csmonitor--2020-06-08--The truth of mail-in voting? Dems' new research debunks myths.

Democrats are mounting a new effort to push back against a well-funded Republican campaign that seeks to undermine public confidence in mail-in voting , which President Donald Trump has said , without offering proof , will lead to election fraud .
Fair Fight , an organization led by former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams , has joined forces with Priorities USA , the largest Democratic outside group , and American Bridge , the party 's opposition research clearinghouse , to form a new effort called Voter Suppression Watch .
The aim is to not only counter Republicans in the courts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while playing offense by providing opposition research that often forms the grist of critical news stories .
`` The 2020 election is the most pivotal election that I can think of , and we have known for a while that there would be efforts made to suppress the vote , '' Ms. Abrams said Sunday in an interview with The Associated Press .
`` We need to not only have a concerted effort to push back , but we need to raise awareness , too . ''
Even before the coronavirus pandemic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ playing out in a handful of state courts .
But now that the virus has raised fears that in-person voting could be a threat to the elderly , those in poor health , and people of color , whom statistics show have disproportionately borne the brunt of its effects , efforts to expand voting by mail have faced stiff opposition from Mr. Trump and his allies .
They argue , without offering evidence , that it will lead to increased voter fraud , even as they have encouraged Republicans to cast ballots by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Mr. Trump casts his own ballots by mail .
Democrats say the Republican opposition to mail voting is also a smokescreen being used to push for broader voting limitations .
`` While everyone is focusing on the vote-by-mail argument , the architecture of their work is incredibly broad , '' Ms. Abrams said .
`` One of our missions will be to raise the resources necessary to push back against their efforts across the country . ''
Over more than a decade , Republicans have enacted laws at the state level that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their base to vote .
These include voter ID laws , efforts to limit polling locations in urban areas , and rules that limit early voting .
Republicans have argued that their efforts are aimed at limiting widespread voter fraud , though there 's little evidence to back those claims up .
Bolstered by a federal court ruling , for the first time in decades , the GOP will also be allowed to conduct poll monitoring on election day in November .
Historically , there is no evidence of widespread voter fraud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media users have pushed grandiose theories casting doubt on the method .
Mr. Trump has encouraged the skepticism , saying during a televised briefing that `` a lot of people cheat with mail-in voting . ''
Last month , he tweeted : `` Do n't allow RIGGED ELECTIONS ! ''
Democrats and voting rights groups contend they want to protect the voting rights of all citizens , and they note that repeated studies have found no widespread fraud and no partisan benefit to expanded voting .
`` We want to build a strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happening on the Republican side does n't go unanswered , '' said Aneesa McMillan , the director of strategic communications and voting rights at Priorities USA .
Thus far , the new Democratic coalition has not raised additional funds for the effort , though that could change .
Ms. Abrams , who is among those being considered for Joe Biden 's running mate , said she aims to raise millions for the cause .
`` I do n't think there 's a path for Trump getting reelected without voter suppression tactics , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who is one of the founders of American Bridge .
`` While there 's an improbable path for Trump to get an Electoral College victory , donors should be paying attention and giving to the overall effort . ''
His group has already unearthed evidence that Mr. Trump and his allies aim to limit ballot access .
A recording the group provided to the AP in December revealed a Trump adviser told Republicans in Wisconsin , a crucial battleground state , that the GOP was counting on voter suppression tactics to provide an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it 's always been Republicans suppressing votes in places , '' Justin Clark , a senior political adviser and senior counsel to Mr. Trump 's reelection campaign , told Wisconsin Republicans at a November 2019 event .
`` Let 's start playing offense a little bit .
That 's what you 're going to see in 2020 .
It 's going to be a much bigger program , a much more aggressive program , a much better-funded program . ''
Democrats say Mr. Trump 's claims of voter fraud have morphed what was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a broader culture war issue .
`` You can immediately see it is political , '' said Ms. McMillan .
`` The bad thing about Donald Trump is that he says the first thing that comes to his mind ; the good thing about Donald Trump is that he says the first thing that comes to mind . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ @ @ @

Democrats are mounting a new effort to push back against a well-funded Republican campaign that seeks to undermine public confidence in mail-in voting, which President Donald Trump has said, without offering proof, will lead to election fraud.
Fair Fight, an organization led by former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams, has joined forces with Priorities USA, the largest Democratic outside group, and American Bridge, the party's opposition research clearinghouse, to form a new effort called Voter Suppression Watch.
The aim is to not only counter Republicans in the courts but in public relations, too, while playing offense by providing opposition research that often forms the grist of critical news stories.
"The 2020 election is the most pivotal election that I can think of, and we have known for a while that there would be efforts made to suppress the vote," Ms. Abrams said Sunday in an interview with The Associated Press. "We need to not only have a concerted effort to push back, but we need to raise awareness, too."
Even before the coronavirus pandemic, a partisan fight over ballot access was playing out in a handful of state courts. But now that the virus has raised fears that in-person voting could be a threat to the elderly, those in poor health, and people of color, whom statistics show have disproportionately borne the brunt of its effects, efforts to expand voting by mail have faced stiff opposition from Mr. Trump and his allies.
They argue, without offering evidence, that it will lead to increased voter fraud, even as they have encouraged Republicans to cast ballots by mail in a number of recent elections. Mr. Trump casts his own ballots by mail.
Democrats say the Republican opposition to mail voting is also a smokescreen being used to push for broader voting limitations.
"While everyone is focusing on the vote-by-mail argument, the architecture of their work is incredibly broad," Ms. Abrams said. "One of our missions will be to raise the resources necessary to push back against their efforts across the country."
Over more than a decade, Republicans have enacted laws at the state level that Democrats argue make it harder for members of their base to vote. These include voter ID laws, efforts to limit polling locations in urban areas, and rules that limit early voting. Republicans have argued that their efforts are aimed at limiting widespread voter fraud, though there's little evidence to back those claims up.
Bolstered by a federal court ruling, for the first time in decades, the GOP will also be allowed to conduct poll monitoring on election day in November.
Historically, there is no evidence of widespread voter fraud through mail-in voting. But some social media users have pushed grandiose theories casting doubt on the method. Mr. Trump has encouraged the skepticism, saying during a televised briefing that "a lot of people cheat with mail-in voting." Last month, he tweeted: "Don't allow RIGGED ELECTIONS!"
Democrats and voting rights groups contend they want to protect the voting rights of all citizens, and they note that repeated studies have found no widespread fraud and no partisan benefit to expanded voting.
"We want to build a strong coalition to make sure that what's happening on the Republican side doesn't go unanswered," said Aneesa McMillan, the director of strategic communications and voting rights at Priorities USA.
Thus far, the new Democratic coalition has not raised additional funds for the effort, though that could change. Ms. Abrams, who is among those being considered for Joe Biden's running mate, said she aims to raise millions for the cause.
"I don't think there's a path for Trump getting reelected without voter suppression tactics," said David Brock, a prolific fundraiser who is one of the founders of American Bridge. "While there's an improbable path for Trump to get an Electoral College victory, donors should be paying attention and giving to the overall effort."
His group has already unearthed evidence that Mr. Trump and his allies aim to limit ballot access.
A recording the group provided to the AP in December revealed a Trump adviser told Republicans in Wisconsin, a crucial battleground state, that the GOP was counting on voter suppression tactics to provide an edge on Election Day.
"Traditionally it's always been Republicans suppressing votes in places," Justin Clark, a senior political adviser and senior counsel to Mr. Trump's reelection campaign, told Wisconsin Republicans at a November 2019 event. "Let's start playing offense a little bit. That's what you're going to see in 2020. It's going to be a much bigger program, a much more aggressive program, a much better-funded program."
Democrats say Mr. Trump's claims of voter fraud have morphed what was once a quiet focus of the party into a broader culture war issue.
"You can immediately see it is political," said Ms. McMillan. "The bad thing about Donald Trump is that he says the first thing that comes to his mind; the good thing about Donald Trump is that he says the first thing that comes to mind."
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-09--Dems intro broad police reform bill, kneel in nod to activists

Democrats in Congress proposed a far-reaching overhaul of police procedures and accountability Monday , a sweeping legislative response to the mass protests denouncing the deaths of black Americans at the hands of law enforcement .
The political outlook is deeply uncertain for the legislation in a polarized election year .
President Donald Trump is staking out a tough `` law and order '' approach in the face of the outpouring of demonstrations and demands to re-imagine policing in America .
`` We can not settle for anything less than transformative structural change , '' said House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slavery .
Before unveiling the package , House and Senate Democrats held a moment of silence at the Capitol 's Emancipation Hall , reading the names of George Floyd and many others killed during police interactions .
They knelt for 8 minutes and 46 seconds – now a symbol of police brutality and violence – the length of time prosecutors say Mr. Floyd was pinned under a white police officer 's knee before he died .
Mr. Trump , who met with law enforcement officials at the White House Monday , characterized Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As activists beyond Capitol Hill call to restructure police departments and even to `` defund the police , '' the president tweeted , `` LAW & ORDER , NOT DEFUND AND ABOLISH THE POLICE . ''
He declared later , `` We wo n't be dismantling our police . ''
Democratic leaders pushed back , saying their proposal would not eliminate police departments – a decision for cities and states – but establish new standards and oversight .
Joe Biden , the presumed Democratic presidential nominee , `` does not believe that police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Andrew Bates .
The Justice in Policing Act , the most ambitious law enforcement reform from Congress in years , confronts several aspects of policing that have come under strong criticism , especially as more and more police violence is captured on cellphone video and shared widely across the nation and the world .
