three strike groups put a bit of an exclamation point on America's commitment to the region and its allies.
The Roosevelt has just returned to duty after spending more than two months sidelined in Guam with a massive COVID-19 outbreak among its crew. And small numbers of sailors on the Nimitz and the Reagan tested positive for the virus, triggering quarantines and extensive new health and safety procedures that had to be instituted before the ships could deploy.
As they deploy, sailors' daily lives on the ships and to some degree their operations at sea have been altered by the virus and the new precautions they must take to ensure the ships remain clear of infection and able to continue operations.
Onboard the Nimitz, Rear Adm. Jim Kirk said there have been no positive cases of the virus on the ship since it set out, and he is confident of all the changes put in place to keep it that way. On the Nimitz and the other Pacific ships, crew members are screened daily, they wear masks where needed, meal hours have been extended to allow for more social distancing, and specific routes are designated on the ship to prevent sailors from bumping into one another in the narrow passageways and stairs.
“As we head out to stand the watch, the message that I have is that this is the end of the beginning” for the crew, said Admiral Kirk, commander of Carrier Strike Group 11. “Now it’s time to go about doing our job to the best of our abilities.”
Koehler said the ships will continue to work with allies and partners in the region, conducting exercises at sea and patrolling contested regions. One key change, however, will be their ability to stop in foreign ports.
The port visits have been largely curtailed, except to carefully pick up supplies when necessary. Guam has been designated the only safe harbor for port stops in the Pacific so far, and sailors have only limited freedom to go to the pier and cannot travel freely in the city. Navy leaders are looking into establishing other safe havens but haven't approved them yet.
This is, said Admiral Koehler, “the new normal.” And he said that while it's not likely there will be three carrier strike groups consistently in the Pacific over the long term, “it's something we can do when we want to.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-12--Eat well, do good: Bread for the People makes giving back delicious

“ I never imagined that people could be so excited about this very basic thing – bread , ” says Ms. Stevens .
There ’ s “ that moment of joy and connection in a world that seems to see such a deep lack of joy right now.
” And as long as there ’ s need , they plan to keep baking .
“ We look at this as a people ’ s project , ” says Ms. Stevens .
“ People are showing up for the community , buying loaves for each other , sharing with friends .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and helping that spread.
” They emphasize that they ’ re one of many small projects trying to give back right now , at a time when governments across the world are straining to respond .
By now , Ms. Stevens and her partner , Libbey Goldberg , are accustomed to the sound .
Since late March , the duo have been baking and delivering sourdough rounds across Austin , raising money for charities fighting the effects of the pandemic , like hunger and job loss .
That ’ s on top of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caring for their 3- and 9-year-olds .
Sarah Stevens sits two rooms over from 12 mahogany loaves of sourdough , cooling by a window .
There ’ s a magical sound to bread cooling , she explains – with a dozen , it ’ s like a small rainstorm .
Sarah Stevens woke up in late March nervous , but ready .
The coronavirus was spreading , and her community in Austin , Texas , was preparing to shelter in place .
Already her two children were home from school and she and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care with their work as personal chefs .
But Sarah had an idea she couldn ’ t kick : Bread .
Beautiful , hand-crafted , aromatic sourdough bread that didn ’ t just stare people in the face on Instagram , but awaited them on their front porch and comforted their families .
“ I ’ m a person who can spend years toying with an idea and let the moment pass by , ” she says .
This was the first time in her life she knew she had to take action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over from 12 mahogany loaves of sourdough , cooling by a window and awaiting delivery .
Since late March , Ms. Stevens and her partner , Libbey Goldberg , have been baking and distributing sourdough rounds across Austin , raising money for charities fighting the effects of the pandemic , like hunger and job loss .
It was an ambitious plan to throw on top of already long days with a 3- and 9-year-old in the house , but Ms. Stevens finds joy and solace in baking and wanted to share that with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for people to donate .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
They call it Bread for the People , and the model is simple .
( Ms. Stevens calls it “ flying by the seat of our pants.
” ) She bakes 12 loaves of bread six days a week – starting before breakfast and finishing long after the kids are in bed .
There ’ s barely room in their refrigerator for their own staples , as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a suggested $ 10 each , the family and volunteers deliver loaves to all corners of the city – and donate all the proceeds to charity .
“ We look at this as a people ’ s project , ” says Ms. Stevens .
“ People are showing up for the community , buying loaves for each other , sharing with friends .
It ’ s about kindness and generosity and helping that spread.
” As of early June , Bread for the People has baked 430 rounds and raised $ 6,644 for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and national organizations , like the National Domestic Workers Alliance .
As national protests sparked by George Floyd ’ s death swept the U.S. , they pivoted to include support for organizations like the Austin Justice Coalition , recognizing that the pandemic and police violence affect many of the same communities hardest .
While Ms. Stevens does the bulk of the baking , Ms. Goldberg helps vet and choose organizations , drawing on her experience as an activist .
“ We try to make sure the funds are going toward the demographics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says , like people of color , unauthorized immigrants , or impoverished communities .
They emphasize that they ’ re one of many small projects trying to give back right now .
At a time when governments across the world are straining to respond , individuals are stepping up to support their communities .
Julian Choi , a partner with seafood wholesaler Minamoto Foods , started an initiative to feed unemployed service industry workers when the coronavirus shuttered restaurants .
By early May , he was getting upward of 700 requests for meals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donations had already petered out .
Enter Bread for the People .
Their donation of $ 185 allowed Mr. Choi ’ s Family Meal project to provide an additional 80 meals .
“ It was a blessing for them to come in when they did .
It was our most desperate moment , ” he says .
Ms. Stevens studied journalism in college , but graduated into a weak economy .
Unable to find a job , she started working in a bakery , and met Ms. Goldberg while working in a restaurant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it , and slowly I began to love it , ” she says of baking .
She went on to work as a copy editor , where she found herself in a cubicle , often dreaming about bread .
“ To be able to come back to baking in this moment feels really natural , despite being in the midst of a really terrible time , ” she says .
Bread for the People allows Ms. Stevens to nurture and feed people , which she considers a pillar of humanity .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s doorbell and say , ‘ Your friend or your daughter ordered you a loaf and here it is , ’ ” she says , tearing up .
Lori Levy , a neighbor turned delivery volunteer , wasn ’ t surprised by Ms. Stevens and Ms. Goldberg ’ s latest project .
She ’ s stopped by their bake sales over the years , benefiting causes like local food pantries .
“ This is just who they are , ” she says .
Ms. Stevens turns on the oven at 7 a.m. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next day ’ s batch in the fridge till 9 p.m. , but this isn ’ t a chore .
“ There are so many bright spots , ” she says .
Her daughter helps with delivery .
Her son “ helps ” by taste-testing .
