csmonitor--2020-08-21--Points of Progress: Esselen Tribe reclaims land, and more

The Esselen Tribe of Monterey County has reclaimed ancestral lands in Northern California after closing a $ 4.5 million deal with Western Rivers Conservancy .
The small tribe lived on the Big Sur coast and the Santa Lucia Mountains for thousands of years before Spanish explorers set up missions in the 1700s .
For centuries , they ’ ve been landless .
The conservancy acquired 1,200 acres in Big Sur with the hope of finding an environmentally conscious steward .
The property ’ s giant redwoods and river make it a key breeding site for two vulnerable species : the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steelhead .
“ We are going to conserve it and pass it on to our children and grandchildren , ” Tom Little Bear Nason , tribal chairman , told The Mercury News .
“ Getting this land back gives privacy to do our ceremonies .
It gives us space and the ability to continue our culture without further interruption.
” ( CNN , The Mercury News ) In a landmark case for transgender Salvadorans , three police officers have been found guilty of the 2019 murder of Camila Diaz .
The court sentenced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for aggravated homicide , marking El Salvador ’ s first conviction for the murder of a transgender person .
About 600 LGBTQ people have been killed in the conservative country since 1993 , according to advocates , but the cases rarely go to trial and had never ended in a conviction .
Although the prosecutor ’ s office did not classify the attack as a hate crime , activists consider the ruling a major development for the country .
“ It sends a strong signal that anti-trans and more generally anti-LGBT violence is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , ” said Cristian Gonzalez , a researcher at Human Rights Watch .
( Thomson Reuters Foundation ) Costa Rica is the first tropical forest country to stop and reverse its deforestation problem .
In the late 1980s , as much as half of Costa Rica ’ s forests had been cut by loggers .
Unlike its neighbors , the small Central American country has regrown most of the land .
It did so by pairing a ban on deforestation with payments for ecosystem services , financed mainly by a fossil fuel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect watersheds and biodiversity or capture carbon dioxide .
Over the past 20 years , the government has paid $ 500 million to landowners , and it ’ s how many farmers in Costa Rica make an income .
“ We have learned that the pocket is the quickest way to get to the heart , ” says Carlos Manuel Rodríguez , minister for environment and energy .
( CNN ) A Kenyan village led by environmental activist Phyllis Omido won a $ 12 million civil lawsuit accusing a lead-acid battery recycling plant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poisoning .
The money will be paid by government agencies found to be negligent and the directors of the since-shuttered smelting plant .
Ms. Omido worked at Metal Refinery EPZ in 2009 , but left after the company failed to acknowledge the troubling findings of an environmental impact assessment .
Despite pressure – or outright threats – from co-workers , authorities , and family to drop the cause , she kept campaigning on behalf of families impacted by toxic waste smelting .
At least 10 smelters have closed in Kenya as a result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and in addition to the $ 12 million payout , the judge has ordered the government to clean the affected community , Owino Uhuru , within four months .
( BBC , CNN ) Dozens of traditional leaders in Botswana will learn how to combat gender violence in their communities through a collaboration among Botswana ’ s government , the tribal administration , and the United Nations Development Program .
In a country where nearly 70 % of women have experienced physical or sexual abuse , experts say it ’ s essential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who can then help other men unlearn bad habits and become better advocates for women .
Chiefs like Puso Gaborone of the Batlokwa tribe will receive training on conflict resolution , addressing marital disputes , and reporting violent behavior .
“ No elements of traditional culture condone violence , ” said Mr. Gaborone .
“ Dikgosi [ chiefs ] are essential stakeholders in addressing issues of violence in communities , and in bringing perpetrators to book.
” ( Thomson Reuters Foundation ) Rare footage of three tigers roaming through a western Thailand forest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ species is making progress .
This is the first sighting by the area ’ s camera traps in four years .
There are an estimated 160 wild Indochinese tigers left in Thailand , where they face the threat of poaching , and the total global population may only be around 350 , according to the World Wildlife Fund .
There are about 3,900 tigers left in the wild , including the more widely known Bengal and Siberian tigers .
“ The next important step for us is that we have to try and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ area accommodating for them , in order for the tigers to roam safely , ” said Kritsana Kaewplang , country director for conservation group Panthera in Thailand .
( Reuters )

1. United States
The Esselen Tribe of Monterey County has reclaimed ancestral lands in Northern California after closing a $4.5 million deal with Western Rivers Conservancy. The small tribe lived on the Big Sur coast and the Santa Lucia Mountains for thousands of years before Spanish explorers set up missions in the 1700s. For centuries, they’ve been landless.
Doug Steakley/Western Rivers Conservancy/AP View caption Hide caption Lupines cover the Adler Ranch in Big Sur on the California coast, which was recently reclaimed by the Esselen Tribe of Monterey County.
The conservancy acquired 1,200 acres in Big Sur with the hope of finding an environmentally conscious steward. The property’s giant redwoods and river make it a key breeding site for two vulnerable species: the California condor and the south-central California coast steelhead. “We are going to conserve it and pass it on to our children and grandchildren,” Tom Little Bear Nason, tribal chairman, told The Mercury News. “Getting this land back gives privacy to do our ceremonies. It gives us space and the ability to continue our culture without further interruption.” (CNN, The Mercury News)
Why We Wrote This This is more than feel-good news – it's where the world is making concrete progress. A roundup of positive stories to inspire you.
2. El Salvador
In a landmark case for transgender Salvadorans, three police officers have been found guilty of the 2019 murder of Camila Diaz. The court sentenced each officer to 20 years in prison for aggravated homicide, marking El Salvador’s first conviction for the murder of a transgender person. About 600 LGBTQ people have been killed in the conservative country since 1993, according to advocates, but the cases rarely go to trial and had never ended in a conviction.
Jose Cabezas/Reuters View caption Hide caption Three former police officers charged with the aggravated homicide of Camila Diaz stand during a hearing in San Salvador, El Salvador, on March 5, 2020.
Although the prosecutor’s office did not classify the attack as a hate crime, activists consider the ruling a major development for the country. “It sends a strong signal that anti-trans and more generally anti-LGBT violence is not going to be tolerated in the country,” said Cristian Gonzalez, a researcher at Human Rights Watch. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
3. Costa Rica
Costa Rica is the first tropical forest country to stop and reverse its deforestation problem. In the late 1980s, as much as half of Costa Rica’s forests had been cut by loggers. Unlike its neighbors, the small Central American country has regrown most of the land. It did so by pairing a ban on deforestation with payments for ecosystem services, financed mainly by a fossil fuel tax. The program pays farmers to protect watersheds and biodiversity or capture carbon dioxide. Over the past 20 years, the government has paid $500 million to landowners, and it’s how many farmers in Costa Rica make an income. “We have learned that the pocket is the quickest way to get to the heart,” says Carlos Manuel Rodríguez, minister for environment and energy. (CNN)
4. Kenya
A Kenyan village led by environmental activist Phyllis Omido won a $12 million civil lawsuit accusing a lead-acid battery recycling plant of exposing the nearby community to lead poisoning. The money will be paid by government agencies found to be negligent and the directors of the since-shuttered smelting plant. Ms. Omido worked at Metal Refinery EPZ in 2009, but left after the company failed to acknowledge the troubling findings of an environmental impact assessment. Despite pressure – or outright threats – from co-workers, authorities, and family to drop the cause, she kept campaigning on behalf of families impacted by toxic waste smelting. At least 10 smelters have closed in Kenya as a result of Ms. Omido’s grassroots activism, and in addition to the $12 million payout, the judge has ordered the government to clean the affected community, Owino Uhuru, within four months. (BBC, CNN)
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5. Botswana
Dozens of traditional leaders in Botswana will learn how to combat gender violence in their communities through a collaboration among Botswana’s government, the tribal administration, and the United Nations Development Program. In a country where nearly 70% of women have experienced physical or sexual abuse, experts say it’s essential to get buy-in from traditional leaders, who can then help other men unlearn bad habits and become better advocates for women. Chiefs like Puso Gaborone of the Batlokwa tribe will receive training on conflict resolution, addressing marital disputes, and reporting violent behavior. “No elements of traditional culture condone violence,” said Mr. Gaborone. “Dikgosi [chiefs] are essential stakeholders in addressing issues of violence in communities, and in bringing perpetrators to book.” (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
6. Thailand
Rare footage of three tigers roaming through a western Thailand forest is offering conservationists hope that the endangered species is making progress. This is the first sighting by the area’s camera traps in four years. There are an estimated 160 wild Indochinese tigers left in Thailand, where they face the threat of poaching, and the total global population may only be around 350, according to the World Wildlife Fund. There are about 3,900 tigers left in the wild, including the more widely known Bengal and Siberian tigers. “The next important step for us is that we have to try and make the connecting routes of each forest area accommodating for them, in order for the tigers to roam safely,” said Kritsana Kaewplang, country director for conservation group Panthera in Thailand. (Reuters)


csmonitor--2020-08-21--How do you ‘defund the police’ in Texas? Very carefully.

