csmonitor--2020-05-06--Daily for May 6, 2020

Daily for May 6, 2020

At what point does the nonessential become essential again ?
And what is essential , anyway ?
Educated minds may disagree , especially if you ’ re leading a state during a pandemic .
Just ask Gavin Newsom and Greg Abbott .
The governors of California and Texas , respectively , don ’ t agree on much – including how to respond to the coronavirus pandemic .
On May 1 , for example , as the Texas governor was allowing some businesses to reopen , the California governor closed beaches in Orange County .
Still , in recent weeks they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they reopen in stages and lead their states into the uncertainty of a post-lockdown , pre-vaccine world .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Amid conflicting pressures from citizens , both governors are now pursuing a degree of reopening .
Both find themselves balancing their own authority with some local autonomy .
And both say data and science are driving their decisions , even at a time when a lot remains unknown about how to track and contain the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican , has prioritized a quick reopening of businesses while Mr. Newsom , a Democrat , is taking a more cautious approach .
California has seen more coronavirus deaths than Texas and many other states .
The reopening efforts could showcase the possibilities of regional flexibility within states , but also remain fraught with challenges .
“ I ’ m very worried about the states , ” says G. William Hoagland , senior vice president at the Bipartisan Policy Center , a centrist think tank in Washington , which recommends that the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next several weeks .
“ Most states have opened up too broadly , too quickly .
But digging down below the aggregate state level , and looking at counties and localities , obviously you get a different picture.
” The pressures facing governors around the nation are evident in Shelley Luther ’ s salon in Dallas .
Since she reopened her salon on April 24 , in defiance of state and local orders , Ms. Luther has become a cause célèbre for people around the country demanding the easing of virus-related restrictions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ than before it , she says .
“ People are proud of what we ’ ve been doing ... and want to come and support us , ” she added in a May 2 interview .
“ The government was not helping us the way they said they would , ” she says , citing the worries local businesses face about paying their mortgages and seeking emergency loans .
On May 5 , a civil court judge in Dallas sentenced her to a week in jail and a fine of at least $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ms. Luther , who says she doesn ’ t know anyone who has contracted COVID-19 , told Judge Eric Moyé that “ feeding my kids is not selfish.
” “ The rule of law governs us , ” the judge said .
“ People can not take it upon themselves to determine what they will and will not do.
” But the pandemic has decimated the Texas economy .
And while 66 % of Texas voters consider the coronavirus a serious crisis , 72 % are “ extremely ” or “ very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to a Texas Tribune/University of Texas at Austin poll .
This has seen Governor Abbott seize command of when and how the state returns to work , says Joshua Blank , research director at the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin .
“ Now the purpose is to limit the public health consequences to an acceptable level in service of restarting the economy , ” he adds .
“ That acceptable level is going to be determined solely by the governor going forward , which I ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his part.
” Since May 1 malls , museums , restaurants , and movie theaters have been allowed to reopen at 25 % of their total capacity .
Hair salons are being allowed to open on May 8 , and gyms on May 18 .
This is a slight acceleration from Governor Abbott ’ s original plan of “ Phase 2 ” starting “ as early as May 18 , ” but it ’ s combined with social-distancing guidelines ( though they can ’ t be enforced with penalties ) , scaling to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a team of 4,000 “ contact tracers ” by May 11 .
The phased reopening is being guided by science and data , the governor says , albeit with caveats that in a large and diverse state a one-size-fits-all approach may be counterproductive .
Counties with fewer than five active cases – 108 of the state ’ s 254 counties right now – can open businesses to 50 % their total capacity , for example .
The governor has also issued special guidance for nursing homes and Texans over 65 , who make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state .
In particular he points to a decline in the “ test-positivity rate , ” or the percentage of tests that have been returned positive , and that hospital systems aren ’ t overwhelmed with COVID-19 patients .
In that context , some have criticized his plan as too modest .
“ If you look at the data , in Texas and most states it ’ s safe to reopen maybe even more aggressively than we have , ” says Kevin Roberts , a part-time member of the governor ’ s advisory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ director of the conservative Texas Public Policy Foundation .
“ We ’ ve been told to watch data , flatten the curve .
Well what have we been doing ?
Watching data , flattening curve .