She bakes with a cast-iron pot , and has to take the top off halfway through to let the bread rise .
“ I do that 8-12 times every morning , and I get a new beautiful moment every time , just seeing the bread transform.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , at a time when no one is really expecting to have their doorbell ring , or see a stranger standing on the sidewalk , ready to explain what ’ s in the mystery bag on the front porch .
“ I never imagined that people could be so excited about this very basic thing – bread , ” says Ms. Stevens .
There ’ s “ that moment of joy and connection in a world that seems to see such a deep lack of joy right now.
” Anne Hebert , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a friend and went on to place orders for others , says the model helps facilitate giving when the world feels overwhelming .
“ It ’ s almost easier to just say yes to a loaf of bread and share another one than to try and navigate the greater picture of today and figure out ‘ What can I do to help , ’ ” she says .
Flour and yeast have been tough to find , as a baking trend took off amid stay-at-home orders .
Those who have been able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be focusing on trying to enjoy simple pleasures and creating connections , Ms. Goldberg says .
“ There ’ s nothing simpler and more pleasurable than bread and butter.
” Fellow bakers have arranged for wholesale pricing on some of their materials , and the locally run Barton Springs Mill donated 125 pounds of flour to Bread for the People .
James Brown , the mill ’ s owner , says he jumped at the chance to donate , with so many food-industry workers furloughed .
“ They were very nimble and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need , ” he says .
And as long as that need lasts , the pair says they ’ ll continue baking .
Long term , they ’ ve dreamed of opening up a small store , where one of the things they ’ d like to sell is Ms. Stevens ’ bread .
On a recent afternoon , while talking about the magical sound of bread cooling – 12 loaves can create the sound of a small rainstorm , Ms. Stevens explains – a little boy with a teddy bear on his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ older sister , decked out in an apron , runs over to join the party .
This is an added benefit , Ms. Stevens and Ms. Goldberg say : They – and other parents – can model generosity for their children .
“ We try so hard to teach our kids to be kind and good in the world .
And we can talk and talk about it , ” says Ms. Goldberg .
“ But the act of them seeing it happen is extremely valuable.
” Editor ’ s note : As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coverage is free .
No paywall .
[ An earlier version of this article misspelled Anne Hebert ’ s last name . ]

“I never imagined that people could be so excited about this very basic thing – bread,” says Ms. Stevens. There’s “that moment of joy and connection in a world that seems to see such a deep lack of joy right now.”
And as long as there’s need, they plan to keep baking.
“We look at this as a people’s project,” says Ms. Stevens. “People are showing up for the community, buying loaves for each other, sharing with friends. It’s about kindness and generosity and helping that spread.”
They emphasize that they’re one of many small projects trying to give back right now, at a time when governments across the world are straining to respond.
It’s the simple pleasures that mean the most in our cooped-up lives right now. Two women in Austin, Texas, have turned their love of baking bread into a way to give back to their community, and help others give joy.
By now, Ms. Stevens and her partner, Libbey Goldberg, are accustomed to the sound. Since late March, the duo have been baking and delivering sourdough rounds across Austin, raising money for charities fighting the effects of the pandemic, like hunger and job loss. That’s on top of their jobs as personal chefs, and caring for their 3- and 9-year-olds.
Sarah Stevens sits two rooms over from 12 mahogany loaves of sourdough, cooling by a window. There’s a magical sound to bread cooling, she explains – with a dozen, it’s like a small rainstorm.
Sarah Stevens woke up in late March nervous, but ready. The coronavirus was spreading, and her community in Austin, Texas, was preparing to shelter in place. Already her two children were home from school and she and her partner were trying to juggle child care with their work as personal chefs. But Sarah had an idea she couldn’t kick: Bread. Beautiful, hand-crafted, aromatic sourdough bread that didn’t just stare people in the face on Instagram, but awaited them on their front porch and comforted their families.
“I’m a person who can spend years toying with an idea and let the moment pass by,” she says. This was the first time in her life she knew she had to take action, she says, sitting two rooms over from 12 mahogany loaves of sourdough, cooling by a window and awaiting delivery.
Since late March, Ms. Stevens and her partner, Libbey Goldberg, have been baking and distributing sourdough rounds across Austin, raising money for charities fighting the effects of the pandemic, like hunger and job loss. It was an ambitious plan to throw on top of already long days with a 3- and 9-year-old in the house, but Ms. Stevens finds joy and solace in baking and wanted to share that with others – along with making it easier for people to donate.
Why We Wrote This It’s the simple pleasures that mean the most in our cooped-up lives right now. Two women in Austin, Texas, have turned their love of baking bread into a way to give back to their community, and help others give joy.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
They call it Bread for the People, and the model is simple. (Ms. Stevens calls it “flying by the seat of our pants.”) She bakes 12 loaves of bread six days a week – starting before breakfast and finishing long after the kids are in bed. There’s barely room in their refrigerator for their own staples, as the bread chills in baskets overnight. For a suggested $10 each, the family and volunteers deliver loaves to all corners of the city – and donate all the proceeds to charity.
“We look at this as a people’s project,” says Ms. Stevens. “People are showing up for the community, buying loaves for each other, sharing with friends. It’s about kindness and generosity and helping that spread.”
As of early June, Bread for the People has baked 430 rounds and raised $6,644 for local charities, like El Buen Samaritano, and national organizations, like the National Domestic Workers Alliance. As national protests sparked by George Floyd’s death swept the U.S., they pivoted to include support for organizations like the Austin Justice Coalition, recognizing that the pandemic and police violence affect many of the same communities hardest.
Jody Horton View caption Hide caption Sourdough bread made by hand, and often delivered as a surprise in exchange for donations, became the model for Bread for the People in Austin, Texas.
While Ms. Stevens does the bulk of the baking, Ms. Goldberg helps vet and choose organizations, drawing on her experience as an activist. “We try to make sure the funds are going toward the demographics most affected by COVID-19,” she says, like people of color, unauthorized immigrants, or impoverished communities.
They emphasize that they’re one of many small projects trying to give back right now. At a time when governments across the world are straining to respond, individuals are stepping up to support their communities.
Julian Choi, a partner with seafood wholesaler Minamoto Foods, started an initiative to feed unemployed service industry workers when the coronavirus shuttered restaurants. By early May, he was getting upward of 700 requests for meals each week. Most of his initial donations had already petered out. Enter Bread for the People. Their donation of $185 allowed Mr. Choi’s Family Meal project to provide an additional 80 meals.
“It was a blessing for them to come in when they did. It was our most desperate moment,” he says.
Loaf love
Ms. Stevens studied journalism in college, but graduated into a weak economy. Unable to find a job, she started working in a bakery, and met Ms. Goldberg while working in a restaurant.