The package would limit legal protections for police , create a national database of excessive-force incidents , and ban police choke holds , among other changes .
It would revise the federal criminal police misconduct statute to make it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in `` reckless '' misconduct and it would change `` qualified immunity '' protections to more broadly enable damage claims against police in lawsuits .
The legislation would ban racial profiling , boost requirements for police body cameras , and limit the transfer of military equipment to local jurisdictions .
Overall , the bill seeks to provide greater transparency of police behavior in several ways .
For one , it would grant subpoena power to the Justice Department to conduct `` pattern and practice '' investigations of potential misconduct and help states conduct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a `` National Police Misconduct Registry , '' a database to try to prevent officers from transferring from one department to another with past misconduct undetected , the draft says .
A long-sought federal anti-lynching bill that has stalled in Congress is included in the package .
House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler , D-N.Y. , a co-author with Rep. Karen Bass , D-Calif. , and Democratic senators will convene a hearing on the legislation Wednesday .
`` The world is witnessing the birth of a new movement in this country , '' @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congressional Black Caucus , which is leading the effort .
While Democrats are expected to swiftly approve the legislation this month , it does not go as far as some activists want .
The outlook for passage in the Republican-held Senate is slim .
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , whose Louisville hometown faces unrest after the police shooting of Breonna Taylor in her home , said he would take a look at potential Senate legislation .
It is unclear if law enforcement and the powerful police unions will back any of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peel off some of their own proposals .
Republicans are likely to stick with Mr. Trump , and Republican Party campaign officials bashed efforts underway in some cities to reallocate police funds to other community services .
Yet Mr. McConnell was central to passage of a 2018 criminal justice sentencing overhaul the president signed into law , and some key GOP senators have expressed interest in more streamlined changes to policing practices and accountability .
Sen. Mitt Romney , R-Utah , who marched with protesters Sunday , told reporters late Monday at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican senators `` to see if we ca n't fashion a piece of legislation which could receive bipartisan support to make some changes to the way we do our policing . ''
The chairman of the Judiciary Committee , Sen. Lindsey Graham , R-S.C. , has said his panel intends to hold a hearing to review use of force and other issues , and other GOP lawmakers have suggested Mr. Floyd 's death could spark more modest changes .
Rep. Will Hurd , R-Texas , who marched in support of Mr. Floyd in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how his own black father instructed him to respond if he was pulled over by the police , and suggested proposals for changes in police practices .
What started with the Black Lives Matter movement after the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson , Mo.
, has transformed with the killings of other black Americans into a diverse and mainstream effort calling for changing the way America polices its population , advocates say .
`` I ca n't breathe '' has become a rallying cry for protesters .
Mr. Floyd pleaded with police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the phrase Eric Garner said while in police custody in 2014 before his death in New York .
`` All we 've ever wanted is to be treated equally – not better , not worse , '' said Rep. Hakeem Jeffries , D-N.Y. Biden 's own platform reflects much of the approach from congressional Democrats , and his former presidential primary rivals , Sen. Cory Booker , D-N.Y. , and Sen. Kamala Harris , D-Calif. , are co-authors of the package in the Senate .
This story was reported by The Associated Press @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Bill Barrow in Atlanta contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Democrats in Congress proposed a far-reaching overhaul of police procedures and accountability Monday, a sweeping legislative response to the mass protests denouncing the deaths of black Americans at the hands of law enforcement.
The political outlook is deeply uncertain for the legislation in a polarized election year. President Donald Trump is staking out a tough "law and order" approach in the face of the outpouring of demonstrations and demands to re-imagine policing in America.
"We cannot settle for anything less than transformative structural change," said House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, drawing on the nation's history of slavery.
Before unveiling the package, House and Senate Democrats held a moment of silence at the Capitol's Emancipation Hall, reading the names of George Floyd and many others killed during police interactions. They knelt for 8 minutes and 46 seconds – now a symbol of police brutality and violence – the length of time prosecutors say Mr. Floyd was pinned under a white police officer's knee before he died.
Mr. Trump, who met with law enforcement officials at the White House Monday, characterized Democrats as having "gone CRAZY!"
As activists beyond Capitol Hill call to restructure police departments and even to "defund the police," the president tweeted, "LAW & ORDER, NOT DEFUND AND ABOLISH THE POLICE." He declared later, "We won't be dismantling our police."
Democratic leaders pushed back, saying their proposal would not eliminate police departments – a decision for cities and states – but establish new standards and oversight.
Joe Biden, the presumed Democratic presidential nominee, "does not believe that police should be defunded," said spokesman Andrew Bates.
The Justice in Policing Act, the most ambitious law enforcement reform from Congress in years, confronts several aspects of policing that have come under strong criticism, especially as more and more police violence is captured on cellphone video and shared widely across the nation and the world.
The package would limit legal protections for police, create a national database of excessive-force incidents, and ban police choke holds, among other changes.
It would revise the federal criminal police misconduct statute to make it easier to prosecute officers who are involved in "reckless" misconduct and it would change "qualified immunity" protections to more broadly enable damage claims against police in lawsuits.
The legislation would ban racial profiling, boost requirements for police body cameras, and limit the transfer of military equipment to local jurisdictions.
Overall, the bill seeks to provide greater transparency of police behavior in several ways. For one, it would grant subpoena power to the Justice Department to conduct "pattern and practice" investigations of potential misconduct and help states conduct independent investigations.
And it would create a "National Police Misconduct Registry," a database to try to prevent officers from transferring from one department to another with past misconduct undetected, the draft says.
A long-sought federal anti-lynching bill that has stalled in Congress is included in the package.
House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y., a co-author with Rep. Karen Bass, D-Calif., and Democratic senators will convene a hearing on the legislation Wednesday.
"The world is witnessing the birth of a new movement in this country," said Ms. Bass, chairwoman of the Congressional Black Caucus, which is leading the effort.
While Democrats are expected to swiftly approve the legislation this month, it does not go as far as some activists want. The outlook for passage in the Republican-held Senate is slim.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, whose Louisville hometown faces unrest after the police shooting of Breonna Taylor in her home, said he would take a look at potential Senate legislation.
It is unclear if law enforcement and the powerful police unions will back any of the proposed changes or if congressional Republicans will peel off some of their own proposals.
Republicans are likely to stick with Mr. Trump, and Republican Party campaign officials bashed efforts underway in some cities to reallocate police funds to other community services.
Yet Mr. McConnell was central to passage of a 2018 criminal justice sentencing overhaul the president signed into law, and some key GOP senators have expressed interest in more streamlined changes to policing practices and accountability.
Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, who marched with protesters Sunday, told reporters late Monday at the Capitol that he is working with other Republican senators "to see if we can't fashion a piece of legislation which could receive bipartisan support to make some changes to the way we do our policing."
The chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-S.C., has said his panel intends to hold a hearing to review use of force and other issues, and other GOP lawmakers have suggested Mr. Floyd's death could spark more modest changes.
Rep. Will Hurd, R-Texas, who marched in support of Mr. Floyd in Houston, penned an op-ed Monday about how his own black father instructed him to respond if he was pulled over by the police, and suggested proposals for changes in police practices.
What started with the Black Lives Matter movement after the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., has transformed with the killings of other black Americans into a diverse and mainstream effort calling for changing the way America polices its population, advocates say.
"I can't breathe" has become a rallying cry for protesters. Mr. Floyd pleaded with police that he couldn't breathe, echoing the phrase Eric Garner said while in police custody in 2014 before his death in New York.
"All we've ever wanted is to be treated equally – not better, not worse," said Rep. Hakeem Jeffries, D-N.Y.
Biden's own platform reflects much of the approach from congressional Democrats, and his former presidential primary rivals, Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.Y., and Sen. Kamala Harris, D-Calif., are co-authors of the package in the Senate.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Andrew Taylor in Washington and Bill Barrow in Atlanta contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-10--What are the lessons from Georgia's 'messy' primary?

The long-standing wrangle over voting rights and election security came to a head in Georgia , where a messy primary and partisan finger-pointing offered an unsettling preview of a November contest when battleground states could face potentially record turnout .
Many Democrats blamed the Republican secretary of state for hours-long lines , voting machine malfunctions , provisional ballot shortages , and absentee ballots failing to arrive in time for Tuesday 's elections .
Democrat Joe Biden 's presidential campaign called it `` completely unacceptable . ''
Georgia Republicans deflected responsibility to metro Atlanta 's heavily minority and Democratic-controlled counties , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorney decried `` the chaos in Georgia . ''
It raised the specter of a worst-case November scenario : a decisive state , like Florida and its `` hanging chads '' and `` butterfly ballots '' in 2000 , remaining in dispute long after polls close .
Meanwhile , Mr. Trump , Mr. Biden , and their supporters could offer competing claims of victory or question the election 's legitimacy , inflaming an already boiling electorate .
Adia Josephson , a Black voter in the Brookhaven area just outside Atlanta , waited more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ n't about to let the long lines stop her .
Problems with voting machines and long lines must be corrected before the next election , she said .
`` There 's no room for error , '' she said .
`` There 's a lot to gain and a lot to lose . ''
At Mr. Trump 's campaign headquarters , senior counsel Justin Clark blamed Georgia 's vote-by-mail push amid the COVID-19 pandemic , alluding to the president 's unfounded claims that absentee voting yields widespread fraud .
`` The American people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an election accurately reflect the will of the voters , '' Mr. Clark said .
`` The only way to make sure that the American people will have faith in the results is if people who can , show up and vote in person . ''
Rachana Desai Martin , a Biden campaign attorney , called the scenes in Georgia a `` threat '' to democracy .