Now we ’ re here , the goalposts have moved , ” he adds , referencing critics of the governor ’ s plan – notably local Democratic leaders .
The critics , however , say they ’ re using the same goal posts as health officials advising the governor and President Donald Trump .
White House guidelines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documented cases before states start reopening .
A paper co-authored by Dr. Mark McClellan , one of Governor Abbott ’ s advisers and a former Food and Drug Administration commissioner , also recommends waiting for a two-week decline , as well as waiting until a state can test everyone with COVID-19 symptoms .
Over the weekend , the state added more than 2,000 cases – its highest increase since the outbreak began .
To date , 884 Texans have died .
Texas is near the bottom when it comes to per capita testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state expands testing and contact tracing as it plans to , those are good indicators to track as businesses reopen , says Luis Ostrosky , an infectious disease specialist at McGovern Medical School at UTHealth in Houston .
So are the social distancing guidelines – set out in the governor ’ s plan .
“ If we follow these rules carefully we ’ re going to be successful , and if we don ’ t there ’ s a mechanism to scale back , as painful as it may be , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has given himself the ability to accelerate or reverse on easing restrictions .
His order also supersedes any local orders that may conflict with it .
In Bexar County , which includes most of San Antonio , for example , face coverings are still “ required ” even though the governor ’ s order means such local ordinances can ’ t be enforced .
In Dallas County , home to Ms. Luther ’ s salon , County Judge Clay Jenkins worries Governor Abbott is moving too fast on reopening .
“ We have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ other major ] urban areas have seen , but it doesn ’ t mean we couldn ’ t still have that , ” he says .
On the ground , the first week of Texas ’ s reopening has been fairly muted .
Some restaurants haven ’ t reopened to dine-in customers , in part because of the time it would take to set up .
Many movie theaters and museums have stayed closed – including the Governor ’ s mansion in Austin – and shoppers seem to be venturing out in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s going to take a while to build that confidence up .
People are cautious with their spending , they don ’ t know what the future holds , ” says Bexar County Judge Nelson Wolff .
“ There ’ s going to be a reluctance to move forward , but we just have to deal with it.
” In Newport Beach , California , you couldn ’ t miss the sign : “ Beach area temporarily closed.
” All caps .
Red letters .
It was posted on a sandwich board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ front door on the corner of 35th Street and paradise .
Nor could you miss the police helicopters , which twice passed over the handful of scattered sunbathers on Newport Beach last Saturday , asking people to vacate the area .
Ms. Fraumeni , visiting her family ’ s oceanside cottage from her home in Hacienda Heights , did not move from her isolated beach chair .
Nor did she cease reading “ The 13-Minute Murder ” by James Patterson .
“ My civil liberties are to be able to come to our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for , ” says the educator in sunglasses .
In her view , Governor Newsom violated those rights when he closed this and all beaches in Orange County on May 1 , citing crowds at a time when Californians need to practice social distancing .
For seven weeks , Ms. Fraumeni has obeyed the governor ’ s statewide lockdown – the first in the nation .
But when he overruled the city council ’ s vote last week to keep the beach open , that was “ over the top , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heard that message – to a degree .
On Monday , he announced that the Golden State would take the first steps to reopen California ’ s economy , beginning Friday with curb-side pickup for “ lower risk ” retailers like bookstores , clothing stores , and florists ( it ’ s almost Mother ’ s Day , after all ) .
Perhaps more notable , he ’ s loosening the reins on local communities , allowing them to open further if they meet certain virus-containment criteria .
Counties less affected by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases , have been clamoring for local autonomy , and a few have gone ahead with reopening .
They ’ re backed by swarms of vociferous protesters .
But while the governor has publicly empathized with the protesters , he maintains that it is science and data – not politics and pushback – that are allowing him to start to gradually reopen the state .
That , and the vigilance of Californians staying home and practicing social distancing .
“ He is a data-driven guy , ” says Zev Yaroslavsky , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of California in Los Angeles .
“ In this instance , the data-driven approach is perfect for the crisis we have.
” When mayor of San Francisco , Mr. Newsom joined the management trend in cities like Baltimore and New York , measuring city services and budgets through a data system known as “ SFStat.
” He repeatedly comes back to key metrics guiding a gradual reopening of this vast and varied “ nation-state , ” as he often calls it .