“ Police reform and crime reform have always been the third rail of politics , ” says Manny Pelaez , a member of the San Antonio City Council .
“ It ’ s going to require a certain amount of courage to be able to have these conversations.
” Tax revenues have been hit by the COVID-19 pandemic , adding to the pressure to find ways to fund public services .
That may force a sharper look at how police budgets are spent and how to empower other actors .
The cuts so far are modest but represent a break @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be seen as undermining police powers .
In San Antonio , for example , a share of future tax revenues earmarked for cops will be allocated to nonprofit agencies to assume functions that are currently the purview of the police .
A summer of protests has fed into heated debates on city councils over how much public money should go to police departments , and what their functions should be .
In Texas , the discretionary power of municipal councils to redirect money from law enforcement is limited by union contracts and political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard work of deciding what public safety could look like if less money went to the police .
The mercury was around 102 degrees Fahrenheit when Leon Reed left the town of Jarrell for the last 40 miles of his journey .
He had been walking for a week , mostly during dawn and dusk , to the state capital of Austin so he could talk to Gov .
Greg Abbott about police reform .
Like other activists in cities across the nation , Mr. Reed , a criminal defense attorney , is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change – from intangible aspects like workplace cultures and mindsets to the nuts and bolts of budgets and regulations .
But just as in those cities , the “ defund the police ” slogan doesn ’ t fully capture activists ’ demands .
“ We need the police , ” he said .
“ But the answer to everything isn ’ t ‘ send a police officer.
’ ” Governor Abbott wasn ’ t in Austin when Mr. Reed arrived earlier this week .
That afternoon he was actually in Fort Worth , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , calling on the state legislature to freeze property tax revenue in any city that defunds its police , but offering few details .
In Texas , as elsewhere , public safety is the biggest line item on most municipal budgets .
While the bulk of spending goes to salary and benefits , underpinned by union contracts , there are expenditures like equipment , technology , and legal fees , all of which are up for debate as cities explore how to shift funding and responsibilities away from police departments .
The discussions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways that funding of the police could change in the United States , as well as the hurdles – both practical and political – that stand in the way .
Some cities have already begun to redistribute those funds : the Austin City Council last week unanimously approved a plan to cut $ 150 million from the police department .
The financial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on local tax revenues has added more strain on budget negotiations this year .
One constraint is that a significant chunk of police funding is dictated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; another is that local officials usually are reluctant to make budget cuts to public safety .
Still , a combination of financial and political pressure is chipping away at this consensus on police budgets and what they spend it on .
“ Only in the last few years have we really seen organized activism , particularly from communities of color , to challenge the requests of police departments , ” says Michael Leo Owens , a political science professor at Emory University .
“ The conversation isn ’ t just about how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about what are the proper functions that we should be asking police departments and officers to engage in.
” He adds : “ What are the arguments and empirical bases that municipal leaders are using when they ’ re determining what the budget of their police should be ?
” Community activists in San Antonio have criticized a 2021 budget proposal from the city council that would increase funding for police by $ 8 million , or 1.7 % , to cover a 5 % pay increase for officers .
Erik Walsh , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the lowest increase in police funding in five years in both dollars and percentage points .
“ We know we need to make foundational changes , ” he told a city council meeting last week .
“ We need to think through what type of encounters we want to put police officers in , or the public in.
” Shirley Gonzales has been on the San Antonio City Council for seven years , and since she was first elected she has tried to redirect spending toward social services programs like after-school programming and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ What we have never done before is perhaps redirect that from police , ” she says .
“ What we are now seeing is a much more unified discussion about the funding.
” But while police departments often have large budgets , there isn ’ t much flexibility .
Almost two-thirds of San Antonio ’ s 2021 budget is focused on public safety , but as in many cities around the country , a significant chunk of the police funding is locked in by union contracts .
So while some funding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more meaningful change could result from empowering other departments like Animal Care and Neighborhood and Housing Services .
In a presentation to the council , San Antonio Police Chief William McManus noted that quality of life and civil calls to the police have increased 40 % since 2011 , including calls about barking dogs , panhandlers , and mental health disturbances .
Police budgets make up upwards of one-third of the entire general fund of large cities in Texas .
In Houston , that adds up to nearly $ 900 million .
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. , and fewer than 100 of them are in major cities , but all must respond to a similar range of issues that cost officers time and money .
In St. Louis , Missouri , where Heather Taylor has been a police officer for 20 years , police get called about potholes .
While a different department has to fix the potholes , she says , a squad car can have to stay for two hours or more to keep traffic away from the workers .
“ If we are spending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not police matters , when do we investigate all the hundreds and thousands of violent crimes that we have ?
” says Sergeant Taylor .
The major expenditures agreed under union contracts may be untouchable , for now .
But one area where police departments could find potential savings is in how they choose to hire and fire problem officers and those who could present problems in future .
Reformers argue that protecting “ bad apples ” is both expensive and counterproductive .
Between 2015 and 2019 the city of Dallas spent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuits .
Chicago paid $ 20 million in such settlements in just the first eight weeks of 2018 .
In St. Louis , the city paid almost $ 5 million on settlements between 2010 and 2016 .
“ How we can address some of these funding issues is clearly through firing [ problem ] officers , ” says Sergeant Taylor , who as president of the Ethical Society of Police advocates for racial and gender equality in St. Louis police agencies .
Fort Worth began debating police funding in January , three months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in her home .
The former officer is being charged with her murder .
Voters in the city still chose in July to renew a special sales tax that will fund the local police department over the next decade .
Now the city ’ s top cop wants the city council to change how that money is spent .
Outgoing Police Chief Ed Kraus has proposed that of the $ 85 million in projected taxes this year , more spending is redirected from equipment and enforcement in order to create a civilian response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and expand a mental health team , reported the Fort Worth Star-Telegram .
Under this proposal , funding for nonprofits would increase from $ 250,000 to $ 2 million .
Analysts note that given the historic gulf between funding for police and social services in most cities , such a small change can make a big difference .
Austin has gone further .
Its $ 4.2 billion budget cuts $ 150 million from the police department .
Only $ 21.5 million of the cuts are immediate ; the rest will go into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ functions out of the department over the next year , the Austin American-Statesman reported .
One $ 80 million fund covers primarily civilian functions like forensics and victim services , while the other will reallocate $ 49 million to alternative forms of public safety .
The decisions prompted a swift backlash from the state ’ s Republican leadership , including Governor Abbott ’ s vow to freeze future property taxes .
“ Cities that endanger their residents should not be able to turn around and raise more taxes from those same Texans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that could be enforced , or what defines “ defund , ” are unclear .
Still , local officials say changes to public safety funding generally , and police funding specifically , inevitably spark a backlash , in part because of public perceptions that crime is getting worse , even though violent crime rates have actually been declining .
City leaders are going to have to keep this in mind as they continue these discussions , says Manny Pelaez , a member of the San Antonio City Council .
“ Police reform and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rail of politics , ” he says .
“ It ’ s going to require a certain amount of courage to be able to have these conversations.
” In his district , many constituents tell him they want more , not fewer , police officers in their neighborhood .
“ I ’ d like to see as much data as possible that helps me understand what are the consequences of defunding a police department , and what are the consequences of maintaining a well-funded police department , ” he says .
For Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but it ’ s also urgent .
When walking alone , he often listened to gospel music to help him forget his aching feet and his numb legs , or he thought about what he would say to Governor Abbott .
And he ’ s still hoping his sweat equity pays dividends .
“ Walking 200 miles in a Texas August , I ’ m hoping will let the governor know this is how serious I am about this , ” he said .
“ There ’ s an urgency of now .
@

