csmonitor--2020-10-20--Chile’s choice to reinvent itself

Chile’s choice to reinvent itself

Over the past 120 years , 163 governments in Latin America have been overthrown .
More often than not , one coup d ’ état led to another .
In 1955 , Argentina had three .
Between 1920 and 1982 , Bolivia had one on average every three years .
The recovery from such anti-democratic actions can take decades .
Now Chile is poised to embark on what may establish a model for countries grappling with the long-term effects of such political earthquakes .
On Sunday voters will decide in a referendum whether to draft a new constitution .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests over various inequities from tuition fees to health care .
It is expected to pass with overwhelming support .
That will start a two-year national process leading to a new political framework and social compact .
It is potentially a remarkable experiment in peaceful evolution for a country whose people tend to avoid talking openly about a recent violent past .
In 1973 military and police forces overthrew the socialist government that had been elected barely three years earlier .
What followed was “ a wrenching tragedy , ” in the words @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after Chile ’ s return to democracy in 1990 .
In the first three months following the coup by Gen. Augusto Pinochet , more than 250,000 Chileans were arrested or detained .
During the next 16 years , the total number of people killed , tortured , or imprisoned rose to 40,018 .
Designing a new constitution would once again put General Pinochet ’ s legacy under scrutiny – not just his human rights abuses , but even more his economic policies .
Chile ’ s transition back to democracy was managed under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and designed to entrench market-oriented priorities that helped Chile achieve success on a continent not known for economic and political stability .
Since 1980 Chile has gone from being the poorest country in Latin America to having the highest total economic output .
It is a haven for foreign investment and notably free of corruption .
Chile has been one of the region ’ s most effective countries in addressing economic inequality .
But perhaps because of such rising expectations , Chile has seen waves of mass protests that reflect a society convinced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past year finally forced the government to call the referendum .
Public perceptions of inequality are not unfounded .
Cities across the country , and particularly in the south , have seen a rapid expansion of tightly packed low-income neighborhoods .
One Pinochet-era oddity in particular captures why ordinary Chileans feel aggrieved : All water resources are open to private ownership .
As a result large national and international companies own exclusive rights to volumes of water flowing through the country ’ s many rivers , posing environmental threats and resulting in water @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the population is concentrated .
The Sunday referendum , delayed six months by the pandemic , has raised expectations that a new balance can be found between individual and collective prosperity .
“ There is a lot of hope surrounding the referendum , ” writes Chilean activist María Jaraquemada .
“ Chile ’ s current constitution lacks legitimacy .
The process to create a new constitution could enable a renewal of Chilean democracy and establish a new pact with the government in which citizens finally participate actively.
” If Chile can reinvent itself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help put an end to violent overthrows in a region still struggling to operate through consensus and equality .

Over the past 120 years, 163 governments in Latin America have been overthrown. More often than not, one coup d’état led to another. In 1955, Argentina had three. Between 1920 and 1982, Bolivia had one on average every three years. The recovery from such anti-democratic actions can take decades.
Now Chile is poised to embark on what may establish a model for countries grappling with the long-term effects of such political earthquakes. On Sunday voters will decide in a referendum whether to draft a new constitution. The question follows nearly a decade of mass protests over various inequities from tuition fees to health care. It is expected to pass with overwhelming support. That will start a two-year national process leading to a new political framework and social compact.
It is potentially a remarkable experiment in peaceful evolution for a country whose people tend to avoid talking openly about a recent violent past. In 1973 military and police forces overthrew the socialist government that had been elected barely three years earlier. What followed was “a wrenching tragedy,” in the words of a truth and reconciliation commission established after Chile’s return to democracy in 1990. In the first three months following the coup by Gen. Augusto Pinochet, more than 250,000 Chileans were arrested or detained. During the next 16 years, the total number of people killed, tortured, or imprisoned rose to 40,018.
Designing a new constitution would once again put General Pinochet’s legacy under scrutiny – not just his human rights abuses, but even more his economic policies. Chile’s transition back to democracy was managed under a constitution drafted by the military regime and designed to entrench market-oriented priorities that helped Chile achieve success on a continent not known for economic and political stability. Since 1980 Chile has gone from being the poorest country in Latin America to having the highest total economic output. It is a haven for foreign investment and notably free of corruption.
Chile has been one of the region’s most effective countries in addressing economic inequality. But perhaps because of such rising expectations, Chile has seen waves of mass protests that reflect a society convinced of the opposite. Demonstrations over the past year finally forced the government to call the referendum.
Public perceptions of inequality are not unfounded. Cities across the country, and particularly in the south, have seen a rapid expansion of tightly packed low-income neighborhoods. One Pinochet-era oddity in particular captures why ordinary Chileans feel aggrieved: All water resources are open to private ownership. As a result large national and international companies own exclusive rights to volumes of water flowing through the country’s many rivers, posing environmental threats and resulting in water emergencies in areas where 67% of the population is concentrated.
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The Sunday referendum, delayed six months by the pandemic, has raised expectations that a new balance can be found between individual and collective prosperity. “There is a lot of hope surrounding the referendum,” writes Chilean activist María Jaraquemada. “Chile’s current constitution lacks legitimacy. The process to create a new constitution could enable a renewal of Chilean democracy and establish a new pact with the government in which citizens finally participate actively.”
If Chile can reinvent itself with a new constitution, it might help put an end to violent overthrows in a region still struggling to operate through consensus and equality.


csmonitor--2020-10-20--People are bad at predicting their emotions. Is that why we’re so polarized?