On Monday , he pointed to a “ report card ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a slight decline in COVID-19-related stays in intensive care units .
The state is “ on schedule ” with personal protective equipment , health care surge capacity , and testing and contact tracing capability , according to the report card .
The number of coronavirus-related deaths in California has declined for the first time , week over week .
With more than 2,400 such deaths reported so far , California is in far better shape than New York ( more than 24,000 ) .
But there ’ s “ a lot we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the data and science of the virus , says Emily Blodget , an expert on infectious diseases at the Keck School of Medicine at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles .
Political leaders may look for a decline in cases for their guide , but more testing is bound to reveal more cases , says Dr. Blodget .
The most reliable guides for decision-making are hospitalizations and ICU stays , she says .
Californians broadly back the governor ’ s cautious , data-based approach , with 70 % of voters approving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll released on May 1 .
Similarly , 70 % say they are more concerned that the shelter-in-place orders will end too soon , causing the virus to spread more , than are worried the orders will go on for too long , causing greater economic damage .
More than 4 million people in California have filed for unemployment benefits – with more coming .
“ I ’ m a rule follower .
We do what we need to do for the common good , ” says Erin Crane , holding her terrier-mix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newport Beach .
The mother of two resides just paces away from a stunning cliff view of the ocean .
She wears a mask on her walks , though many residents don ’ t .
The Southern California heat wave that sent people seeking ocean sun and fun two weekends ago – and which prompted the governor ’ s crackdown – caused chaos on her street of closely packed homes , she says .
The beach itself was less of an issue , but with the beach parking lot closed , cars and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She ’ s glad the governor closed the beach .
“ It ’ s unfortunate , but we need to stay healthy.
” In some cases , communities that want more freedom to open up are throwing their own data back at the governor .
Orange County has experienced 61 COVID-19 deaths so far – out of a population of 3.2 million .
The local hospital has a 475-bed capacity , with never more than 25 people in beds at any time , maintains Mayor Will O ’ Neill .
There is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this governor has talked quite a bit about ... putting data over politics .
So if he needs more data , we ’ ll be happy to provide more data , ” said the mayor , after a special council session Saturday .
Now the state and oceanside communities are working together , and this week reached agreements to open up several major beaches , including Newport Beach .
The agreements allow activities such as walking , surfing , and jogging , but no passive games or sunbathing .
Orange County was once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here feel like the Democratic governor is sticking it to them .
Some local politicians are playing up the division through legal action .
Regrettably , “ it ’ s now getting really political , ” says Newport Beach council member Joy Brenner .
Still , she agrees that localities should have more say in reopening .
“ I don ’ t think one-size-fits-all is the answer.
” That seems to be where Governor Newsom is headed – with limits .
This week he criticized a few counties that have defied his baseline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ malls , gyms , and full-service restaurants to open .
“ They ’ re making a big mistake .
They ’ re putting their public at risk .
They ’ re putting our progress at risk.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

Texas and California reopen: different pace, similar pressure Collapse
At what point does the nonessential become essential again? And what is essential, anyway?
Educated minds may disagree, especially if you’re leading a state during a pandemic. Just ask Gavin Newsom and Greg Abbott.
The governors of California and Texas, respectively, don’t agree on much – including how to respond to the coronavirus pandemic. On May 1, for example, as the Texas governor was allowing some businesses to reopen, the California governor closed beaches in Orange County.
Still, in recent weeks they have found themselves following similar paths as they reopen in stages and lead their states into the uncertainty of a post-lockdown, pre-vaccine world.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Amid conflicting pressures from citizens, both governors are now pursuing a degree of reopening. Both find themselves balancing their own authority with some local autonomy. And both say data and science are driving their decisions, even at a time when a lot remains unknown about how to track and contain the COVID-19 disease.
Mr. Abbott, a Republican, has prioritized a quick reopening of businesses while Mr. Newsom, a Democrat, is taking a more cautious approach. California has seen more coronavirus deaths than Texas and many other states.
The reopening efforts could showcase the possibilities of regional flexibility within states, but also remain fraught with challenges.
“I’m very worried about the states,” says G. William Hoagland, senior vice president at the Bipartisan Policy Center, a centrist think tank in Washington, which recommends that the U.S. triple its coronavirus testing capacity in the next several weeks. “Most states have opened up too broadly, too quickly. But digging down below the aggregate state level, and looking at counties and localities, obviously you get a different picture.”