“Police reform and crime reform have always been the third rail of politics,” says Manny Pelaez, a member of the San Antonio City Council. “It’s going to require a certain amount of courage to be able to have these conversations.”
Tax revenues have been hit by the COVID-19 pandemic, adding to the pressure to find ways to fund public services. That may force a sharper look at how police budgets are spent and how to empower other actors.
Activist calls to defund the police are playing out in city budget meetings in Texas, showing the limits of what is possible as well as points of agreement in funding public safety.
The cuts so far are modest but represent a break with elected officials’ historic reluctance to be seen as undermining police powers. In San Antonio, for example, a share of future tax revenues earmarked for cops will be allocated to nonprofit agencies to assume functions that are currently the purview of the police.
A summer of protests has fed into heated debates on city councils over how much public money should go to police departments, and what their functions should be. In Texas, the discretionary power of municipal councils to redirect money from law enforcement is limited by union contracts and political constraints. But cities have begun the hard work of deciding what public safety could look like if less money went to the police.
The mercury was around 102 degrees Fahrenheit when Leon Reed left the town of Jarrell for the last 40 miles of his journey. He had been walking for a week, mostly during dawn and dusk, to the state capital of Austin so he could talk to Gov. Greg Abbott about police reform.
Like other activists in cities across the nation, Mr. Reed, a criminal defense attorney, is pressing for policing in his state to change – from intangible aspects like workplace cultures and mindsets to the nuts and bolts of budgets and regulations. But just as in those cities, the “defund the police” slogan doesn’t fully capture activists’ demands.
“We need the police,” he said. “But the answer to everything isn’t ‘send a police officer.’”
Why We Wrote This Activist calls to defund the police are playing out in city budget meetings in Texas, showing the limits of what is possible as well as points of agreement in funding public safety.
Governor Abbott wasn’t in Austin when Mr. Reed arrived earlier this week. That afternoon he was actually in Fort Worth, where Mr. Reed had begun his walk, calling on the state legislature to freeze property tax revenue in any city that defunds its police, but offering few details.
In Texas, as elsewhere, public safety is the biggest line item on most municipal budgets. While the bulk of spending goes to salary and benefits, underpinned by union contracts, there are expenditures like equipment, technology, and legal fees, all of which are up for debate as cities explore how to shift funding and responsibilities away from police departments.
The discussions in Texas cities illustrate the variety of ways that funding of the police could change in the United States, as well as the hurdles – both practical and political – that stand in the way.
Some cities have already begun to redistribute those funds: the Austin City Council last week unanimously approved a plan to cut $150 million from the police department.
The financial impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on local tax revenues has added more strain on budget negotiations this year. One constraint is that a significant chunk of police funding is dictated by collective bargaining agreements in most cities; another is that local officials usually are reluctant to make budget cuts to public safety. Still, a combination of financial and political pressure is chipping away at this consensus on police budgets and what they spend it on.
“Only in the last few years have we really seen organized activism, particularly from communities of color, to challenge the requests of police departments,” says Michael Leo Owens, a political science professor at Emory University.
“The conversation isn’t just about how much money, but also a conversation about what are the proper functions that we should be asking police departments and officers to engage in.” He adds: “What are the arguments and empirical bases that municipal leaders are using when they’re determining what the budget of their police should be?”
Potholes and barking dogs
Community activists in San Antonio have criticized a 2021 budget proposal from the city council that would increase funding for police by $8 million, or 1.7%, to cover a 5% pay increase for officers. Erik Walsh, the city manager, said it was the lowest increase in police funding in five years in both dollars and percentage points.
“We know we need to make foundational changes,” he told a city council meeting last week. “We need to think through what type of encounters we want to put police officers in, or the public in.”
Shirley Gonzales has been on the San Antonio City Council for seven years, and since she was first elected she has tried to redirect spending toward social services programs like after-school programming and family services, so far without success.
“What we have never done before is perhaps redirect that from police,” she says. “What we are now seeing is a much more unified discussion about the funding.”
Stephen Spillman/Austin American-Statesman/AP View caption Hide caption Austin police investigate a homicide shooting that occurred at a demonstration against police violence in downtown Austin, Texas, July 25, 2020.
But while police departments often have large budgets, there isn’t much flexibility. Almost two-thirds of San Antonio’s 2021 budget is focused on public safety, but as in many cities around the country, a significant chunk of the police funding is locked in by union contracts.
So while some funding could be reallocated, Councilwoman Gonzales says more meaningful change could result from empowering other departments like Animal Care and Neighborhood and Housing Services.
In a presentation to the council, San Antonio Police Chief William McManus noted that quality of life and civil calls to the police have increased 40% since 2011, including calls about barking dogs, panhandlers, and mental health disturbances.
Police budgets make up upwards of one-third of the entire general fund of large cities in Texas. In Houston, that adds up to nearly $900 million.
Yet there are about 18,000 police departments in the U.S., and fewer than 100 of them are in major cities, but all must respond to a similar range of issues that cost officers time and money.
In St. Louis, Missouri, where Heather Taylor has been a police officer for 20 years, police get called about potholes. While a different department has to fix the potholes, she says, a squad car can have to stay for two hours or more to keep traffic away from the workers.
“If we are spending time on all these nonviolent crimes that are not police matters, when do we investigate all the hundreds and thousands of violent crimes that we have?” says Sergeant Taylor.
Finding potential savings
The major expenditures agreed under union contracts may be untouchable, for now. But one area where police departments could find potential savings is in how they choose to hire and fire problem officers and those who could present problems in future. Reformers argue that protecting “bad apples” is both expensive and counterproductive.
Between 2015 and 2019 the city of Dallas spent almost $10 million to resolve police-involved lawsuits. Chicago paid $20 million in such settlements in just the first eight weeks of 2018. In St. Louis, the city paid almost $5 million on settlements between 2010 and 2016.
“How we can address some of these funding issues is clearly through firing [problem] officers,” says Sergeant Taylor, who as president of the Ethical Society of Police advocates for racial and gender equality in St. Louis police agencies.
Fort Worth began debating police funding in January, three months after an officer fatally shot Atatiana Jefferson in her home. The former officer is being charged with her murder. Voters in the city still chose in July to renew a special sales tax that will fund the local police department over the next decade.
Now the city’s top cop wants the city council to change how that money is spent. Outgoing Police Chief Ed Kraus has proposed that of the $85 million in projected taxes this year, more spending is redirected from equipment and enforcement in order to create a civilian response program, increase funding to nonprofit partners, and expand a mental health team, reported the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. Under this proposal, funding for nonprofits would increase from $250,000 to $2 million.
Analysts note that given the historic gulf between funding for police and social services in most cities, such a small change can make a big difference.
A political backlash
Austin has gone further. Its $4.2 billion budget cuts $150 million from the police department. Only $21.5 million of the cuts are immediate; the rest will go into two funds that will redirect funding and functions out of the department, the Austin American-Statesman reported. One $80 million fund could see primarily civilian functions like forensics and victim services "decoupled" from the department, while a further $50 million-worth of department functions will be studied further before the city council decides if any of those functions will be taken out of the department. It's unclear if, when and how those funds will be dispersed.
The decisions prompted a swift backlash from the state’s Republican leadership, including Governor Abbott’s vow to freeze future property taxes. “Cities that endanger their residents should not be able to turn around and raise more taxes from those same Texans,” he tweeted. Details of how that could be enforced, or what defines “defund,” are unclear.
Still, local officials say changes to public safety funding generally, and police funding specifically, inevitably spark a backlash, in part because of public perceptions that crime is getting worse, even though violent crime rates have actually been declining.
City leaders are going to have to keep this in mind as they continue these discussions, says Manny Pelaez, a member of the San Antonio City Council.
“Police reform and crime reform have always been the third rail of politics,” he says. “It’s going to require a certain amount of courage to be able to have these conversations.”
In his district, many constituents tell him they want more, not fewer, police officers in their neighborhood. “I’d like to see as much data as possible that helps me understand what are the consequences of defunding a police department, and what are the consequences of maintaining a well-funded police department,” he says.
For Mr. Reed, the problem is complicated, but it’s also urgent.
When walking alone, he often listened to gospel music to help him forget his aching feet and his numb legs, or he thought about what he would say to Governor Abbott. And he’s still hoping his sweat equity pays dividends.
“Walking 200 miles in a Texas August, I’m hoping will let the governor know this is how serious I am about this,” he said. “There’s an urgency of now.”
Editor's note: This story has been updated to clarify how the Austin City Council is changing its police funding. Some proposed changes are being studied.