“ You think that if your team or your candidate loses , you ’ re going to be very miserable for a long time , ” says New York University marketing professor Tom Meyvis .
“ But it doesn ’ t last that long.
” Likewise , if you win an award or get a great grade on a test , your happiness will probably evaporate sooner than you think .
This misperception may be one factor driving political polarization .
Many people tend to think that digesting opposing political views will upset them more than it actually does .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the ability to foretell our own happiness , sadness , and other emotions .
We ’ re actually pretty good at predicting how intense our feelings will be after a watershed event like an election victory or a job loss .
But when we try to predict how those feelings will persist over time , and how they ’ ll affect our overall mood , we ’ re often way off the mark .
You would think that , if there ’ s anything we humans can easily understand , it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a mountain of studies reveal , we ’ re not quite as adept at reading ourselves as we might think .
In particular , we ’ re not very good at predicting how a future event will make us feel .
A professor hunches at her desk until the wee hours , churning out the academic papers she needs for tenure .
A sports fan trembles with anxiety as her football team takes the field .
A campaign official loses sleep over the prospect of his candidate coming up empty .
These @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assumption : Achieving the desired outcome ( tenure , a team championship , an election victory ) will ensure lasting happiness , and falling short will breed deep despair .
All of us engage in this kind of “ affective forecasting ” – predicting how we ’ re going to feel in the future .
But as researchers are discovering , we ’ re not nearly as good at it as we think .
Studies show that , time after time , our predictions about what will make us happy and what will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic takes a toll on collective emotional well-being – a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention survey conducted in June found that more than 40 % of Americans reported adverse mental health – it might be time to reassess our assumptions about happiness .
Understanding the nature of forecasting mistakes , and why they occur , can give a clearer sense of when to believe emotional predictions and when to take them with a big grain of salt .
“ You think that if your team or your candidate loses , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a long time , ” says New York University marketing professor Tom Meyvis .
“ But it doesn ’ t last that long.
” Likewise , if you win an award or get a great grade on a test , your happiness will probably evaporate sooner than you think .
Not only do we tend to oversell how much a future event will affect our happiness , we exaggerate how long the impact will last .
In a 2019 study , Texas A & M University psychologist Heather Lench and her colleagues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ d feel in two different scenarios : if their candidate won or lost an election , or if they got an unexpectedly high or low grade on an exam .
Respondents accurately predicted their emotions ’ intensity in these situations , but they weren ’ t nearly as good at predicting how those emotions would evolve over time .
Most of the time , initial feelings dissipated and didn ’ t affect people ’ s overall moods as much as they thought .
Humans ’ frequent emotional forecasting mistakes can affect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Last year , public policy experts at Harvard ’ s Kennedy School found that these errors help explain why society is so politically polarized .
We think digesting opposing views will upset us more than it actually does , so we avoid those views , consuming mostly content we already agree with – a habit that ’ s hard to dislodge once it gets entrenched .
But when we correct our false affective forecasts , we ’ re less apt to seek out biased political information .
Overall , we learn swiftly from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s touched a hot stove needs to be reminded not to do it again .
But when it comes to emotional forecasting , we aren ’ t as quick to catch on .
You might think that staying in bed until noon on Saturday will make you happy .
But even if it makes you feel like garbage ( stinking garbage , to boot ) , you might still be tempted to linger under the covers next weekend .
It isn ’ t that we consciously resist learning from our poor forecasts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s that we often don ’ t have a clear sense of what those forecasts were in the first place .
In a series of studies , he and his team showed that people tend to misremember their happiness predictions , revising them to match what reality turned out to be .
If a financial windfall doesn ’ t make you as happy as you initially thought , for example , you might assume that you foresaw this disappointment all along .
“ It ’ s tempting to think of memory as opening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but that ’ s not what happens , ” Professor Meyvis says .
“ You ’ re going to try to reconstruct your feelings based on what your current feelings are.
” This under-the-hood reconstruction prevents you from realizing that your initial predictions were way off the mark – and when you ’ re not fully aware of making a forecasting mistake , you ’ re not motivated to correct it .
Like scientists peering through a microscope , most people also engage in what ’ s called “ focalism ” when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feel .
That is , we focus so intently on that event that we gloss over the impact of all the other events that will happen around the same time .
When you think about how sad you ’ ll be if you get fired , or if your candidate loses an election , you probably are not thinking about how you ’ ll feel if you make a new friend , summit a mountain , or have your first grandchild in the near future .
In reality , though , a never-ending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some bad , some neutral – reduces the impact of any single event on your well-being .
“ When you actually get there , there are a lot of other things happening , too , ” says Professor Lench .
“ One outcome doesn ’ t affect all of life .
You have other goals and priorities that are also important.
” Even so , some researchers argue that it might not be wise to try to correct all our emotional forecasting errors .
From an evolutionary perspective , they say , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kinds of mistakes over and over .
When we exaggerate the emotional toll of a future negative event , we pull out all the stops to make sure that event doesn ’ t happen .
And believing that reaching a goal will bring fulfillment – whether that goal is securing tenure , saving enough to buy a home , or catching a boatload of fish – helps ensure that we survive and thrive .
“ When you ’ re thinking about how intensely happy you ’ ll be when you receive tenure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lench says .
People who err on the sunny side in forecasting their feelings might also be better at dealing with obstacles in everyday life .
Desirée Colombo , a doctoral candidate at Spain ’ s Universitat Jaume I , asked people to predict what they thought their mood would be over the next two weeks .
Then her team checked in with them three times a day during that time period .
People who predicted brighter moods than they actually experienced “ were more resilient and had better mental health , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you know if you should go with the flow of your emotional forecasts or push back on them ?
One wise approach , experts say , is to gain some perspective on your forecasts by looking to your feelings about them .
If anticipating great joy after finishing a presentation inspires you to power through it , your overoptimism might be a positive influence .
On the other hand , if you ’ re constantly making yourself miserable by predicting future doom – or sacrificing your present well-being to ensure future happiness – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and assess your forecasts against the broader backdrop of the rest of your life .
Almost no triumph will bring as much enduring happiness as we think , and almost no setback is as emotionally devastating as we fear .
“ To the extent that we realize , ‘ This has happened to me before and I survived , ’ ” Professor Meyvis says , “ that ’ s a good thing .
”

“You think that if your team or your candidate loses, you’re going to be very miserable for a long time,” says New York University marketing professor Tom Meyvis. “But it doesn’t last that long.” Likewise, if you win an award or get a great grade on a test, your happiness will probably evaporate sooner than you think.
This misperception may be one factor driving political polarization. Many people tend to think that digesting opposing political views will upset them more than it actually does.
When people misalign their priorities, it’s often because they misjudge what will make them happy. Recent research in psychology explains these mistakes and may point to a path toward solutions.
Psychologists call it “affective forecasting,” the ability to foretell our own happiness, sadness, and other emotions. We’re actually pretty good at predicting how intense our feelings will be after a watershed event like an election victory or a job loss. But when we try to predict how those feelings will persist over time, and how they’ll affect our overall mood, we’re often way off the mark.
You would think that, if there’s anything we humans can easily understand, it’s our own minds. But, as a mountain of studies reveal, we’re not quite as adept at reading ourselves as we might think. In particular, we’re not very good at predicting how a future event will make us feel.
A professor hunches at her desk until the wee hours, churning out the academic papers she needs for tenure. A sports fan trembles with anxiety as her football team takes the field. A campaign official loses sleep over the prospect of his candidate coming up empty.
These high-stakes scenarios rest on the same common assumption: Achieving the desired outcome (tenure, a team championship, an election victory) will ensure lasting happiness, and falling short will breed deep despair. All of us engage in this kind of “affective forecasting” – predicting how we’re going to feel in the future.
But as researchers are discovering, we’re not nearly as good at it as we think. Studies show that, time after time, our predictions about what will make us happy and what will upset us miss the mark. As the pandemic takes a toll on collective emotional well-being – a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention survey conducted in June found that more than 40% of Americans reported adverse mental health – it might be time to reassess our assumptions about happiness. Understanding the nature of forecasting mistakes, and why they occur, can give a clearer sense of when to believe emotional predictions and when to take them with a big grain of salt.
Why We Wrote This When people misalign their priorities, it’s often because they misjudge what will make them happy. Recent research in psychology explains these mistakes and may point to a path toward solutions.
“You think that if your team or your candidate loses, you’re going to be very miserable for a long time,” says New York University marketing professor Tom Meyvis. “But it doesn’t last that long.” Likewise, if you win an award or get a great grade on a test, your happiness will probably evaporate sooner than you think.
Not only do we tend to oversell how much a future event will affect our happiness, we exaggerate how long the impact will last. In a 2019 study, Texas A&M University psychologist Heather Lench and her colleagues asked groups of people how they thought they’d feel in two different scenarios: if their candidate won or lost an election, or if they got an unexpectedly high or low grade on an exam.
Respondents accurately predicted their emotions’ intensity in these situations, but they weren’t nearly as good at predicting how those emotions would evolve over time. Most of the time, initial feelings dissipated and didn’t affect people’s overall moods as much as they thought.
Humans’ frequent emotional forecasting mistakes can affect beliefs and perceptions in surprising ways. Last year, public policy experts at Harvard’s Kennedy School found that these errors help explain why society is so politically polarized. We think digesting opposing views will upset us more than it actually does, so we avoid those views, consuming mostly content we already agree with – a habit that’s hard to dislodge once it gets entrenched. But when we correct our false affective forecasts, we’re less apt to seek out biased political information.
Down memory lane
Overall, we learn swiftly from our mistakes: Almost no one who’s touched a hot stove needs to be reminded not to do it again. But when it comes to emotional forecasting, we aren’t as quick to catch on. You might think that staying in bed until noon on Saturday will make you happy. But even if it makes you feel like garbage (stinking garbage, to boot), you might still be tempted to linger under the covers next weekend.
It isn’t that we consciously resist learning from our poor forecasts, says Professor Meyvis. It’s that we often don’t have a clear sense of what those forecasts were in the first place. In a series of studies, he and his team showed that people tend to misremember their happiness predictions, revising them to match what reality turned out to be.
If a financial windfall doesn’t make you as happy as you initially thought, for example, you might assume that you foresaw this disappointment all along. “It’s tempting to think of memory as opening a little drawer and retrieving the memory, but that’s not what happens,” Professor Meyvis says. “You’re going to try to reconstruct your feelings based on what your current feelings are.” This under-the-hood reconstruction prevents you from realizing that your initial predictions were way off the mark – and when you’re not fully aware of making a forecasting mistake, you’re not motivated to correct it.
Like scientists peering through a microscope, most people also engage in what’s called “focalism” when predicting how an event will make us feel. That is, we focus so intently on that event that we gloss over the impact of all the other events that will happen around the same time. When you think about how sad you’ll be if you get fired, or if your candidate loses an election, you probably are not thinking about how you’ll feel if you make a new friend, summit a mountain, or have your first grandchild in the near future.
In reality, though, a never-ending parade of life events – some good, some bad, some neutral – reduces the impact of any single event on your well-being. “When you actually get there, there are a lot of other things happening, too,” says Professor Lench. “One outcome doesn’t affect all of life. You have other goals and priorities that are also important.”
The bright side of bias
Even so, some researchers argue that it might not be wise to try to correct all our emotional forecasting errors. From an evolutionary perspective, they say, there are good reasons we make these kinds of mistakes over and over.
When we exaggerate the emotional toll of a future negative event, we pull out all the stops to make sure that event doesn’t happen. And believing that reaching a goal will bring fulfillment – whether that goal is securing tenure, saving enough to buy a home, or catching a boatload of fish – helps ensure that we survive and thrive. “When you’re thinking about how intensely happy you’ll be when you receive tenure, it keeps you going,” Professor Lench says.
People who err on the sunny side in forecasting their feelings might also be better at dealing with obstacles in everyday life. Desirée Colombo, a doctoral candidate at Spain’s Universitat Jaume I, asked people to predict what they thought their mood would be over the next two weeks. Then her team checked in with them three times a day during that time period. People who predicted brighter moods than they actually experienced “were more resilient and had better mental health,” Ms. Colombo says.
So how do you know if you should go with the flow of your emotional forecasts or push back on them? One wise approach, experts say, is to gain some perspective on your forecasts by looking to your feelings about them. If anticipating great joy after finishing a presentation inspires you to power through it, your overoptimism might be a positive influence.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
On the other hand, if you’re constantly making yourself miserable by predicting future doom – or sacrificing your present well-being to ensure future happiness – it’s time to step back and assess your forecasts against the broader backdrop of the rest of your life. Almost no triumph will bring as much enduring happiness as we think, and almost no setback is as emotionally devastating as we fear.
“To the extent that we realize, ‘This has happened to me before and I survived,’” Professor Meyvis says, “that’s a good thing.”