A red-state governor reopens
The pressures facing governors around the nation are evident in Shelley Luther’s salon in Dallas.
Since she reopened her salon on April 24, in defiance of state and local orders, Ms. Luther has become a cause célèbre for people around the country demanding the easing of virus-related restrictions. Business has been busier during the pandemic than before it, she says.
“People are proud of what we’ve been doing ... and want to come and support us,” she added in a May 2 interview.
“The government was not helping us the way they said they would,” she says, citing the worries local businesses face about paying their mortgages and seeking emergency loans.
On May 5, a civil court judge in Dallas sentenced her to a week in jail and a fine of at least $3,500 for defying state and county orders. Ms. Luther, who says she doesn’t know anyone who has contracted COVID-19, told Judge Eric Moyé that “feeding my kids is not selfish.”
“The rule of law governs us,” the judge said. “People cannot take it upon themselves to determine what they will and will not do.”
But the pandemic has decimated the Texas economy. And while 66% of Texas voters consider the coronavirus a serious crisis, 72% are “extremely” or “very” concerned about the national economy, according to a Texas Tribune/University of Texas at Austin poll.
This has seen Governor Abbott seize command of when and how the state returns to work, says Joshua Blank, research director at the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas at Austin.
“Now the purpose is to limit the public health consequences to an acceptable level in service of restarting the economy,” he adds. “That acceptable level is going to be determined solely by the governor going forward, which I’ll say is a pretty big gamble on his part.”
Eric Gay/AP View caption Hide caption Texas Gov. Greg Abbott holds the Governor's Report to Reopen Texas book during a news conference where he announced he would relax some restrictions imposed on businesses due to the COVID-19 pandemic, on April 27, 2020, in Austin, Texas.
Since May 1 malls, museums, restaurants, and movie theaters have been allowed to reopen at 25% of their total capacity. Hair salons are being allowed to open on May 8, and gyms on May 18. This is a slight acceleration from Governor Abbott’s original plan of “Phase 2” starting “as early as May 18,” but it’s combined with social-distancing guidelines (though they can’t be enforced with penalties), scaling to 30,000 tests per day, and mobilizing a team of 4,000 “contact tracers” by May 11.
The phased reopening is being guided by science and data, the governor says, albeit with caveats that in a large and diverse state a one-size-fits-all approach may be counterproductive. Counties with fewer than five active cases – 108 of the state’s 254 counties right now – can open businesses to 50% their total capacity, for example. The governor has also issued special guidance for nursing homes and Texans over 65, who make up 70% of fatalities in the state.
In particular he points to a decline in the “test-positivity rate,” or the percentage of tests that have been returned positive, and that hospital systems aren’t overwhelmed with COVID-19 patients.
In that context, some have criticized his plan as too modest.
“If you look at the data, in Texas and most states it’s safe to reopen maybe even more aggressively than we have,” says Kevin Roberts, a part-time member of the governor’s advisory group on reopening the state and executive director of the conservative Texas Public Policy Foundation.
“We’ve been told to watch data, flatten the curve. Well what have we been doing? Watching data, flattening curve. Now we’re here, the goalposts have moved,” he adds, referencing critics of the governor’s plan – notably local Democratic leaders.
The critics, however, say they’re using the same goal posts as health officials advising the governor and President Donald Trump.
White House guidelines for reopening recommend a two-week decline in documented cases before states start reopening. A paper co-authored by Dr. Mark McClellan, one of Governor Abbott’s advisers and a former Food and Drug Administration commissioner, also recommends waiting for a two-week decline, as well as waiting until a state can test everyone with COVID-19 symptoms.
Over the weekend, the state added more than 2,000 cases – its highest increase since the outbreak began. To date, 884 Texans have died.
Texas is near the bottom when it comes to per capita testing in the country. But if the state expands testing and contact tracing as it plans to, those are good indicators to track as businesses reopen, says Luis Ostrosky, an infectious disease specialist at McGovern Medical School at UTHealth in Houston. So are the social distancing guidelines – set out in the governor’s plan.
“If we follow these rules carefully we’re going to be successful, and if we don’t there’s a mechanism to scale back, as painful as it may be,” says Dr. Ostrosky.