“From the beginning I liked it, and slowly I began to love it,” she says of baking. She went on to work as a copy editor, where she found herself in a cubicle, often dreaming about bread.
“To be able to come back to baking in this moment feels really natural, despite being in the midst of a really terrible time,” she says. Bread for the People allows Ms. Stevens to nurture and feed people, which she considers a pillar of humanity. “It’s just spectacular to ring someone’s doorbell and say, ‘Your friend or your daughter ordered you a loaf and here it is,’” she says, tearing up.
Lori Levy, a neighbor turned delivery volunteer, wasn’t surprised by Ms. Stevens and Ms. Goldberg’s latest project. She’s stopped by their bake sales over the years, benefiting causes like local food pantries. “This is just who they are,” she says.
Ms. Stevens turns on the oven at 7 a.m., and doesn’t put the next day’s batch in the fridge till 9 p.m., but this isn’t a chore.
“There are so many bright spots,” she says. Her daughter helps with delivery. Her son “helps” by taste-testing. She bakes with a cast-iron pot, and has to take the top off halfway through to let the bread rise. “I do that 8-12 times every morning, and I get a new beautiful moment every time, just seeing the bread transform.”
The delivery is a treat as well, at a time when no one is really expecting to have their doorbell ring, or see a stranger standing on the sidewalk, ready to explain what’s in the mystery bag on the front porch.
“I never imagined that people could be so excited about this very basic thing – bread,” says Ms. Stevens. There’s “that moment of joy and connection in a world that seems to see such a deep lack of joy right now.”
Anne Hebert, who received a surprise loaf of bread from a friend and went on to place orders for others, says the model helps facilitate giving when the world feels overwhelming. “It’s almost easier to just say yes to a loaf of bread and share another one than to try and navigate the greater picture of today and figure out ‘What can I do to help,’” she says.
Hands-on giving
Flour and yeast have been tough to find, as a baking trend took off amid stay-at-home orders. Those who have been able to remain at home during the pandemic seem to be focusing on trying to enjoy simple pleasures and creating connections, Ms. Goldberg says. “There’s nothing simpler and more pleasurable than bread and butter.”
Fellow bakers have arranged for wholesale pricing on some of their materials, and the locally run Barton Springs Mill donated 125 pounds of flour to Bread for the People. James Brown, the mill’s owner, says he jumped at the chance to donate, with so many food-industry workers furloughed. “They were very nimble and quick to respond to a real demonstrated need,” he says.
And as long as that need lasts, the pair says they’ll continue baking. Long term, they’ve dreamed of opening up a small store, where one of the things they’d like to sell is Ms. Stevens’ bread.
On a recent afternoon, while talking about the magical sound of bread cooling – 12 loaves can create the sound of a small rainstorm, Ms. Stevens explains – a little boy with a teddy bear on his head interrupts to say hello. His older sister, decked out in an apron, runs over to join the party.
This is an added benefit, Ms. Stevens and Ms. Goldberg say: They – and other parents – can model generosity for their children.
“We try so hard to teach our kids to be kind and good in the world. And we can talk and talk about it,” says Ms. Goldberg. “But the act of them seeing it happen is extremely valuable.”
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Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
[An earlier version of this article misspelled Anne Hebert’s last name.]


csmonitor--2020-02-21--Coronavirus and China's global image

Coronavirus and China's global image

For now , the authorities ’ fumbled response to the epidemic has undercut their image worldwide as a functioning , high-tech 21st-century version of the old Communist world ’ s command economies .
It has also served as a reminder of the politics of China : the authoritarian underside of its economic success .
But there ’ s a further question : the possible effect on China ’ s influence abroad , especially through investment infrastructure projects .
Economic strength has been key in muting political reluctance overseas .
There have been potentially seismic political effects as well .
China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open signs of anger toward authorities .
Global economic growth – which had begun to look a bit rosier after a stage-one tariff agreement between the United States and China – is certain to suffer temporarily .
China ’ s economy , the world ’ s second largest , has been hamstrung .
World carmakers are feeling the repercussions , as are high-tech computer and electronics companies .
In Britain , the Burberry clothing firm has seen its share price hit after sales in its Chinese outlets collapsed in recent weeks .
Economically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus outbreak are being felt .
But the geopolitical rumblings will also be worth watching .
The human cost of China ’ s coronavirus outbreak is already painfully evident .
But another kind of challenge – economic and political – is beginning to take hold .
It ’ s as if the sprawling city of Wuhan , the capital of Hubei province in China , was not just the birthplace of the virus , now officially dubbed COVID-19 , but the epicenter of an enormous earthquake , sending tremors and tsunamis around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already being felt .
The only question is how long they ’ ll persist , and how lasting their impact will prove .
And the geopolitical rumblings will also be worth watching , particularly the possible effects on China ’ s image and influence abroad .
The Chinese economy – the world ’ s second largest – has been suddenly hamstrung by the need to halt the spread of a virus that the Communist authorities at first tried to hide .
Wuhan and other cities have been placed under lockdown .
Much of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subject to large-scale quarantines , restrictions on movement , interruptions in public transport , and the closure of factories and other businesses .
And China ’ s economy is not just much larger than it was a decade ago .
It ’ s more integrated into the world economy , and no longer merely as a low-cost option for producing household goods for Western consumers .
Thousands of overseas firms now have factories or supply partners in China , providing key components in their supply chain for everything from automobiles to electronics and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manufacturing and industry rely on commodities from overseas : above all , energy , for which it ’ s the world ’ s main importer .
Chinese people have also become important customers for Western consumer imports .
The more well-off are traveling abroad in ever-growing numbers , spending large sums while abroad .
All that has now been thrown off track .
In Cambodia , textile factories rely on China for well over half their raw materials , and some could be forced to close .
In Australia , a major chunk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liquefied natural gas to meat and seafood – goes to China .
With the Chinese economy slowed by COVID-19 , orders are taking a major hit .
World carmakers are feeling the repercussions .
Nissan in Japan and Hyundai in South Korea have had to scale back production at some facilities due to a shortfall in parts from China .
In Europe , Fiat Chrysler temporarily shut one of its factories , in Serbia , for the same reason .
Jaguar Land Rover has also warned it could face supply-chain problems if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coming weeks .
Also affected are high-tech computer and electronics companies , including Apple , whose iPhone production is dependent on factories and component suppliers in China .
To make things worse , its retail stores there have been closed , and China is now the largest single market for Apple ’ s smartphones .
In Britain , the Burberry clothing firm has seen its share price hit after luxury sales in its network of Chinese outlets collapsed in recent weeks , and it is predicting a further effect from the likely decrease @ @ @ @ @ @ @ picture is that global economic growth – which had begun to look a bit rosier after a stage-one tariff agreement between the United States and China – is certain to suffer at least temporarily .