`` We only have a few months left until voters around the nation head to the polls again , and efforts should begin immediately to ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – is able to safely exercise their right to vote , '' she said .
Ms. Martin stopped short of assigning blame , but two Georgia Democrats on Mr. Biden 's list of potential running mates pointed at Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger , who led the selection of Georgia 's new voting machine system and invited every active voter to request an absentee ballot .
Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms tweeted at Mr. Raffensperger about problems in pockets of metro Atlanta .
`` Is this happening across the county or just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrat asked , referring to an area with a heavily Black population .
Stacey Abrams , the 2018 Democratic nominee for governor and an Atlanta resident , said `` the blame rests solely and squarely on the shoulders of the secretary of state . ''
Ms. Abrams established herself as a voting rights advocate after she refused to concede her 2018 race because of voting irregularities when her Republican opponent , now-Gov .
Brian Kemp , was secretary of state .
`` Georgia has seen this before , '' Ms. Abrams told `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ `` Yesterday was the most egregious example . ''
Voting rights groups , including Ms. Abrams ' Fair Fight Action , said Georgia 's experiences justify their efforts to combat what they describe as a coordinated GOP push to restrict ballot access .
Fair Fight , Priorities USA , and American Bridge this week announced a `` Voter Suppression Watch '' partnership .
`` Trump is already trying to extend this culture war by creating fear around vote-by-mail , '' said Aneesa McMillan of the Priorities political action committee .
She noted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of poll watchers now that the GOP is no longer under a court order banning the practice that Democrats equate to voter intimidation .
`` We have to learn our lessons , not just from Georgia , and protect the entire process , '' Ms. McMillan said .
In an interview with The Associated Press , Mr. Raffensperger laid blame elsewhere , noting state law charges counties with on-ground operation of elections .
`` It 's really specifically in one or two counties , in Fulton and DeKalb counties , that had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
`` It has nothing to do with what we 're doing in the rest of Georgia . ''
Mr. Raffensperger , minimizing problems that were documented in other counties , promised investigations of Fulton 's and DeKalb 's handling of the primary .
The Republican speaker of Georgia 's state legislature , meanwhile , called for an investigation of the entire primary process , singling out Fulton County as `` particularly '' troubling .
That kind of back-and-forth , with white Republicans and Black Democrats from big cities trading barbs over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And it 's one that could easily repeat in November in battleground states where Democrats and minorities figure prominently in the most populous cities and counties : Broward County ( Fort Lauderdale ) , Florida ; Wayne County ( Detroit ) , Michigan ; Charlotte , North Carolina ; Philadelphia ; Milwaukee .
Fulton County , which includes most of Atlanta , has a history of slow vote tabulation .
Its local elections chief , Richard Barron , called Tuesday a `` learning experience '' while alluding to the state 's role in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond details of the law .
Mr. Raffensperger correctly noted that county officials train poll workers , including on the use of the new voting machines .
But Mr. Raffensperger is the state 's chief elections official who decides how many machines to send to each county , and his office provides training curriculum for local officials .
On absentee ballots , he pushed unprecedented no-fault absentee access , paying to send an application to every Georgian on the active voter rolls .
But no additional money was provided to hire staff to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ typical primary .
History suggests that both local and state officials , whether in Georgia or elsewhere , could find themselves in the national crosshairs if their election tallies leave the presidency in flux .
`` I know that in these hyperpartisan times , half the people will be happy , and the other half will be sad , '' Mr. Raffensperger said .
`` But we want to make sure that 100 % of people know ... the election was done fairly and we got the accurate count . ''
This story @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AP writers Christina A. Cassidy and Jeff Martin in Atlanta contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The long-standing wrangle over voting rights and election security came to a head in Georgia, where a messy primary and partisan finger-pointing offered an unsettling preview of a November contest when battleground states could face potentially record turnout.
Many Democrats blamed the Republican secretary of state for hours-long lines, voting machine malfunctions, provisional ballot shortages, and absentee ballots failing to arrive in time for Tuesday's elections. Democrat Joe Biden's presidential campaign called it "completely unacceptable." Georgia Republicans deflected responsibility to metro Atlanta's heavily minority and Democratic-controlled counties, while President Donald Trump's top campaign attorney decried "the chaos in Georgia."
It raised the specter of a worst-case November scenario: a decisive state, like Florida and its "hanging chads" and "butterfly ballots" in 2000, remaining in dispute long after polls close. Meanwhile, Mr. Trump, Mr. Biden, and their supporters could offer competing claims of victory or question the election's legitimacy, inflaming an already boiling electorate.
Adia Josephson, a Black voter in the Brookhaven area just outside Atlanta, waited more than two hours to vote but wasn't about to let the long lines stop her. Problems with voting machines and long lines must be corrected before the next election, she said. "There's no room for error," she said. "There's a lot to gain and a lot to lose."
At Mr. Trump's campaign headquarters, senior counsel Justin Clark blamed Georgia's vote-by-mail push amid the COVID-19 pandemic, alluding to the president's unfounded claims that absentee voting yields widespread fraud.
"The American people want to know that the results of an election accurately reflect the will of the voters," Mr. Clark said. "The only way to make sure that the American people will have faith in the results is if people who can, show up and vote in person."
Rachana Desai Martin, a Biden campaign attorney, called the scenes in Georgia a "threat" to democracy. "We only have a few months left until voters around the nation head to the polls again, and efforts should begin immediately to ensure that every Georgian – and every American – is able to safely exercise their right to vote," she said.
Ms. Martin stopped short of assigning blame, but two Georgia Democrats on Mr. Biden's list of potential running mates pointed at Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, who led the selection of Georgia's new voting machine system and invited every active voter to request an absentee ballot.
Atlanta Mayor Keisha Lance Bottoms tweeted at Mr. Raffensperger about problems in pockets of metro Atlanta. "Is this happening across the county or just on the south end," the Democrat asked, referring to an area with a heavily Black population.
Stacey Abrams, the 2018 Democratic nominee for governor and an Atlanta resident, said "the blame rests solely and squarely on the shoulders of the secretary of state." Ms. Abrams established herself as a voting rights advocate after she refused to concede her 2018 race because of voting irregularities when her Republican opponent, now-Gov. Brian Kemp, was secretary of state.
"Georgia has seen this before," Ms. Abrams told "CBS This Morning" on Wednesday. "Yesterday was the most egregious example."
Voting rights groups, including Ms. Abrams' Fair Fight Action, said Georgia's experiences justify their efforts to combat what they describe as a coordinated GOP push to restrict ballot access. Fair Fight, Priorities USA, and American Bridge this week announced a "Voter Suppression Watch" partnership.
"Trump is already trying to extend this culture war by creating fear around vote-by-mail," said Aneesa McMillan of the Priorities political action committee. She noted the Republican National Committee's plans to recruit thousands of poll watchers now that the GOP is no longer under a court order banning the practice that Democrats equate to voter intimidation.
"We have to learn our lessons, not just from Georgia, and protect the entire process," Ms. McMillan said.
In an interview with The Associated Press, Mr. Raffensperger laid blame elsewhere, noting state law charges counties with on-ground operation of elections.
"It's really specifically in one or two counties, in Fulton and DeKalb counties, that had these issues today," Mr. Raffensperger said. "It has nothing to do with what we're doing in the rest of Georgia."
Mr. Raffensperger, minimizing problems that were documented in other counties, promised investigations of Fulton's and DeKalb's handling of the primary. The Republican speaker of Georgia's state legislature, meanwhile, called for an investigation of the entire primary process, singling out Fulton County as "particularly" troubling.
That kind of back-and-forth, with white Republicans and Black Democrats from big cities trading barbs over voting issues, isn't new. And it's one that could easily repeat in November in battleground states where Democrats and minorities figure prominently in the most populous cities and counties: Broward County (Fort Lauderdale), Florida; Wayne County (Detroit), Michigan; Charlotte, North Carolina; Philadelphia; Milwaukee.
Fulton County, which includes most of Atlanta, has a history of slow vote tabulation. Its local elections chief, Richard Barron, called Tuesday a "learning experience" while alluding to the state's role in the primary process.
The finger-pointing goes beyond details of the law. Mr. Raffensperger correctly noted that county officials train poll workers, including on the use of the new voting machines. But Mr. Raffensperger is the state's chief elections official who decides how many machines to send to each county, and his office provides training curriculum for local officials.
On absentee ballots, he pushed unprecedented no-fault absentee access, paying to send an application to every Georgian on the active voter rolls. But no additional money was provided to hire staff to process the influx, which dwarfed the typical primary.
History suggests that both local and state officials, whether in Georgia or elsewhere, could find themselves in the national crosshairs if their election tallies leave the presidency in flux.
"I know that in these hyperpartisan times, half the people will be happy, and the other half will be sad," Mr. Raffensperger said. "But we want to make sure that 100% of people know ... the election was done fairly and we got the accurate count."
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Christina A. Cassidy and Jeff Martin in Atlanta contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-11--After Floyd protests, will the youth dominate election booths?

Young adults have filled streets across the country on a scale not seen since the 1960s to protest for racial justice after the death of George Floyd .
But whether that energy translates to increased turnout in November is another question .
They could make a difference in the presidential race – polls show President Donald Trump is deeply unpopular with young voters – with control of the Senate and hundreds of local races also at stake .
But some activists are concerned their focus will be on specific causes instead of voting .
`` In a normal election year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenging , '' said Carolyn DeWitt , executive director of Rock the Vote , which works to build political power among young people .
`` That 's even more true now .