Indeed, Governor Abbott has given himself the ability to accelerate or reverse on easing restrictions. His order also supersedes any local orders that may conflict with it.
David J. Phillip/AP View caption Hide caption Nyha Carter (left) helps Brianna Fregia inside a Journeys shoe store in The Woodlands, Texas, on May 5, 2020. The Woodlands Mall reopened Tuesday with increased health and safety measures in place, as the state's governor eased coronavirus-related restrictions on the economy.
In Bexar County, which includes most of San Antonio, for example, face coverings are still “required” even though the governor’s order means such local ordinances can’t be enforced.
In Dallas County, home to Ms. Luther’s salon, County Judge Clay Jenkins worries Governor Abbott is moving too fast on reopening.
“We have not seen the death and disease that [other major] urban areas have seen, but it doesn’t mean we couldn’t still have that,” he says.
On the ground, the first week of Texas’s reopening has been fairly muted. Some restaurants haven’t reopened to dine-in customers, in part because of the time it would take to set up. Many movie theaters and museums have stayed closed – including the Governor’s mansion in Austin – and shoppers seem to be venturing out in trickles instead of droves.
“It’s going to take a while to build that confidence up. People are cautious with their spending, they don’t know what the future holds,” says Bexar County Judge Nelson Wolff. “There’s going to be a reluctance to move forward, but we just have to deal with it.”
A blue-state leader focused on health data
In Newport Beach, California, you couldn’t miss the sign: “Beach area temporarily closed.” All caps. Red letters. It was posted on a sandwich board just steps from Penny Fraumeni’s front door on the corner of 35th Street and paradise.
Nor could you miss the police helicopters, which twice passed over the handful of scattered sunbathers on Newport Beach last Saturday, asking people to vacate the area.
Ms. Fraumeni, visiting her family’s oceanside cottage from her home in Hacienda Heights, did not move from her isolated beach chair. Nor did she cease reading “The 13-Minute Murder” by James Patterson.
“My civil liberties are to be able to come to our beach – the beach I pay taxes for,” says the educator in sunglasses. In her view, Governor Newsom violated those rights when he closed this and all beaches in Orange County on May 1, citing crowds at a time when Californians need to practice social distancing. For seven weeks, Ms. Fraumeni has obeyed the governor’s statewide lockdown – the first in the nation. But when he overruled the city council’s vote last week to keep the beach open, that was “over the top,” she believes.
Rich Pedroncelli/AP View caption Hide caption California Gov. Gavin Newsom gestures during a news conference at the Governor's Office of Emergency Services in Rancho Cordova, California, on April 14, 2020. Mr. Newsom is allowing a degree of local autonomy in reopening, but this week criticized a few counties that have defied his baseline conditions.
The governor appears to have heard that message – to a degree.
On Monday, he announced that the Golden State would take the first steps to reopen California’s economy, beginning Friday with curb-side pickup for “lower risk” retailers like bookstores, clothing stores, and florists (it’s almost Mother’s Day, after all). Perhaps more notable, he’s loosening the reins on local communities, allowing them to open further if they meet certain virus-containment criteria. Counties less affected by the virus, including four with no confirmed cases, have been clamoring for local autonomy, and a few have gone ahead with reopening. They’re backed by swarms of vociferous protesters.
But while the governor has publicly empathized with the protesters, he maintains that it is science and data – not politics and pushback – that are allowing him to start to gradually reopen the state. That, and the vigilance of Californians staying home and practicing social distancing.
“He is a data-driven guy,” says Zev Yaroslavsky, a former Los Angeles politician now with the University of California in Los Angeles. “In this instance, the data-driven approach is perfect for the crisis we have.”
When mayor of San Francisco, Mr. Newsom joined the management trend in cities like Baltimore and New York, measuring city services and budgets through a data system known as “SFStat.”
He repeatedly comes back to key metrics guiding a gradual reopening of this vast and varied “nation-state,” as he often calls it. On Monday, he pointed to a “report card” that showed a two-week stabilization in hospitalizations and a slight decline in COVID-19-related stays in intensive care units. The state is “on schedule” with personal protective equipment, health care surge capacity, and testing and contact tracing capability, according to the report card.