And there have been potentially seismic political effects from the COVID crisis as well .
The most visible sign has come inside China , where Xi Jinping has departed from the more pragmatic approach of his 1990s predecessor Jiang Zemin .
In its place , he has stressed the need for unquestioned loyalty to the Communist Party and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China has increasingly clamped down on any sign of dissidence , while using high-tech tools to build the world ’ s most pervasive surveillance society .
None of that seems under immediate political threat .
But there have been startlingly open signs of anger toward the authorities .
The main focus has been on a young doctor in Wuhan , Li Wenliang , who was among the first to identify the appearance of the new virus .
He was detained and forced to swear off this “ illegal behavior.
” When he died @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just anger , but explicit criticism of the authorities , briefly flared on China ’ s tightly controlled social media platforms .
The censors have since reasserted control .
The hope of Mr. Xi and the ruling party , almost certainly , is that any political blowback will prove temporary .
When the crisis is over , they may well seek to make the argument that the tight control championed by Mr. Xi was indispensable in the aggressive measures taken to stem the spread of COVID-19 .
But there ’ s a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effect on China ’ s increasingly assertive campaign to extend its influence internationally , especially through the offer of trade deals , investment , and infrastructure projects as part of its trillion-dollar Belt and Road economic partnership program .
Just as the headlong growth of China ’ s domestic economy has helped limit political dissent at home , Chinese economic strength has been key in muting political reluctance overseas to engage with Beijing .
At least for now , however , the authorities ’ early , fumbled response to the epidemic has undercut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , high-tech 21st-century version of the old Communist world ’ s command economies .
It has also served as a reminder of the politics of China : the authoritarian underside of its economic success .

For now, the authorities’ fumbled response to the epidemic has undercut their image worldwide as a functioning, high-tech 21st-century version of the old Communist world’s command economies. It has also served as a reminder of the politics of China: the authoritarian underside of its economic success.
But there’s a further question: the possible effect on China’s influence abroad, especially through investment infrastructure projects. Economic strength has been key in muting political reluctance overseas.
There have been potentially seismic political effects as well. China has increasingly clamped down, even amid open signs of anger toward authorities.
Global economic growth – which had begun to look a bit rosier after a stage-one tariff agreement between the United States and China – is certain to suffer temporarily.
Many of the costs of the coronavirus for China are immediately apparent, but some are not. One thing to monitor going forward is any impact on the country’s assertive campaign to extend its influence internationally.
China’s economy, the world’s second largest, has been hamstrung. World carmakers are feeling the repercussions, as are high-tech computer and electronics companies. In Britain, the Burberry clothing firm has seen its share price hit after sales in its Chinese outlets collapsed in recent weeks.
Economically, the aftershocks of China’s coronavirus outbreak are being felt. But the geopolitical rumblings will also be worth watching.
The human cost of China’s coronavirus outbreak is already painfully evident. But another kind of challenge – economic and political – is beginning to take hold.
It’s as if the sprawling city of Wuhan, the capital of Hubei province in China, was not just the birthplace of the virus, now officially dubbed COVID-19, but the epicenter of an enormous earthquake, sending tremors and tsunamis around the globe.
Economically, the aftershocks are already being felt. The only question is how long they’ll persist, and how lasting their impact will prove. And the geopolitical rumblings will also be worth watching, particularly the possible effects on China’s image and influence abroad.
Why We Wrote This Many of the costs of the coronavirus for China are immediately apparent, but some are not. One thing to monitor going forward is any impact on the country’s assertive campaign to extend its influence internationally.
The Chinese economy – the world’s second largest – has been suddenly hamstrung by the need to halt the spread of a virus that the Communist authorities at first tried to hide. Wuhan and other cities have been placed under lockdown. Much of the rest of the country has been subject to large-scale quarantines, restrictions on movement, interruptions in public transport, and the closure of factories and other businesses.
And China’s economy is not just much larger than it was a decade ago. It’s more integrated into the world economy, and no longer merely as a low-cost option for producing household goods for Western consumers. Thousands of overseas firms now have factories or supply partners in China, providing key components in their supply chain for everything from automobiles to electronics and computer products.
China’s own manufacturing and industry rely on commodities from overseas: above all, energy, for which it’s the world’s main importer. Chinese people have also become important customers for Western consumer imports. The more well-off are traveling abroad in ever-growing numbers, spending large sums while abroad.
All that has now been thrown off track.
Supply shortfalls, fewer orders
In Cambodia, textile factories rely on China for well over half their raw materials, and some could be forced to close. In Australia, a major chunk of exports – from iron ore and liquefied natural gas to meat and seafood – goes to China. With the Chinese economy slowed by COVID-19, orders are taking a major hit.
World carmakers are feeling the repercussions. Nissan in Japan and Hyundai in South Korea have had to scale back production at some facilities due to a shortfall in parts from China. In Europe, Fiat Chrysler temporarily shut one of its factories, in Serbia, for the same reason. Jaguar Land Rover has also warned it could face supply-chain problems if the economic disruption in China persists over the coming weeks.
Also affected are high-tech computer and electronics companies, including Apple, whose iPhone production is dependent on factories and component suppliers in China. To make things worse, its retail stores there have been closed, and China is now the largest single market for Apple’s smartphones.
In Britain, the Burberry clothing firm has seen its share price hit after luxury sales in its network of Chinese outlets collapsed in recent weeks, and it is predicting a further effect from the likely decrease in Chinese visitors abroad.
The big picture is that global economic growth – which had begun to look a bit rosier after a stage-one tariff agreement between the United States and China – is certain to suffer at least temporarily.
And there have been potentially seismic political effects from the COVID crisis as well.
Unquestioned loyalty
The most visible sign has come inside China, where Xi Jinping has departed from the more pragmatic approach of his 1990s predecessor Jiang Zemin. In its place, he has stressed the need for unquestioned loyalty to the Communist Party and his own position as party leader. China has increasingly clamped down on any sign of dissidence, while using high-tech tools to build the world’s most pervasive surveillance society.
None of that seems under immediate political threat. But there have been startlingly open signs of anger toward the authorities. The main focus has been on a young doctor in Wuhan, Li Wenliang, who was among the first to identify the appearance of the new virus. He was detained and forced to swear off this “illegal behavior.” When he died from the virus earlier this month, not just anger, but explicit criticism of the authorities, briefly flared on China’s tightly controlled social media platforms.
The censors have since reasserted control. The hope of Mr. Xi and the ruling party, almost certainly, is that any political blowback will prove temporary. When the crisis is over, they may well seek to make the argument that the tight control championed by Mr. Xi was indispensable in the aggressive measures taken to stem the spread of COVID-19.