csmonitor--2020-10-20--Late Pennsylvania ballots will count, says divided Supreme Court

The Supreme Court will allow Pennsylvania to count mailed-in ballots received up to three days after the Nov. 3 election , rejecting a Republican plea in the presidential battleground state .
The justices divided 4-4 on Monday , an outcome that upholds a state Supreme Court ruling that required county election officials to receive and count mailed-in ballots that arrive up until Nov. 6 , even if they don ’ t have a clear postmark , as long as there is not proof it was mailed after the polls closed .
Republicans , including President Donald Trump ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arguing that it violates federal law that sets Election Day as the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November and that such a decision constitutionally belongs to lawmakers , not the courts .
The state Republican Party chairman , Lawrence Tabas , said the party disagrees with the decision and , noting the 4-4 decision , “ it only underscores the importance of having a full Supreme Court as soon as possible.
” “ To be clear , the Supreme Court decided not to grant a stay – which does not mean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would withstand a legal challenge to their judicial overreach should the court hear the case , ” Mr. Tabas said .
Nancy Patton Mills , chairwoman of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party , accused Republicans of trying to sow confusion and disenfranchise eligible voters .
“ This is a significant victory for Pennsylvania voters , ” Ms. Mills said in a statement .
The Democratic majority on the state ’ s high court had cited warnings that postal service delays could invalidate huge numbers of ballots and surging demand for mail-in ballots during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used previously by the state ’ s courts , to extend election deadlines during a disaster emergency .
Chief Justice John Roberts joined with the three liberal justices to reject Pennsylvania Republicans ’ call for the court to block the state court ruling .
Justices Samuel Alito , Neil Gorsuch , Brett Kavanaugh , and Clarence Thomas would have required the state to stop accepting absentee ballots when the polls close on Nov. 3 .
There were no opinions accompanying the order , so it is impossible to say what motivated either group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been reluctant to allow court-ordered changes to voting rules close to an election .
The court also is weighing a similar issue from Wisconsin .
But in that case , the ruling being challenged comes from a federal appeals court and it ’ s the Democrats who are asking the justices to step in .
Most states make Election Day the deadline , but 18 states – half of which backed Trump in the 2016 election – have a post-Election Day deadline .
“ With nearly a million votes already cast in Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decision not to meddle in our already-working system , ” Pennsylvania ’ s attorney general , Democrat Josh Shapiro , said in a statement .
On a separate track , Republicans in the statehouse have pressed Gov .
Tom Wolf , a Democrat , to agree to 11th-hour legislation to eliminate or limit the three days under the court ’ s order .
The case is one of many partisan battles being fought in the state Legislature and the courts , primarily over mail-in voting in Pennsylvania , amid concerns that a presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ days on a drawn-out vote count in the battleground state .
In Pennsylvania , the state Democratic Party and a liberal group , the Pennsylvania Alliance for Retired Americans , had sought an extension of the Election Day deadline to count mailed ballots .
With about 2.8 million mail-in ballots requested and approximately 900,000 returned , Democratic-registered voters are requesting mail ballots at a nearly 3-to-1 ratio over Republicans .
In its Sept. 17 ruling , the divided state Supreme Court said ballots must be postmarked by the time polls close and be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ p.m. on Nov. 6 , three days after the Nov. 3 election .
It also said that ballots lacking a clear postmark could be counted unless there was evidence that they were mailed after the polls closed .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

The Supreme Court will allow Pennsylvania to count mailed-in ballots received up to three days after the Nov. 3 election, rejecting a Republican plea in the presidential battleground state.
The justices divided 4-4 on Monday, an outcome that upholds a state Supreme Court ruling that required county election officials to receive and count mailed-in ballots that arrive up until Nov. 6, even if they don’t have a clear postmark, as long as there is not proof it was mailed after the polls closed.
Republicans, including President Donald Trump’s campaign, have opposed such an extension, arguing that it violates federal law that sets Election Day as the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November and that such a decision constitutionally belongs to lawmakers, not the courts.
The state Republican Party chairman, Lawrence Tabas, said the party disagrees with the decision and, noting the 4-4 decision, “it only underscores the importance of having a full Supreme Court as soon as possible.”
“To be clear, the Supreme Court decided not to grant a stay – which does not mean the actions of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court would withstand a legal challenge to their judicial overreach should the court hear the case,” Mr. Tabas said.
Nancy Patton Mills, chairwoman of the Pennsylvania Democratic Party, accused Republicans of trying to sow confusion and disenfranchise eligible voters.
“This is a significant victory for Pennsylvania voters,” Ms. Mills said in a statement.
The Democratic majority on the state’s high court had cited warnings that postal service delays could invalidate huge numbers of ballots and surging demand for mail-in ballots during the coronavirus pandemic to invoke the power, used previously by the state’s courts, to extend election deadlines during a disaster emergency.
Chief Justice John Roberts joined with the three liberal justices to reject Pennsylvania Republicans’ call for the court to block the state court ruling.
Justices Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Clarence Thomas would have required the state to stop accepting absentee ballots when the polls close on Nov. 3.
There were no opinions accompanying the order, so it is impossible to say what motivated either group of justices. The conservative justices have been reluctant to allow court-ordered changes to voting rules close to an election.
The court also is weighing a similar issue from Wisconsin. But in that case, the ruling being challenged comes from a federal appeals court and it’s the Democrats who are asking the justices to step in.
Most states make Election Day the deadline, but 18 states – half of which backed Trump in the 2016 election – have a post-Election Day deadline.
“With nearly a million votes already cast in Pennsylvania, we support the court’s decision not to meddle in our already-working system,” Pennsylvania’s attorney general, Democrat Josh Shapiro, said in a statement.
On a separate track, Republicans in the statehouse have pressed Gov. Tom Wolf, a Democrat, to agree to 11th-hour legislation to eliminate or limit the three days under the court’s order.
The case is one of many partisan battles being fought in the state Legislature and the courts, primarily over mail-in voting in Pennsylvania, amid concerns that a presidential election result will hang in limbo for days on a drawn-out vote count in the battleground state.
In Pennsylvania, the state Democratic Party and a liberal group, the Pennsylvania Alliance for Retired Americans, had sought an extension of the Election Day deadline to count mailed ballots.
With about 2.8 million mail-in ballots requested and approximately 900,000 returned, Democratic-registered voters are requesting mail ballots at a nearly 3-to-1 ratio over Republicans.
In its Sept. 17 ruling, the divided state Supreme Court said ballots must be postmarked by the time polls close and be received by county election boards at 5 p.m. on Nov. 6, three days after the Nov. 3 election.
It also said that ballots lacking a clear postmark could be counted unless there was evidence that they were mailed after the polls closed.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-20--Path opens for Sudan to be cleared from US terrorism list

