csmonitor--2020-10-29--Tulsa’s Black Wall Street burned. These artists have a new vision (audio).

Tulsa has big plans for the coming centennial of the 1921 race massacre that left the city ’ s Black community in ruins .
But while Tulsa residents say these efforts are important , for members of the city ’ s Black community they ’ re just the beginning of mourning what they ’ ve lost while also building something new .
One initiative , the Greenwood Art Project , aims to make sure Tulsa , and the country , know the history of Black Wall Street and the massacre .
Jerica Wortham , the program director , sees art @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the story , and to capture the spirit of the city ’ s thriving Black community .
“ I ’ m so excited for the world to be able to come here and experience this story , to experience it in real time , and to feel the energy of the space being reignited , ” she says .
In the final episode of our Tulsa series , we hear about how Black Tulsans are processing this moment , and how art and innovation can be a catalyst for healing .
“ Rethinking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aims to make room for constructive conversations across a range of perspectives , and bring Monitor journalism straight to your ears .
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We strongly encourage you to experience it with your ears , but we understand that is not an option for everybody .
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For those who are unable to listen , we have provided a transcript of the story below @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Rethinking the News , ” a podcast by The Christian Science Monitor .
Here , we create space for constructive conversations across a range of perspectives , to give you the information you need to come to your own conclusions .
I ’ m Samantha Laine Perfas , one of the producers .
Today we ’ ve got the last of three episodes we ’ re doing out of Tulsa , Oklahoma , where in 1921 , a white mob destroyed the Black neighborhood of Greenwood .
At the time , Greenwood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Black Wall Street , a thriving community of Black-owned businesses and services .
The mob set fire to the neighborhood , looting and killing , and it would take years for the Black community to rebuild – though eventually , they would .
Tulsa is now preparing for the massacre ’ s centennial .
My colleague Jessica Mendoza and I went there at the end of summer to find out how Black Tulsans are wrestling with this history ahead of a divisive election .
Our past two episodes cover the story of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is responding today .
This is meant to be heard as a series , so if you haven ’ t yet , we encourage you to go back and check out the other two .
Today , we ’ re looking forward .
The commemoration is spurring a new generation of Tulsans to find ways to process , and to own , the story of Black Wall Street .
What can we , as a country , learn from their efforts ?
Jess will take us through the episode .
Just a warning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including gun violence and trauma inflicted on Black Americans .
Please be advised .
Jessica Mendoza : 2020 is coming to a close .
This long , difficult year , including the election , will be behind us .
But no matter what else happens , no matter who wins , America will still be wrestling with race and racism .
Black Lives Matter , police violence and calls for reform , white supremacy – these aren ’ t going anywhere .
So when the year turns , the nation may well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see what it looks like when a city confronts a racist past .
At the end of May , Tulsa will be commemorating the centennial of the 1921 race massacre – a violent incident of racism that left the Black community of Greenwood in ruins .
The city has big plans for the year .
They ’ re building a new museum dedicated to Greenwood and the community once known as Black Wall Street .
They ’ ve launched an investigation into where the bodies of those killed in the massacre are buried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share their stories through visual art and music , and making sure Oklahoma , and America , know the story of Greenwood .
And everyone we talked to in Tulsa agrees these efforts are important .
Few , if any , other U.S. cities have tried to come to terms with their racist histories in this way .
But for many Black Tulsans , the massacre represents not just historic pain or symbolic oppression .
It reflects their lived experiences today .
And they told us that owning up to a racist history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ programs and projects and good intentions .
It takes a willingness , on the part of their leaders and fellow residents , to have difficult conversations about what the Black community has been through and is still going through .
And it means , for Black Tulsans , mourning what they ’ ve lost – but also reclaiming it , and building something new .
Today , we hear from some of them about that process : the sorrow and the anger involved , but also the determination .
And the hope .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She ’ s the poet we heard at the start of the episode .
Jess : And that ’ s Steph Simon , rapper and producer .
We ’ ve been playing some of his songs throughout this series .
Jess : We ’ ll be hearing from Steph and Jerica throughout this story .
Both are from Tulsa originally , and like lots of folks from the city , they didn ’ t learn anything about the 1921 race massacre until they were young adults .
The knowledge changed something in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Steph was 23 when he first came across a documentary on the massacre , on YouTube .
The story would dominate his life for the next decade .
Jess : When we met with him , Steph had on a custom sweatshirt with Dick Rowland ’ s name splashed across the front .
Dick Rowland was the Black shoeshiner accused of assaulting a white woman back in 1921 .
His arrest was the spark that ignited the massacre .
Jess : Steph feels a real connection with Dick Rowland , whom he sees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Black experience – not just a hundred years ago , but today .
Jess : – the 18-year-old shot and killed by police in Ferguson , Mo.
, back in 2014 .
Jess : – who was chased and shot by white residents in his South Georgia neighborhood in February .
A neighbor had called 911 to report seeing a Black man inside a house under construction in the area , which had recently seen several break-ins .
Jess : Steph has poured all he ’ s felt since learning about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ‘ Born On Black Wall Street.
’ It dropped in 2019 .
There ’ s a lot of anger and sorrow in his music .
But there ’ s also pride – at what the Greenwood community was able to achieve in the face of unimaginable hostility .
That ’ s something Steph wants to really tap into and raise up .
Jess : Even where Steph recorded his album is part of his message .
The Skyline Mansion was originally known as the Brady Mansion , after W. Tate Brady – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avowed white supremacist and Ku Klux Klan member .
The mansion , built in 1920 , is a close replica of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee ’ s home in Virginia : Massive stone columns , a grand staircase in the lobby , a fountain on the lawn .
Jess : For Steph Simon , the legacy of the race massacre and Black Wall Street is primarily spiritual .
Jerica Wortham agrees .
But for her , it ’ s physical , as well .
Jerica is a spoken-word artist – that was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ‘ Love Letter to Greenwood , ’ the same poem we started the episode with .
But Jerica is also an art curator , and she spends a lot of time working with small businesses across Tulsa – especially those run by people of color .
She actually asked to meet us in one of them – Fulton Street Books and Coffee – which a friend of hers recently opened .
Jess : But at the same time , she says – As the centennial of the 1921 race massacre approaches , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the city of Tulsa .
A sense of revival and revitalization , an awareness that the country might soon look its way .
And in Tulsa ’ s Black community , especially in the north part of the city , there ’ s a new consciousness – of Greenwood and Black Wall Street , and all they represented before and after the massacre – that for decades , simply didn ’ t exist .
Jess : Those were Takara Williams , Tiller Watson , Eden Burrell , and William Green .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school- and college-age , who host a weekly radio program called The Juice Radio Show .
The show airs on a local community radio station run by a man named Bobby Eaton .
Bobby Eaton : I believe and I tell young people all the time , ‘ Don ’ t limit yourself.
’ Jess : Bobby is another Tulsa native , though he spent much of his life working as a musician in Los Angeles and Houston .
He came back in 2015 to help care for his mother .
But he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jess : Bobby runs about a dozen programs through his company , Eaton Media Services , including a few he hosts himself .
But The Juice Radio Show is his pride .
For Bobby , the show – and the young people who host it – represent what he hopes is a positive future , for Tulsa ’ s Black community .
So he and his executive director , Ramal Brown , do all they can to make sure The Juice is more than an afternoon hobby for the young folks involved .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the centennial , and he has every intention of outlasting it .
But he says the commemoration is an important chance for folks to process what happened in Greenwood : the spirit that built up Black Wall Street , the hate that tore it down , and the persistence that built it back up again .
Jess : Jerica Wortham is pretty psyched to be part of that conversation .
She ’ s the poet and art curator we heard from earlier .
Jess : Jerica is talking about the Greenwood Art Project @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The project is an initiative of the Tulsa Centennial Commission , which aims to make sure Tulsa , and the country , know the history of Black Wall Street and the massacre .
Jess : The goal of the Greenwood Art Project is to make history come alive .
But much of that history is dark and painful .
So the project ’ s organizers are building in a kind of support system , so people can process what they experience .
Jess : The installations for the Greenwood Art Project will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the start of 2021 , all the way up to the centennial on May 31st and June 1st , and possibly beyond .
But the centennial has inspired other artistic endeavors – including one that centers on the Black community reclaiming what it lost , and owning its history .
It ’ s called ‘ Fire In Little Africa.
’ And Jerica is a part of that , too .
Jess : ‘ Fire In Little Africa ’ is a multimedia hip-hop project .
The name is a knock on the derogatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Greenwood at the time of the massacre .
The project includes a compilation album , set to drop sometime in May ; a documentary on how Black Wall Street inspired the artists involved ; a weekly podcast ; and a curriculum for schools , museums , and corporate offices , based on the project ’ s themes .