Francine Kiefer/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Erin Crane holds her terrier-mix, Ridley, in front of her home in Newport Beach, California, on May 2, 2020. "I'm a rule follower. We do what we need to do for the common good," she says of the governor's recent order to close the beaches in her county.
The number of coronavirus-related deaths in California has declined for the first time, week over week. With more than 2,400 such deaths reported so far, California is in far better shape than New York (more than 24,000).
But there’s “a lot we still don’t know” about the data and science of the virus, says Emily Blodget, an expert on infectious diseases at the Keck School of Medicine at the University of Southern California in Los Angeles. Political leaders may look for a decline in cases for their guide, but more testing is bound to reveal more cases, says Dr. Blodget. The most reliable guides for decision-making are hospitalizations and ICU stays, she says.
Californians broadly back the governor’s cautious, data-based approach, with 70% of voters approving his job performance, according to one poll released on May 1. Similarly, 70% say they are more concerned that the shelter-in-place orders will end too soon, causing the virus to spread more, than are worried the orders will go on for too long, causing greater economic damage. More than 4 million people in California have filed for unemployment benefits – with more coming.
“I’m a rule follower. We do what we need to do for the common good,” says Erin Crane, holding her terrier-mix Ridley in front of her home in Newport Beach. The mother of two resides just paces away from a stunning cliff view of the ocean. She wears a mask on her walks, though many residents don’t.
The Southern California heat wave that sent people seeking ocean sun and fun two weekends ago – and which prompted the governor’s crackdown – caused chaos on her street of closely packed homes, she says. The beach itself was less of an issue, but with the beach parking lot closed, cars and maskless pedestrians crammed the streets and sidewalks. She’s glad the governor closed the beach. “It’s unfortunate, but we need to stay healthy.”
In some cases, communities that want more freedom to open up are throwing their own data back at the governor. Orange County has experienced 61 COVID-19 deaths so far – out of a population of 3.2 million. The local hospital has a 475-bed capacity, with never more than 25 people in beds at any time, maintains Mayor Will O’Neill. There is no ventilator shortage.
Francine Kiefer/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Newport Beach Council member Joy Brenner points to Corona Del Mar beach in California on May 2, 2020. California Gov. Gavin Newsom had closed the beach the day before. Although she supported closure for safety reasons, she believes locals should have a say in such decisions.
“I know this governor has talked quite a bit about ... putting data over politics. So if he needs more data, we’ll be happy to provide more data,” said the mayor, after a special council session Saturday.
Now the state and oceanside communities are working together, and this week reached agreements to open up several major beaches, including Newport Beach. The agreements allow activities such as walking, surfing, and jogging, but no passive games or sunbathing.
Orange County was once a GOP bastion, and many people here feel like the Democratic governor is sticking it to them. Some local politicians are playing up the division through legal action. Regrettably, “it’s now getting really political,” says Newport Beach council member Joy Brenner. Still, she agrees that localities should have more say in reopening. “I don’t think one-size-fits-all is the answer.”
That seems to be where Governor Newsom is headed – with limits. This week he criticized a few counties that have defied his baseline conditions and are allowing higher-risk businesses like malls, gyms, and full-service restaurants to open. “They’re making a big mistake. They’re putting their public at risk. They’re putting our progress at risk.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-05-06--Federal aid: Should payouts match COVID-19 numbers?

Alaska , Hawaii , Montana , and Wyoming are not epicenters of the coronavirus pandemic .
Yet these four states scored big this spring when Congress pumped out direct federal aid , while the two hardest-hit states , New York and New Jersey , got comparatively little given the vast numbers of cases and deaths they have seen .
An Associated Press analysis shows that some states with small populations like these took in an out-sized share of the $ 150 billion in federal money that was designed to address coronavirus-related expenses , when measured by the number of positive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ haul ranged from $ 2 million per positive test in Hawaii to nearly $ 3.4 million per test in Alaska .
In Wyoming , with less than 600 positive cases , the $ 1.25 billion it received equates to 80 % of its annual general state budget .
By comparison , New York and New Jersey received about $ 24,000 and $ 27,000 , respectively , for each positive coronavirus test .
Other states with high numbers of cases , including Massachusetts , Michigan , and Illinois , received less than $ 100,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a fire , you don ’ t spray the whole neighborhood .