But there’s a further, big-picture question: the possible effect on China’s increasingly assertive campaign to extend its influence internationally, especially through the offer of trade deals, investment, and infrastructure projects as part of its trillion-dollar Belt and Road economic partnership program.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Just as the headlong growth of China’s domestic economy has helped limit political dissent at home, Chinese economic strength has been key in muting political reluctance overseas to engage with Beijing.
At least for now, however, the authorities’ early, fumbled response to the epidemic has undercut their image worldwide as a smoothly functioning, high-tech 21st-century version of the old Communist world’s command economies. It has also served as a reminder of the politics of China: the authoritarian underside of its economic success.


csmonitor--2020-04-20--‘If you don’t work you don’t eat’: Where lockdowns have extra sting

“ We aren ’ t the problem , ” Mr. Granadas says .
“ We are the solution to the government ’ s inability to create jobs and stable employment.
” Resistance has pushed governments to ease some restrictions and assist poor people .
Meanwhile , informal workers say they hope the crisis will be a wake-up call about how important they are .
Arturo Granadas sells fruit in pop-up street markets in Mexico City .
Each morning , he puts on a face mask and heads out to set up his hot-pink tarp stall , as he has for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government doesn ’ t provide alternatives [ for informal workers ] , we will have no choice but to continue to go out and work , ” he says .
These choices are especially painful in countries where high percentages of people work informally , outside most safety nets .
Governments from Mexico to South Africa have taken dramatically different approaches but have one thing in common : Stopping the pandemic demands something more complicated than a cut-and-paste of responses tried in China , Europe , and the United States .
Across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about how to control the spread of the novel coronavirus .
Let life go on , and the disease can spread unchecked .
Order everyone home , and the economy buckles .
The number of coronavirus cases in Mexico was growing quickly , bending toward the kind of curve that had turned cities like Paris , Rome , and Wuhan into ghost towns , empty and silent .
But in Mexico City on a recent morning , though the streets were quieter than normal , the dissonant orchestra of daily life continued .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ whistles .
Flatbed trucks piped their monotone jingle as they circled the city collecting broken electronics and used mattresses .
Subway trains clattered along their tracks , their doors squealing open to disgorge crowds of passengers .
And tortillas sizzled on street-corner comales , large round griddles .
In the tranquil Coyoacán neighborhood , a sign beside one food stand offered a succinct explanation for why the coronavirus hadn ’ t interrupted daily life the way it had elsewhere .
“ Mexico isn ’ t Europe , ” read the sign , photographed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Mexico , if you don ’ t work you don ’ t eat.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Across the globe , governments have faced tough choices about how to control the spread of the novel coronavirus .
Let life go on , and the disease can spread unchecked .
But order everyone home , and the economy buckles .
These choices are especially painful in countries like Mexico , where social safety nets are often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can hustle together each day .
For these countries , stopping the coronavirus demands something more complicated than a cut-and-paste of responses that have been tried in China , Europe , and the United States .
Instead , it requires bending those solutions to meet the needs of the world ’ s poorest people , for whom staying home without work could be as deadly as walking into the virus ’ s hotspots .
“ A lockdown , or even social distancing , is actually a bit elitist as a concept , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ researcher at the African Population and Health Research Center in Nairobi , Kenya .
“ When people live in houses that are very small and close together , when they work to earn enough to live off of that day , how can you expect them to stay home and stay indoors to keep an unknown virus away ?
” At one extreme in answering that question is Mexico , where President Andrés Manuel López Obrador for weeks brusquely ignored calls to institute nationwide restrictions on movement , or to close businesses .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a March public health notice , “ the illness caused by the COVID-19 coronavirus is not serious.
” Schools were closed , and in recent weeks he has agreed to certain measures , including limiting gatherings to 50 people and shuttering nonessential businesses .
But his priority , he says , is to protect the 60 % of Mexican workers who labor informally – hawking fruit , scrubbing toilets , preparing tacos , and doing other piece work that pays job-to-job , in cash .
Because these jobs are unofficial , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or government safety nets .
At the other end sit countries like South Africa , where a quarter of the labor force is also informal .
But unlike Mexico , it has instituted one of the world ’ s strictest lockdowns , which has shuttered most industries , and prohibits even outdoor exercise and the sale of alcohol and cigarettes .
“ The countries that have acted swiftly and dramatically have been far more effective in controlling the spread of the disease , ” explained President Cyril Ramaphosa as he announced South Africa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extended to five weeks .
Since the lockdown began on March 26 , indeed , the rate of newly diagnosed case has fallen sharply , from 110 per day before the lockdown began to 67 per day by its second week .
Globally , most experts and leaders acknowledge that some form of societal shutdown is necessary to slow the spread of COVID-19 .
“ We know how to bring the economy back to life .
What we do not know is how to bring people back to life , ” said Ghanaian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We will , therefore , protect people ’ s lives , then their livelihoods.
” But shutting down countries where more than half the population lives in poverty has not gone seamlessly .
Police and soldiers deployed to enforce the lockdown in poor South African communities have beaten and publicly humiliated those who resisted the orders , conjuring up painful echoes of apartheid-era lockdowns to violently quell black resistance .
In Kenya , police have killed nearly as many people for resisting curfews and other disease control measures than have died from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those resisting the lockdown restrictions say they simply have no other choice .
“ The thing that makes people keep going out is their empty stomach , that they simply don ’ t have anything to eat , ” says Luyanda Hlatshwayo , who works as an informal recycler in Johannesburg and is also an organizer with the African Reclaimers Organization ( ARO ) .
In normal times , recyclers like Mr. Hlatshwayo spend their days sorting through garbage bins left out for collection , picking out recyclable goods , which they then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Those centers are now closed , since the country did not deem them an “ essential service.
” But many recyclers continue to roam their old routes , dodging police and hoping for handouts from sympathetic suburbanites .
“ People who have enough to eat , enough to live off of , they follow the rules , ” he says .
“ But the ones who don ’ t , can ’ t. ” Resistance from the country ’ s poorest people has pushed the South African government to ease some of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the most common form of public transportation – are now allowed to travel at 70 % capacity , up from 50 % at the start of the lockdown .
And in early April , officials announced that informal hawkers of fruits and vegetables would be allowed to sell their wares on the streets again , as long as they registered to do so .
“ The only way lockdowns can continue in societies with high poverty is if government is responding swiftly and directly to the needs of very poor people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ direct transfers of money , ” says Hannah Ryder , a Kenyan economist and former diplomat who runs the consultancy Development Reimagined .
Across Africa , Asia , and Latin America , governments have begun to adapt their responses to assist poor people , particularly those in informal jobs most likely to fall through the cracks of other social assistance .
( The informal sector accounts for 89 % of employment in sub-Saharan Africa , and 54 % in Latin America and the Caribbean , according to the International Labor Organization . )
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have begun emergency cash transfers to vulnerable people .