People 's minds are not on it . ''
Voters under 30 have historically turned out to vote at much lower rates than older voters , though the 2018 midterm elections saw the highest turnout in a quarter-century among voters ages 18-29 – a spike attributed in part to youth-led movements like March for Our Lives against gun violence .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politically engaged .
Ms. DeWitt said more people registered to vote through Rock the Vote 's online platforms last week – some 50,000 – than in any other week this year .
The organization 's social media accounts had as many impressions between Monday and Friday of last week as it typically has in a month , with more than 1 million .
`` It will just be incredibly important to us to make sure we 're protesting now and voting later , '' Ms. DeWitt said .
That 's not assured .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as big concerts and festivals , the kinds of places where campaigns and groups like Rock the Vote and HeadCount typically recruit young voters .
On top of that , lawmakers ' efforts to change voting laws in some states could restrict younger voters like college students .
Joe Biden 's Democratic presidential campaign is banking on these voters supporting him when the choice is a binary one between Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump .
But that 's not guaranteed .
`` Our bar ca n't be : Are you better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a co-founder of Black Voters Matter , which works to register voters and organize black communities .
`` For folks who are angry , who are in the streets , or who are at home and not engaged , you just telling me you 're better than this nut – that 's not enough . ''
Many young people are still unfamiliar with Mr. Biden , `` and they certainly do n't know where he stands on issues , '' said Heather Greven , spokesperson for NextGen America .
The group plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to target young voters in battleground states .
Mr. Biden said during a recent virtual fundraiser he thought the protests will energize young people to turn out for him .
`` Now they are engaged , '' Mr. Biden said .
`` They feel it .
They taste it .
And they 're angry and they 're determined . ''
His campaign has n't made major changes to its youth outreach amid the protests , which started after a white Minneapolis officer pressed his knee into the neck of Mr. Floyd , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out that he could n't breathe .
Instead , Mr. Biden has stuck largely with an initiative known as `` League 46 '' that combines groups such as Students for Biden and Young Professionals for Biden .
In an effort to appeal to younger , liberal voters , Mr. Biden has put progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on a climate change task force .
But he does n't support some of the proposals that energized supporters of his primary rival Bernie Sanders such as `` Medicare for All . ''
Ja'Mal Green , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other young people were disappointed by Mr. Biden 's rejection of a call to `` defund the police , '' which has become a rallying cry for protesters .
The former vice president said on Monday an overhaul of policing is needed but can be done by putting conditions on federal funds .
That position may reassure older and moderate voters who helped Mr. Biden win the nomination , Mr. Green said , but young people want to see more change .
`` If not , they 'll just say 'to hell with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Many of the young people taking to the streets are focused on public officials with a more direct impact on their lives such as mayors , police chiefs , and district attorneys because `` they see that 's where the change is , '' said Mr. Green , a Black Lives Matter leader who joined protesters in Minneapolis .
There were also protests in Louisville , Kentucky , over the death of Breonna Taylor , a 26-year-old Black woman fatally shot by police in her home in March .
Tom Bergan attended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where he 's a HeadCount field organizer .
In pre-pandemic days , HeadCount focused on registering young people at concerts and festivals , but that 's shifted to more online organizing since COVID-19 .
For Friday 's protests , Mr. Bergan printed off large QR codes that he hoisted on a poster board .
Anyone who scanned the code on their phone was connected to an online voter registration page .
Mr. Bergan said the crowd was enthusiastic , with many already registered to vote , and much of the conversations were around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as the decision to limit no-knock warrants .
He said the moment reminds him of 2018 , when he volunteered with HeadCount during a March for Our Lives rally in St. Louis , as thousands of young people turned out in cold , rainy weather .
That fall , turnout among voters ages 18-29 was nearly double what it was in 2014 , with 28 % of eligible young voters casting ballots , according to CIRCLE , the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at Tufts University .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic than Republican congressional candidates , 64 % to 34 % , according to an AP VoteCast survey of more than 115,000 midterm voters nationwide .
That turnout is still less than in 2016 or 2012 , presidential election years when about 45 % of young voters turned out , according to CIRCLE , a drop from 2008 , when Barack Obama was on the ballot and turnout soared to a level not seen since 1992 .
`` That 's the big 'if , ' and we do n't really know until November @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Hannah Fingerhut and Will Weissert in Washington contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Young adults have filled streets across the country on a scale not seen since the 1960s to protest for racial justice after the death of George Floyd. But whether that energy translates to increased turnout in November is another question.
They could make a difference in the presidential race – polls show President Donald Trump is deeply unpopular with young voters – with control of the Senate and hundreds of local races also at stake. But some activists are concerned their focus will be on specific causes instead of voting.
"In a normal election year, turning out the youth vote is challenging," said Carolyn DeWitt, executive director of Rock the Vote, which works to build political power among young people. "That's even more true now. People's minds are not on it."
Voters under 30 have historically turned out to vote at much lower rates than older voters, though the 2018 midterm elections saw the highest turnout in a quarter-century among voters ages 18-29 – a spike attributed in part to youth-led movements like March for Our Lives against gun violence.
There are signs young people are getting more politically engaged. Ms. DeWitt said more people registered to vote through Rock the Vote's online platforms last week – some 50,000 – than in any other week this year. The organization's social media accounts had as many impressions between Monday and Friday of last week as it typically has in a month, with more than 1 million.
"It will just be incredibly important to us to make sure we're protesting now and voting later," Ms. DeWitt said.
That's not assured. The coronavirus pandemic has halted traditional campaigning as well as big concerts and festivals, the kinds of places where campaigns and groups like Rock the Vote and HeadCount typically recruit young voters. On top of that, lawmakers' efforts to change voting laws in some states could restrict younger voters like college students.
Joe Biden's Democratic presidential campaign is banking on these voters supporting him when the choice is a binary one between Mr. Biden and Mr. Trump. But that's not guaranteed.
"Our bar can't be: Are you better than Trump?" said Cliff Albright, a co-founder of Black Voters Matter, which works to register voters and organize black communities. "For folks who are angry, who are in the streets, or who are at home and not engaged, you just telling me you're better than this nut – that's not enough."
Many young people are still unfamiliar with Mr. Biden, "and they certainly don't know where he stands on issues," said Heather Greven, spokesperson for NextGen America. The group plans to spend at least $45 million to target young voters in battleground states.
Mr. Biden said during a recent virtual fundraiser he thought the protests will energize young people to turn out for him. "Now they are engaged," Mr. Biden said. "They feel it. They taste it. And they're angry and they're determined."
His campaign hasn't made major changes to its youth outreach amid the protests, which started after a white Minneapolis officer pressed his knee into the neck of Mr. Floyd, a Black man who was handcuffed and crying out that he couldn't breathe. Instead, Mr. Biden has stuck largely with an initiative known as "League 46" that combines groups such as Students for Biden and Young Professionals for Biden.
In an effort to appeal to younger, liberal voters, Mr. Biden has put progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on a climate change task force. But he doesn't support some of the proposals that energized supporters of his primary rival Bernie Sanders such as "Medicare for All."
Ja'Mal Green, an activist in Chicago, said he and other young people were disappointed by Mr. Biden's rejection of a call to "defund the police," which has become a rallying cry for protesters. The former vice president said on Monday an overhaul of policing is needed but can be done by putting conditions on federal funds.
That position may reassure older and moderate voters who helped Mr. Biden win the nomination, Mr. Green said, but young people want to see more change.
"If not, they'll just say 'to hell with the election,'" he said.
Many of the young people taking to the streets are focused on public officials with a more direct impact on their lives such as mayors, police chiefs, and district attorneys because "they see that's where the change is," said Mr. Green, a Black Lives Matter leader who joined protesters in Minneapolis.
There were also protests in Louisville, Kentucky, over the death of Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old Black woman fatally shot by police in her home in March.
Tom Bergan attended a protest last week in Louisville, where he's a HeadCount field organizer. In pre-pandemic days, HeadCount focused on registering young people at concerts and festivals, but that's shifted to more online organizing since COVID-19. For Friday's protests, Mr. Bergan printed off large QR codes that he hoisted on a poster board. Anyone who scanned the code on their phone was connected to an online voter registration page.
Mr. Bergan said the crowd was enthusiastic, with many already registered to vote, and much of the conversations were around Ms. Taylor's death and local changes such as the decision to limit no-knock warrants. He said the moment reminds him of 2018, when he volunteered with HeadCount during a March for Our Lives rally in St. Louis, as thousands of young people turned out in cold, rainy weather.
That fall, turnout among voters ages 18-29 was nearly double what it was in 2014, with 28% of eligible young voters casting ballots, according to CIRCLE, the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement at Tufts University. They were much more likely to support Democratic than Republican congressional candidates, 64% to 34%, according to an AP VoteCast survey of more than 115,000 midterm voters nationwide.
That turnout is still less than in 2016 or 2012, presidential election years when about 45% of young voters turned out, according to CIRCLE, a drop from 2008, when Barack Obama was on the ballot and turnout soared to a level not seen since 1992.
Will 2020 bring another peak?
"That's the big 'if,' and we don't really know until November," Mr. Bergan said.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Hannah Fingerhut and Will Weissert in Washington contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-11--Can GOP unite on police overhaul? Party taps Sen. Scott to try.

The Republican Party is looking for an answer on how to respond to national outrage over the police killing of George Floyd .
And they are looking to Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina to provide it .
The question is whether Mr. Scott , the lone Black GOP senator , will be able to pull Republicans behind legislation in the roiling aftermath of Mr. Floyd ’ s death .