But the album is the soul of ‘ Fire In Little Africa.
’ Back in March , just before the pandemic hit , musicians , writers , and producers – all from Oklahoma or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Tulsa .
Over a four-day weekend , they wrote , recorded , and produced the album in a frenzy of creative energy , all inside the historic Greenwood Cultural Center and the Skyline Mansion .
Jess : Steph Simon , the rapper we heard from earlier , was one of the first artists to have been tapped for the project .
Sam : Hi everyone , Samantha Laine Perfas again , one of the producers on this show .
Because of listeners like you , we ’ re able to devote time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today ’ s issues .
If you enjoy “ Rethinking the News , ” the best way to make sure we produce more work like this is to subscribe to The Christian Science Monitor .
If you already do , thank you !
But if you haven ’ t subscribed yet , you can do that at csmonitor.com/subscribe .
We really appreciate your support .
Again , that ’ s csmonitor.com/subscribe .
Thanks for listening .
Jess : For all the hope and even excitement surrounding the centennial , there ’ s no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commemorating is a horrific one .
Pretty much everyone we talked to recognized that the centennial is really just the start of the reckoning process .
Jess : That ’ s Bobby Eaton again , he ’ s the radio host and musician we heard from earlier .
Jess : We brought that question to Tulsa ’ s Republican mayor , G.T .
Bynum .
We heard from him in previous episodes .
He says the centennial is important because – Jess : And this is the crux of the issue , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s work .
Painful work , long work , that ’ s often complicated , and sometimes even contradictory .
The mayor himself embodies that contradiction : On the one hand , he ’ s been a huge supporter of the investigation into where people killed in the massacre might be buried .
It ’ s an effort that many Tulsans say is long overdue , and has received a lot of praise from the city ’ s Black community .
But , on the other , the mayor is also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city and other local government agencies .
The lawsuit calls for reparations for the massacre ’ s victims and their descendants .
Jess : So when we asked the people we met with what they thought about the centennial , how it ’ s being framed , and whether it ’ s a step toward reconciliation … we got complicated answers .
Jess : That ’ s Vanessa Adams-Harris .
She does outreach and alliance for the John Hope Franklin Center for Reconciliation .
The center is named after a prominent local historian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history in Tulsa and nationwide .
Jess : There were also folks who said that any discussion of reconciliation couldn ’ t mean anything without a conversation about reparations .
Dr. Tiffany Crutcher was one of them .
We had her on in Episode 2 .
Her brother , Terence , was shot and killed by Tulsa police in 2016 .
Jess : But as we ’ ve learned , this journey is just starting for Tulsa .
And for Jerica , the promise of what ’ s possible is wrapped up in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mark so much of the experience of being Black in Tulsa .
Jess : This has been a story about hate and hope , about race and racism and struggle , in one city in Oklahoma .
But it ’ s also a story about America .
We heard it a lot in our reporting : This is the kind of reckoning that many cities , and the country , will have to go through for us to truly move forward together .
And there ’ s no guarantee that it will happen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But , Jerica says , if there is anything the rest of us can take away from what her city is going through , it ’ s to see what this kind of reckoning looks like : the kind of courage it takes for these conversations to happen , and the possibilities when they persist .
Jess : Thanks for joining us , everyone .
After the credits , you can listen to Jerica Wortham read her poem , “ Love Letter to Greenwood , ” in full .
And if you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your friends .
You can find and subscribe to this podcast at csmonitor.com/rethinkingthenews , or you can search for “ Rethinking the News ” wherever you listen to podcasts .
This episode was hosted by me , Jessica Mendoza .
Samantha Laine Perfas and I wrote , reported , and produced this story together .
Our editors are Clay Collins and Clara Germani , with additional edits by Judy Douglass and Arielle Gray .
Sound design by Morgan Anderson and Noel Flatt .
With thanks , again , to Steph Simon for letting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
You also heard a sample track from ‘ Fire In Little Africa , ’ featuring vocals by Ausha .
Brought to you by The Christian Science Monitor , copyright 2020 .
We were everything we needed Faith got long legs and no eyes That became the blueprint Brick by brick the mortar became mortal My bro Phetote said Greenwood was the body Cause God blessed the child that had its own Greenwood was like the board room meeting the cookout .
United ... .
on some June nights under the groove .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of it Where I heard steph say everything is us Yo view There was a fire in little Africa Where that fire spread to 35 city blocks A city on fire with excellence and expectation !
A city on fire because jealousy burned in the hearts of those across the railroad lines Flames of destruction swept through in a matter of hours things were leveled The fact of the matter is Greenwood was what humanity looked like for those that had to stretch to find it The matter is the Greenwood district understood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ it ” thing Yet ironically black lives matter can ’ t even be placed boldly in the heart of the space So i guess the more things change the more they stay the same Yea there was a fire in Little Africa And while the methods may change ( sometimes ) Hate and jealousy from across the line swept through I thought i heard somebody say you used to be able to run south to escape that Bothered by the audacity to find humanity in our blackness But just like in 1922 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than a zip code That the torch that was passed down through the generations burns in the hearts of the city We rose because we know that fire only purifies the liquid gold that runs through our veins We rose because it takes more than hate and blue paint splattered to change our course Now !
Now we understand what ’ s been true all along ... that we don ’ t ask permission anymore So consider yourself notified that Greenwood is rising again And while broken over and over and over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Consider yourself notified that Hate don ’ t live here no more Come in love or don ’ t come at all Come in peace , decency , Humanity , economic opportunity , black foot traffic , black owned store fronts , respect for the history and legacy , commitment to revitalization , and sanctuary Black Wall Street was more than the money And it ’ s time for some people to speak up Greenwood , has always been the trendsetter The world is watching and i promise we gone make it worth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the possibilities Got me open to the probability Note : The poem , “ Love Letter to Greenwood , ” is printed here as it was sent by the author .

Jerica Wortham sits on a couch at Fulton Street Books and Coffee, a newly opened business in Tulsa, Oklahoma, on Oct. 1, 2020. Ms. Wortham, a spoken-word artist and art curator, says the spirit of entrepreneurship is alive and well in Tulsa's Black community.
Tulsa’s Black Wall Street burned. These artists have a new vision (audio).
As Tulsa, Oklahoma, gears up to commemorate the 1921 race massacre, a new generation of Tulsans are finding ways to make the story of Black Wall Street their own. What can the country learn from their efforts?
In the final episode of our Tulsa series, we hear about how Black Tulsans are processing this moment, and how art and innovation can be a catalyst for healing.
One initiative, the Greenwood Art Project, aims to make sure Tulsa, and the country, know the history of Black Wall Street and the massacre. Jerica Wortham, the program director, sees art as an opportunity to invite others into the story, and to capture the spirit of the city’s thriving Black community. “I’m so excited for the world to be able to come here and experience this story, to experience it in real time, and to feel the energy of the space being reignited,” she says.
Tulsa has big plans for the coming centennial of the 1921 race massacre that left the city’s Black community in ruins. But while Tulsa residents say these efforts are important, for members of the city’s Black community they’re just the beginning of mourning what they’ve lost while also building something new.
Episode transcript
Samantha Laine Perfas: Welcome to “Rethinking the News,” a podcast by The Christian Science Monitor. Here, we create space for constructive conversations across a range of perspectives, to give you the information you need to come to your own conclusions.
I’m Samantha Laine Perfas, one of the producers. Today we’ve got the last of three episodes we’re doing out of Tulsa, Oklahoma, where in 1921, a white mob destroyed the Black neighborhood of Greenwood. At the time, Greenwood – in North Tulsa – was known as Black Wall Street, a thriving community of Black-owned businesses and services. The mob set fire to the neighborhood, looting and killing, and it would take years for the Black community to rebuild – though eventually, they would.
Tulsa is now preparing for the massacre’s centennial. My colleague Jessica Mendoza and I went there at the end of summer to find out how Black Tulsans are wrestling with this history ahead of a divisive election. Our past two episodes cover the story of the race massacre and how the city is responding today. This is meant to be heard as a series, so if you haven’t yet, we encourage you to go back and check out the other two.
Today, we’re looking forward. The commemoration is spurring a new generation of Tulsans to find ways to process, and to own, the story of Black Wall Street. What can we, as a country, learn from their efforts? Jess will take us through the episode.
[Music]
Just a warning. This episode contains descriptions of violence, including gun violence and trauma inflicted on Black Americans. Please be advised.