President Donald Trump on Monday said Sudan will be removed from the United States ’ list of state sponsors of terrorism if it follows through on its pledge to pay $ 335 million to American terror victims and their families , but some hurt in the attacks weren ’ t happy with the deal .
The move would open the door for the African country to get international loans and aid needed to revive its battered economy and rescue the country ’ s transition to democracy .
The announcement , just two weeks ahead of the U.S. presidential election , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get other Arab countries , including Sudan , to join the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain ’ s recent recognition of Israel .
Delisting Sudan from the state sponsors blacklist is a key incentive for the Sudanese government to normalize relations with Israel .
Mr. Trump ’ s announcement came after Treasury Secretary Stephen Mnuchin traveled to Bahrain to cement the Gulf state ’ s recognition of the Jewish state .
Mr. Trump tweeted : “ GREAT news !
New government of Sudan , which is making great progress , agreed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victims and families .
Once deposited , I will lift Sudan from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list .
At long last , JUSTICE for the American people and BIG step for Sudan !
” Sudan has agreed to pay compensation for victims of the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania , attacks conducted by Osama bin Laden ’ s Al Qaeda network while Mr. bin Laden was living in Sudan .
Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan , head of Sudan ’ s ruling sovereign council , welcomed Mr. Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” He said in a tweet the removal would come “ in recognition of the historic change that has taken place in Sudan.
” Sudan is on a fragile path to democracy after a popular uprising last year led the military to overthrow autocratic leader Omar al-Bashir in April 2019 .
A military-civilian government now rules the country , with elections possible in late 2022 .
In an address to the nation , Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok said getting off the list would help his government benefit from debt relief and access foreign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the country ’ s gateway to economic recovery .
The country has more than $ 60 billion in foreign debt , he said .
“ It ’ s a long way , ” he said .
“ It needs serious planning and hard work to achieve the maximum benefit of this opportunity.
” Once the compensation money has been deposited , Mr. Trump is to sign an order removing Sudan from the terrorism list , on which it has languished under heavy American sanctions for 27 years .
Congress is then expected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sovereign immunity , which would effectively stop future compensation claims from being filed against it in U.S. courts .
Meanwhile , Sudan is to begin the process of normalizing relations with Israel , possibly with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu joining a congratulatory phone call between Mr. Trump and Mr. Hamdok .
The designation of Sudan as a state sponsor of terrorism dates back to the 1990s , when Sudan briefly hosted Mr. bin Laden and other wanted militants .
Sudan was also believed to have served as a pipeline for Iran to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gaza Strip .
The “ state sponsors of terrorism ” designation is one of the U.S. government ’ s most effective sanctions tools and bars virtually all non-humanitarian U.S. transactions with countries on it .
It was created in 1979 to punish nations that fund or otherwise support terrorist acts .
With Sudan ’ s removal , only Iran , North Korea , and Syria will remain on the list .
Some embassy-bombing victims denounced the settlement ; others urged Congress to pass legislation needed to implement the agreement .
More than 500 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bombings at the U.S. embassies signed a letter rejecting Sudan ’ s settlement offer , partly because it would award more money to Americans than Africans who worked there .
The letter said the plan offers compensation dependent on a victim ’ s nation of birth , rather than the severity of injuries .
“ This scheme would pay nothing at all to nearly a third of the embassy victims and categorizes naturalized U.S. citizens as non-Americans , ” the letter said .
“ It sets the value of the life of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only 8 % of an employee born in America.
” Jack Quinn , counsel for the 9/11 families that also sued Sudan , expressed displeasure at the announcement .
“ The 9/11 families are counting on Congress to reject Sudan ’ s plea that our pending lawsuits be wiped out , and they insist it do nothing that would undermine them , ” Mr. Quinn said .
However , Edith Bartley , spokesperson for the families of the Americans killed in the embassy bombing in Nairobi , thanked the State Department and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the victims .
She said that once released , the compensation will fulfill a longstanding commitment to the victims first made by President George W. Bush , honored by President Barack Obama , and now affirmed by Mr. Trump .
“ We urge Congress to immediately pass the legislation that is needed to implement the agreement , and begin the payment process , ” she said .
“ Congress can not let this agreement fall victim to legislative gridlock and bickering .
The victims , and our regional allies who wish to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporter of regional peace , are depending on Congress to act swiftly in support of this effort.
” Jonathan Schanzer at the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies said removing Sudan from the terrorism list is an important achievement because Khartoum has helped fight Sunni extremists for nearly two decades and has worked to remove Iranian influence from Sudan since 2012 .
“ In this way , the country has addressed the reasons for its original listing as a state sponsor of terrorism , ” he said .
Mr. Schanzer , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , said now that the delisting is to occur , it will important for the Trump administration to prioritize a normalization agreement .
“ The stars are aligned for such a deal , ” he said .
“ It just needs a push.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Matthew Lee and Deb Riechmann in Washington contributed to this report .

President Donald Trump on Monday said Sudan will be removed from the United States’ list of state sponsors of terrorism if it follows through on its pledge to pay $335 million to American terror victims and their families, but some hurt in the attacks weren’t happy with the deal.
The move would open the door for the African country to get international loans and aid needed to revive its battered economy and rescue the country’s transition to democracy. The announcement, just two weeks ahead of the U.S. presidential election, also comes as the Trump administration works to get other Arab countries, including Sudan, to join the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain’s recent recognition of Israel.
Delisting Sudan from the state sponsors blacklist is a key incentive for the Sudanese government to normalize relations with Israel.
Mr. Trump’s announcement came after Treasury Secretary Stephen Mnuchin traveled to Bahrain to cement the Gulf state’s recognition of the Jewish state.
Mr. Trump tweeted: “GREAT news! New government of Sudan, which is making great progress, agreed to pay $335 MILLION to U.S. terror victims and families. Once deposited, I will lift Sudan from the State Sponsors of Terrorism list. At long last, JUSTICE for the American people and BIG step for Sudan!”
Sudan has agreed to pay compensation for victims of the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, attacks conducted by Osama bin Laden’s Al Qaeda network while Mr. bin Laden was living in Sudan.
Gen. Abdel-Fattah Burhan, head of Sudan’s ruling sovereign council, welcomed Mr. Trump’s announcement as a “constructive step.” He said in a tweet the removal would come “in recognition of the historic change that has taken place in Sudan.”
Sudan is on a fragile path to democracy after a popular uprising last year led the military to overthrow autocratic leader Omar al-Bashir in April 2019. A military-civilian government now rules the country, with elections possible in late 2022.
In an address to the nation, Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok said getting off the list would help his government benefit from debt relief and access foreign loans and investments, which are seen as the country’s gateway to economic recovery. The country has more than $60 billion in foreign debt, he said.
“It’s a long way,” he said. “It needs serious planning and hard work to achieve the maximum benefit of this opportunity.”
Once the compensation money has been deposited, Mr. Trump is to sign an order removing Sudan from the terrorism list, on which it has languished under heavy American sanctions for 27 years.
Congress is then expected to act to restore Sudan’s sovereign immunity, which would effectively stop future compensation claims from being filed against it in U.S. courts. Meanwhile, Sudan is to begin the process of normalizing relations with Israel, possibly with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu joining a congratulatory phone call between Mr. Trump and Mr. Hamdok.
The designation of Sudan as a state sponsor of terrorism dates back to the 1990s, when Sudan briefly hosted Mr. bin Laden and other wanted militants. Sudan was also believed to have served as a pipeline for Iran to supply weapons to Palestinian militants in the Gaza Strip.
The “state sponsors of terrorism” designation is one of the U.S. government’s most effective sanctions tools and bars virtually all non-humanitarian U.S. transactions with countries on it. It was created in 1979 to punish nations that fund or otherwise support terrorist acts. With Sudan’s removal, only Iran, North Korea, and Syria will remain on the list.
Some embassy-bombing victims denounced the settlement; others urged Congress to pass legislation needed to implement the agreement.
More than 500 of the 700 victims of the 1998 bombings at the U.S. embassies signed a letter rejecting Sudan’s settlement offer, partly because it would award more money to Americans than Africans who worked there.
The letter said the plan offers compensation dependent on a victim’s nation of birth, rather than the severity of injuries.
“This scheme would pay nothing at all to nearly a third of the embassy victims and categorizes naturalized U.S. citizens as non-Americans,” the letter said. “It sets the value of the life of a U.S. embassy employee born in Africa at only 8% of an employee born in America.”
Jack Quinn, counsel for the 9/11 families that also sued Sudan, expressed displeasure at the announcement. “The 9/11 families are counting on Congress to reject Sudan’s plea that our pending lawsuits be wiped out, and they insist it do nothing that would undermine them,” Mr. Quinn said.
However, Edith Bartley, spokesperson for the families of the Americans killed in the embassy bombing in Nairobi, thanked the State Department and the new government in Sudan for securing compensation for the victims. She said that once released, the compensation will fulfill a longstanding commitment to the victims first made by President George W. Bush, honored by President Barack Obama, and now affirmed by Mr. Trump.
“We urge Congress to immediately pass the legislation that is needed to implement the agreement, and begin the payment process,” she said. “Congress cannot let this agreement fall victim to legislative gridlock and bickering. The victims, and our regional allies who wish to have Sudan emerge as an economically viable supporter of regional peace, are depending on Congress to act swiftly in support of this effort.”
Jonathan Schanzer at the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies said removing Sudan from the terrorism list is an important achievement because Khartoum has helped fight Sunni extremists for nearly two decades and has worked to remove Iranian influence from Sudan since 2012.
“In this way, the country has addressed the reasons for its original listing as a state sponsor of terrorism,” he said.
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Mr. Schanzer, a former terrorism finance analyst at the Treasury Department, said now that the delisting is to occur, it will important for the Trump administration to prioritize a normalization agreement. “The stars are aligned for such a deal,” he said. “It just needs a push.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Matthew Lee and Deb Riechmann in Washington contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-10-20--Russian intelligence officers charged by US for cyberattacks