csmonitor--2020-08-21--The world’s greatest natural resource

The world’s greatest natural resource

For more than a century , prosperity has come from the ground in Wyoming .
Since the Industrial Revolution , human economic progress has been disproportionately dependent on the black rocks that exist so tantalizingly near the surface in Wyoming : coal .
So the people of the Cowboy State have cashed in .
For many , those rocks have been the path to a better life .
But there ’ s a problem .
What happens when there aren ’ t any rocks left ?
Or if people don ’ t pay as much for them anymore ?
Or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state – what if you don ’ t have any valuable rocks to begin with ?
Natural resources are fickle things .
The race to get hold of them has fueled some of the worst moments in human history .
Colonialism , after all , is in some respects the biography of the rabid thirst for natural resources .
And within a country , the desire to control natural resources can lead to gross corruption and inequality .
So in many ways , this week ’ s cover story by Doug Struck should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the first time , America will use more renewable energy than coal energy .
As the Earth signals an urgent need to be more thoughtful about how we consume natural resources , it ’ s a positive sign .
Natural gas is cleaner than coal , and wind and solar energy are cleaner still .
But “ progress ” isn ’ t the word many in Wyoming would use .
Instead , it feels like this wide swath of the American West is losing its hope and its way of life .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconciled ?
Must the progress of making the Earth cleaner and less dependent on the vagaries of geology come at the expense of those who have used natural resources to build a better life ?
This is the central environmental question of our time .
A recent article in The Economist offers hints of a different way of looking at this challenge .
Under the headline “ The world ’ s wealth is looking increasingly unnatural , ” The Economist states , “ As natural wealth is used up , economies will rely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is one that Wyomingites will know well .
Natural resources are valuable only so long as they exist or are deemed necessary .
Whale blubber was once vitally important to the functioning of world societies .
Not so much anymore .
Humans found a better answer .
Just as the transition away from whaling harmed many New England towns , the transition from coal could hurt some communities .
But the transition away from whale oil didn ’ t permanently limit the economy ; it actually enabled it to shift into a higher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can we better prepare communities for these transitions ?
The answer , The Economist says , is “ human capital.
” Investing in education , opportunity , and interconnection is an economic engine that never risks running out of fuel .
In the future , the most valuable commodity we can mine will be the innate potential of our fellow human beings – in Wyoming and beyond .
Human capital , adds The Economist , “ tends to accumulate .
Natural capital seems destined to do the opposite .
”

For more than a century, prosperity has come from the ground in Wyoming. Since the Industrial Revolution, human economic progress has been disproportionately dependent on the black rocks that exist so tantalizingly near the surface in Wyoming: coal. So the people of the Cowboy State have cashed in. For many, those rocks have been the path to a better life.
But there’s a problem. What happens when there aren’t any rocks left? Or if people don’t pay as much for them anymore? Or – if you’re from another state – what if you don’t have any valuable rocks to begin with?
Natural resources are fickle things. The race to get hold of them has fueled some of the worst moments in human history. Colonialism, after all, is in some respects the biography of the rabid thirst for natural resources. And within a country, the desire to control natural resources can lead to gross corruption and inequality.
So in many ways, this week’s cover story by Doug Struck should feel like progress. This year, for the first time, America will use more renewable energy than coal energy. As the Earth signals an urgent need to be more thoughtful about how we consume natural resources, it’s a positive sign. Natural gas is cleaner than coal, and wind and solar energy are cleaner still.
But “progress” isn’t the word many in Wyoming would use. Instead, it feels like this wide swath of the American West is losing its hope and its way of life.
How are these two things to be reconciled? Must the progress of making the Earth cleaner and less dependent on the vagaries of geology come at the expense of those who have used natural resources to build a better life? This is the central environmental question of our time.
A recent article in The Economist offers hints of a different way of looking at this challenge. Under the headline “The world’s wealth is looking increasingly unnatural,” The Economist states, “As natural wealth is used up, economies will rely more on human capital.”
The idea is one that Wyomingites will know well. Natural resources are valuable only so long as they exist or are deemed necessary. Whale blubber was once vitally important to the functioning of world societies. Not so much anymore. Humans found a better answer.
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Just as the transition away from whaling harmed many New England towns, the transition from coal could hurt some communities. But the transition away from whale oil didn’t permanently limit the economy; it actually enabled it to shift into a higher gear. The question is: How can we better prepare communities for these transitions?
The answer, The Economist says, is “human capital.” Investing in education, opportunity, and interconnection is an economic engine that never risks running out of fuel. In the future, the most valuable commodity we can mine will be the innate potential of our fellow human beings – in Wyoming and beyond. Human capital, adds The Economist, “tends to accumulate. Natural capital seems destined to do the opposite.”


csmonitor--2020-08-21--Electric vehicles near market cruising speed

A vital piece of the climate change puzzle is falling into place faster than expected .
Electric-vehicle makers are outgrowing their pioneer days when they sold mainly subcompact cars sipping juice from limited batteries .
Now electric SUVs and even larger vehicles are hitting showrooms .
The sweet spot in today ’ s auto market are SUVs , those suburban do-it-all workhorses .
Industry leader Tesla is pursuing these customers aggressively with its Model Y .
General Motors just announced Lyriq , a Cadillac SUV .
Jaguar and Audi are also selling electric SUVs while BMW , Mercedes-Benz , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the way .
Then there are the electric pickup trucks , such as GMC ’ s Hummer , planned for shipment in 2021 .
Tesla ’ s futuristic-looking cybertruck and an all-electric Ford F-150 are among those on the way too .
Last September , Amazon stole headlines when it ordered 100,000 electric-powered delivery vans from Rivian .
The pandemic slowed the building of a manufacturing plant for these EVs .
Rivian says it ’ s still on track to begin delivering them next year .
To really cut tailpipe emissions in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is now aiming at conventional trucks and buses .
Their tailpipes cough out nearly a quarter of the greenhouse gas emissions from transportation .
Just over 2,000 electric trucks were on U.S. roads at the end of last year , according to consulting firm Wood Mackenzie .
But that number is expected to grow to more than 54,000 in the next five years .
Long-haul trucks will need a system of charging stations that is still to be developed .
But trucks that are used on short trips during the day , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make sense .
Trash hauler Republic Services , for example , plans to buy 2,500 garbage trucks from startup Nikola to be delivered by 2023 .
The trucks will have a range of 150 miles , more than enough for a day ’ s work .
When the world emerges from the pandemic it may find that the peak year for sales of fossil fuel-powered vehicles has already happened .
Worldwide , total EV sales of all types are expected to shoot up from 2.5 million in 2020 to 31.1 million by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deloitte forecasts .
GM alone is planning to spend $ 20 billion in the next five years on EVs and autonomous vehicles , and says it will introduce 20 EV models by 2023 .
The global trend is bolstered by government policies , especially in Europe and China , that include buyer subsidies and restrictions on emissions of CO2 .
Half of all vehicles sold a decade from now will be electric or hybrid , projects Seth Goldstein , chair of the EV committee at investment research firm Morningstar .
“ Most electric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a single charge , ” he says , a number needed for most consumers to consider them .
In addition , the long-term costs of owning an EV in the U.S. are thousands of dollars lower than gasoline-powered models , a new study from the U.S. Energy Department has found .
The study took into account variations in electric power rates and gasoline prices , and found owners would save $ 3,000 to $ 10,500 driving an EV over a 15-year period .
As more people ask what they can do about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making that choice easier with better technology and large-scale production .
And as EVs start to dominate the highways , the climate change puzzle may not seem so difficult to solve .

A vital piece of the climate change puzzle is falling into place faster than expected. Electric-vehicle makers are outgrowing their pioneer days when they sold mainly subcompact cars sipping juice from limited batteries. Now electric SUVs and even larger vehicles are hitting showrooms.
The sweet spot in today’s auto market are SUVs, those suburban do-it-all workhorses. Industry leader Tesla is pursuing these customers aggressively with its Model Y. General Motors just announced Lyriq, a Cadillac SUV. Jaguar and Audi are also selling electric SUVs while BMW, Mercedes-Benz, and EV startups Fisker and Rivian have SUVs on the way.
Then there are the electric pickup trucks, such as GMC’s Hummer, planned for shipment in 2021. Tesla’s futuristic-looking cybertruck and an all-electric Ford F-150 are among those on the way too. Last September, Amazon stole headlines when it ordered 100,000 electric-powered delivery vans from Rivian. The pandemic slowed the building of a manufacturing plant for these EVs. Rivian says it’s still on track to begin delivering them next year.
To really cut tailpipe emissions in the transport sector, the EV industry is now aiming at conventional trucks and buses. Their tailpipes cough out nearly a quarter of the greenhouse gas emissions from transportation.
Just over 2,000 electric trucks were on U.S. roads at the end of last year, according to consulting firm Wood Mackenzie. But that number is expected to grow to more than 54,000 in the next five years. Long-haul trucks will need a system of charging stations that is still to be developed. But trucks that are used on short trips during the day, and can sit and recharge overnight, already make sense.
Trash hauler Republic Services, for example, plans to buy 2,500 garbage trucks from startup Nikola to be delivered by 2023. The trucks will have a range of 150 miles, more than enough for a day’s work.
When the world emerges from the pandemic it may find that the peak year for sales of fossil fuel-powered vehicles has already happened. Worldwide, total EV sales of all types are expected to shoot up from 2.5 million in 2020 to 31.1 million by the end of the decade, consulting firm Deloitte forecasts. GM alone is planning to spend $20 billion in the next five years on EVs and autonomous vehicles, and says it will introduce 20 EV models by 2023. The global trend is bolstered by government policies, especially in Europe and China, that include buyer subsidies and restrictions on emissions of CO2.
Half of all vehicles sold a decade from now will be electric or hybrid, projects Seth Goldstein, chair of the EV committee at investment research firm Morningstar. “Most electric vehicles can go 300 miles or greater on a single charge,” he says, a number needed for most consumers to consider them.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In addition, the long-term costs of owning an EV in the U.S. are thousands of dollars lower than gasoline-powered models, a new study from the U.S. Energy Department has found. The study took into account variations in electric power rates and gasoline prices, and found owners would save $3,000 to $10,500 driving an EV over a 15-year period.
As more people ask what they can do about climate change, the EV industry is making that choice easier with better technology and large-scale production. And as EVs start to dominate the highways, the climate change puzzle may not seem so difficult to solve.