Jerica Wortham: Oh, you know what, I actually have a poem that I did for the Black Wall Street Awards. Let me find it. Where is that poem? OK, I found it. [Jerica begins poem, ‘Love Letter to Greenwood’] We were everything we needed Seeded In Ujamaa, and imani Faith got long legs and no eyes But they had vision For that Greenwood ave That Redman land That Brilliance build by black man hand Legacies of a dreamland That became the blueprint For hope meeting manifestation Heritage on every storefront Resilience in every brick Brick by brick the mortar became mortal This became a living thing My bro Phetote said Greenwood was the body Black Wall Street was the soul I imagine for the generation post slavery Utopia Breathing came easy Cause God blessed the child that had its own And We owned all this!
[Music]
Jessica Mendoza: 2020 is coming to a close. This long, difficult year, including the election, will be behind us. But no matter what else happens, no matter who wins, America will still be wrestling with race and racism. Black Lives Matter, police violence and calls for reform, white supremacy – these aren’t going anywhere.
So when the year turns, the nation may well look to Tulsa, Oklahoma, to see what it looks like when a city confronts a racist past. At the end of May, Tulsa will be commemorating the centennial of the 1921 race massacre – a violent incident of racism that left the Black community of Greenwood in ruins.
The city has big plans for the year. They’re building a new museum dedicated to Greenwood and the community once known as Black Wall Street. They’ve launched an investigation into where the bodies of those killed in the massacre are buried. They’re inviting Tulsans to share their stories through visual art and music, and making sure Oklahoma, and America, know the story of Greenwood.
And everyone we talked to in Tulsa agrees these efforts are important. Few, if any, other U.S. cities have tried to come to terms with their racist histories in this way.
But for many Black Tulsans, the massacre represents not just historic pain or symbolic oppression. It reflects their lived experiences today. And they told us that owning up to a racist history – to racism – takes more than programs and projects and good intentions. It takes a willingness, on the part of their leaders and fellow residents, to have difficult conversations about what the Black community has been through and is still going through.
And it means, for Black Tulsans, mourning what they’ve lost – but also reclaiming it, and building something new.
Today, we hear from some of them about that process: the sorrow and the anger involved, but also the determination. And the hope.
[Music]
Jerica: I was born and raised in Tulsa, went to Booker Taliaferro Washington, Sr., High School, world-class high school. Absolutely phenomenal magnet program. I learned nothing about the massacre there.
Jess: That’s Jerica Wortham. She’s the poet we heard at the start of the episode.
Steph Simon: I just seen it in a related search. Tulsa race riot. Documentary.
Jess: And that’s Steph Simon, rapper and producer. We’ve been playing some of his songs throughout this series.
Steph: I’m like, man, is this from here? Like from my streets, you know what I’m saying, from where my school is at?
Jess: We’ll be hearing from Steph and Jerica throughout this story. Both are from Tulsa originally, and like lots of folks from the city, they didn’t learn anything about the 1921 race massacre until they were young adults. The knowledge changed something in them – though in different ways.
Steph was 23 when he first came across a documentary on the massacre, on YouTube. The story would dominate his life for the next decade.
Samantha Laine Perfas/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Musician Steph Simon stands in front of a grand staircase inside Skyline Mansion in Tulsa, Okla., on Tuesday, Sept. 29, 2020. The mansion was built and formerly owned by Tulsa founding father and avowed white supremacist W. Tate Brady.
Steph: I don’t walk, eat, think, nothing the same as pre-learning this. Like, I’ve been covered in this, I’m a whole different person. Learning this really like, changed me.
Jess: When we met with him, Steph had on a custom sweatshirt with Dick Rowland’s name splashed across the front. Dick Rowland was the Black shoeshiner accused of assaulting a white woman back in 1921. His arrest was the spark that ignited the massacre.
Steph: He was the scapegoat, the catalyst.
Jess: Steph feels a real connection with Dick Rowland, whom he sees as a kind of an avatar of the Black experience – not just a hundred years ago, but today.
Steph: Dick Rowland was one of the first. The story is, he is blamed for sexual assault. I know we are believing women, but I also believe that they use Black kids to start stuff like that. Like Mike Brown –
Jess: – the 18-year-old shot and killed by police in Ferguson, Mo., back in 2014.
Steph: ‘He shouldn’t have been stealing in the first place. He wouldn’t have never got shot.’ Or the guy that got killed jogging.
Jess: Ahmaud Arbery –
Steph: ‘He shouldn’t have been looking in the house.’
Jess: – who was chased and shot by white residents in his South Georgia neighborhood in February. A neighbor had called 911 to report seeing a Black man inside a house under construction in the area, which had recently seen several break-ins.
Steph: So that justified him getting shot by two non-cops. There’s always some justifiable, stupid story. And this one was, he assaulted her. And that’s the reason we blow the whole city up. These stories just keep happening over and over. And over. And over. And over again. You know what I’m saying? I was still mad about Ahmaud, and then it was like, dang, we gotta get more mad about George Floyd. I’m still mad about Terence Crutcher. That happened up the road from my house. And then by the time we got done painting him on a shirt, there was somebody else we gotta put. Like we’re running out of street signs, and we’re running out of shirts, and we’re running out of paint, and we’re running out of walls.
Jess: Steph has poured all he’s felt since learning about the massacre into his most recent solo album, ‘Born On Black Wall Street.’ It dropped in 2019. There’s a lot of anger and sorrow in his music. But there’s also pride – at what the Greenwood community was able to achieve in the face of unimaginable hostility. That’s something Steph wants to really tap into and raise up.
Steph: I always tell everybody, ‘Everything is us. Everything is. Everything is us.’ The mindset is the key. It won’t work without the mindset. Pro-Black business, pro local, pro collaboration with your peers, is key. Black Wall Street – ‘everything is us’ was their mentality that they used. That’s how you rise as a community.
Jess: Even where Steph recorded his album is part of his message. The Skyline Mansion was originally known as the Brady Mansion, after W. Tate Brady – a founding father of Tulsa and an avowed white supremacist and Ku Klux Klan member. The mansion, built in 1920, is a close replica of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee’s home in Virginia: Massive stone columns, a grand staircase in the lobby, a fountain on the lawn.
Steph: It’s like, what kind of great way for the tables to turn? Where it’s a Black man in here. I want to get to the point where his name ain’t even brought up anymore. I’m changing the narrative, like let me be the ignition for the new Black Wall Street and the rebuild.
[Music]
[Jerica continues her poem, ‘Love Letter to Greenwood’] Imagine that negroes running things Greenwood was like the board room meeting the cookout. Nuclear Family Meets Community United.... on some June nights under the groove. Getting down just… for the funk of it Black Wall Street. Where I heard Steph say everything is us I believe it
Jess: For Steph Simon, the legacy of the race massacre and Black Wall Street is primarily spiritual. Jerica Wortham agrees. But for her, it’s physical, as well. Jerica is a spoken-word artist – that was her with another excerpt from her poem, ‘Love Letter to Greenwood,’ the same poem we started the episode with.
But Jerica is also an art curator, and she spends a lot of time working with small businesses across Tulsa – especially those run by people of color. She actually asked to meet us in one of them – Fulton Street Books and Coffee – which a friend of hers recently opened.
Jerica: Tulsa is a space that is rich with entrepreneurs, with opportunity to really just kind of spread your wings. Tulsa’s very, very receptive to, ‘I have an idea. I want to try this out. Can I get a little support and just kind of see how that works?’
Jess: But at the same time, she says –
Jessica Mendoza/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Jerica Wortham, at Fulton Street Books and Coffee in Tulsa, Okla., on Thursday, Oct. 1, 2020, says she wants to see the spirit of Black Wall Street translate into physical spaces in her community. "[It's] having a space where you can go in and say, 'Someone that looks like me created this space,'" she says. "I know I'm welcomed."
Jerica: A lot of the people in our community do their business online because the increasing difficulty for people of color to have storefronts. So it’s ingrained in us, we still are running businesses. But storefront space, having brick and mortar, having a space where you can go in and say, ‘Someone that looks like me created this space. And when I go into this space, I know I’m welcomed.’ That is what we are looking for more of. So the – the spirit of Black Wall Street, the spirit of Greenwood, the spirit of of bringing together community – that is there. What I’m hoping is some of those spiritual spaces also being able to manifest themselves into physical spaces within our community.
[Music]
As the centennial of the 1921 race massacre approaches, there’s a kind of bustle about the city of Tulsa. A sense of revival and revitalization, an awareness that the country might soon look its way. And in Tulsa’s Black community, especially in the north part of the city, there’s a new consciousness – of Greenwood and Black Wall Street, and all they represented before and after the massacre – that for decades, simply didn’t exist.