The United States Justice Department announced charges Monday against Russian intelligence officers in cyberattacks that targeted a French presidential election , the Winter Olympics in South Korea , and American businesses .
The case implicates the same Kremlin unit that interfered in the 2016 U.S. elections , but is not related to the November vote .
The indictment accuses the six defendants , all said to be current and former officers in the Russian military intelligence agency known as the GRU , of hacks that prosecutors say were aimed at furthering the Kremlin ’ s geopolitical interests and in destabilizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the attacks caused billions of dollars in losses and disrupted a broad cross-section of life , including health care in Pennsylvania , a power grid serving hundreds of thousands of customers in Ukraine , and a French election that saw the late-stage disclosure of hacked emails .
The seven-count indictment is the most recent in a series of Justice Department prosecutions of Russian hackers , often working on behalf of the government .
Past cases have focused on attacks against targets like internet giant Yahoo and the 2016 presidential contest , when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emails that were released online in the weeks before the election .
The attacks in this case are “ some of the most destructive , most costly , most egregious cyber attacks ever known , ” said Scott Brady , the U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Pennsylvania , where the 50-page indictment was filed .
“ Time and again , Russia has made it clear : They will not abide by accepted norms , and instead , they intend to continue their destructive , destabilizing cyber behavior , ” said FBI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not charge the defendants in connection with interference in American elections , though the officers are part of the same intelligence unit that prosecutors say interfered in the 2016 U.S. election .
One of the six charged in the case announced Monday was among the Russian military intelligence officers charged with hacking in special counsel Robert Mueller ’ s investigation into Russian election interference .
The timing of the indictment was unrelated to the upcoming election in the U.S. , said Assistant Attorney General John Demers .
He said that despite ongoing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Americans “ should be confident that a vote cast for their candidate will be counted for that candidate.
” The hacking targets described in Monday ’ s case are diverse , with the indictment fleshing out details about attacks that in some instances had already received significant attention because of the havoc they had caused .
The indictment accuses the officers , for instance , of hacking into the 2018 Winter Olympics in South Korea after Russia was punished by the International Olympic Committee for a vast doping conspiracy .
It also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Those Olympics have been postponed until next year .
The Japanese government ’ s chief Cabinet secretary Katsunobu Kato declined to comment on specifics .
“ We can not overlook malicious cyberattacks that could shake the foundation of democracy , ” he said .
Tokyo 2020 in a statement said “ no significant impact has been observed in our operations.
” It said it has been taking “ countermeasures ” but declined to disclose them .
Prosecutors say the hackers unleashed a devastating malicious software attack during the opening ceremony in February @ @ @ @ @ @ @ computers related to the event and left them inoperable .
Russia then tried to pin blame on North Korea in what prosecutors say was a failed “ false flag ” attempt .
Another attack was aimed at disrupting the 2017 presidential election in France through hacks that targeted local government entities , campaigns , and political parties , including the party of current President Emmanuel Macron .
The controversy known as the “ Macron Leaks ” involved the leak of over 20,000 emails linked to Mr. Macron ’ s campaign in the days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bots raised questions about the possible involvement of Vladimir Putin and the Russian government .
The leaks , which gained huge media attention in France , were shared by WikiLeaks and several alt-right activists on Twitter , Facebook , and others .
Other attacks targeted international investigators looking into the suspected nerve agent poisoning of former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter in the United Kingdom , as well as the country of Georgia , where roughly 15,000 websites were defaced .
“ In many cases , ” the indictment says , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an image of a former Georgian president , who was known for his efforts to counter Russian influence in Georgia , along with the caption , ‘ I ’ ll be back.
’ ” Beyond that , though , the hacks had harmful impacts on quality-of-life for everyday citizens .
The attacks in Ukraine , for instance , disrupted the power supply in the middle of winter for hundreds of thousands of customers , officials say .
And the global malware attack known as NotPetya that infected computers across the world harmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ System , which prosecutors say serves tens of thousands of people in western Pennsylvania .
Work stations were locked , hard drives encrypted , laboratory records , and other files were inaccessible , and Heritage Valley temporarily lost access to critical computer systems related to medical care .
Robert Lee , a security researcher who helped uncover the malware used in one of the Ukraine hacks , said U.S. and European political leaders should have done more at the time to call out Russia and make clear that attacks on power grids are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of security firm Dragos , also welcomed the indictment as an important message before the U.S. presidential election about American officials ’ resolve to fight back against attacks on elections and civic infrastructure .
“ This is a broad signal from U.S. intelligence to say , ‘ We ’ re watching you and we ’ re willing to burn our resources to burn your resources , ’ ” Mr. Lee said .
“ Leading up to the election , I think that ’ s an important signal to send.
” The six defendants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud and abuse , wire fraud , and aggravated identity theft .
None is currently in custody , but the Justice Department in recent years has eagerly charged foreign hackers in absentia in countries including Russia , China , and Iran with the goal of creating a message of deterrence .
“ No country has weaponized its cyber capabilities as maliciously and irresponsibly as Russia , wantonly causing unprecedented collateral damage to pursue small tactical advantages as fits of spite , ” said Mr. Demers , the Justice Department ’ s top national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by The Associated Press .
AP writers Thomas Adamson in Paris ; Matt O ’ Brien in Providence , Rhode Island ; and Graham Dunbar in Geneva , Switzerland , contributed to this report .