That challenge is steep enough in a mostly white party led by self-proclaimed “ law and order ” President Donald Trump .
But Mr. Scott also is batting back at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of allowing Republicans to use him in an election year to right racial wrongs .
Mr. Scott , who has kept lines of communication open with Mr. Trump even after the president called white supremacists in Charlottesville , Virginia , “ good people , ” is asking critics : Who better ?
“ Not surprising the last 24 hours have seen a lot of ‘ token ’ ‘ boy ’ or ‘ you ’ re being used ’ in my mentions , ” Mr. Scott tweeted Wednesday .
“ Let me get this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the person who has faced racial profiling by police , been pulled over dozens of times , or been speaking out for YEARS drafting this ?
” Mr. Floyd ’ s killing at the hands of Minneapolis police sparked painful upheaval and protests against systemic racism in the United States .
But it also posed a stark test for the white Republicans who control the Senate .
As Mr. Floyd 's funeral was held in Houston on Tuesday , Majority Leader Mitch McConnell struck a new tone and acknowledged that almost all Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ None of us have had the experience of being an African American in this country and dealing with this discrimination , ” Mr. McConnell , who is up for reelection alongside Mr. Trump , told reporters .
“ I think the best way for the Senate Republicans to go forward on this is to listen to one of our own , who ’ s had these experiences.
” Mr. McConnell spoke after Mr. Scott finished briefing Senate Republicans on the legislation , which in part would establish a national database for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brother , Philonise , challenged Congress on Wednesday to “ stop the pain ” with police reforms .
Mr. Scott said he was talking with the White House , but not Mr. Trump so far , to agree on a package of legislation .
The former House member describes himself as “ the son of a son of a son of a slave , ” a descendant of a West African family who arrived in the U.S. aboard a slave ship , probably in Charleston , South Carolina , two centuries ago .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for all of my family ’ s heritage , we had tried to avoid being confrontational , ” Mr. Scott writes in “ Opportunity Knocks : How Hard Work , Community and Business Can Improve Lives and End Poverty.
” “ Always , we believed , the primary aim should be to find common ground in order to move forward.
” In September 2017 , Mr. Trump summoned the senator to the Oval Office to discuss Mr. Scott ’ s criticism of the president ’ s response to the race riots in Charlottesville @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s description of the white supremacists involved as being among the “ very fine people on both sides.
” Mr. Scott writes that the president was gracious – and that he walked out with the president ’ s commitment to opportunity zones for poverty-stricken cities .
The proposal passed as part of the tax cut bill signed into law that year .
The police killings of Mr. Floyd , Breonna Taylor in Louisville , Kentucky , and others have made problems with police conduct and accountability hard for Republicans to ignore .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a burst of GOP-written bills on the subject .
Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky wants to stop sending surplus U.S. military equipment to local law enforcement .
And Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah is backing several bipartisan bills to change police practices .
But the challenge is different for Mr. Scott , in part because of the trust issues between the Black community , the Republican Party , and Mr. McConnell .
Rep. James Clyburn , D-S.C. , said in a telephone interview that Mr. Scott will have succeeded if he “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think that Tim has the background , he has the experiences that are necessary to bring Republican senators to the realization that this law enforcement issue is real and needs to be dealt with , ” Mr. Clyburn said in a telephone interview .
“ I would hope that he would engage with enough of the other members to make sure that whatever he comes up with will have buy-in from others in his conference . ''
There are signs that they ’ re listening .
GOP senators , who risk losing control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , are distancing themselves from Mr. Trump ’ s provocative response as the Black Lives Matter movement gains support .
On Tuesday , Sen. Lamar Alexander , R-Tenn. , said Mr. Scott had told their Bible study group that he 'd been stopped by police in Charleston multiple times , even as a public official , for being Black at the wrong place and the wrong time .
`` During these last few days I ’ ve been thinking a lot about what Tim Scott told us , ” Mr. Alexander said on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of George Floyd ’ s killing is that Black Americans are telling more stories like Tim Scott ’ s. ” At the political intersection , Mr. Scott on Wednesday addressed his critics in the Black community who chafed at his role .
“ Don ’ t throw ‘ you ’ re the only black guy they know ’ at me either , ” Mr. Scott tweeted .
He ’ s one of three Black members of the Senate , he noted , the others being Democrats Cory Booker of New Jersey and Kamala @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s some huge racial diversity gap in the Senate.
” It is true , though , that the GOP ’ s constituency and Mr. Trump ’ s base of support are overwhelmingly white .
And though Mr. Trump insists he ’ s done more for Black Americans than any other president , his rhetoric often carries racial overtones .
Last year , Mr. Trump tweeted that four female House members of color , known as the “ squad , ” should “ go back ” to where they came from .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scott on Wednesday called himself an optimist .
“ History is a teacher , ” he said .
“ The president has been receptive the last three years on the priorities that I ’ ve brought to him , ” he added .
“ Hopefully he ’ ll have the same approach.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The Republican Party is looking for an answer on how to respond to national outrage over the police killing of George Floyd. And they are looking to Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina to provide it.
The question is whether Mr. Scott, the lone Black GOP senator, will be able to pull Republicans behind legislation in the roiling aftermath of Mr. Floyd’s death. That challenge is steep enough in a mostly white party led by self-proclaimed “law and order” President Donald Trump. But Mr. Scott also is batting back at members of the Black community accusing him of allowing Republicans to use him in an election year to right racial wrongs.
Mr. Scott, who has kept lines of communication open with Mr. Trump even after the president called white supremacists in Charlottesville, Virginia, “good people,” is asking critics: Who better?
“Not surprising the last 24 hours have seen a lot of ‘token’ ‘boy’ or ‘you’re being used’ in my mentions,” Mr. Scott tweeted Wednesday. “Let me get this straight ... you DON’T want the person who has faced racial profiling by police, been pulled over dozens of times, or been speaking out for YEARS drafting this?”
Mr. Floyd’s killing at the hands of Minneapolis police sparked painful upheaval and protests against systemic racism in the United States. But it also posed a stark test for the white Republicans who control the Senate. As Mr. Floyd's funeral was held in Houston on Tuesday, Majority Leader Mitch McConnell struck a new tone and acknowledged that almost all Senate Republicans, unlike Democrats, are white.
“None of us have had the experience of being an African American in this country and dealing with this discrimination,” Mr. McConnell, who is up for reelection alongside Mr. Trump, told reporters. “I think the best way for the Senate Republicans to go forward on this is to listen to one of our own, who’s had these experiences.”
Mr. McConnell spoke after Mr. Scott finished briefing Senate Republicans on the legislation, which in part would establish a national database for police misconduct. Mr. Floyd’s brother, Philonise, challenged Congress on Wednesday to “stop the pain” with police reforms. Mr. Scott said he was talking with the White House, but not Mr. Trump so far, to agree on a package of legislation.
The former House member describes himself as “the son of a son of a son of a slave,” a descendant of a West African family who arrived in the U.S. aboard a slave ship, probably in Charleston, South Carolina, two centuries ago.
“For all of my life and for all of my family’s heritage, we had tried to avoid being confrontational,” Mr. Scott writes in “Opportunity Knocks: How Hard Work, Community and Business Can Improve Lives and End Poverty.” “Always, we believed, the primary aim should be to find common ground in order to move forward.”
In September 2017, Mr. Trump summoned the senator to the Oval Office to discuss Mr. Scott’s criticism of the president’s response to the race riots in Charlottesville, Virginia – notably, Mr. Trump’s description of the white supremacists involved as being among the “very fine people on both sides.” Mr. Scott writes that the president was gracious – and that he walked out with the president’s commitment to opportunity zones for poverty-stricken cities. The proposal passed as part of the tax cut bill signed into law that year.
The police killings of Mr. Floyd, Breonna Taylor in Louisville, Kentucky, and others have made problems with police conduct and accountability hard for Republicans to ignore. Mr. Scott’s legislation is part of a burst of GOP-written bills on the subject. Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky wants to stop sending surplus U.S. military equipment to local law enforcement. And Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah is backing several bipartisan bills to change police practices.
But the challenge is different for Mr. Scott, in part because of the trust issues between the Black community, the Republican Party, and Mr. McConnell. Rep. James Clyburn, D-S.C., said in a telephone interview that Mr. Scott will have succeeded if he “produces a good product.”
“I think that Tim has the background, he has the experiences that are necessary to bring Republican senators to the realization that this law enforcement issue is real and needs to be dealt with,” Mr. Clyburn said in a telephone interview. “I would hope that he would engage with enough of the other members to make sure that whatever he comes up with will have buy-in from others in his conference."
There are signs that they’re listening. GOP senators, who risk losing control of the chamber in the November election, are distancing themselves from Mr. Trump’s provocative response as the Black Lives Matter movement gains support.
On Tuesday, Sen. Lamar Alexander, R-Tenn., said Mr. Scott had told their Bible study group that he'd been stopped by police in Charleston multiple times, even as a public official, for being Black at the wrong place and the wrong time.
"During these last few days I’ve been thinking a lot about what Tim Scott told us,” Mr. Alexander said on the Senate floor. “One result of George Floyd’s killing is that Black Americans are telling more stories like Tim Scott’s.”
At the political intersection, Mr. Scott on Wednesday addressed his critics in the Black community who chafed at his role.
“Don’t throw ‘you’re the only black guy they know’ at me either,” Mr. Scott tweeted. He’s one of three Black members of the Senate, he noted, the others being Democrats Cory Booker of New Jersey and Kamala Harris of California. “Stop pretending there’s some huge racial diversity gap in the Senate.”