[Music]
Audio montage: members of The Juice Radio Show Takara Williams: “To me, Black Wall Street means remembering what happened, remembering the businesses that were there, remembering the success that Black people had and still have.” Tiller Watson: “Black Wall Street shows me that we can be successful no matter the cost. Anything is possible for us.” Eden Burrell: “Black Wall Street to me is like a symbol, Black power, like Black excellence. It’s just a collage of everything that we can do and that we have done. That’s just what it is to me, like a symbol of hope and power.” William Green: “You know, when a lot of people think of Tulsa, they don’t really think of Black Wall Street. But we want that to be what you think about now. We want to make it less of an idea and more of a reality.”
Jess: Those were Takara Williams, Tiller Watson, Eden Burrell, and William Green. They’re all young Tulsans, high school- and college-age, who host a weekly radio program called The Juice Radio Show. The show airs on a local community radio station run by a man named Bobby Eaton.
Jessica Mendoza/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Takara "TK" Williams, one of the hosts of The Juice Radio Show, starts off the weekly radio program at the headquarters of Eaton Media Services in Tulsa, Okla., on Thursday, Oct. 1, 2020.
Bobby Eaton: I believe and I tell young people all the time, ‘Don’t limit yourself.’
Jess: Bobby is another Tulsa native, though he spent much of his life working as a musician in Los Angeles and Houston. He came back in 2015 to help care for his mother. But he quickly found himself doing something more.
Bobby: When I first moved back here four and a half years ago, I just would go around in the community and I would talk to people. And they would always say, ‘Did you know so-and-so had something going on at the event center, the cultural center?’ ‘No, I didn’t know nothing about it. Never heard of it.’ And it was always like a word of mouth kind of thing. So I decided to open up a radio station.
Jess: Bobby runs about a dozen programs through his company, Eaton Media Services, including a few he hosts himself. But The Juice Radio Show is his pride. For Bobby, the show – and the young people who host it – represent what he hopes is a positive future, for Tulsa’s Black community. So he and his executive director, Ramal Brown, do all they can to make sure The Juice is more than an afternoon hobby for the young folks involved.
Bobby: We try to make sure they get placed in college. We write letters and reference letters, let everybody know they’ve had some broadcasting experience. And we’ve helped get about three of them down in Jackson State. My grandfather always told me something: Be the best at what you do, whatever you decide. If you’re gonna be a garbage man, be the best garbage man. Or, you know, the best doctor. The best musician or entertainer. And if you strive to do the best, then you’re going to see some success. I think that in the African American community, we’ve lost a lot of that type of insight, like Black Wall Street. And to describe North Tulsa is, we’ve lost a lot. Economic development. Things have been torn down. Homes have been torn down. We don’t have a lot of Black businesses in our community like we once had. We’ve got to get back into that sense of building up our community.
Jess: Bobby’s work predates the centennial, and he has every intention of outlasting it. But he says the commemoration is an important chance for folks to process what happened in Greenwood: the spirit that built up Black Wall Street, the hate that tore it down, and the persistence that built it back up again.
Bobby: And it needs to be talked about. It’s a conversation that’s overdue.
[Music]
Jess: Jerica Wortham is pretty psyched to be part of that conversation. She’s the poet and art curator we heard from earlier.
Jerica: I am so excited – COVID pending, right? I’m so excited for the world to be able to come here and experience this story, to experience it in real time, and to feel the energy of the space being reignited.
Jess: Jerica is talking about the Greenwood Art Project. She’s the program director. The project is an initiative of the Tulsa Centennial Commission, which aims to make sure Tulsa, and the country, know the history of Black Wall Street and the massacre.
Jerica: The Greenwood Art Project is a public art project designed to help the artists in Tulsa tell the story of Greenwood in their own way, from their own perspective, and a first-person lens. This was a battleground. This was where horrific things happened. But at the same time, this is where a family lived, where they ate dinner, where they loved each other. And where real people lived real lives. So what you will experience is spaces being engaged with music, poetry, live theater, dance.
Jess: The goal of the Greenwood Art Project is to make history come alive. But much of that history is dark and painful. So the project’s organizers are building in a kind of support system, so people can process what they experience.
Jerica: We understand that it could be heavy. So it’s partnering with mental health organizations to make sure that they have support on stand-by when people are experiencing these moments – to not just drop them in a space and leave them there to deal with it. That’s part of the problem, right? That’s how we got here. It was a lot of blowing things up and then leaving you to deal with it, but not actually having the necessary discussions. So the hope is then, after all of these experiences, that people are able to come together, that they’re able to have meaningful dialogue to really impact real change.
Jess: The installations for the Greenwood Art Project will start showing up in the Greenwood District at the start of 2021, all the way up to the centennial on May 31st and June 1st, and possibly beyond. But the centennial has inspired other artistic endeavors – including one that centers on the Black community reclaiming what it lost, and owning its history. It’s called ‘Fire In Little Africa.’ And Jerica is a part of that, too.
Jerica: Man, ‘Fire In Little Africa’ is – it was so much fun. It was so much fun. I wish you all could have seen all of these artists in one space just creating.
Jess: ‘Fire In Little Africa’ is a multimedia hip-hop project. The name is a knock on the derogatory term that white Tulsans used to refer to Greenwood at the time of the massacre. The project includes a compilation album, set to drop sometime in May; a documentary on how Black Wall Street inspired the artists involved; a weekly podcast; and a curriculum for schools, museums, and corporate offices, based on the project’s themes.
But the album is the soul of ‘Fire In Little Africa.’ Back in March, just before the pandemic hit, musicians, writers, and producers – all from Oklahoma or with ties to the state – descended on Tulsa. Over a four-day weekend, they wrote, recorded, and produced the album in a frenzy of creative energy, all inside the historic Greenwood Cultural Center and the Skyline Mansion.
Jerica: It was beautiful to record it in historical spaces, to see the story being told in a nontraditional way, utilizing hip-hop. It was beautiful to see people that are significantly younger than me engaged in this story and telling it in a way that their peers can digest it.
Jess: Steph Simon, the rapper we heard from earlier, was one of the first artists to have been tapped for the project.
Steph: It’s showing people that Tulsa, Oklahoma, middle of the map, no man’s land. It’s like, naw. We got something to talk about and we have something to say.
Jerica: The works that they’ve created, the work that I got to be a part of as well? Dope! Like it was amazing – amazing, amazing, amazing. And then for them to be able to do that without filter, without sugar coating, without watering it down. Just being able to just be like, ‘Yo, this is what I want to say. This is what happened. This is what’s still happening. And I want to talk about it.’
[Music]
Sam: Hi everyone, Samantha Laine Perfas again, one of the producers on this show. Because of listeners like you, we’re able to devote time to a podcast that goes deep into today’s issues. If you enjoy “Rethinking the News,” the best way to make sure we produce more work like this is to subscribe to The Christian Science Monitor. If you already do, thank you! But if you haven’t subscribed yet, you can do that at csmonitor.com/subscribe. We really appreciate your support. Again, that’s csmonitor.com/subscribe. Thanks for listening.
[Music]
Jess: For all the hope and even excitement surrounding the centennial, there’s no forgetting that the history it’s commemorating is a horrific one. Pretty much everyone we talked to recognized that the centennial is really just the start of the reckoning process.
Bobby: I think it’s going to bring a lot of attention to Tulsa. But what are you gonna do when everybody’s gone and the smoke is cleared?
Jess: That’s Bobby Eaton again, he’s the radio host and musician we heard from earlier.
Jessica Mendoza/The Christian Science Monitor/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Bobby Eaton stands outside his family's home in Tulsa, Okla., on Thursday, Oct. 1, 2020. Mr. Eaton says the city's plans to commemorate the centennial of the 1921 race massacre are important, because they're forcing conversations about Tulsa's Black community that are long overdue.
Bobby: What are you gonna do? ‘Cause I got to be here after everybody’s gone. I got to live here and I got to make a difference. And that’s what’s going to be more important. What are you gonna do?
Jess: We brought that question to Tulsa’s Republican mayor, G.T. Bynum. We heard from him in previous episodes. He says the centennial is important because –
G.T. Bynum: – it has focused citywide attention on a part of our city that got overlooked for decades. And I think we’ve made more progress on understanding what happened in that race massacre in the last five years than we had in the previous 94 years. But it would be a terrible error to think that everybody in Tulsa needs to focus on and care about North Tulsa for the next year and a half, and then we’ll move on and focus on something else. No. You do not fix the issues that need to be fixed by having a short term focus there.
Jess: And this is the crux of the issue, the true challenge of reckoning with racism: It’s work. Painful work, long work, that’s often complicated, and sometimes even contradictory. The mayor himself embodies that contradiction: On the one hand, he’s been a huge supporter of the investigation into where people killed in the massacre might be buried. It’s an effort that many Tulsans say is long overdue, and has received a lot of praise from the city’s Black community.