Forty-seven African countries , meanwhile , have instituted some form of relief for citizens to access essential services , from waiving utility bills and fees on mobile money transfers to direct food or cash aid .
And India has promised $ 22.6 billion for direct cash transfers and food assistance , which it hopes to use to feed more than 800 million people , after its lockdown left millions of workers without wages .
But many countries have struggled to keep up with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are already in free-fall .
In South Africa , for instance , phone lines for numbers set up for food assistance ring unanswered , and most of the aid given to informal workers so far has been private .
“ Not five cents from government , ” says Mr. Hlatshwayo , whose organization ARO has raised nearly $ 10,000 in a crowdfunding campaign to support out-of-work recyclers .
In Mexico , meanwhile , most informal workers have continued working , and say they will do so as long as there are no alternatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ implemented strict restrictions – taco stands and other informal food stalls can still sell their food to-go – some states and municipalities have implemented curfews or lockdowns .
“ What I understand is that the virus is a really , really big risk .
I truly believe that , ” says Arturo Granadas , who sells fruit in pop-up street markets in Mexico City called tianguis , and who serves as a representative for a union of informal hawkers in the capital .
Each morning , he puts on a face mask and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tarp stall , just as he has for the past four decades .
“ If the government doesn ’ t provide alternatives [ for informal workers ] , we will have no choice but to continue to go out and work , ” he says .
But like grocery-store employees and delivery drivers in Europe and the U.S. , workers like Mr. Granadas and Mr. Hlatshwayo say they hope this crisis will be a wake-up call about how important their industries are , and how crucial it is for government to support them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We are constantly criminalized , stigmatized , and persecuted in Mexico , ” Mr. Granadas says .
“ But we aren ’ t the problem .
We are the solution to the government ’ s inability to create jobs and stable employment.
” For experts , too , a silver lining of this pandemic may be the light it shines on people at the margins , whose lives have historically been easy for those in power to ignore .
“ Maybe the right model to address this is not only the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenges , like poverty , education , and access to care , ” says Dr. Hermes Florez , the interim chair of public health sciences at the University of Miami Miller School of Medicine .
“ We have to address those to better be able to tackle future pandemics.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“We aren’t the problem,” Mr. Granadas says. “We are the solution to the government’s inability to create jobs and stable employment.”
Resistance has pushed governments to ease some restrictions and assist poor people. Meanwhile, informal workers say they hope the crisis will be a wake-up call about how important they are.
Arturo Granadas sells fruit in pop-up street markets in Mexico City. Each morning, he puts on a face mask and heads out to set up his hot-pink tarp stall, as he has for the past four decades. “If the government doesn’t provide alternatives [for informal workers], we will have no choice but to continue to go out and work,” he says.
As the novel coronavirus spreads, governments are watching each other, trying to learn what policies work. But poorer countries, where much of the labor force is outside safety nets, are entering less-charted waters.
These choices are especially painful in countries where high percentages of people work informally, outside most safety nets. Governments from Mexico to South Africa have taken dramatically different approaches but have one thing in common: Stopping the pandemic demands something more complicated than a cut-and-paste of responses tried in China, Europe, and the United States.
Across the globe, governments face tough choices about how to control the spread of the novel coronavirus. Let life go on, and the disease can spread unchecked. Order everyone home, and the economy buckles.
The number of coronavirus cases in Mexico was growing quickly, bending toward the kind of curve that had turned cities like Paris, Rome, and Wuhan into ghost towns, empty and silent.
But in Mexico City on a recent morning, though the streets were quieter than normal, the dissonant orchestra of daily life continued. Sweet potato vendors sounded their iconic steam-engine whistles. Flatbed trucks piped their monotone jingle as they circled the city collecting broken electronics and used mattresses. Subway trains clattered along their tracks, their doors squealing open to disgorge crowds of passengers. And tortillas sizzled on street-corner comales, large round griddles.
In the tranquil Coyoacán neighborhood, a sign beside one food stand offered a succinct explanation for why the coronavirus hadn’t interrupted daily life the way it had elsewhere.
Why We Wrote This As the novel coronavirus spreads, governments are watching each other, trying to learn what policies work. But poorer countries, where much of the labor force is outside safety nets, are entering less-charted waters.
“Mexico isn’t Europe,” read the sign, photographed by journalist Andalusia Knoll Soloff. “In Mexico, if you don’t work you don’t eat.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Across the globe, governments have faced tough choices about how to control the spread of the novel coronavirus. Let life go on, and the disease can spread unchecked. But order everyone home, and the economy buckles.
These choices are especially painful in countries like Mexico, where social safety nets are often flimsy and millions live off whatever they can hustle together each day. For these countries, stopping the coronavirus demands something more complicated than a cut-and-paste of responses that have been tried in China, Europe, and the United States. Instead, it requires bending those solutions to meet the needs of the world’s poorest people, for whom staying home without work could be as deadly as walking into the virus’s hotspots.
“A lockdown, or even social distancing, is actually a bit elitist as a concept,” says Dr. Elizabeth Kimani-Murage, a senior researcher at the African Population and Health Research Center in Nairobi, Kenya. “When people live in houses that are very small and close together, when they work to earn enough to live off of that day, how can you expect them to stay home and stay indoors to keep an unknown virus away?”
Opposite approaches
At one extreme in answering that question is Mexico, where President Andrés Manuel López Obrador for weeks brusquely ignored calls to institute nationwide restrictions on movement, or to close businesses. “Remember,” his government implored in a March public health notice, “the illness caused by the COVID-19 coronavirus is not serious.”
Schools were closed, and in recent weeks he has agreed to certain measures, including limiting gatherings to 50 people and shuttering nonessential businesses. But his priority, he says, is to protect the 60% of Mexican workers who labor informally – hawking fruit, scrubbing toilets, preparing tacos, and doing other piece work that pays job-to-job, in cash. Because these jobs are unofficial, they tend to be unprotected by employment law or government safety nets.
Jerome Delay/AP View caption Hide caption Homeless people get in line to receive food baskets from private donors during a lockdown to contain the spread of COVID-19, in Johannesburg April 13, 2020. South Africa, with the continent’s most cases, has been able to slow the pace of infections.
At the other end sit countries like South Africa, where a quarter of the labor force is also informal. But unlike Mexico, it has instituted one of the world’s strictest lockdowns, which has shuttered most industries, and prohibits even outdoor exercise and the sale of alcohol and cigarettes.
“The countries that have acted swiftly and dramatically have been far more effective in controlling the spread of the disease,” explained President Cyril Ramaphosa as he announced South Africa’s original three-week lockdown – now extended to five weeks. Since the lockdown began on March 26, indeed, the rate of newly diagnosed case has fallen sharply, from 110 per day before the lockdown began to 67 per day by its second week.