csmonitor--2020-08-21--Russia’s peasant history, once submerged, is brought back into the light

Now , the Krokhino Cultural Heritage Revival Center , which Ms. Tukaeva helped to found , has organized over 50 expeditions to the area in the past 10 years .
It began with efforts to shore up the collapsing church , but moved on to gathering photos and artifacts saved from the flooding , and documenting the stories of people who had lived in the lost village .
The center has since produced a video titled “ Unflooded Stories , ” with the voices of surviving inhabitants of Krokhino .
“ When I tried to find out about it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost no information at all about those flooded territories , ” says Ms. Tukaeva .
She organized an expedition to the place .
“ As we began to gather information about it , we realized this is a real historical vacuum.
” They first drew the attention of Anor Tukaeva when she saw the decaying hulk of the 18th-century Church of the Nativity , once the pride of the village of Krokhino , which now lies beneath the waters of Lake Beloye .
The artificial lakes of Russia ’ s immense Volga River @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of traditional villages and irreplaceable Russian architecture .
But most of those who cross the waterways are unaware of what lies beneath .
Every summer , the immense Volga River system is heavily trafficked by steamers , tour boats , and recreation-seekers .
But most who pass by the huge artificial lakes that dot the Volga and its tributaries are oblivious to what lies just a few feet below the waves .
The lakes cover the sunken ruins of hundreds of traditional villages , including scores of ancient churches , monasteries , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Anor Tukaeva , a young engineer and urban studies expert at Moscow ’ s Higher School of Economics , is bringing that drowned history back into the light in a way that is rare in Russia .
A dozen years ago , she was drawn by a view of the decaying , flooded hulk of the 18th-century Church of the Nativity , once the pride of the village of Krokhino , which now lies beneath the waters of Lake Beloye in northwestern Russia .
“ When I tried to find out about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there was almost no information at all about those flooded territories , ” says Ms. Tukaeva .
She organized an expedition to the place , along with other interested people .
“ As we began to gather information about it , we realized this is a real historical vacuum .
It was a trauma that affected many , many people and is not talked about at all.
” Vast Volga territories were submerged during the titanic transformation known as the “ Soviet industrialization , ” a forced modernization drive that began in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , wrenched what had been a peasant society into the 20th century .
It ’ s a story that Russian schoolchildren still learn in heroic , Promethean terms , a tale of overcoming backwardness and creating a modern , industrial superpower .
During those decades of industrialization , the once free-flowing Volga River was blocked by numerous hydroelectric dams , backing up waters over the low-lying farmlands that had been the cradle of modern Russia in order to create the voluminous water reservoirs and the electric power needed to fuel Soviet urbanization .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ estimated to have been several hundred thousand people , were evacuated and scattered to the four winds , their stories seemingly lost forever .
Krokhino , an ancient town on the banks of the Sheksna River , a Volga tributary , was flooded in 1961 .
The Krokhino Cultural Heritage Revival Center , which Ms. Tukaeva helped to found , has organized over 50 expeditions to the area in the past 10 years .
It began with efforts to shore up the collapsing church , but moved on to gathering photos and artifacts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for people who had lived in the lost village to recover their stories .
“ We found that people were reluctant to speak about it at first , ” she says .
“ They would say , ‘ We don ’ t remember anything , we know nothing , we don ’ t want to talk about it.
’ It was clear that the subject was still very painful , and they were suppressing their memories .
Eventually we met a local inhabitant , a woman whose grandmother was from Krokhino , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ got people to talk to her , to open up their family albums , and speak about the painful past .
... “ It ’ s amazing .
We began by taking an interest in an architectural object , the half-submerged church , but it led us inexorably to the human stories .
You just can ’ t do the first without moving on to the second.
” The center has since produced a video titled “ Unflooded Stories , ” with photos and film footage as well as the voices of surviving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepared a full exhibition in cooperation with several local museums , though it has had to be postponed due to the coronavirus crisis .
The exhibit , which has support from many quarters , including the Kremlin , is now slated for sometime in 2021 .
“ We are looking at just one little , tiny corner of a very big story , ” Ms. Tukaeva says .
“ We need to join forces with people from all the regions that were flooded , look deep into the archives , if we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story .
It ’ s a huge work for the future.
” Further downstream , lying beneath the waters of the Rybinsk Reservoir , is the historic Russian city of Mologa , which was submerged in 1937 .
In addition to the city , about 700 small villages , 50 churches , and several ancient monasteries were lost forever .
“ We are accustomed to saying that the Volga River is Russia ’ s mother , but in fact we systematically destroyed it between the 1930s and the 1970s , ” says Yevgeny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pedagogical Institute and expert on the flooded territories .
“ Imagine eight hydroelectric dams , seven of them really big .
Around 1.7 million hectares [ about 4.5 million acres ] of fertile land submerged .
The Volga is a lowland river , so the flooded territories were huge , about the size of Slovenia , ” he says .
“ We have not been able to compile accurate figures of the number of people displaced , but we think it was at least 600,000 .
They lost their ancestral homes , their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ graves of their forebears.
” Critics say the purpose of Soviet leader Josef Stalin was not simply to rush industrial development , but also to destroy the traditional life and values of the Russian peasantry .
“ Those new hydroelectric stations were symbols of the Soviet five-year plans and industrialization , ” says Alexander Nikulin , director of the Center for Agrarian Studies at RANEPA , a state university .
“ But apart from the economic role , they also exerted an ideological influence on society .
These huge projects were meant to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peasant way of life ... and divided families .
While the older generations looked sadly upon these changes , the young were enthusiastic .
The peasants made huge sacrifices , but the cities benefited from the changes .
Villages , once the center of Russian life , found themselves on the sidelines of general progress.
” History was written by the winners , and now needs to be revised , says Ms. Tukaeva .
“ In Soviet years it was all about the triumph of man over nature , and the great advantages @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dams .
Now we understand that cultural values and historical memory were lost during the forced migrations , and traditions destroyed .
Thousands of archaeological monuments now lie at the bottom of reservoirs .
...
So , our project is a long-term effort to fill in the other sides of the story.
” Mr. Burdin says that Ms. Tukaeva ’ s project is an inspiration he hopes many will follow in the future .
“ There are not many cases in Russia where one person ’ s initiative has produced such positive results @ @ @ @ @ @ @ person ’ s example can show the way for others .
”