The United States Justice Department announced charges Monday against Russian intelligence officers in cyberattacks that targeted a French presidential election, the Winter Olympics in South Korea, and American businesses. The case implicates the same Kremlin unit that interfered in the 2016 U.S. elections, but is not related to the November vote.
The indictment accuses the six defendants, all said to be current and former officers in the Russian military intelligence agency known as the GRU, of hacks that prosecutors say were aimed at furthering the Kremlin’s geopolitical interests and in destabilizing or punishing perceived enemies. All told, the attacks caused billions of dollars in losses and disrupted a broad cross-section of life, including health care in Pennsylvania, a power grid serving hundreds of thousands of customers in Ukraine, and a French election that saw the late-stage disclosure of hacked emails.
The seven-count indictment is the most recent in a series of Justice Department prosecutions of Russian hackers, often working on behalf of the government. Past cases have focused on attacks against targets like internet giant Yahoo and the 2016 presidential contest, when Russian hackers from the GRU stole Democratic emails that were released online in the weeks before the election.
The attacks in this case are “some of the most destructive, most costly, most egregious cyber attacks ever known,” said Scott Brady, the U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Pennsylvania, where the 50-page indictment was filed.
“Time and again, Russia has made it clear: They will not abide by accepted norms, and instead, they intend to continue their destructive, destabilizing cyber behavior,” said FBI Deputy Director David Bowdich.
The indictment does not charge the defendants in connection with interference in American elections, though the officers are part of the same intelligence unit that prosecutors say interfered in the 2016 U.S. election. One of the six charged in the case announced Monday was among the Russian military intelligence officers charged with hacking in special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russian election interference.
The timing of the indictment was unrelated to the upcoming election in the U.S., said Assistant Attorney General John Demers. He said that despite ongoing warnings of Russian interference in the election, Americans “should be confident that a vote cast for their candidate will be counted for that candidate.”
The hacking targets described in Monday’s case are diverse, with the indictment fleshing out details about attacks that in some instances had already received significant attention because of the havoc they had caused.
The indictment accuses the officers, for instance, of hacking into the 2018 Winter Olympics in South Korea after Russia was punished by the International Olympic Committee for a vast doping conspiracy. It also says the Tokyo 2020 Olympics were targeted. Those Olympics have been postponed until next year.
The Japanese government’s chief Cabinet secretary Katsunobu Kato declined to comment on specifics. “We cannot overlook malicious cyberattacks that could shake the foundation of democracy,” he said.
Tokyo 2020 in a statement said “no significant impact has been observed in our operations.” It said it has been taking “countermeasures” but declined to disclose them.
Prosecutors say the hackers unleashed a devastating malicious software attack during the opening ceremony in February 2018 that deleted data from thousands of computers related to the event and left them inoperable. Russia then tried to pin blame on North Korea in what prosecutors say was a failed “false flag” attempt.
Another attack was aimed at disrupting the 2017 presidential election in France through hacks that targeted local government entities, campaigns, and political parties, including the party of current President Emmanuel Macron.
The controversy known as the “Macron Leaks” involved the leak of over 20,000 emails linked to Mr. Macron’s campaign in the days before his victory. The involvement of bots raised questions about the possible involvement of Vladimir Putin and the Russian government. The leaks, which gained huge media attention in France, were shared by WikiLeaks and several alt-right activists on Twitter, Facebook, and others.
Other attacks targeted international investigators looking into the suspected nerve agent poisoning of former Russian spy Sergei Skripal and his daughter in the United Kingdom, as well as the country of Georgia, where roughly 15,000 websites were defaced.
“In many cases,” the indictment says, “the Conspirators replaced website home pages with an image of a former Georgian president, who was known for his efforts to counter Russian influence in Georgia, along with the caption, ‘I’ll be back.’”
Beyond that, though, the hacks had harmful impacts on quality-of-life for everyday citizens. The attacks in Ukraine, for instance, disrupted the power supply in the middle of winter for hundreds of thousands of customers, officials say.
And the global malware attack known as NotPetya that infected computers across the world harmed the operations of the Heritage Valley Heath System, which prosecutors say serves tens of thousands of people in western Pennsylvania. Work stations were locked, hard drives encrypted, laboratory records, and other files were inaccessible, and Heritage Valley temporarily lost access to critical computer systems related to medical care.
Robert Lee, a security researcher who helped uncover the malware used in one of the Ukraine hacks, said U.S. and European political leaders should have done more at the time to call out Russia and make clear that attacks on power grids are unacceptable.
But Mr. Lee, CEO of security firm Dragos, also welcomed the indictment as an important message before the U.S. presidential election about American officials’ resolve to fight back against attacks on elections and civic infrastructure.
“This is a broad signal from U.S. intelligence to say, ‘We’re watching you and we’re willing to burn our resources to burn your resources,’” Mr. Lee said. “Leading up to the election, I think that’s an important signal to send.”
The six defendants face charges including conspiracy to conduct computer fraud and abuse, wire fraud, and aggravated identity theft. None is currently in custody, but the Justice Department in recent years has eagerly charged foreign hackers in absentia in countries including Russia, China, and Iran with the goal of creating a message of deterrence.
“No country has weaponized its cyber capabilities as maliciously and irresponsibly as Russia, wantonly causing unprecedented collateral damage to pursue small tactical advantages as fits of spite,” said Mr. Demers, the Justice Department’s top national security official.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Thomas Adamson in Paris; Matt O’Brien in Providence, Rhode Island; and Graham Dunbar in Geneva, Switzerland, contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-10-21--Navigating the boundaries of thrift

Navigating the boundaries of thrift

One of the most valuable and persistent life lessons I received from my Depression-era parents was the concept of thrift .
The word doesn ’ t seem to have currency today , and with good reason : We live in a throwaway culture where it is often cheaper to replace an item than repair it .
And even when a repair is cheap and easy to accomplish – think of putting a patch on a pair of jeans – the very idea seems quaint , or unthinkable , or a waste of time .
What ’ s being overlooked here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ idea of renewing something and giving it a second life .
Let me explain by way of example .
Years ago I was visiting family in New Jersey .
I was sitting at the table , eating a piece of peach pie out of the aluminum pan it came in .
When I was done , I asked my brother what I should do with the pan .
His response : Throw it away .
After living many years in utilitarian Maine , I was horrified at the thought and told him the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you open a can of peas , you use the lid and bottom of the can to nail up mouse holes .
Then you cut the can and flatten it for use as a spare shingle .
You use the label of the can as a garden marker , and of course you eat the peas.
” After this little speech , my brother , clearly unimpressed , took the pie pan , crumpled it up , and threw it away .
My heart sank , but what could I do ?
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so I quietly and persistently pursue the joy of thrift .
As the heels and toes of my socks give out , I lay them aside .
I wait for a cold , snowy winter evening .
I light a fire , put on some music , snuggle into the sofa , and languidly darn the socks , one after the other .
In the hectic rush of daily life , my socks counsel me to slow down and dwell in the gift of a quiet evening .
Beyond this grace , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ socks .
I know it would save time to simply throw the socks out and buy new ones , but that would deny me a cozy interlude .
I live in a university town .
Down the road from me is a neighbor , Roxann , who drives a pickup .
One of her great joys is dumpster-diving near the student dormitories .
Every so often she stops at my house and , like an itinerant peddler of yore , asks , “ What do you need ?
” I go out to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gleanings : designer shirts , coffee makers , fans , shoes still in the box , kitchen utensils , ball caps , and , yes , brand new pairs of socks .
The students have thrown all of these things out , but their lack of heed is the source of Roxann ’ s joy , which is magnified by her desire to share with others .
In extolling the virtue of thrift , I know to avoid going overboard .
There is a line between thrift and hoarding .
I can use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harbor no need to warehouse every box that comes my way .
I do , however , appreciate people who not only know what thrift is , but practice it .
Sometimes we even try to outdo each other .
I recently told a friend , “ When I eat ice cream bars , I save the wooden sticks for mixing paint.
” “ Oh , yeah ?
” he replied .
“ I save my used dental floss and use it to tie up my tomato plants .
”