It is true, though, that the GOP’s constituency and Mr. Trump’s base of support are overwhelmingly white. And though Mr. Trump insists he’s done more for Black Americans than any other president, his rhetoric often carries racial overtones. Last year, Mr. Trump tweeted that four female House members of color, known as the “squad,” should “go back” to where they came from. All four are American citizens.
Mr. Scott on Wednesday called himself an optimist.
“History is a teacher,” he said. “The president has been receptive the last three years on the priorities that I’ve brought to him,” he added. “Hopefully he’ll have the same approach.”
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Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-06-15--Shaky COVID response lays bare a decadeslong crisis in government

“ We have a legacy government that hasn ’ t kept up with the world around it , ” says Max Stier , president and CEO of the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service .
“ This is a long-standing problem , but it creates more impact when something really bad happens.
” Now , as the nation ’ s economy slowly reopens , with cases beginning to pick up again in at least 20 states , a larger question hangs over the crisis : Is America ’ s system of government itself simply too outmoded – too partisan , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of global change – to capably handle a once-in-a-century pandemic ?
But other aspects of the response have met with harsh criticism .
The U.S. government had been warned in early January about the virus , and should have been better prepared , many public health experts say .
When it arrived on U.S. soil , a combination of conflicting messages and a lack of a clear leadership structure delayed the adoption of practices to contain the spread .
Some of the early steps taken by the Trump administration to address the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president ’ s decision to ban flights from China to his initial support for states ’ shutdowns .
Days before Donald Trump became president , Obama administration officials hosted a “ tabletop exercise ” for the incoming Trump team .
One of the hypothetical challenges : dealing with a novel strain of influenza that was sweeping the globe .
Cases were appearing in California and Texas , according to the simulation .
It could be the worst flu pandemic since 1918 .
There would be shortages of essential equipment like ventilators .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be needed .
Some 30 Trump appointees attended the meeting .
Today , only eight still work for the president , according to a Brookings Institution tally .
In the rearview mirror , of course , everything can look crystal clear .
As President Trump ’ s former spokesman , Sean Spicer , who attended that January 2017 tabletop exercise , said : “ There ’ s no briefing that can prepare you for a worldwide pandemic.
” Some federal actions have been widely applauded .
Mr. Trump ’ s decision in late @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one .
The president ’ s initial support for states ’ economic shutdowns – and his signing of emergency legislation providing payments to individuals and businesses in an effort to prevent an economic collapse – wins praise even from some critics .
But other aspects of the Trump administration ’ s early pandemic response have met with harsh pushback .
The U.S. government had been warned in early January of the deadly new virus in China , and should have been better prepared for its arrival on American soil , critics say .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of conflicting messages and a lack of a clear leadership structure delayed the adoption of safe practices to contain the spread , they add .
Even allies of President Trump take issue with aspects of the federal government ’ s response .
“ There will be 600-page books on the mistakes that were made , ” says conservative economist Stephen Moore , an informal adviser to the president .
Much has been made of the turnover and turmoil of the Trump presidency – including the 2018 closure of the White House office on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s economy slowly reopens , with cases beginning to pick up again in at least 20 states , and the U.S. death toll now over 115,000 and rising – the highest tally in the world – a larger question hangs over the crisis : Is America ’ s complex , multilayered system of government itself simply too outmoded – too cumbersome , overly partisan , ill-equipped to keep up with the pace of global change – to capably handle a once-in-a-century pandemic ?
In other words , despite all the stumbles of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ necessarily have done all that much better ?
“ We have a legacy government that hasn ’ t kept up with the world around it , ” says Max Stier , president and CEO of the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service .
“ This is a long-standing problem , but it creates more impact when something really bad happens.
” In the perpetual battle to protect the nation from biological threats , Kenneth Bernard has seen history repeat itself over and over .
Under former President Bill Clinton , Dr. Bernard ran the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global health threats , only to see it close when President George W. Bush took office .
In late 2001 , after anthrax-laced letters were sent to people in 17 states , Dr. Bernard was brought in to reopen the office .
President Barack Obama closed the office and then reopened it when Ebola struck .
In 2018 , President Trump ’ s new national security adviser , John Bolton , closed it again , though administration officials say its “ medical health preparedness ” functions were kept in other parts of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact-check article examining whether the 2018 closing of the NSC biothreats office hampered the Trump administration ’ s early response to the coronavirus came to no firm conclusion .
But the early days of the pandemic were obviously key .
While American governance is by design decentralized , with many decisions left up to the states , the White House plays an essential coordinating role , says Dr. Bernard , an epidemiologist and retired rear admiral in the U.S. Public Health Service .
“ A truly critical pandemic like this , where it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is by its very nature a federal national problem , ” says Dr. Bernard .
“ What you ’ re looking for from the White House is leadership.
” The first head of the White House Coronavirus Task Force was the secretary of health and human services , Alex Azar .
But that assignment was inappropriate , says Dr. Bernard , because the HHS secretary has no ability to coordinate departments like State , Treasury , and Defense .
By late February , Vice President Mike Pence was put in charge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ modern era , the vice president fulfills broad functions , and thus is ill-equipped to operate as a full-time “ czar ” on a major health emergency , Dr. Bernard says .
A more effective option , he adds , would have been for the president to appoint a special presidential assistant who focuses solely on the pandemic – someone who can coordinate all the necessary agencies as the anointed presidential representative , as Ron Klain did for President Obama during Ebola .
One of the most eye-opening aspects of the federal response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta .
Its early test kits for COVID-19 didn ’ t work .
The CDC director , a virologist named Robert Redfield , has not played a major role in public messaging .
Technology problems hindered timely collection of data in the early days of the pandemic , as Americans streamed back into the United States from overseas .
Problems at the CDC predate Dr. Redfield .
The agency , once looked to as a global leader on public health , has long been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bureaucracy that ’ s particularly ill-equipped to handle a fast-moving crisis .
“ The CDC is the poster child for an undermined , under-engaged workforce , ” says Paul Light , a professor of public service at New York University .
Add to this picture an administration with conflicted views toward science and deep angst about the damage done to a once-vibrant economy .
“ There are legitimate areas where you have to balance the economy and public health , ” says James Curran , dean of the Rollins School of Public Health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former longtime CDC official .
“ We just need to get all the public health facts out , interpreted by the very best minds we have , and if they don ’ t always do the job , the answer isn ’ t to shut out the agencies .
The answer is to make them better.
” Some Trump allies now believe the economic shutdowns were a huge mistake .
“ The economic costs and the costs of human suffering caused by this lockdown have been multiple times greater than any benefit , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinks “ we could have been much smarter ” – limiting lockdowns to the most at-risk areas and populations like nursing homes .
He also faults both parties in Congress for making it more lucrative for unemployed people not to work than to work .
“ There was just a sense of total crisis and fear , ” he says .
“ I don ’ t think the president had any other choice.
” When crisis hits , conservatives say , the “ mission creep ” that besets bureaucracies is most evident .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ with each other , such as the CDC , National Institutes of Health , and the Food and Drug Administration .
“ It ’ s axiomatic that an overly bureaucratized government response to anything is going to be a challenge , ” says Charmaine Yoest , co-executive director of the conservative Heritage Foundation ’ s National Coronavirus Recovery Commission .
But challenges to effective governance today are not just in the executive branch ; they ’ re also in Congress and even the for-profit private sector .
And they start with a system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking .
One example : Cabinet departments and other federal agencies are topped by some 4,000 political appointees , and out of those , some 1,200 are Senate-confirmed .
“ No other democracy has anything close to that level of political infiltration in the institution of the government , ” Mr. Stier says .
That , in turn , results in a top echelon of leaders who don ’ t necessarily know what they ’ re doing , he says .
In Congress , hyper-partisanship has led to dysfunction in budget-setting , leading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ form of funding autopilot known as “ continuing resolutions , ” punctuated more and more by government shutdowns .
Oversight can be ineffective or nonexistent ; Senate confirmations slow .
Adding to the challenge is a half-century decline of public trust in the federal government , as charted by the Pew Research Center .
For decades , presidential rhetoric and scandals have made Americans increasingly cynical about government and wary of its messages .
But few presidents over the years have been willing to invest the political capital needed to make major governmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a major reorganization of government in decades , ” says Professor Light .
“ It just ain ’ t sexy.
” Through the decades , Mr. Light has watched history repeat itself many times .
Between 2000 and 2015 alone , he counts 48 breakdowns in federal governance , including the Sept. 11 , 2001 , terrorist attacks and the botched rollout of the “ Obamacare ” insurance website in 2013 .
The details vary from crisis to crisis , but Mr. Light keeps coming to the same conclusion : We keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t pay much attention to how organizations work.
” Early in his presidency , Mr. Trump assigned senior adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner to overhaul the federal bureaucracy by applying business principles , but the initiative appears to have stalled .
Historically , significant government reorganizations are rare .
Former President Herbert Hoover ran major commissions on reform in the 1940s and ’ 50s .
Efforts by President Jimmy Carter in the 1970s had less impact .
In the 1990s , President Clinton tasked his vice president , Al Gore , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort that reduced the size of the federal workforce by 300,000 people .
The 9/11 attacks led to creation of the Department of Homeland Security .
The Clinton-Gore effort reflected a bipartisan consensus – now defunct – that “ big government ” was a problem .
The technology revolution undergirded the reforms .
President Clinton felt that “ if Democrats wanted to have an activist government , you had to first convince people that government could work efficiently and take care of their tax dollars , ” says Elaine Kamarck , who managed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ University sees unique strengths and weaknesses in the U.S. as it faces down COVID-19 .