But, on the other, the mayor is also a defendant in a lawsuit against the city and other local government agencies. The lawsuit calls for reparations for the massacre’s victims and their descendants.
Bynum: I can’t speak about the lawsuit at all. But to tax Tulsans of today for something that Tulsans 99 years ago did, I don’t think is fair to the people who live here today. The issue of reparations is much more divisive than work that we’re trying to build community consensus around. And so what I don’t want to do is introduce the issue of reparations and erode support for the other work that we’re trying to do.
[Music]
Jess: So when we asked the people we met with what they thought about the centennial, how it’s being framed, and whether it’s a step toward reconciliation … we got complicated answers.
Vanessa Adams-Harris: It is a process. People think that it is where you land. It is not that at all.
Jess: That’s Vanessa Adams-Harris. She does outreach and alliance for the John Hope Franklin Center for Reconciliation. The center is named after a prominent local historian who was a key voice for Black history in Tulsa and nationwide.
Jessica Mendoza/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Vanessa Adams-Harris, who does outreach for the John Hope Franklin Reconciliation Center, sits on a bench at a park commemorating the events of the 1921 race massacre in Tulsa, Okla., on Friday, Oct. 2, 2020.
Vanessa: We’re looking at it like a bank statement. It’s reconciled: debit, credit, balance. It doesn’t work like that inside of us as human beings, because we have emotions. We have feelings. We have thoughts. Can we then negotiate that? Can we challenge ourselves to intentionally be with each other in uncomfortable times and moments? Can we do that honestly? And then are we able to then do it again? So it’s a continuum.
Steph: I’m not a big fan of the word reconciliation, because it always comes from just us.
Jess: That’s Steph Simon again.
Steph: ‘What are we gonna do to heal ourselves?,’ is what always turns out to be. A million white people can show up and say, ‘I’m sorry,’ but they still can go home. And like, their lives are not affected. It’s a tough thing. It’s a fragile situation right now, it’s like, very exhausting.
Jess: There were also folks who said that any discussion of reconciliation couldn’t mean anything without a conversation about reparations. Dr. Tiffany Crutcher was one of them. We had her on in Episode 2. Her brother, Terence, was shot and killed by Tulsa police in 2016.
Tiffany Crutcher: The fact is, the 1921 race massacre robbed Black people of their generational wealth. I’m looking right out here across the street at this land where the Stradford Hotel used to sit. Owned by J.B. Stradford. Burnt to the ground. So when people talk about reparations, they ask, What would money do? It’s just not about money. We were robbed of our dreams, of our aspirations. J.B. Stradford could have been Hyatt. He could have been Hilton. He could have been the Marriott. But they stripped us of our generational wealth, our aspirations. But yet you tell us we need to get to a place of reconciliation? It’s like a wound that scabs over. And you think it’s healed. But on the inside it’s infected. You’ve got to pull that scab off, and you’ve got to clean that wound out from the inside out and let it heal. And it’s painful and it takes time. But that’s the only way we’re gonna get to that place of reconciliation is if we tear that scab off. And we have these difficult conversations and we start to work on healing.
[Music]
[Jerica continues to read her poem, ‘Love Letter to Greenwood’] Greenwood, has always been the trendsetter The world is watching and i promise we gone make it worth their while Greenwood sweet sweet Greenwood Rich with heritage and a knowing got my heart swooning over the possibilities Got me open to the probability And I’m not the only One... I know Wanna know how i know? My city told me.
[Music]
Jerica: [sings] Reconciliation… I think it’s possible. I think we could get there.
Jess: That’s Jerica Wortham again.
Jerica: I think we could. The capability to do so is there. I think it looks like having hard discussions and not letting go until you get it together. I think it looks like recognizing the differences that we carry and the similarities and just being a human.
Jess: But as we’ve learned, this journey is just starting for Tulsa. And for Jerica, the promise of what’s possible is wrapped up in the feelings of doubt and distrust that mark so much of the experience of being Black in Tulsa.
Jerica: What it is to be a Tulsan is to have the hope, like we all can feel it. We can feel the shift and the opportunity to actualize the dreams that have been placed in us. We have that hope. However, also to be a Tulsan is to have a bit of skepticism, understanding that even with all the greatness that is in Tulsa, even with all of the revitalizations – understanding that that’s not really being built for us. Us being the citizens in northern Tulsa, the minorities within this community.
Jess: This has been a story about hate and hope, about race and racism and struggle, in one city in Oklahoma. But it’s also a story about America. We heard it a lot in our reporting: This is the kind of reckoning that many cities, and the country, will have to go through for us to truly move forward together. And there’s no guarantee that it will happen – or even that Tulsa will succeed.
But, Jerica says, if there is anything the rest of us can take away from what her city is going through, it’s to see what this kind of reckoning looks like: the kind of courage it takes for these conversations to happen, and the possibilities when they persist.
Jerica: How much further we could be if we had taken time to really acknowledge that history, teach that history, learn from that history a hundred years ago, 20 years ago, 40 years ago. Where would this generation be? We would be further along in the way that we interact with one another and the acceptance that we show towards one another. If we understood, like, ‘Listen, this is the way we’ve handled things in the past, we see how ugly that can get. We see how long it takes to heal from that.’ Well, I just feel like we would have been further if we had had these hard discussions before 2020.
[Music]
Jess: Thanks for joining us, everyone. After the credits, you can listen to Jerica Wortham read her poem, “Love Letter to Greenwood,” in full. And if you liked this series, share it with your friends. You can find and subscribe to this podcast at csmonitor.com/rethinkingthenews, or you can search for “Rethinking the News” wherever you listen to podcasts.
This episode was hosted by me, Jessica Mendoza. Samantha Laine Perfas and I wrote, reported, and produced this story together. Our editors are Clay Collins and Clara Germani, with additional edits by Judy Douglass and Arielle Gray. Sound design by Morgan Anderson and Noel Flatt. With thanks, again, to Steph Simon for letting us use his music throughout this miniseries. You also heard a sample track from ‘Fire In Little Africa,’ featuring vocals by Ausha. Brought to you by The Christian Science Monitor, copyright 2020.
[Jerica Wortham, reciting ‘Love Letter to Greenwood’ in full] We were everything we needed Seeded In Ujamaa, and imani Faith got long legs and no eyes But they had vision For that Greenwood ave That Redman land That Brilliance build by black man hand Legacies of a dreamland That became the blueprint For hope meeting manifestation Heritage on every storefront Resilience in every brick Brick by brick the mortar became mortal This became a living thing My bro Phetote said Greenwood was the body Black Wall Street was the soul I imagine for the generation post slavery Utopia Breathing came easy Cause God blessed the child that had its own And We owned all this! Imagine that negroes running things Greenwood was like the board room meeting the cookout. Nuclear Family Meets Community United.... on some June nights under the groove. Getting down just.. just for the funk of it Black Wall Street. Where I heard steph say everything is us I believe it Yo view There was a fire in little Africa Started from a spark Gurley Stradford Franklin The pioneers Built fires Smoke signaled that opportunity awaited in ol Tulsy town Tulsa Where that fire spread to 35 city blocks A city on fire with excellence and expectation! A city on fire where lucid dreams turned reality A city on fire because jealousy burned in the hearts of those across the railroad lines Flames of destruction swept through in a matter of hours things were leveled In a matter of hours thousands homeless Lives lost In a matter of hours things changed The fact of the matter is Greenwood was what humanity looked like for those that had to stretch to find it The matter is the Greenwood district understood black lives mattered before it was the “it” thing Yet ironically black lives matter can’t even be placed boldly in the heart of the space So i guess the more things change the more they stay the same Yea there was a fire in Little Africa Bombs dropped Smoke thick Breathing no longer easy Breathing sometimes ceased Hands up! Don’t shoot! I can’t breathe I can’t breathe I can’t breathe And while the methods may change (sometimes) Hate and jealousy from across the line swept through I thought i heard somebody say you used to be able to run south to escape that Huh, yet...some stay Bothered by the audacity to find humanity in our blackness But just like in 1922 we rose Because Greenwood has always been more than a zip code We rose because we know That the torch that was passed down through the generations burns in the hearts of the city We rose because we know that fire only purifies the liquid gold that runs through our veins We rose because it takes more than hate and blue paint splattered to change our course Oooooh yea Thangs is changing I feel that Kuumba coming through Now! Now we understand what’s been true all along... that we don’t ask permission anymore We give notice So consider yourself notified that Greenwood is rising again And while broken over and over and over again We will Put it back together Consider yourself notified that Hate don’t live here no more Come in love or don’t come at all Come in peace, decency, Humanity, economic opportunity, black foot traffic, black owned store fronts, respect for the history and legacy, commitment to revitalization, and sanctuary Or don’t come at all! Black Wall Street was more than the money But let’s face it money talks And it’s time for some people to speak up Greenwood, has always been the trendsetter The world is watching and i promise we gone make it worth their while Greenwood sweet sweet Greenwood Rich with heritage and a knowing got my heart swooning over the possibilities Got me open to the probability And I’m not the only One... I know Wanna know how i know My city told me Copyright © 2020 Jerica Wortham All Rights Reserved. Note: The poem, “Love Letter to Greenwood,” is printed here as it was sent by the author.