Now, the Krokhino Cultural Heritage Revival Center , which Ms. Tukaeva helped to found, has organized over 50 expeditions to the area in the past 10 years. It began with efforts to shore up the collapsing church, but moved on to gathering photos and artifacts saved from the flooding, and documenting the stories of people who had lived in the lost village. The center has since produced a video titled “Unflooded Stories,” with the voices of surviving inhabitants of Krokhino.
“When I tried to find out about it, what shocked me was that there was almost no information at all about those flooded territories,” says Ms. Tukaeva. She organized an expedition to the place. “As we began to gather information about it, we realized this is a real historical vacuum.”
Russia’s peasant life was destroyed during the rise of the Soviet Union, literally covered over with water and dirt. But some, like Anor Tukaeva, are doing the hard work of bringing that history back into the light.
They first drew the attention of Anor Tukaeva when she saw the decaying hulk of the 18th-century Church of the Nativity , once the pride of the village of Krokhino, which now lies beneath the waters of Lake Beloye.
The artificial lakes of Russia’s immense Volga River system cover the sunken ruins of hundreds of traditional villages and irreplaceable Russian architecture. But most of those who cross the waterways are unaware of what lies beneath.
Every summer, the immense Volga River system is heavily trafficked by steamers, tour boats, and recreation-seekers. But most who pass by the huge artificial lakes that dot the Volga and its tributaries are oblivious to what lies just a few feet below the waves.
The lakes cover the sunken ruins of hundreds of traditional villages, including scores of ancient churches, monasteries, and other irreplaceable gems of old Russian architecture.
Anor Tukaeva, a young engineer and urban studies expert at Moscow’s Higher School of Economics, is bringing that drowned history back into the light in a way that is rare in Russia.
Why We Wrote This Russia’s peasant life was destroyed during the rise of the Soviet Union, literally covered over with water and dirt. But some, like Anor Tukaeva, are doing the hard work of bringing that history back into the light.
A dozen years ago, she was drawn by a view of the decaying, flooded hulk of the 18th-century Church of the Nativity, once the pride of the village of Krokhino, which now lies beneath the waters of Lake Beloye in northwestern Russia.
“When I tried to find out about it, what shocked me was that there was almost no information at all about those flooded territories,” says Ms. Tukaeva. She organized an expedition to the place, along with other interested people. “As we began to gather information about it, we realized this is a real historical vacuum. It was a trauma that affected many, many people and is not talked about at all.”
Finding the human stories
Vast Volga territories were submerged during the titanic transformation known as the “Soviet industrialization,” a forced modernization drive that began in the 1930s and, within a few decades, wrenched what had been a peasant society into the 20th century. It’s a story that Russian schoolchildren still learn in heroic, Promethean terms, a tale of overcoming backwardness and creating a modern, industrial superpower.
During those decades of industrialization, the once free-flowing Volga River was blocked by numerous hydroelectric dams, backing up waters over the low-lying farmlands that had been the cradle of modern Russia in order to create the voluminous water reservoirs and the electric power needed to fuel Soviet urbanization. The populations of those doomed territories, estimated to have been several hundred thousand people, were evacuated and scattered to the four winds, their stories seemingly lost forever.
Krokhino, an ancient town on the banks of the Sheksna River, a Volga tributary, was flooded in 1961. The Krokhino Cultural Heritage Revival Center, which Ms. Tukaeva helped to found, has organized over 50 expeditions to the area in the past 10 years. It began with efforts to shore up the collapsing church, but moved on to gathering photos and artifacts saved from the flooding, and searching for people who had lived in the lost village to recover their stories.
Vladimir Vyatkin/Sputnik/AP/File View caption Hide caption The ruins of the 18th-century Church of the Nativity are all that remains visible of the village of Krokhino on Lake Beloye. The rest lies beneath the lake’s surface, flooded during the Soviet Union’s rush to industrialize.
“We found that people were reluctant to speak about it at first,” she says. “They would say, ‘We don’t remember anything, we know nothing, we don’t want to talk about it.’ It was clear that the subject was still very painful, and they were suppressing their memories. Eventually we met a local inhabitant, a woman whose grandmother was from Krokhino, and she volunteered to help. She gradually got people to talk to her, to open up their family albums, and speak about the painful past. ...
“It’s amazing. We began by taking an interest in an architectural object, the half-submerged church, but it led us inexorably to the human stories. You just can’t do the first without moving on to the second.”
The center has since produced a video titled “Unflooded Stories,” with photos and film footage as well as the voices of surviving inhabitants of Krokhino. It has also prepared a full exhibition in cooperation with several local museums, though it has had to be postponed due to the coronavirus crisis. The exhibit, which has support from many quarters, including the Kremlin, is now slated for sometime in 2021.
“We are looking at just one little, tiny corner of a very big story,” Ms. Tukaeva says. “We need to join forces with people from all the regions that were flooded, look deep into the archives, if we have any hopes of putting together the full story. It’s a huge work for the future.”
The destruction of peasant life
Further downstream, lying beneath the waters of the Rybinsk Reservoir, is the historic Russian city of Mologa, which was submerged in 1937. In addition to the city, about 700 small villages, 50 churches, and several ancient monasteries were lost forever.
“We are accustomed to saying that the Volga River is Russia’s mother, but in fact we systematically destroyed it between the 1930s and the 1970s,” says Yevgeny Burdin, a historian at Ulyanovsk State Pedagogical Institute and expert on the flooded territories.
Jacob Turcotte/Staff
“Imagine eight hydroelectric dams, seven of them really big. Around 1.7 million hectares [about 4.5 million acres] of fertile land submerged. The Volga is a lowland river, so the flooded territories were huge, about the size of Slovenia,” he says. “We have not been able to compile accurate figures of the number of people displaced, but we think it was at least 600,000. They lost their ancestral homes, their farms, their wells, and the graves of their forebears.”
Critics say the purpose of Soviet leader Josef Stalin was not simply to rush industrial development, but also to destroy the traditional life and values of the Russian peasantry.
“Those new hydroelectric stations were symbols of the Soviet five-year plans and industrialization,” says Alexander Nikulin, director of the Center for Agrarian Studies at RANEPA, a state university. “But apart from the economic role, they also exerted an ideological influence on society. These huge projects were meant to change perceptions. They destroyed the traditional peasant way of life ... and divided families. While the older generations looked sadly upon these changes, the young were enthusiastic. The peasants made huge sacrifices, but the cities benefited from the changes. Villages, once the center of Russian life, found themselves on the sidelines of general progress.”
History was written by the winners, and now needs to be revised, says Ms. Tukaeva. “In Soviet years it was all about the triumph of man over nature, and the great advantages of channeling the rivers and building huge dams. Now we understand that cultural values and historical memory were lost during the forced migrations, and traditions destroyed. Thousands of archaeological monuments now lie at the bottom of reservoirs. ... So, our project is a long-term effort to fill in the other sides of the story.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Mr. Burdin says that Ms. Tukaeva’s project is an inspiration he hopes many will follow in the future. “There are not many cases in Russia where one person’s initiative has produced such positive results,” he says. “One person’s example can show the way for others.”
Olga Podolskaya contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-08-21--Is Mexico's messy corruption scandal a chance to turn the page?

Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador 's insistence on a public airing of a rapidly widening corruption scandal and a new video of a man passing cash to Mr. López Obrador 's brother are the latest developments complicating an ongoing criminal investigation that implicates several high-ranking politicians .
On Wednesday , the former head of the state-owned oil company , Emilio Lozoya , accused former President Enrique Peña Nieto and his treasury secretary of directing a scheme of kickbacks and embezzlement directly from the president ’ s office .
Since Mr. Lozoya was extradited from Spain last month , Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public to see the details of the alleged corruption that has now implicated at least three former presidents and more than a dozen other politicians .
Then on Thursday , a new video emerged of a man who is now a high-ranking official of Mr. López Obrador 's administration passing a bundle of cash to the president 's brother in 2015 .
David León , the man passing the cash , served until recently as civil defense director for Mr. López Obrador and was scheduled to take over Mexico 's coronavirus vaccine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ León said after the new video emerged that he would not accept the new post `` as long as my current situation is cleared up , so as not to affect the government of Mexico . ''
Mr. León wrote in his Twitter account that the video was from five years ago , when he was a private political consultant and did not hold any government post .
He said he was working at that time `` to collect funds from people I knew to hold rallies and other activities . ''
Apart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20,000 to Pío López , the president 's brother , Mr. León discusses delivering a total of about $ 100,000 over the course of months .
The two are heard discussing arrangements like getting microphones and stages , apparently for the small-scale rallies Mr. López Obrador held around that time .
It was unclear if any illegality was involved .
Private campaign donations are strictly regulated in Mexico , but Mr. López Obrador was not a candidate for any office at the time .
And the amounts discussed are tiny when compared to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the former head of Mexico 's state-run oil company said were handed around in the administration of Mr. López Obrador 's predecessor as president , Mr. Peña Nieto .
The former state oil company chief and official making those allegations , Mr. Lozoya , was extradited from Spain last month to face money laundering charges and immediately began cooperating with authorities .
Mr. Lozoya 's testimony was leaked this week , and Mr. López Obrador seemed unconcerned .
He has said he wants the public to see the details of the alleged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three former presidents and more than a dozen other politicians .
Mr. Lozoya 's allegations neatly target Mr. López Obrador 's two predecessors in the presidency – Mr. Peña Nieto and Felipe Calderón – as well as his two opponents in the last election – Ricardo Anaya and Jose Antonio Meade .
They also focus on corruption surrounding a 2013 energy privatization that Mr. López Obrador always fiercely opposed .
Mr. Peña Nieto has not commented publicly on the allegations , but the others have issued strong denials .
Mr. Calderón said the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ via Twitter that the document 's leak confirms that Mr. López Obrador is using Mr. Lozoya `` as an instrument of revenge and political persecution .
Justice does n't interest him , but rather lynching , making in my case ridiculous accusations . ''
Mr. Lozoya accused Mr. Peña Nieto and his closest associates of using bribes from the Brazilian construction company Odebrecht to help win the presidency and then to pass the energy sector overhaul that could greatly benefit that company and others .
To that end , some opposition lawmakers were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Other allegations carried over from the prior administration of Mr. Calderón .
Mr. López Obrador did not appear upset about the leaked testimony , saying Thursday that he wants the public to see a video given by Mr. Lozoya to prosecutors showing opposition political operatives stuffing stacks of cash into a duffel bag .
The tape was leaked this week – it 's not clear by whom .
The president also said he wanted Mexicans to read Mr. Lozoya 's full statement about the alleged corruption during previous administrations .
That , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wednesday the Attorney General 's Office promised to investigate the leaks .
Pressed on whether he would be satisfied if the corruption allegations were made public but those involved were not successfully prosecuted , Mr. López Obrador said it would be up to the attorney general .
`` It 's an advance to have information , '' he said .
`` Before , this was n't known . ''
Mr. López Obrador added : `` We are n't persecuting anyone .
What we want is to end corruption . ''
In addition to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rivals on the defensive , for the past month the scandal has distracted attention from the coronavirus pandemic , in which more than 58,000 people have died in Mexico and the economy is forecast to shrink 10 % this year .
The emerging scandal and speculation surrounding it accelerated in July , when Mr. Lozoya reached an agreement with Mexican authorities to drop his extradition fight and cooperate with the investigation .
Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero has expressed discomfort with the amount of public commentary that the president makes about the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to preside over the office since reforms made it more autonomous .
`` That actually puts a lot of importance on how Gertz asserts his autonomy from the executive branch , '' said Maureen Meyer , vice president for programs and director for Mexico and migrant rights at the Washington Office on Latin America .
In a report published this week , the Washington-based think tank and advocacy group said that probably the biggest reason to give the attorney general more autonomy from the executive branch `` was precisely to remove political influence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to collect the evidence to support Mr. Lozoya 's allegations or it will bolster critics who say the investigation is really just a way to taint political rivals , Ms. Meyer said .
The constant publicizing of details of the investigation poses a risk .
But if Mexico were able to successfully prosecute a former president it would be difficult to overestimate its impact .
`` It would be a clear sign that Mexico is working to turn the page on tolerance for corruption in the country , '' she said .
`` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ based on evidence that can be proven in court . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador's insistence on a public airing of a rapidly widening corruption scandal and a new video of a man passing cash to Mr. López Obrador's brother are the latest developments complicating an ongoing criminal investigation that implicates several high-ranking politicians.
On Wednesday, the former head of the state-owned oil company, Emilio Lozoya, accused former President Enrique Peña Nieto and his treasury secretary of directing a scheme of kickbacks and embezzlement directly from the president’s office.
Since Mr. Lozoya was extradited from Spain last month, Mr. López Obrador has been saying he wants the public to see the details of the alleged corruption that has now implicated at least three former presidents and more than a dozen other politicians.
Then on Thursday, a new video emerged of a man who is now a high-ranking official of Mr. López Obrador's administration passing a bundle of cash to the president's brother in 2015.
David León, the man passing the cash, served until recently as civil defense director for Mr. López Obrador and was scheduled to take over Mexico's coronavirus vaccine and medical procurement efforts. But Mr. León said after the new video emerged that he would not accept the new post "as long as my current situation is cleared up, so as not to affect the government of Mexico."
Mr. León wrote in his Twitter account that the video was from five years ago, when he was a private political consultant and did not hold any government post. He said he was working at that time "to collect funds from people I knew to hold rallies and other activities."
Apart from handing an envelope with about $20,000 to Pío López, the president's brother, Mr. León discusses delivering a total of about $100,000 over the course of months. The two are heard discussing arrangements like getting microphones and stages, apparently for the small-scale rallies Mr. López Obrador held around that time.
It was unclear if any illegality was involved. Private campaign donations are strictly regulated in Mexico, but Mr. López Obrador was not a candidate for any office at the time.
And the amounts discussed are tiny when compared to reports of tens of millions in bribes that the former head of Mexico's state-run oil company said were handed around in the administration of Mr. López Obrador's predecessor as president, Mr. Peña Nieto.
The former state oil company chief and official making those allegations, Mr. Lozoya, was extradited from Spain last month to face money laundering charges and immediately began cooperating with authorities.
Mr. Lozoya's testimony was leaked this week, and Mr. López Obrador seemed unconcerned. He has said he wants the public to see the details of the alleged corruption that has now implicated at least three former presidents and more than a dozen other politicians.
Mr. Lozoya's allegations neatly target Mr. López Obrador's two predecessors in the presidency – Mr. Peña Nieto and Felipe Calderón – as well as his two opponents in the last election – Ricardo Anaya and Jose Antonio Meade. They also focus on corruption surrounding a 2013 energy privatization that Mr. López Obrador always fiercely opposed.
Mr. Peña Nieto has not commented publicly on the allegations, but the others have issued strong denials.
Mr. Calderón said the allegations are politically motivated. He said via Twitter that the document's leak confirms that Mr. López Obrador is using Mr. Lozoya "as an instrument of revenge and political persecution. Justice doesn't interest him, but rather lynching, making in my case ridiculous accusations."
Mr. Lozoya accused Mr. Peña Nieto and his closest associates of using bribes from the Brazilian construction company Odebrecht to help win the presidency and then to pass the energy sector overhaul that could greatly benefit that company and others. To that end, some opposition lawmakers were bribed for their votes, he alleges. Other allegations carried over from the prior administration of Mr. Calderón.
Mr. López Obrador did not appear upset about the leaked testimony, saying Thursday that he wants the public to see a video given by Mr. Lozoya to prosecutors showing opposition political operatives stuffing stacks of cash into a duffel bag. The tape was leaked this week – it's not clear by whom.
The president also said he wanted Mexicans to read Mr. Lozoya's full statement about the alleged corruption during previous administrations. That, too, also was leaked.
On Wednesday the Attorney General's Office promised to investigate the leaks.
Pressed on whether he would be satisfied if the corruption allegations were made public but those involved were not successfully prosecuted, Mr. López Obrador said it would be up to the attorney general.
"It's an advance to have information," he said. "Before, this wasn't known."
Mr. López Obrador added: "We aren't persecuting anyone. What we want is to end corruption."
In addition to putting many of Mr. López Obrador's rivals on the defensive, for the past month the scandal has distracted attention from the coronavirus pandemic, in which more than 58,000 people have died in Mexico and the economy is forecast to shrink 10% this year.
The emerging scandal and speculation surrounding it accelerated in July, when Mr. Lozoya reached an agreement with Mexican authorities to drop his extradition fight and cooperate with the investigation.
Attorney General Alejandro Gertz Manero has expressed discomfort with the amount of public commentary that the president makes about the case. He is the first attorney general to preside over the office since reforms made it more autonomous.
"That actually puts a lot of importance on how Gertz asserts his autonomy from the executive branch," said Maureen Meyer, vice president for programs and director for Mexico and migrant rights at the Washington Office on Latin America.
In a report published this week, the Washington-based think tank and advocacy group said that probably the biggest reason to give the attorney general more autonomy from the executive branch "was precisely to remove political influence over criminal investigations."
Prosecutors need to collect the evidence to support Mr. Lozoya's allegations or it will bolster critics who say the investigation is really just a way to taint political rivals, Ms. Meyer said. The constant publicizing of details of the investigation poses a risk. But if Mexico were able to successfully prosecute a former president it would be difficult to overestimate its impact.
"It would be a clear sign that Mexico is working to turn the page on tolerance for corruption in the country," she said. "But again, it has to be based on evidence that can be proven in court."
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-08-21--This social media app is driving the Belarus protests