You spray the house that ’ s on fire , ” said Bill Hammond , director of public health policy at the Empire Center for Public Policy , a nonpartisan government watchdog in New York .
He said it doesn ’ t make sense in this case to follow the normal political procedure of giving every state so much in the face of a public health crisis .
To be sure , the lowest population states often receive higher dollar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal aid .
That ’ s due in part to political reality : Small states have the same number of U.S. senators as more populous ones , and those senators lobby hard for their states ’ interests .
The awards in the relief act passed in late March were based on population , but with a catch : Every state was to receive at least $ 1.25 billion , regardless of its size .
Lawmakers said setting such a minimum was needed to reach a deal in a divided government .
In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to smaller states has consequences .
States with high numbers of infections and deaths say they need that money for immediate expenses related to fighting an outbreak that threatened to overwhelm their hospital systems , from staff overtime to setting up makeshift hospitals .
The money for state governments is a slice of a $ 2.2 trillion federal stimulus .
Governments are supposed to use it for new coronavirus expenses incurred from March 1 through Dec. 30 .
Under federal guidelines , the money can not be used for other purposes , like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep general government services running .
Some states with relatively few cases have been able to reopen their economies faster and have more options on how to spend the federal largesse .
Many are now trying to determine how they can spend the windfall while keeping within the federal guidelines .
Wyoming Gov .
Mark Gordon , a Republican , is proposing using a portion of the money to help businesses that have suffered because of government-imposed shutdowns and shrunken demand , even though other parts of the federal aid are already aimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Idaho – which received more than $ 600,000 per positive test – already has a similar system in place .
In a public meeting streamed on video , Mr. Gordon said he knew the state would be watched carefully .
After all , the state ’ s allocation is five times per capita what New York received and nearly 90 times as much per positive coronavirus test .
“ There will be unduly high scrutiny on how Wyoming uses those funds , ” Mr. Gordon said .
Montana ’ s governor is also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and rent assistance and other programs .
Hawaii ’ s Gov .
David Ige said his state ’ s share was “ sorely needed ” because of the dire financial consequences of halting its tourism industry as the virus spread .
Democratic Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont , vice chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee , has worked for decades to implement all-state minimums for federal funding : “ Regardless of total numbers of cases , states like Vermont have had to shut down , just as have other states , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been devastating in many ways , ’ ’ Mr. Leahy said in a statement .
Other states are considering dividing the federal money among local governments and businesses , in addition to covering the state ’ s health expenses .
That ’ s the plan in Alaska .
One of that state 's two Republican senators , U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan , said the goal of the act was to get as much help to the states as possible and that he worked hard to set the $ 1.25 billion minimum level .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ we were hit harder ’ is all relative , meaning we ’ re not out of this pandemic and you ’ re seeing flareups in other states , '' he said .
`` I hope that doesn ’ t happen in our state , but it could.
” West Virginia , which has the seventh-lowest number of U.S. coronavirus cases , received just over $ 1 million per positive test .
Gov .
Jim Justice , a Republican , has said he hopes the state will be able to use the money to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though federal guidance on the bill suggests that would not be allowed .
New York does n't have the luxury of trying to use the money to help cover a massive drop in tax revenue .
While it received billions of federal dollars for coronavirus-related expenses , it has received no money to help offset the loss of more than $ 13 billion in revenue , said Freeman Klopott , spokesman for the state budget division .
The state is now considering $ 10 billion in cuts .
“ New York state has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unfortunately has been home to about one-third of all U.S. COVID-19 related deaths , and federal funding provided so far has failed to recognize this reality , ” Mr. Klopott said in a statement .
Steve Sweeney , New Jersey 's Democratic state Senate president , said if his state were among those with the fewest infections , “ we 'd give the money to somebody else.
” New York and other states with high numbers of cases have been lobbying Congress to provide more aid to state and local governments in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bill Cassidy , a Louisiana Republican , and Robert Menendez , a New Jersey Democrat , are proposing $ 500 billion more for state and local governments .
Under their plan , the first one-third of the money would be allocated based on population , the second on the number of coronavirus cases and the third on the toll it ’ s taken on government budgets .
Under their proposal , every state again would receive at least $ 1.25 billion – and this time with looser restrictions on how the money could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ baseline amount was a nod to political reality : “ We need to get 60 votes in the Senate.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Mr. Mulvihill reported from Cherry Hill , New Jersey .