One of the most valuable and persistent life lessons I received from my Depression-era parents was the concept of thrift. The word doesn’t seem to have currency today, and with good reason: We live in a throwaway culture where it is often cheaper to replace an item than repair it. And even when a repair is cheap and easy to accomplish – think of putting a patch on a pair of jeans – the very idea seems quaint, or unthinkable, or a waste of time.
What’s being overlooked here is the joy of thrift – the idea of renewing something and giving it a second life. Let me explain by way of example. Years ago I was visiting family in New Jersey. I was sitting at the table, eating a piece of peach pie out of the aluminum pan it came in. When I was done, I asked my brother what I should do with the pan. His response: Throw it away.
After living many years in utilitarian Maine, I was horrified at the thought and told him the following: “In Maine, when you open a can of peas, you use the lid and bottom of the can to nail up mouse holes. Then you cut the can and flatten it for use as a spare shingle. You use the label of the can as a garden marker, and of course you eat the peas.”
After this little speech, my brother, clearly unimpressed, took the pie pan, crumpled it up, and threw it away. My heart sank, but what could I do? I was clearly in enemy territory.
And so I quietly and persistently pursue the joy of thrift. As the heels and toes of my socks give out, I lay them aside. I wait for a cold, snowy winter evening. I light a fire, put on some music, snuggle into the sofa, and languidly darn the socks, one after the other. In the hectic rush of daily life, my socks counsel me to slow down and dwell in the gift of a quiet evening. Beyond this grace, I am rewarded with a pile of born-again socks. I know it would save time to simply throw the socks out and buy new ones, but that would deny me a cozy interlude.
I live in a university town. Down the road from me is a neighbor, Roxann, who drives a pickup. One of her great joys is dumpster-diving near the student dormitories. Every so often she stops at my house and, like an itinerant peddler of yore, asks, “What do you need?” I go out to her truck and am agog at the gleanings: designer shirts, coffee makers, fans, shoes still in the box, kitchen utensils, ball caps, and, yes, brand new pairs of socks. The students have thrown all of these things out, but their lack of heed is the source of Roxann’s joy, which is magnified by her desire to share with others.
In extolling the virtue of thrift, I know to avoid going overboard. There is a line between thrift and hoarding. I can use an extra cardboard box, but I harbor no need to warehouse every box that comes my way. I do, however, appreciate people who not only know what thrift is, but practice it. Sometimes we even try to outdo each other. I recently told a friend, “When I eat ice cream bars, I save the wooden sticks for mixing paint.”
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“Oh, yeah?” he replied. “I save my used dental floss and use it to tie up my tomato plants.”
You win.


csmonitor--2020-10-21--After teacher’s murder, France touts secularism. But Muslims feel heat.

“ We need to be fully invested in the fight against terrorism , ” says Dominique Sopo , who heads SOS Racisme , a respected nonprofit .
“ But against racism , hatred , and stigmatization at the same time.
” But there are fears that this creed , originally designed to keep the state out of religious affairs , is taking on an anti-Islamic hue , and further alienating France ’ s Muslims .
Public debate has shifted away from the need to integrate them into society , and toward martial calls to war against Islamism .
The latest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ France – this time the beheading of a junior high teacher who had shown controversial cartoons of the prophet Muhammad in a class on freedom of expression – has sparked outrage .
It has also prompted renewed calls for stronger application of laïcité , as the French call secularism , to defend republican principles .
Marie Saumet was meant to be enjoying last weekend relaxing with friends in the northern French town of Tours .
Instead , she donned her mask , made a sign reading “ Je suis enseignante ” ( “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and joined the tens of thousands of people across France protesting the killing of junior high teacher Samuel Paty last Friday in the sleepy town of Conflans-Sainte-Honorine .
“ Freedom of expression is part of our national education program , and teachers are the ones taking on these politicized topics , ” says Ms. Saumet , who is a history and geography teacher in the Paris suburbs .
“ I ’ m not scared by what happened and I ’ m going to continue doing my job .
Teachers have to be , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national values.
” The death of Mr. Paty , who after showing cartoons of the prophet Muhammad in his class was beheaded by Abdoullakh Abouyezidovitch Anzorov , has touched an area of life considered sacred and safe here : education .
It has stirred politicians to use stronger language against terrorism , and crack down on what they see as threats to a founding principle of the French nation : laïcité , or secularism .
But as France revs up its fight against Islamic extremists , it risks alienating its Muslim population – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Muslims have already been subject to mounting Islamophobia and conflation with fundamentalists since the Charlie Hebdo and Bataclan theater attacks in 2015 .
And with politicians increasingly referring to a “ war ” against Islamists , there is mounting concern that the use of such martial language may signal not only intolerance of crimes such as Mr. Paty ’ s killing , but also intolerance of religious diversity .
“ We need to be fully invested in the fight against terrorism and in favor of secularism , but at the same time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Dominique Sopo , president of SOS Racisme , a Paris-based nonprofit that organized the protest in honor of Mr. Paty in Paris on Sunday .
“ In recent weeks , we ’ ve seen an unhealthy political dynamic and harsh language by the government that risks to worsen the situation for the Arab-Muslim population.
” Since the attacks on the satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo and then the Bataclan theater attacks in 2015 , there have been 12 Islamic terrorist incidents in France , killing a total of 112 people – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Nice on July 14 , 2016 .
Mr. Paty ’ s death is seen as just the latest event in this ongoing trend .
And it comes at a time of heightened tension , as 14 people go on trial as alleged accomplices in the Charlie Hebdo attack .
As the trial began in early September , President Emmanuel Macron declared France ’ s “ freedom to blaspheme ” and condemned all forms of separatism – what the government sees as a breaking away from the national community , la République .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ injured in a knife attack by a Pakistani-born man in front of the former Hebdo offices .
It prompted Mr. Macron to toughen his stance during an Oct. 2 address , outlining measures to combat “ radical Islamism , ” including placing mosques and imams under greater control and forcing Islamic organizations that receive public funding to sign a “ secular charter.
” On Monday , following Mr. Paty ’ s death , the French Interior Ministry went further , announcing that a mosque in a Paris suburb would be closed after rebroadcasting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that organizations deemed “ separatist ” would be banned on French soil .
Among those being investigated is the Collective Against Islamophobia in France ( CCIF ) , which provides legal aid to victims of Islamophobia and regularly publishes figures on Islamophobic acts in France .
In 2019 , it registered 789 incidents , compared to 446 in 2017 – a rise of 77 % in two years .
CCIF got caught in the controversy after the father of a Muslim student in Mr. Paty ’ s class called on Facebook viewers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Paty .
But some observers say the crackdown on organizations like CCIF is a veiled attempt at censoring Muslims and the Islamic religion , “ which has been the most difficult for the French to deal with [ historically ] , ” says Hall Gardner , a professor of international politics at the University of Paris .
“ I think their use of the term laïcité has become unhealthy , ” says Dr. Gardner .
“ The French have a hard time dealing with religions that don ’ t fit into the Catholic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Napoleonic tradition of trying to eliminate Catholicism , even if it ’ s remained in the background and even though the state claimed it was secular.
” For instance , on Tuesday French Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin criticized shops that sell kosher or halal products separately , saying he was “ shocked ” to see shelves reserved for cuisine specific to a community .
“ This is how communitarianism starts , ” he said .
In recent years , numerous laws have been aimed at promoting secularism but have been interpreted by some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In 2011 , France outlawed the face-and-body-covering burqa .
And women in veils or traditional dress have been stopped by police across France while driving , sitting at the beach , or accompanying their children on school trips .
“ In the last five years , there ’ s been an evolution where we ’ re constantly asking the Muslim population to excuse themselves and declare their love for the French republic , ” says Valentine Zuber , a French historian who specializes in secularism and religious freedom .
With each terrorist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see a spike in harassment or hate speech , especially on social media – which has come under investigation for its role in attacks like the one against the French teacher .
“ I don ’ t wear a headscarf but for women who do , there has been a worsening of the situation , ” says Widad Ketfi , an independent journalist and activist , who is Muslim and grew up in an Algerian immigrant family outside Paris .
“ There can be violence and hateful comments of course , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and all the laws surrounding what Muslims , especially women , can and can ’ t do in their daily lives.
” As the French government moves toward harsher language and policies to confront recent terrorist threats , it has increasingly moved away from topics that once dominated public debate following the attacks on Charlie Hebdo and the Bataclan theater .
Then , there was a push toward public discussion of the country ’ s inability to integrate second- and third-generation Muslims – relating back to France ’ s former colonial rule in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism and inequality in these same communities , especially in educational settings .
And while earlier this month Mr. Macron recognized that France had concentrated populations of the same origins and religions that had helped create “ economic and educational difficulties , ” his overall political handling of France ’ s terrorist threat , say some observers , has largely ignored the roots of the problem .
“ The French aren ’ t looking at their own history , their past colonalization , ” says Dr. Gardner .
“ They need to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one attack.
” Still , some say the term laïcité has become skewed in recent years , and politicized in a way that not only takes away from its original definition but is actually counterproductive in dealing with Islamic radicalism .
“ To combat terrorism , we must use laws and not misuse the concept of laïcité – or state neutrality , ” says Ms. Zuber .
“ Unfortunately , this is exactly what uncompromising conservatives and far-right individuals are doing .
”