[End]


csmonitor--2020-10-30--Points of Progress: New Zealand elects diverse gov’t, and more

A nationwide initiative is helping First Nation and municipal leaders redefine their relationships .
Funded primarily by Canada ’ s federal government , the First Nation-Municipal Community Economic Development Initiative aims to promote regional problem-solving , joint economic development , and reconciliation between neighboring communities .
With the help of third-party mediators , participating partners have been able to confront the painful history of colonialism – including ignored treaties , exclusion from major development decisions , and forced assimilation – and right past wrongs .
“ If it appears to be uncomfortable , and you seem almost out of your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a certain indicator that you ’ re doing something groundbreaking , ” said Paqtnkek Mi ’ kmaw Nation ’ s Chief Paul Prosper .
Today , nine partners are finishing the program , having worked together to address water supply issues , improve transit infrastructure , and launch united tourism strategies .
The initiative will welcome a new cohort in 2021 , with the hope of focusing the partnership model on post-pandemic recoveries .
( Reasons to be Cheerful ) Violent crime declined in the United States for the third consecutive year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FBI .
The rate of violent crime – including murder , rape , robbery , and aggravated assault – dropped 1 % in 2019 , with an average of 367 cases per 100,000 residents .
This is the second lowest level since violent crime rates peaked in 1991 at 758 per 100,000 .
In 2014 , there were 362 cases per 100,000 inhabitants .
The FBI ’ s Uniform Crime Reporting Program uses data from thousands of agencies at the federal , state , local , university , and tribal level to compile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The overall number of violent crime cases , not adjusted for population , also declined for a third year in a row , with 0.5 % fewer reported offenses in 2019 than the year before .
In 2015 , a Brennan Center for Justice analysis concluded that many factors are each responsible for a small percentage of the drop in crime , and that a range of efforts would be better public safety investments than mass incarceration .
( Department of Justice , VOX ) Conservation groups in Guatemala are helping a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ park rangers .
FUNDAECO , a Guatemalan nongovernmental organization that works in national parks and reserves across the country , has partnered with the United Nations refugee agency on the empleos verdes ( “ green jobs ” ) program , placing candidates in ecotourism , trail maintenance , and park management positions .
FUNDAECO is currently employing 55 refugees and hopes to place at least 100 candidates .
Rangers who fled gang violence in places such as Honduras now work to prevent illegal activity , such as logging and poaching , in national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoid fostering resentment among Guatemalans looking for conservation work , FUNDAECO also hires one local for every refugee placement .
Alexis Masciarelli , a U.N. refugee agency spokesperson based in Guatemala , said having a permanent job helps “ bring back [ refugees ’ ] dignity and their capacity to contribute to a new community and feel more settled.
” ( Mongabay ) In a move hailed by anti-racism advocates , a Tunisian court will allow a man to change his name to remove a word associated with slavery .
“ Atig ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a common part of many family names in Tunisia , having once been used to denote a freed slave from people still in bondage .
Black Tunisians make up 10 % -15 % of the population , and although the country was among the first to abolish slavery in 1846 , critics say the government has done little to acknowledge the discrimination descendants face , including unequal employment opportunities and racial stereotypes in the media .
The ruling will open doors , activists say , for other Black Tunisians to shed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Tunisia is born free so I don ’ t see why we keep that on paper , ” said Saadia Mosbah , who campaigned for the right to change names .
“ In history books OK , but not on our identity.
” ( Thomson Reuters Foundation ) Villagers of Ban Boon Rueang are being recognized for their novel approach to community forest management and advocacy .
When the government announced plans to infill wetlands for development , the northern village mobilized supporters in academic and conservation fields and presented their case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prompting authorities to withdraw the proposal .
Nearly 300 families manage the wetlands today , mainly using traditional methods , and protecting their livelihood and culture in the process .
Evictions from forests and farmlands have risen in recent years in Thailand as villagers struggle to protect natural resources against tourism and mining , but the Ban Boon Rueang victory is part of a growing trend of successful community pushback .
The United Nations recently awarded the village its Equator Prize for “ outstanding community efforts to reduce poverty through the conservation and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for its use of social media campaigns to highlight forestry management models that are inspiring similar communities .
( Thomson Reuters Foundation ) New Zealand is welcoming its most diverse Parliament ever .
Of 120 parliamentary seats , the ruling Labour Party won 64 , more than half of whom are women , and 16 are Indigenous Maori .
The incoming Parliament will feature the country ’ s first Latin American , Sri Lankan , and African MPs .
It also has the highest percentage of LGBTQ representation in the world , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held by openly LGBTQ candidates , which surpasses the percentage in the United Kingdom ’ s Parliament .
Massey University Professor Paul Spoonley noted the new leaders include several millennials as well .
“ What we have seen is a departure of many of the older , male , white MPs including some who have been in Parliament for over 30 years , ” he said .
( Reuters , Radio New Zealand , Australian Broadcasting Corp . )

1. Canada
A nationwide initiative is helping First Nation and municipal leaders redefine their relationships. Funded primarily by Canada’s federal government, the First Nation-Municipal Community Economic Development Initiative aims to promote regional problem-solving, joint economic development, and reconciliation between neighboring communities. With the help of third-party mediators, participating partners have been able to confront the painful history of colonialism – including ignored treaties, exclusion from major development decisions, and forced assimilation – and right past wrongs. “If it appears to be uncomfortable, and you seem almost out of your place, then I think that’s a certain indicator that you’re doing something groundbreaking,” said Paqtnkek Mi’kmaw Nation’s Chief Paul Prosper.
BLAIR GABLE/REUTERS View caption Hide caption Minister of Crown-Indigenous Relations Carolyn Bennett (on screen) discusses a dispute between commercial and Mi’kmaw lobster fishers on Oct. 19, 2020.
Today, nine partners are finishing the program, having worked together to address water supply issues, improve transit infrastructure, and launch united tourism strategies. The initiative will welcome a new cohort in 2021, with the hope of focusing the partnership model on post-pandemic recoveries. (Reasons to be Cheerful)
Why We Wrote This This is more than feel-good news – it's where the world is making concrete progress. A roundup of positive stories to inspire you.
2. United States
Violent crime declined in the United States for the third consecutive year, according to new estimates from the FBI. The rate of violent crime – including murder, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault – dropped 1% in 2019, with an average of 367 cases per 100,000 residents. This is the second lowest level since violent crime rates peaked in 1991 at 758 per 100,000. In 2014, there were 362 cases per 100,000 inhabitants.
The FBI’s Uniform Crime Reporting Program uses data from thousands of agencies at the federal, state, local, university, and tribal level to compile annual reports on crime throughout the country. The overall number of violent crime cases, not adjusted for population, also declined for a third year in a row, with 0.5% fewer reported offenses in 2019 than the year before. In 2015, a Brennan Center for Justice analysis concluded that many factors are each responsible for a small percentage of the drop in crime, and that a range of efforts would be better public safety investments than mass incarceration. (Department of Justice, VOX)
3. Guatemala
Conservation groups in Guatemala are helping a growing number of refugees find work as park rangers. FUNDAECO, a Guatemalan nongovernmental organization that works in national parks and reserves across the country, has partnered with the United Nations refugee agency on the empleos verdes (“green jobs”) program, placing candidates in ecotourism, trail maintenance, and park management positions.
FUNDAECO is currently employing 55 refugees and hopes to place at least 100 candidates. Rangers who fled gang violence in places such as Honduras now work to prevent illegal activity, such as logging and poaching, in national parks that house important species. To avoid fostering resentment among Guatemalans looking for conservation work, FUNDAECO also hires one local for every refugee placement. Alexis Masciarelli, a U.N. refugee agency spokesperson based in Guatemala, said having a permanent job helps “bring back [refugees’] dignity and their capacity to contribute to a new community and feel more settled.” (Mongabay)
4. Tunisia
In a move hailed by anti-racism advocates, a Tunisian court will allow a man to change his name to remove a word associated with slavery. “Atig” – or “liberated by” – is a common part of many family names in Tunisia, having once been used to denote a freed slave from people still in bondage. Black Tunisians make up 10%-15% of the population, and although the country was among the first to abolish slavery in 1846, critics say the government has done little to acknowledge the discrimination descendants face, including unequal employment opportunities and racial stereotypes in the media. The ruling will open doors, activists say, for other Black Tunisians to shed the stigmatized label. “Every person born in Tunisia is born free so I don’t see why we keep that on paper,” said Saadia Mosbah, who campaigned for the right to change names. “In history books OK, but not on our identity.” (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
5. Thailand
Villagers of Ban Boon Rueang are being recognized for their novel approach to community forest management and advocacy. When the government announced plans to infill wetlands for development, the northern village mobilized supporters in academic and conservation fields and presented their case to the national human rights commission, prompting authorities to withdraw the proposal. Nearly 300 families manage the wetlands today, mainly using traditional methods, and protecting their livelihood and culture in the process.