Every day , like clockwork , to-do lists for those protesting against Belarus ' authoritarian leader appear in the popular Telegram messaging app .
They lay out goals , give times and locations of rallies with business-like precision , and offer spirited encouragement .
“ Today will be one more important day in the fight for our freedom .
Tectonic shifts are happening on all fronts , so it ’ s important not to slow down , ” a message in one of Telegram 's so-called channels read Tuesday .
“ Morning .
Expanding the strike … 11:00 .
Supporting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Gathering at the Independence Square.
” The app has become an indispensable tool in coordinating the unprecedented mass protests that have rocked Belarus since Aug. 9 , when election officials announced President Alexander Lukashenko had won a landslide victory to extend his 26-year rule in a vote widely seen as rigged .
Peaceful protesters who poured into the streets of the capital , Minsk , and other cities were met with stun grenades , rubber bullets , and beatings from police .
The opposition candidate left for Lithuania – under duress , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off the internet , leaving Belarusians with almost no access to independent online news outlets or social media and protesters seemingly without a leader .
That ’ s where Telegram – which often remains available despite internet outages , touts the security of messages shared in the app and has been used in other protest movements – came in .
Some of its channels helped scattered rallies to mature into well-coordinated action .
The people who run the channels , which used to offer political news , now post updates , videos , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in from users , locations of heavy police presence , contacts of human rights activists , and outright calls for new demonstrations – something Belarusian opposition leaders have refrained from doing publicly themselves .
Tens of thousands of people all across the country have responded to those calls .
In a matter of days , the channels – NEXTA , NEXTA Live , and Belarus of the Brain are the most popular – have become the main method for facilitating the protests , said Franak Viacorka , a Belarusian analyst and non-resident fellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fate of the country has never depended so much on one [ piece ] of technology , ” Mr. Viacorka said .
In the days following the vote and the subsequent internet outage , NEXTA Live ’ s audience shot from several hundred thousand followers to over 2 million .
Its sister channel NEXTA has more than 700,000 followers .
Belarus of the Brain 's following grew from almost 170,000 users in late June to over 470,000 this week .
Their influence in a nation of 9.5 million is hard to underestimate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursuing those behind the channels .
Last week , officials opened a criminal probe into NEXTA and its founder , blogger Stepan Putilo , on charges of fomenting mass riots – an offense punishable by up to 15 years in prison .
Blogger Igor Losik , who founded Belarus of the Brain , was arrested before the election , but the channel continues to operate .
“ We have indeed become the bullhorn of the situation that is unfolding in Belarus right now , ” Mr. Putilo , who is Belarusian but lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a recent interview with Lithuanian news outlet Delfi .
“ We have become the voice of this revolution , but by no will of our own .
It just happened.
” Mr. Putilo first created NEXTA — which is pronounced NEKH-ta and means “ somebody ” in Belarusian – as a YouTube channel in 2015 , when he was just a teenager .
His profile rose last year when his 30-minute video about the country 's iron-fisted leader , “ Lukashenko .
Criminal Records , ” was viewed almost 3 million times .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ extremist , but it is still available on YouTube .
Mr. Putilo turned to Telegram in 2018 .
His two channels focused mostly on Belarusian politics .
His team received thousands of messages from users sending in photos , videos , and news items each day and posted the most newsworthy , taking pride in often sharing information from sources inside the government or law enforcement .
After the demonstrations began , thousands of messages turned into hundreds of thousands , and the underground operation now appears inundated .
In response to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview , NEXTA editor-in-chief Roman Protsevich wrote : “ Sure , it ’ s possible , but the question is when .
… ” – and then stopped responding .
When the protests began , the NEXTA channels were often the first places anywhere on the internet to carry grisly pictures of police violently clashing with demonstrators .
This week , they were filled with videos of workers protesting at industrial plants .
Journalists in Belarus have praised the channels for breaking news – but note that traditional media also played an important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pierce the information blackout , but I have to say that it wasn ’ t just them , ” said Andrei Bastunets , head of the Belarusian Association of Journalists .
“ Telegram channels [ run by bloggers ] played a mobilizing , an organizing role , while more balanced information could be found on Telegram channels of media outlets.
” Social media platforms have played major roles in previous uprisings , including in the Arab Spring , anti-government protests in Hong Kong , and demonstrations against racial injustice in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Russia was accused of using Facebook and other platforms in an effort to influence or interfere in the U.S. election , many have seen social media in a more dystopian light , said Hans Kundnani , senior research fellow at London-based think tank Chatham House .
“ What ’ s happening in Belarus right now is kind of a reminder that actually social media can be used in a positive way from a democratic perspective , ” Mr. Kundnani said .
Protesters in the streets echoed his sentiment .
“ Telegram channels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to our government are the main source of information today as we can not at all rely on state media , ” said Roman Semenov , who follows the NEXTA channels and joined a rally in central Minsk on Wednesday evening .
“ It ’ s a Telegram revolution.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Mstyslav Chernov in Minsk , Belarus , contributed to this story .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Every day, like clockwork, to-do lists for those protesting against Belarus' authoritarian leader appear in the popular Telegram messaging app. They lay out goals, give times and locations of rallies with business-like precision, and offer spirited encouragement.
“Today will be one more important day in the fight for our freedom. Tectonic shifts are happening on all fronts, so it’s important not to slow down,” a message in one of Telegram's so-called channels read Tuesday. “Morning. Expanding the strike … 11:00. Supporting the Kupala [theater] ... 19:00. Gathering at the Independence Square.”
The app has become an indispensable tool in coordinating the unprecedented mass protests that have rocked Belarus since Aug. 9, when election officials announced President Alexander Lukashenko had won a landslide victory to extend his 26-year rule in a vote widely seen as rigged.
Peaceful protesters who poured into the streets of the capital, Minsk, and other cities were met with stun grenades, rubber bullets, and beatings from police. The opposition candidate left for Lithuania – under duress, her campaign said – and authorities shut off the internet, leaving Belarusians with almost no access to independent online news outlets or social media and protesters seemingly without a leader.
That’s where Telegram – which often remains available despite internet outages, touts the security of messages shared in the app and has been used in other protest movements – came in. Some of its channels helped scattered rallies to mature into well-coordinated action.
The people who run the channels, which used to offer political news, now post updates, videos, and photos of the unfolding turmoil sent in from users, locations of heavy police presence, contacts of human rights activists, and outright calls for new demonstrations – something Belarusian opposition leaders have refrained from doing publicly themselves. Tens of thousands of people all across the country have responded to those calls.
In a matter of days, the channels – NEXTA, NEXTA Live, and Belarus of the Brain are the most popular – have become the main method for facilitating the protests, said Franak Viacorka, a Belarusian analyst and non-resident fellow at the Atlantic Council.
“The fate of the country has never depended so much on one [piece] of technology,” Mr. Viacorka said.
In the days following the vote and the subsequent internet outage, NEXTA Live’s audience shot from several hundred thousand followers to over 2 million. Its sister channel NEXTA has more than 700,000 followers. Belarus of the Brain's following grew from almost 170,000 users in late June to over 470,000 this week.
Their influence in a nation of 9.5 million is hard to underestimate, and authorities have taken notice and are pursuing those behind the channels.
Last week, officials opened a criminal probe into NEXTA and its founder, blogger Stepan Putilo, on charges of fomenting mass riots – an offense punishable by up to 15 years in prison. Blogger Igor Losik, who founded Belarus of the Brain, was arrested before the election, but the channel continues to operate.
“We have indeed become the bullhorn of the situation that is unfolding in Belarus right now,” Mr. Putilo, who is Belarusian but lives in Warsaw, Poland, said in a recent interview with Lithuanian news outlet Delfi. “We have become the voice of this revolution, but by no will of our own. It just happened.”
Mr. Putilo first created NEXTA — which is pronounced NEKH-ta and means “somebody” in Belarusian – as a YouTube channel in 2015, when he was just a teenager. His profile rose last year when his 30-minute video about the country's iron-fisted leader, “Lukashenko. Criminal Records,” was viewed almost 3 million times. A court in Belarus declared the film extremist, but it is still available on YouTube.
Mr. Putilo turned to Telegram in 2018. His two channels focused mostly on Belarusian politics. His team received thousands of messages from users sending in photos, videos, and news items each day and posted the most newsworthy, taking pride in often sharing information from sources inside the government or law enforcement.
After the demonstrations began, thousands of messages turned into hundreds of thousands, and the underground operation now appears inundated. In response to a request from The Associated Press for an interview, NEXTA editor-in-chief Roman Protsevich wrote: “Sure, it’s possible, but the question is when. …” – and then stopped responding.
Mr. Putilo hasn't responded to requests for comment.
When the protests began, the NEXTA channels were often the first places anywhere on the internet to carry grisly pictures of police violently clashing with demonstrators. This week, they were filled with videos of workers protesting at industrial plants.
Journalists in Belarus have praised the channels for breaking news – but note that traditional media also played an important role.
“Telegram channels did help to pierce the information blackout, but I have to say that it wasn’t just them,” said Andrei Bastunets, head of the Belarusian Association of Journalists. “Telegram channels [run by bloggers] played a mobilizing, an organizing role, while more balanced information could be found on Telegram channels of media outlets.”
Social media platforms have played major roles in previous uprisings, including in the Arab Spring, anti-government protests in Hong Kong, and demonstrations against racial injustice in the United States.
But, since 2016, when Russia was accused of using Facebook and other platforms in an effort to influence or interfere in the U.S. election, many have seen social media in a more dystopian light, said Hans Kundnani, senior research fellow at London-based think tank Chatham House.
“What’s happening in Belarus right now is kind of a reminder that actually social media can be used in a positive way from a democratic perspective,” Mr. Kundnani said.
Protesters in the streets echoed his sentiment.
“Telegram channels and websites that don’t belong to our government are the main source of information today as we cannot at all rely on state media,” said Roman Semenov, who follows the NEXTA channels and joined a rally in central Minsk on Wednesday evening. “It’s a Telegram revolution.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Mstyslav Chernov in Minsk, Belarus, contributed to this story.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.