In the aftermath of a killing by an Islamist extremist, France is doubling down on its secularist values. But how does the country keep secular zeal from fueling hostility to its Muslim community as a whole?
“We need to be fully invested in the fight against terrorism,” says Dominique Sopo, who heads SOS Racisme, a respected nonprofit. “But against racism, hatred, and stigmatization at the same time.”
But there are fears that this creed, originally designed to keep the state out of religious affairs, is taking on an anti-Islamic hue, and further alienating France’s Muslims. Public debate has shifted away from the need to integrate them into society, and toward martial calls to war against Islamism.
The latest horrific killing by an Islamist extremist in France – this time the beheading of a junior high teacher who had shown controversial cartoons of the prophet Muhammad in a class on freedom of expression – has sparked outrage. It has also prompted renewed calls for stronger application of laïcité , as the French call secularism, to defend republican principles.
Marie Saumet was meant to be enjoying last weekend relaxing with friends in the northern French town of Tours. Instead, she donned her mask, made a sign reading “Je suis enseignante” (“I am a teacher”), and joined the tens of thousands of people across France protesting the killing of junior high teacher Samuel Paty last Friday in the sleepy town of Conflans-Sainte-Honorine.
“Freedom of expression is part of our national education program, and teachers are the ones taking on these politicized topics,” says Ms. Saumet, who is a history and geography teacher in the Paris suburbs. “I’m not scared by what happened and I’m going to continue doing my job. Teachers have to be, now more than ever, advocates of national values.”
The death of Mr. Paty, who after showing cartoons of the prophet Muhammad in his class was beheaded by Abdoullakh Abouyezidovitch Anzorov, has touched an area of life considered sacred and safe here: education. It has stirred politicians to use stronger language against terrorism, and crack down on what they see as threats to a founding principle of the French nation: laïcité, or secularism.
Why We Wrote This In the aftermath of a killing by an Islamist extremist, France is doubling down on its secularist values. But how does the country keep secular zeal from fueling hostility to its Muslim community as a whole?
But as France revs up its fight against Islamic extremists, it risks alienating its Muslim population – Europe’s largest. France’s Muslims have already been subject to mounting Islamophobia and conflation with fundamentalists since the Charlie Hebdo and Bataclan theater attacks in 2015.
And with politicians increasingly referring to a “war” against Islamists, there is mounting concern that the use of such martial language may signal not only intolerance of crimes such as Mr. Paty’s killing, but also intolerance of religious diversity.
“We need to be fully invested in the fight against terrorism and in favor of secularism, but at the same time against racism, hate, and stigmatization,” says Dominique Sopo, president of SOS Racisme, a Paris-based nonprofit that organized the protest in honor of Mr. Paty in Paris on Sunday. “In recent weeks, we’ve seen an unhealthy political dynamic and harsh language by the government that risks to worsen the situation for the Arab-Muslim population.”
Tension between secularism and tolerance
Since the attacks on the satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo and then the Bataclan theater attacks in 2015, there have been 12 Islamic terrorist incidents in France, killing a total of 112 people – 87 of those in a truck attack in Nice on July 14, 2016. Mr. Paty’s death is seen as just the latest event in this ongoing trend.
And it comes at a time of heightened tension, as 14 people go on trial as alleged accomplices in the Charlie Hebdo attack. As the trial began in early September, President Emmanuel Macron declared France’s “freedom to blaspheme” and condemned all forms of separatism – what the government sees as a breaking away from the national community, la République.
Two weeks later, two people were injured in a knife attack by a Pakistani-born man in front of the former Hebdo offices. It prompted Mr. Macron to toughen his stance during an Oct. 2 address, outlining measures to combat “radical Islamism,” including placing mosques and imams under greater control and forcing Islamic organizations that receive public funding to sign a “secular charter.”
On Monday, following Mr. Paty’s death, the French Interior Ministry went further, announcing that a mosque in a Paris suburb would be closed after rebroadcasting a video that condemned Mr. Paty, and that organizations deemed “separatist” would be banned on French soil.
Among those being investigated is the Collective Against Islamophobia in France (CCIF), which provides legal aid to victims of Islamophobia and regularly publishes figures on Islamophobic acts in France. In 2019, it registered 789 incidents, compared to 446 in 2017 – a rise of 77% in two years.
CCIF got caught in the controversy after the father of a Muslim student in Mr. Paty’s class called on Facebook viewers to complain to the group about Mr. Paty. But some observers say the crackdown on organizations like CCIF is a veiled attempt at censoring Muslims and the Islamic religion, “which has been the most difficult for the French to deal with [historically],” says Hall Gardner, a professor of international politics at the American University of Paris.
“I think their use of the term laïcité has become unhealthy,” says Dr. Gardner. “The French have a hard time dealing with religions that don’t fit into the Catholic mold. That comes out of the Napoleonic tradition of trying to eliminate Catholicism, even if it’s remained in the background and even though the state claimed it was secular.”
For instance, on Tuesday French Interior Minister Gérald Darmanin criticized shops that sell kosher or halal products separately, saying he was “shocked” to see shelves reserved for cuisine specific to a community. “This is how communitarianism starts,” he said.
In recent years, numerous laws have been aimed at promoting secularism but have been interpreted by some as targeting Muslims, particularly Muslim women. In 2011, France outlawed the face-and-body-covering burqa. And women in veils or traditional dress have been stopped by police across France while driving, sitting at the beach, or accompanying their children on school trips.
“In the last five years, there’s been an evolution where we’re constantly asking the Muslim population to excuse themselves and declare their love for the French republic,” says Valentine Zuber, a French historian who specializes in secularism and religious freedom.
With each terrorist attack, many French Muslims say they see a spike in harassment or hate speech, especially on social media – which has come under investigation for its role in attacks like the one against the French teacher.
“I don’t wear a headscarf but for women who do, there has been a worsening of the situation,” says Widad Ketfi, an independent journalist and activist, who is Muslim and grew up in an Algerian immigrant family outside Paris. “There can be violence and hateful comments of course, but it’s mostly an institutional problem, and all the laws surrounding what Muslims, especially women, can and can’t do in their daily lives.”
Time for soul-searching?
As the French government moves toward harsher language and policies to confront recent terrorist threats, it has increasingly moved away from topics that once dominated public debate following the attacks on Charlie Hebdo and the Bataclan theater.
Then, there was a push toward public discussion of the country’s inability to integrate second- and third-generation Muslims – relating back to France’s former colonial rule in North Africa – as well as address racism and inequality in these same communities, especially in educational settings.
And while earlier this month Mr. Macron recognized that France had concentrated populations of the same origins and religions that had helped create “economic and educational difficulties,” his overall political handling of France’s terrorist threat, say some observers, has largely ignored the roots of the problem.
“The French aren’t looking at their own history, their past colonization,” says Dr. Gardner. “They need to do some self-searching and look deeper than this one attack.”
Still, some say the term laïcité has become skewed in recent years, and politicized in a way that not only takes away from its original definition but is actually counterproductive in dealing with Islamic radicalism.
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“To combat terrorism, we must use laws and not misuse the concept of laïcité – or state neutrality,” says Ms. Zuber. “Unfortunately, this is exactly what uncompromising conservatives and far-right individuals are doing.”
Editor's note: The original version misstated the name of Dr. Gardner's institution.