“ We ’ re the wealthiest country in the world , but we also have some of the greatest health disparities , ” Dr. Curran says .
“ And we have the most disorganized health financing system of any major country.
” The U.S. doesn ’ t have a national health service , and the entire health community can ’ t be mobilized to do whatever the government wants .
The American public health system is also poorly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as having some of the best hospitals , specialists , and researchers in the world .
These paradoxes can be maddening , but they can also be sources of hope .
There ’ s plenty to build on .
In a public health crisis , “ assessment and surveillance are a key government responsibility , as is interpretation of the surveillance , ” says Dr. Curran , referring to the painstaking collection of data about caseloads .
“ We ’ re starting to see more of that from the CDC than we did.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as an opportunity to think about how the functions of government can be improved to meet public needs .
“ We ’ re not going to reform totally our federalist system , but we should think about that , too , ” he says .
“ What are the national responsibilities versus the state responsibilities ?
And that ’ s not just about health ; it ’ s related to everything else.
” Ms. Kamarck , a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution , has already mapped out three proposals for government reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says , are things the military already does routinely : ( 1 ) better scenario planning for potential crises ; ( 2 ) building more “ surge capacity ” in personnel to deal with such crises ; and ( 3 ) applying dual-use principles to health care technology .
“ None of this will happen without competent leadership , ” she adds .
It ’ s worth noting that despite all the breakdowns in governance , there are agencies and employees who make “ miracles ” happen every day , says Mr. Light @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Health Administration radiologist in Seattle .
When the coronavirus crisis first hit , Dr. Ripley swung into action .
She had already developed a network throughout the VA that uses 3D printing to help surgeons .
By late March , as the need for personal protective equipment soared , Dr. Ripley had pulled together three federal agencies – the VA , the Food and Drug Administration , and the National Institutes of Health – to rapidly boost stocks of PPE via 3D technology .
By mid-April , through a quickly organized public-private partnership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ medical personnel had already been designed and were being tested .
It ’ s the kind of government success story – demonstrating ingenuity , collaboration , and speed – that could turn a cynic into a believer .
Now she ’ s a finalist for a “ Sammie , ” the annual awards by the Partnership for Public Service honoring outstanding federal employees .
Mr. Stier , the partnership president , clearly relishes talking about the good news in government at a time of historic challenge .
“ There are many examples , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can creatively achieve impact in the government .
”

“We have a legacy government that hasn’t kept up with the world around it,” says Max Stier, president and CEO of the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service. “This is a long-standing problem, but it creates more impact when something really bad happens.”
Now, as the nation’s economy slowly reopens, with cases beginning to pick up again in at least 20 states , a larger question hangs over the crisis: Is America’s system of government itself simply too outmoded – too partisan, and ill-equipped to keep up with the pace of global change – to capably handle a once-in-a-century pandemic?
A highly politicized system that encourages short-term thinking has hindered the government’s pandemic response – as have outmoded technology, overlapping mandates, and a steep decline in public trust.
But other aspects of the response have met with harsh criticism. The U.S. government had been warned in early January about the virus, and should have been better prepared, many public health experts say. When it arrived on U.S. soil, a combination of conflicting messages and a lack of a clear leadership structure delayed the adoption of practices to contain the spread.
Some of the early steps taken by the Trump administration to address the pandemic have been widely applauded, from the president’s decision to ban flights from China to his initial support for states’ shutdowns.
Days before Donald Trump became president, Obama administration officials hosted a “tabletop exercise” for the incoming Trump team. One of the hypothetical challenges: dealing with a novel strain of influenza that was sweeping the globe.
Cases were appearing in California and Texas, according to the simulation. It could be the worst flu pandemic since 1918. There would be shortages of essential equipment like ventilators. A “whole of government” response would be needed.
Some 30 Trump appointees attended the meeting. Today, only eight still work for the president, according to a Brookings Institution tally.
Why We Wrote This A highly politicized system that encourages short-term thinking has hindered the government’s pandemic response – as have outmoded technology, overlapping mandates, and a steep decline in public trust.
In the rearview mirror, of course, everything can look crystal clear. As President Trump’s former spokesman, Sean Spicer, who attended that January 2017 tabletop exercise, said: “There’s no briefing that can prepare you for a worldwide pandemic.”
Some federal actions have been widely applauded. Mr. Trump’s decision in late January to ban flights from China is one. The president’s initial support for states’ economic shutdowns – and his signing of emergency legislation providing payments to individuals and businesses in an effort to prevent an economic collapse – wins praise even from some critics.
But other aspects of the Trump administration’s early pandemic response have met with harsh pushback. The U.S. government had been warned in early January of the deadly new virus in China, and should have been better prepared for its arrival on American soil, critics say. When it did arrive, a combination of conflicting messages and a lack of a clear leadership structure delayed the adoption of safe practices to contain the spread, they add.
Even allies of President Trump take issue with aspects of the federal government’s response. “There will be 600-page books on the mistakes that were made,” says conservative economist Stephen Moore, an informal adviser to the president.
Much has been made of the turnover and turmoil of the Trump presidency – including the 2018 closure of the White House office on global biothreats.
But as the nation’s economy slowly reopens, with cases beginning to pick up again in at least 20 states, and the U.S. death toll now over 115,000 and rising – the highest tally in the world – a larger question hangs over the crisis: Is America’s complex, multilayered system of government itself simply too outmoded – too cumbersome, overly partisan, ill-equipped to keep up with the pace of global change – to capably handle a once-in-a-century pandemic?
In other words, despite all the stumbles of the Trump team, would another administration necessarily have done all that much better?
“We have a legacy government that hasn’t kept up with the world around it,” says Max Stier, president and CEO of the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service. “This is a long-standing problem, but it creates more impact when something really bad happens.”
History repeating itself
In the perpetual battle to protect the nation from biological threats, Kenneth Bernard has seen history repeat itself over and over.
Under former President Bill Clinton, Dr. Bernard ran the National Security Council’s office on global health threats, only to see it close when President George W. Bush took office. In late 2001, after anthrax-laced letters were sent to people in 17 states, Dr. Bernard was brought in to reopen the office.
President Barack Obama closed the office and then reopened it when Ebola struck. In 2018, President Trump’s new national security adviser, John Bolton, closed it again, though administration officials say its “medical health preparedness” functions were kept in other parts of the National Security Council.
A Washington Post fact-check article examining whether the 2018 closing of the NSC biothreats office hampered the Trump administration’s early response to the coronavirus came to no firm conclusion.
But the early days of the pandemic were obviously key. While American governance is by design decentralized, with many decisions left up to the states, the White House plays an essential coordinating role, says Dr. Bernard, an epidemiologist and retired rear admiral in the U.S. Public Health Service.
“A truly critical pandemic like this, where it affects everyone’s life in America, is by its very nature a federal national problem,” says Dr. Bernard. “What you’re looking for from the White House is leadership.”
The first head of the White House Coronavirus Task Force was the secretary of health and human services, Alex Azar. But that assignment was inappropriate, says Dr. Bernard, because the HHS secretary has no ability to coordinate departments like State, Treasury, and Defense.
By late February, Vice President Mike Pence was put in charge of the task force. But in the modern era, the vice president fulfills broad functions, and thus is ill-equipped to operate as a full-time “czar” on a major health emergency, Dr. Bernard says.
A more effective option, he adds, would have been for the president to appoint a special presidential assistant who focuses solely on the pandemic – someone who can coordinate all the necessary agencies as the anointed presidential representative, as Ron Klain did for President Obama during Ebola.
One of the most eye-opening aspects of the federal response to COVID-19 has been the apparent sidelining of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta. Its early test kits for COVID-19 didn’t work. The CDC director, a virologist named Robert Redfield, has not played a major role in public messaging. Technology problems hindered timely collection of data in the early days of the pandemic, as Americans streamed back into the United States from overseas.
Problems at the CDC predate Dr. Redfield. The agency, once looked to as a global leader on public health, has long been hampered by antiquated technology and a slow-moving bureaucracy that’s particularly ill-equipped to handle a fast-moving crisis.
“The CDC is the poster child for an undermined, under-engaged workforce,” says Paul Light, a professor of public service at New York University.
Add to this picture an administration with conflicted views toward science and deep angst about the damage done to a once-vibrant economy.
“There are legitimate areas where you have to balance the economy and public health,” says James Curran, dean of the Rollins School of Public Health at Emory University in Atlanta and a former longtime CDC official. “We just need to get all the public health facts out, interpreted by the very best minds we have, and if they don’t always do the job, the answer isn’t to shut out the agencies. The answer is to make them better.”
Some Trump allies now believe the economic shutdowns were a huge mistake.
“The economic costs and the costs of human suffering caused by this lockdown have been multiple times greater than any benefit,” says Mr. Moore.
Mr. Moore thinks “we could have been much smarter” – limiting lockdowns to the most at-risk areas and populations like nursing homes. He also faults both parties in Congress for making it more lucrative for unemployed people not to work than to work.
But he doesn’t blame Mr. Trump.
“There was just a sense of total crisis and fear,” he says. “I don’t think the president had any other choice.”
A highly politicized system
When crisis hits, conservatives say, the “mission creep” that besets bureaucracies is most evident. Multiple agencies with overlapping agendas can conflict with each other, such as the CDC, National Institutes of Health, and the Food and Drug Administration.
“It’s axiomatic that an overly bureaucratized government response to anything is going to be a challenge,” says Charmaine Yoest, co-executive director of the conservative Heritage Foundation’s National Coronavirus Recovery Commission.