Globally, most experts and leaders acknowledge that some form of societal shutdown is necessary to slow the spread of COVID-19. “We know how to bring the economy back to life. What we do not know is how to bring people back to life,” said Ghanaian President Nana Akufo-Addo on March 27. “We will, therefore, protect people’s lives, then their livelihoods.”
But shutting down countries where more than half the population lives in poverty has not gone seamlessly. Police and soldiers deployed to enforce the lockdown in poor South African communities have beaten and publicly humiliated those who resisted the orders, conjuring up painful echoes of apartheid-era lockdowns to violently quell black resistance. In Kenya, police have killed nearly as many people for resisting curfews and other disease control measures than have died from the disease itself.
And many of those resisting the lockdown restrictions say they simply have no other choice.
“The thing that makes people keep going out is their empty stomach, that they simply don’t have anything to eat,” says Luyanda Hlatshwayo, who works as an informal recycler in Johannesburg and is also an organizer with the African Reclaimers Organization (ARO). In normal times, recyclers like Mr. Hlatshwayo spend their days sorting through garbage bins left out for collection, picking out recyclable goods, which they then sell to centers around the city.
Those centers are now closed, since the country did not deem them an “essential service.” But many recyclers continue to roam their old routes, dodging police and hoping for handouts from sympathetic suburbanites. “People who have enough to eat, enough to live off of, they follow the rules,” he says. “But the ones who don’t, can’t.”
Attempts to help
Resistance from the country’s poorest people has pushed the South African government to ease some of its more onerous restrictions. Shared minibus taxis – the most common form of public transportation – are now allowed to travel at 70% capacity, up from 50% at the start of the lockdown. And in early April, officials announced that informal hawkers of fruits and vegetables would be allowed to sell their wares on the streets again, as long as they registered to do so.
“The only way lockdowns can continue in societies with high poverty is if government is responding swiftly and directly to the needs of very poor people, whether that’s food or just direct transfers of money,” says Hannah Ryder, a Kenyan economist and former diplomat who runs the consultancy Development Reimagined.
Across Africa, Asia, and Latin America, governments have begun to adapt their responses to assist poor people, particularly those in informal jobs most likely to fall through the cracks of other social assistance. (The informal sector accounts for 89% of employment in sub-Saharan Africa, and 54% in Latin America and the Caribbean, according to the International Labor Organization.)
Peru and Argentina, for instance, have begun emergency cash transfers to vulnerable people. Forty-seven African countries, meanwhile, have instituted some form of relief for citizens to access essential services, from waiving utility bills and fees on mobile money transfers to direct food or cash aid. And India has promised $22.6 billion for direct cash transfers and food assistance, which it hopes to use to feed more than 800 million people, after its lockdown left millions of workers without wages.
But many countries have struggled to keep up with the sheer magnitude of need when their economies are already in free-fall. In South Africa, for instance, phone lines for numbers set up for food assistance ring unanswered, and most of the aid given to informal workers so far has been private. “Not five cents from government,” says Mr. Hlatshwayo, whose organization ARO has raised nearly $10,000 in a crowdfunding campaign to support out-of-work recyclers.
“We aren’t the problem”
In Mexico, meanwhile, most informal workers have continued working, and say they will do so as long as there are no alternatives. Although the federal government has not implemented strict restrictions – taco stands and other informal food stalls can still sell their food to-go – some states and municipalities have implemented curfews or lockdowns.
“What I understand is that the virus is a really, really big risk. I truly believe that,” says Arturo Granadas, who sells fruit in pop-up street markets in Mexico City called tianguis, and who serves as a representative for a union of informal hawkers in the capital. Each morning, he puts on a face mask and heads out to set up his hot-pink tarp stall, just as he has for the past four decades. “If the government doesn’t provide alternatives [for informal workers], we will have no choice but to continue to go out and work,” he says.
But like grocery-store employees and delivery drivers in Europe and the U.S., workers like Mr. Granadas and Mr. Hlatshwayo say they hope this crisis will be a wake-up call about how important their industries are, and how crucial it is for government to support them – not only in times of crisis.
“We are constantly criminalized, stigmatized, and persecuted in Mexico,” Mr. Granadas says. “But we aren’t the problem. We are the solution to the government’s inability to create jobs and stable employment.”
For experts, too, a silver lining of this pandemic may be the light it shines on people at the margins, whose lives have historically been easy for those in power to ignore.
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“Maybe the right model to address this is not only the health challenges, but the many underlying challenges, like poverty, education, and access to care,” says Dr. Hermes Florez, the interim chair of public health sciences at the University of Miami Miller School of Medicine. “We have to address those to better be able to tackle future pandemics.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-04-23--Congress grants, DeVos denies emergency fund to foreign students

The Trump administration is barring most international students and all students who entered the United States illegally from receiving emergency college grants approved by Congress as part of a $ 2.2 trillion coronavirus rescue package .
Education Secretary Betsy DeVos issued the restriction in new guidelines released on Tuesday telling colleges how to distribute more than $ 6 billion in grants meant to help students cover unexpected costs triggered by the pandemic .
Earlier guidance from the Education Department suggested universities would have wide flexibility in distributing the grants , but the new guidelines said that only students who qualify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the aid .
More than 400,000 students are estimated to have entered the U.S. illegally .
More than 1 million international students are enrolled at U.S. colleges .
University leaders and immigration groups blasted the change , saying Ms. DeVos is imposing new limits that were not included in Congress ' legislation .
The rescue package did not specify which students are eligible for grants , and many colleges had planned to distribute emergency grants to needy students regardless of their citizenship status .
Some prestigious universities cited the new policy in decisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ announced on Wednesday that it would refuse its $ 2.4 million share of coronavirus relief over the policy .
Harvard University also cited the change in its decision to reject $ 8.7 million in aid .
The Education Department said its guidance is aligned with other federal laws .
The agency cited the Higher Education Act , a sweeping law that says only U.S. citizens and a narrow set of `` eligible noncitizens '' are eligible for federal student aid .
Angela Morabito , a department spokeswoman , said the rescue package legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relief fund should be targeted to U.S. citizens , which is consistently echoed throughout the law . ''
But some higher education advocates challenged that claim .
The American Council on Education , an association of college presidents , said the rescue package placed no limits on student eligibility .
`` The statute says almost nothing about who is eligible to receive a grant .
The Department of Education owns this decision .
Period , '' said Terry Hartle , the group 's senior vice president .
He added that the group is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` We strongly believed many of these students needed help . ''
The guidelines have created confusion about exactly which students can receive the grants , Mr. Hartle said .