Evictions from forests and farmlands have risen in recent years in Thailand as villagers struggle to protect natural resources against tourism and mining, but the Ban Boon Rueang victory is part of a growing trend of successful community pushback. The United Nations recently awarded the village its Equator Prize for “outstanding community efforts to reduce poverty through the conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity,” and for its use of social media campaigns to highlight forestry management models that are inspiring similar communities. (Thomson Reuters Foundation)
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6. New Zealand
New Zealand is welcoming its most diverse Parliament ever. Of 120 parliamentary seats, the ruling Labour Party won 64, more than half of whom are women, and 16 are Indigenous Maori. The incoming Parliament will feature the country’s first Latin American, Sri Lankan, and African MPs.
MARK BAKER/AP View caption Hide caption A remarkably diverse roster of new members will soon join their colleagues in the Parliament Buildings in Wellington, New Zealand, pictured here on July 5, 2020.
It also has the highest percentage of LGBTQ representation in the world, with 10% of the seats to be held by openly LGBTQ candidates, which surpasses the percentage in the United Kingdom’s Parliament. Massey University Professor Paul Spoonley noted the new leaders include several millennials as well. “What we have seen is a departure of many of the older, male, white MPs including some who have been in Parliament for over 30 years,” he said. (Reuters, Radio New Zealand, Australian Broadcasting Corp.)


csmonitor--2020-10-30--‘Where are the women?’ At the UN, now there’s an answer.

“ The emphasis being placed on gender … is yielding good results at the leadership levels , ” says Ameera Haq , a former undersecretary-general for the Department of Field Support .
“ But more needs to be done to build up a healthy pipeline of women who can be nurtured , mentored , and trained.
” But behind the strong numbers overall , challenges remain .
Perhaps the biggest , experts say , is not unlike what public and private sectors around the world face : retaining junior women on career paths long enough , despite domestic and traditional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates .
Mr. Guterres took office less than four years ago with a commitment to achieve gender parity in senior positions – after a campaign in which all of his main competitors were women .
Today surveys show that half of all senior leadership posts at the global body are held by women .
The scuttlebutt around the United Nations is that no office or agency should send up to Secretary-General António Guterres an all-male list of candidates for a position like head of a peacekeeping mission or director of a department .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is curt and on the order of : “ Where are the women ?
Get back to me with a revised list.
” Ameerah Haq still recalls with a bit of incredulity the day a decade ago when she realized that the lofty commitments the United Nations had made for years – to place women in senior peace and security positions – had been largely lip service .
Assembling for a group photo with other special representatives for the U.N. secretary-general like herself , the Bangladeshi diplomat looked around and realized she was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men .
“ I recall thinking , ‘ This is 2010 .
It ’ s not 1950 or 1960 , ’ ” says the former special representative for East Timor .
“ ‘ Can we not do better than this ?
’ ” As it turns out , yes we – or rather the U.N. – can .
Less than four years after Secretary-General António Guterres took up his post in January 2017 with a commitment to achieve gender parity in senior positions at the U.N. , dozens of women have been named @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continues to all appearances to pursue his goal with a vengeance .
The U.N. has its first female undersecretary-general for political and peace-building affairs , the American diplomat Rosemary DiCarlo .
Surveys show that now half of all senior leadership positions at the U.N. are held by women .
Indeed , the scuttlebutt around the U.N. is that if any office or agency dares to send up to Mr. Guterres an all-male list of candidates for a position like head of a peacekeeping mission or director of a department , the response is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Where are the women ?
Get back to me with a revised list.
” The remarkable progress at the U.N. toward gender parity is first a story of leadership .
But it also highlights the importance of determination to reach a goal – especially at a time when countervailing geopolitical forces are increasingly buffeting the march of women ’ s rights and gender equity issues .
Mr. Guterres took the office of U.N. secretary-general after an election in which all of his major competitors were women .
Clearly influenced by a nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run the world ’ s premier diplomatic institution for the first time , the former Portuguese prime minister made elevating women a top priority .
The recent rapid rise of women in senior U.N. positions – overall since 1996 , 78 % of senior positions in U.N. peace operations have gone to men , for example – suggests that the pool of capable female candidates was available but untapped .
But behind the strong numbers overall for women in senior positions , experts say challenges remain for achieving gender parity , especially in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and security missions .
Perhaps the biggest challenge , these experts add , is not unlike what the public and private sectors in countries around the world face as they seek to boost the number of women in leadership posts : retaining junior women on career paths long enough , despite domestic and traditional family-care pressures , to develop strong leadership candidates .
“ The emphasis being placed on gender … is yielding good results at the leadership levels , ” says Ms. Haq , who was undersecretary-general for the Department of Field @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ But more needs to be done to build up a healthy pipeline of women who can be nurtured , mentored , and trained for these senior leadership positions.
” Specialists who study the trajectory of female hiring , retention , and promotion at the U.N. confirm Ms. Haq ’ s view that despite considerable progress , stumbling blocks remain for women rising to top positions .
“ The real gap remains at the middle management level at the U.N. , ” says Paige Arthur , deputy director of New York University ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We know that women are coming into the system in strong numbers , but once they get about five years ’ experience , they start to leave the U.N. , ” she says .
“ If you think of that middle management as the pipeline to leadership and women are leaving it , ” she adds , “ then there just are fewer senior-level candidates.
” Ms. Arthur is part of the NYU team that recently unveiled a new “ UN Senior Appointments Dashboard ” that showcases with bright graphics the upward progression @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.N. since 1995 .
Behind the dashboard ’ s interactive charts , she says , is “ a growing sense of gender equity ” and progress “ at making these senior positions more attractive to a wider and more representative group of people.
” What strikes some about the dashboard is the steep rise in appointments of women to senior positions as of about 2017 – when Mr. Guterres arrived at the secretary-general ’ s 38th-floor offices at U.N. headquarters in New York .
“ The headline frankly is the clear evidence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do everything in his power to increase women in senior positions , ” says Anne Marie Goetz , a clinical professor at NYU ’ s Center for Global Affairs and a specialist in women ’ s empowerment in peace building .
“ He ’ s not just going after the low-hanging fruit , ” she adds .
“ He ’ s putting women in some of the tougher [ peace and security ] posts ” – for example in countries that retain a traditional view of women ’ s role in society .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ up a peacekeeping force or directing a stability mission , women remain much less likely to accept an offer than men – who almost always say “ yes.
” Why ?
One reason is that such postings in dangerous or unstable areas usually don ’ t allow for bringing families along , experts say .
And women remain much more likely to turn down a post for family reasons .
“ Women more than men are presented with this choice between caring for their families and accepting a position in the field they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Vanessa Jackson , CARE ’ s representative to the U.N. “ It ’ s a massive commitment , and for many women , it ’ s just too big an ask.
” Also notable in the eyes of some U.N. experts is Mr. Guterres ’ perseverance despite signs of rising resistance to the broader women ’ s agenda , including from the Security Council ’ s most powerful members .
“ Women ’ s rights , whether on the Security Council or on the streets , are facing serious backsliding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Particularly in 2019 we started seeing that commitment to women ’ s peace and security issues was very fragile , and that backsliding continues.
” Russia this week provided fresh evidence of the waning interest in women ’ s rights in the form of a watered-down council resolution on the role of women in peace and security matters .
As president this month of the Security Council , Russia proposed a resolution marking the 20th anniversary of a groundbreaking resolution that first recognized the contributions women make to successful peace and security operations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first time issues like sexual violence and the use of rape in conflict , and called for boosting women ’ s participation in peace and stability missions .
But the proposed resolution incorporates language supplied by China that downplays women ’ s human and civil rights in conflict and peace building , while prioritizing women ’ s betterment through development and other economic gains .
That language reflects an increasingly assertive China ’ s conception of rights , as opposed to the traditional Western focus on political rights and freedoms .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world ’ s leading champion of women ’ s rights , particularly in peace and security issues , but has remained mostly quiet in this week ’ s debate .