But challenges to effective governance today are not just in the executive branch; they’re also in Congress and even the for-profit private sector. And they start with a system that is highly politicized and encourages short-term thinking.
One example: Cabinet departments and other federal agencies are topped by some 4,000 political appointees, and out of those, some 1,200 are Senate-confirmed.
“No other democracy has anything close to that level of political infiltration in the institution of the government,” Mr. Stier says.
That, in turn, results in a top echelon of leaders who don’t necessarily know what they’re doing, he says.
In Congress, hyper-partisanship has led to dysfunction in budget-setting, leading the government to run increasingly on a form of funding autopilot known as “continuing resolutions,” punctuated more and more by government shutdowns. Oversight can be ineffective or nonexistent; Senate confirmations slow.
Adding to the challenge is a half-century decline of public trust in the federal government, as charted by the Pew Research Center. For decades, presidential rhetoric and scandals have made Americans increasingly cynical about government and wary of its messages.
But few presidents over the years have been willing to invest the political capital needed to make major governmental reforms.
“We haven’t had a major reorganization of government in decades,” says Professor Light. “It just ain’t sexy.”
Through the decades, Mr. Light has watched history repeat itself many times. Between 2000 and 2015 alone, he counts 48 breakdowns in federal governance, including the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the botched rollout of the “Obamacare” insurance website in 2013.
The details vary from crisis to crisis, but Mr. Light keeps coming to the same conclusion: We keep having breakdowns, because “we just don’t pay much attention to how organizations work.”
Early in his presidency, Mr. Trump assigned senior adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner to overhaul the federal bureaucracy by applying business principles, but the initiative appears to have stalled.
Historically, significant government reorganizations are rare. Former President Herbert Hoover ran major commissions on reform in the 1940s and ’50s. Efforts by President Jimmy Carter in the 1970s had less impact. In the 1990s, President Clinton tasked his vice president, Al Gore, with “reinventing government,” an effort that reduced the size of the federal workforce by 300,000 people. The 9/11 attacks led to creation of the Department of Homeland Security.
The Clinton-Gore effort reflected a bipartisan consensus – now defunct – that “big government” was a problem. The technology revolution undergirded the reforms.
President Clinton felt that “if Democrats wanted to have an activist government, you had to first convince people that government could work efficiently and take care of their tax dollars,” says Elaine Kamarck, who managed the initiative.
Unique strengths and weaknesses
Dr. Curran of Emory University sees unique strengths and weaknesses in the U.S. as it faces down COVID-19.
“We’re the wealthiest country in the world, but we also have some of the greatest health disparities,” Dr. Curran says. “And we have the most disorganized health financing system of any major country.”
The U.S. doesn’t have a national health service, and the entire health community can’t be mobilized to do whatever the government wants. The American public health system is also poorly understood. Yet the U.S. is seen as having some of the best hospitals, specialists, and researchers in the world.
These paradoxes can be maddening, but they can also be sources of hope. There’s plenty to build on.
In a public health crisis, “assessment and surveillance are a key government responsibility, as is interpretation of the surveillance,” says Dr. Curran, referring to the painstaking collection of data about caseloads. “We’re starting to see more of that from the CDC than we did.”
Dr. Curran sees the current turmoil as an opportunity to think about how the functions of government can be improved to meet public needs.
“We’re not going to reform totally our federalist system, but we should think about that, too,” he says. “What are the national responsibilities versus the state responsibilities? And that’s not just about health; it’s related to everything else.”
Ms. Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, has already mapped out three proposals for government reform, post-pandemic. All three, she says, are things the military already does routinely: (1) better scenario planning for potential crises; (2) building more “surge capacity” in personnel to deal with such crises; and (3) applying dual-use principles to health care technology.
“None of this will happen without competent leadership,” she adds.
It’s worth noting that despite all the breakdowns in governance, there are agencies and employees who make “miracles” happen every day, says Mr. Light.
Take Beth Ripley, a Veterans Health Administration radiologist in Seattle. When the coronavirus crisis first hit, Dr. Ripley swung into action. She had already developed a network throughout the VA that uses 3D printing to help surgeons. By late March, as the need for personal protective equipment soared, Dr. Ripley had pulled together three federal agencies – the VA, the Food and Drug Administration, and the National Institutes of Health – to rapidly boost stocks of PPE via 3D technology.
By mid-April, through a quickly organized public-private partnership, face shields and masks suitable for medical personnel had already been designed and were being tested.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
It’s the kind of government success story – demonstrating ingenuity, collaboration, and speed – that could turn a cynic into a believer. Now she’s a finalist for a “Sammie,” the annual awards by the Partnership for Public Service honoring outstanding federal employees.
Mr. Stier, the partnership president, clearly relishes talking about the good news in government at a time of historic challenge. “There are many examples,” he says, “where people can creatively achieve impact in the government.”


csmonitor--2020-06-17--Are ‘shy Trump supporters’ skewing polls again?

Polls are catnip for political reporters , and I am no exception .
This year , however , I ’ ve been paying less attention to the presidential “ horse race '' than I might otherwise , in part because of the problems with polling four years ago that pointed to a Hillary Clinton victory .
It ’ s also such an unusual year , given the coronavirus , tough economy , and upheaval over police and race .
Besides , November is still light years away , politically speaking .
But several headlines this week caught my eye .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” began one in Politico .
The “ we ” in that story , more than 50 Republican officials interviewed from around the country , were looking beyond the immediate gloomy picture for President Donald Trump , and seeing unreliable polls , a rebounding economy , and a fading pandemic .
“ We ’ re calling him ‘ Teflon Trump , ’ ” said a Republican official in North Carolina .
“ Nothing ’ s going to stick , because if anything , it ’ s getting more exciting than it was in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Politico story with a recent comment by veteran GOP pollster Neil Newhouse .
“ I ’ m still convinced there is a shy Trump supporter , a hidden Trump vote , ” Mr. Newhouse said , referring to voters unwilling to tell someone on the phone that they plan to vote for President Trump .
“ I ’ m convinced that number is at least 2 to 3 points.
” “ Shy Trump supporters ” may have contributed to the flawed polling of 2016 .
National polls had shown Mrs. Clinton winning the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she won by 2 points .
But election-eve polls in Wisconsin , Pennsylvania , and Michigan failed to see Trump victories in those states , and that was the ballgame .
He won in the Electoral College .
The Trump campaign has picked up on the “ shy voter ” theme , leading to another grabby Politico headline : “ Trump has a point about the polls.
” The point is that pollsters , most importantly in battleground states , are still grappling with some of the same issues they faced in 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also possibly inadequate consideration of non-college-educated white voters .
“ Some of the fundamental , structural challenges that came to a head in 2016 are still in place in 2020 , ” Courtney Kennedy , director of research at the Pew Research Center and the lead author of a report on 2016 polling flaws , told Politico .
This warning matters to both campaigns and voters .
If pollsters don ’ t fix the problems , both must behave as if the polling might be off .
In other words , when it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ buyer beware .
Now a programming note : Earlier today , our Supreme Court reporter , Henry Gass , took questions on Mr. Trump and presidential power over on Reddit .
Check out the conversation .
And let us know if there ’ s another politics topic you ’ d like to see us cover in that format .
We can be reached at csmpolitics @ csmonitor.com .

Dear reader:
Polls are catnip for political reporters, and I am no exception. This year, however, I’ve been paying less attention to the presidential “horse race" than I might otherwise, in part because of the problems with polling four years ago that pointed to a Hillary Clinton victory. It’s also such an unusual year, given the coronavirus, tough economy, and upheaval over police and race. Besides, November is still light years away, politically speaking.
But several headlines this week caught my eye. “We’re thinking landslide,” began one in Politico. The “we” in that story, more than 50 Republican officials interviewed from around the country, were looking beyond the immediate gloomy picture for President Donald Trump, and seeing unreliable polls, a rebounding economy, and a fading pandemic.
“We’re calling him ‘Teflon Trump,’” said a Republican official in North Carolina. “Nothing’s going to stick, because if anything, it’s getting more exciting than it was in 2016.”
The Washington Examiner buttressed the Politico story with a recent comment by veteran GOP pollster Neil Newhouse.
“I’m still convinced there is a shy Trump supporter, a hidden Trump vote,” Mr. Newhouse said, referring to voters unwilling to tell someone on the phone that they plan to vote for President Trump. “I’m convinced that number is at least 2 to 3 points.”
“Shy Trump supporters” may have contributed to the flawed polling of 2016. National polls had shown Mrs. Clinton winning the popular vote by 3 percentage points; she won by 2 points. But election-eve polls in Wisconsin, Pennsylvania, and Michigan failed to see Trump victories in those states, and that was the ballgame. He won in the Electoral College.
The Trump campaign has picked up on the “shy voter” theme, leading to another grabby Politico headline: “Trump has a point about the polls.”
The point is that pollsters, most importantly in battleground states, are still grappling with some of the same issues they faced in 2016 - not just shy voters, but also possibly inadequate consideration of non-college-educated white voters.
“Some of the fundamental, structural challenges that came to a head in 2016 are still in place in 2020,” Courtney Kennedy, director of research at the Pew Research Center and the lead author of a report on 2016 polling flaws, told Politico.
This warning matters to both campaigns and voters. If pollsters don’t fix the problems, both must behave as if the polling might be off. In other words, when it comes to polls, caveat emptor - buyer beware.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Now a programming note: Earlier today, our Supreme Court reporter, Henry Gass, took questions on Mr. Trump and presidential power over on Reddit. Check out the conversation. And let us know if there’s another politics topic you’d like to see us cover in that format.
We can be reached at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.