It 's clear that the department is excluding immigrants who entered the U.S. illegally and international students , he said , but it 's unclear how schools should determine eligibility .
Most colleges do n't ask students if they 're U.S. citizens , he said , and officials have no easy way to check .
`` A college could give an emergency grant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a Dreamer , '' he said , referring to immigrants who were brought to the U.S. illegally but allowed to stay under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program , or DACA .
At the University of California , Riverside , officials had been planning to award grants to some of the campus ' estimated 600 DACA recipients .
Now , officials will turn to fundraising or other revenue sources to help students excluded by the Education Department .
Chancellor Kim Wilcox said he 's grateful for the federal relief but was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` I was disappointed for students here at UCR , for students across California , and I was disappointed for the nation , '' Mr. Wilcox said .
`` This is a huge economic hit and there are pressing needs everywhere . ''
Student advocates see Ms. DeVos ' update as a reversal from her previous guidance .
When Ms. DeVos made the funding available in early April , she said colleges would be given flexibility in deciding how to award grants .
She told colleges to focus on helping the neediest students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to receive the funding , the agency says the relief is n't considered federal financial aid .
That earlier guidance led some schools to believe the grants were exempt from citizenship requirements .
Sara Goldrick-Rab , a professor of higher education policy and sociology at Temple University , said the new requirements are cruel to students who were counting on the grants to cover food , housing , and other costs , and to colleges that now have to scramble to revise plans for distributing the funding .
Losing access to the grants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out , she said , especially those whose families are dealing with unemployment amid the pandemic .
`` They 're not going to have the money that they need to stay connected to their college .
And people who drop out of college often do not come back , '' said Ms. Goldrick-Rab , who founded the nonprofit Hope Center for College , Community , and Justice .
Critics say the policy is particularly unjust because the same students now barred from receiving grants were counted in the formula used to allocate money @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 14 billion for the nation 's colleges , offering them varying sums based on their student enrollment and the percentage of students they teach from poorer backgrounds .
The United We Dream Network , which advocates for DACA recipients , said it was `` callous '' of Ms. DeVos to block so many students from access to funding .
Sanaa Abrar , the group 's advocacy director , urged Congress and colleges to find other ways to help students excluded by Ms. DeVos ' directive .
`` Every single relief package being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care and financial assistance immigrant communities need , '' Ms. Abrar said , `` especially as the Trump administration continues to attack and scapegoat our communities amidst a pandemic . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The Trump administration is barring most international students and all students who entered the United States illegally from receiving emergency college grants approved by Congress as part of a $2.2 trillion coronavirus rescue package.
Education Secretary Betsy DeVos issued the restriction in new guidelines released on Tuesday telling colleges how to distribute more than $6 billion in grants meant to help students cover unexpected costs triggered by the pandemic. Earlier guidance from the Education Department suggested universities would have wide flexibility in distributing the grants, but the new guidelines said that only students who qualify for other federal student aid can receive the aid.
More than 400,000 students are estimated to have entered the U.S. illegally. More than 1 million international students are enrolled at U.S. colleges.
University leaders and immigration groups blasted the change, saying Ms. DeVos is imposing new limits that were not included in Congress' legislation. The rescue package did not specify which students are eligible for grants, and many colleges had planned to distribute emergency grants to needy students regardless of their citizenship status.
Some prestigious universities cited the new policy in decisions to reject the funding. Princeton University announced on Wednesday that it would refuse its $2.4 million share of coronavirus relief over the policy. Harvard University also cited the change in its decision to reject $8.7 million in aid.
The Education Department said its guidance is aligned with other federal laws. The agency cited the Higher Education Act, a sweeping law that says only U.S. citizens and a narrow set of "eligible noncitizens" are eligible for federal student aid. Angela Morabito, a department spokeswoman, said the rescue package legislation "makes clear that this taxpayer funded relief fund should be targeted to U.S. citizens, which is consistently echoed throughout the law."
But some higher education advocates challenged that claim. The American Council on Education, an association of college presidents, said the rescue package placed no limits on student eligibility.
"The statute says almost nothing about who is eligible to receive a grant. The Department of Education owns this decision. Period," said Terry Hartle, the group's senior vice president. He added that the group is disappointed by Ms. DeVos' policy. "We strongly believed many of these students needed help."
The guidelines have created confusion about exactly which students can receive the grants, Mr. Hartle said. It's clear that the department is excluding immigrants who entered the U.S. illegally and international students, he said, but it's unclear how schools should determine eligibility. Most colleges don't ask students if they're U.S. citizens, he said, and officials have no easy way to check.
"A college could give an emergency grant to a Dreamer without realizing the person is a Dreamer," he said, referring to immigrants who were brought to the U.S. illegally but allowed to stay under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA.
At the University of California, Riverside, officials had been planning to award grants to some of the campus' estimated 600 DACA recipients. Now, officials will turn to fundraising or other revenue sources to help students excluded by the Education Department.
Chancellor Kim Wilcox said he's grateful for the federal relief but was disheartened by Ms. DeVos' policy.
"I was disappointed for students here at UCR, for students across California, and I was disappointed for the nation," Mr. Wilcox said.
"This is a huge economic hit and there are pressing needs everywhere."
Student advocates see Ms. DeVos' update as a reversal from her previous guidance. When Ms. DeVos made the funding available in early April, she said colleges would be given flexibility in deciding how to award grants. She told colleges to focus on helping the neediest students. And in paperwork that colleges sign to receive the funding, the agency says the relief isn't considered federal financial aid.
That earlier guidance led some schools to believe the grants were exempt from citizenship requirements.
Sara Goldrick-Rab, a professor of higher education policy and sociology at Temple University, said the new requirements are cruel to students who were counting on the grants to cover food, housing, and other costs, and to colleges that now have to scramble to revise plans for distributing the funding. Losing access to the grants will likely force some students to drop out, she said, especially those whose families are dealing with unemployment amid the pandemic.
"They're not going to have the money that they need to stay connected to their college. And people who drop out of college often do not come back," said Ms. Goldrick-Rab, who founded the nonprofit Hope Center for College, Community, and Justice.
Critics say the policy is particularly unjust because the same students now barred from receiving grants were counted in the formula used to allocate money for schools. The rescue package provided $14 billion for the nation's colleges, offering them varying sums based on their student enrollment and the percentage of students they teach from poorer backgrounds.
The United We Dream Network, which advocates for DACA recipients, said it was "callous" of Ms. DeVos to block so many students from access to funding. Sanaa Abrar, the group's advocacy director, urged Congress and colleges to find other ways to help students excluded by Ms. DeVos' directive.
"Every single relief package being discussed in Congress must include both the health care and financial assistance immigrant communities need," Ms. Abrar said, "especially as the Trump administration continues to attack and scapegoat our communities amidst a pandemic."
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.