Last year the U.S. shocked its chief Western allies when it insisted on deleting language affirming women ’ s rights to “ sexual and reproductive health ” – language the Trump administration interprets as “ abortion ” – from a council resolution on sexual violence in conflict .
Yet even as such controversies rage , Mr. Guterres pursues his goal of gender @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s made within the U.N. , the top diplomat acknowledges the steep climb for women , particularly in conflict settings .
At an event earlier this month commemorating the U.N. ’ s landmark resolution on women , peace , and security , Mr. Guterres noted that over the course of 2018 , women constituted just 13 % of negotiators , 3 % of mediators , and 4 % of signatories in conflict settlements .
And then the man who has fashioned great strides in gender equity within the U.N. concluded , @ @ @ @ @ @

“The emphasis being placed on gender … is yielding good results at the leadership levels,” says Ameera Haq, a former undersecretary-general for the Department of Field Support. “But more needs to be done to build up a healthy pipeline of women who can be nurtured, mentored, and trained.”
But behind the strong numbers overall, challenges remain. Perhaps the biggest, experts say, is not unlike what public and private sectors around the world face: retaining junior women on career paths long enough, despite domestic and traditional family-care pressures, to develop strong leadership candidates.
Gender parity is coming to the leadership ranks at the United Nations. For women, the progress is long overdue. And while it has been and still is a priority of the secretary-general, powerful challenges remain.
Mr. Guterres took office less than four years ago with a commitment to achieve gender parity in senior positions – after a campaign in which all of his main competitors were women. Today surveys show that half of all senior leadership posts at the global body are held by women.
The scuttlebutt around the United Nations is that no office or agency should send up to Secretary-General António Guterres an all-male list of candidates for a position like head of a peacekeeping mission or director of a department. If anyone does, the response supposedly is curt and on the order of: “Where are the women? Get back to me with a revised list.”
Ameerah Haq still recalls with a bit of incredulity the day a decade ago when she realized that the lofty commitments the United Nations had made for years – to place women in senior peace and security positions – had been largely lip service.
Assembling for a group photo with other special representatives for the U.N. secretary-general like herself, the Bangladeshi diplomat looked around and realized she was the only woman in a sea of men.
“I recall thinking, ‘This is 2010. It’s not 1950 or 1960,’” says the former special representative for East Timor. “‘Can we not do better than this?’”
Why We Wrote This Gender parity is coming to the leadership ranks at the United Nations. For women, the progress is long overdue. And while it has been and still is a priority of the secretary-general, powerful challenges remain.
As it turns out, yes we – or rather the U.N. – can.
Less than four years after Secretary-General António Guterres took up his post in January 2017 with a commitment to achieve gender parity in senior positions at the U.N., dozens of women have been named to key positions, and Mr. Guterres continues to all appearances to pursue his goal with a vengeance.
The U.N. has its first female undersecretary-general for political and peace-building affairs, the American diplomat Rosemary DiCarlo. Surveys show that now half of all senior leadership positions at the U.N. are held by women.
Indeed, the scuttlebutt around the U.N. is that if any office or agency dares to send up to Mr. Guterres an all-male list of candidates for a position like head of a peacekeeping mission or director of a department, the response is curt and on the order of: “Where are the women? Get back to me with a revised list.”
The remarkable progress at the U.N. toward gender parity is first a story of leadership. But it also highlights the importance of determination to reach a goal – especially at a time when countervailing geopolitical forces are increasingly buffeting the march of women’s rights and gender equity issues.
Mr. Guterres took the office of U.N. secretary-general after an election in which all of his major competitors were women. Clearly influenced by a nearly successful campaign to elect a woman to run the world’s premier diplomatic institution for the first time, the former Portuguese prime minister made elevating women a top priority.
The recent rapid rise of women in senior U.N. positions – overall since 1996, 78% of senior positions in U.N. peace operations have gone to men, for example – suggests that the pool of capable female candidates was available but untapped.
But behind the strong numbers overall for women in senior positions, experts say challenges remain for achieving gender parity, especially in field postings in the realm of peacekeeping and security missions.
Perhaps the biggest challenge, these experts add, is not unlike what the public and private sectors in countries around the world face as they seek to boost the number of women in leadership posts: retaining junior women on career paths long enough, despite domestic and traditional family-care pressures, to develop strong leadership candidates.
“The emphasis being placed on gender … is yielding good results at the leadership levels,” says Ms. Haq, who was undersecretary-general for the Department of Field Support when she retired in 2014. “But more needs to be done to build up a healthy pipeline of women who can be nurtured, mentored, and trained for these senior leadership positions.”
Lev Radin/Pacific Press/Sipa/AP/File View caption Hide caption Undersecretary-General for Political Affairs Rosemary DiCarlo addresses a Security Council meeting on the situation in Ukraine at U.N. headquarters in New York, Nov. 26, 2018.
Specialists who study the trajectory of female hiring, retention, and promotion at the U.N. confirm Ms. Haq’s view that despite considerable progress, stumbling blocks remain for women rising to top positions.
“The real gap remains at the middle management level at the U.N.,” says Paige Arthur, deputy director of New York University’s Center for International Cooperation. “We know that women are coming into the system in strong numbers, but once they get about five years’ experience, they start to leave the U.N.,” she says. “If you think of that middle management as the pipeline to leadership and women are leaving it,” she adds, “then there just are fewer senior-level candidates.”
Ms. Arthur is part of the NYU team that recently unveiled a new “UN Senior Appointments Dashboard” that showcases with bright graphics the upward progression of female hiring and promotion at the U.N. since 1995. Behind the dashboard’s interactive charts, she says, is “a growing sense of gender equity” and progress “at making these senior positions more attractive to a wider and more representative group of people.”
What strikes some about the dashboard is the steep rise in appointments of women to senior positions as of about 2017 – when Mr. Guterres arrived at the secretary-general’s 38th-floor offices at U.N. headquarters in New York.
“The headline frankly is the clear evidence of the secretary-general’s strong determination to do everything in his power to increase women in senior positions,” says Anne Marie Goetz, a clinical professor at NYU’s Center for Global Affairs and a specialist in women’s empowerment in peace building. “He’s not just going after the low-hanging fruit,” she adds. “He’s putting women in some of the tougher [peace and security] posts” – for example in countries that retain a traditional view of women’s role in society.
Still, when it comes to heading up a peacekeeping force or directing a stability mission, women remain much less likely to accept an offer than men – who almost always say “yes.” Why? One reason is that such postings in dangerous or unstable areas usually don’t allow for bringing families along, experts say. And women remain much more likely to turn down a post for family reasons.
“Women more than men are presented with this choice between caring for their families and accepting a position in the field they’ve been working toward for years,” says Vanessa Jackson, CARE’s representative to the U.N. “It’s a massive commitment, and for many women, it’s just too big an ask.”
Also notable in the eyes of some U.N. experts is Mr. Guterres’ perseverance despite signs of rising resistance to the broader women’s agenda, including from the Security Council’s most powerful members.
“Women’s rights, whether on the Security Council or on the streets, are facing serious backsliding,” says Ms. Jackson. “Particularly in 2019 we started seeing that commitment to women’s peace and security issues was very fragile, and that backsliding continues.”
Russia this week provided fresh evidence of the waning interest in women’s rights in the form of a watered-down council resolution on the role of women in peace and security matters.
As president this month of the Security Council, Russia proposed a resolution marking the 20th anniversary of a groundbreaking resolution that first recognized the contributions women make to successful peace and security operations. The 2000 resolution also addressed for the first time issues like sexual violence and the use of rape in conflict, and called for boosting women’s participation in peace and stability missions.
But the proposed resolution incorporates language supplied by China that downplays women’s human and civil rights in conflict and peace building, while prioritizing women’s betterment through development and other economic gains.
That language reflects an increasingly assertive China’s conception of rights, as opposed to the traditional Western focus on political rights and freedoms.
The United States continues to present itself as the world’s leading champion of women’s rights, particularly in peace and security issues, but has remained mostly quiet in this week’s debate. Last year the U.S. shocked its chief Western allies when it insisted on deleting language affirming women’s rights to “sexual and reproductive health” – language the Trump administration interprets as “abortion” – from a council resolution on sexual violence in conflict.
Yet even as such controversies rage, Mr. Guterres pursues his goal of gender equity. And despite the considerable progress he’s made within the U.N., the top diplomat acknowledges the steep climb for women, particularly in conflict settings.
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At an event earlier this month commemorating the U.N.’s landmark resolution on women, peace, and security, Mr. Guterres noted that over the course of 2018, women constituted just 13% of negotiators, 3% of mediators, and 4% of signatories in conflict settlements.
And then the man who has fashioned great strides in gender equity within the U.N. concluded, “This must change.”