AP reporters Becky Bohrer in Juneau , Alaska ; Anthony Izaguirre in Charleston , West Virginia ; Audrey McAvoy in Honolulu ; Wilson Ring in Montpelier , Vermont ; and Marina Villeneuve in Albany , New York , contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Alaska, Hawaii, Montana, and Wyoming are not epicenters of the coronavirus pandemic. Yet these four states scored big this spring when Congress pumped out direct federal aid, while the two hardest-hit states, New York and New Jersey, got comparatively little given the vast numbers of cases and deaths they have seen.
An Associated Press analysis shows that some states with small populations like these took in an out-sized share of the $150 billion in federal money that was designed to address coronavirus-related expenses, when measured by the number of positive tests for the COVID-19 disease.
Their haul ranged from $2 million per positive test in Hawaii to nearly $3.4 million per test in Alaska. In Wyoming, with less than 600 positive cases, the $1.25 billion it received equates to 80% of its annual general state budget.
By comparison, New York and New Jersey received about $24,000 and $27,000, respectively, for each positive coronavirus test. Other states with high numbers of cases, including Massachusetts, Michigan, and Illinois, received less than $100,000 per case.
“If there’s a fire, you don’t spray the whole neighborhood. You spray the house that’s on fire,” said Bill Hammond, director of public health policy at the Empire Center for Public Policy, a nonpartisan government watchdog in New York. He said it doesn’t make sense in this case to follow the normal political procedure of giving every state so much in the face of a public health crisis.
To be sure, the lowest population states often receive higher dollar amounts per capita when Congress doles out federal aid. That’s due in part to political reality: Small states have the same number of U.S. senators as more populous ones, and those senators lobby hard for their states’ interests.
The awards in the relief act passed in late March were based on population, but with a catch: Every state was to receive at least $1.25 billion, regardless of its size. Lawmakers said setting such a minimum was needed to reach a deal in a divided government.
In the coronavirus fight, the disproportionate share going to smaller states has consequences. States with high numbers of infections and deaths say they need that money for immediate expenses related to fighting an outbreak that threatened to overwhelm their hospital systems, from staff overtime to setting up makeshift hospitals.
The money for state governments is a slice of a $2.2 trillion federal stimulus. Governments are supposed to use it for new coronavirus expenses incurred from March 1 through Dec. 30. Under federal guidelines, the money cannot be used for other purposes, like making up for lost tax revenue to keep general government services running.
Some states with relatively few cases have been able to reopen their economies faster and have more options on how to spend the federal largesse. Many are now trying to determine how they can spend the windfall while keeping within the federal guidelines.
Wyoming Gov. Mark Gordon, a Republican, is proposing using a portion of the money to help businesses that have suffered because of government-imposed shutdowns and shrunken demand, even though other parts of the federal aid are already aimed at businesses.
Mr. Gordon noted neighboring Idaho – which received more than $600,000 per positive test – already has a similar system in place. In a public meeting streamed on video, Mr. Gordon said he knew the state would be watched carefully. After all, the state’s allocation is five times per capita what New York received and nearly 90 times as much per positive coronavirus test.
“There will be unduly high scrutiny on how Wyoming uses those funds,” Mr. Gordon said.
Montana’s governor is also proposing business grants, along with mortgage and rent assistance and other programs.
Hawaii’s Gov. David Ige said his state’s share was “sorely needed” because of the dire financial consequences of halting its tourism industry as the virus spread.
Democratic Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont, vice chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, has worked for decades to implement all-state minimums for federal funding: “Regardless of total numbers of cases, states like Vermont have had to shut down, just as have other states, and the impact in states small and large has been devastating in many ways,’’ Mr. Leahy said in a statement.
Other states are considering dividing the federal money among local governments and businesses, in addition to covering the state’s health expenses. That’s the plan in Alaska. One of that state's two Republican senators, U.S. Sen. Dan Sullivan, said the goal of the act was to get as much help to the states as possible and that he worked hard to set the $1.25 billion minimum level.
“I think the argument that ‘we were hit harder’ is all relative, meaning we’re not out of this pandemic and you’re seeing flareups in other states," he said. "I hope that doesn’t happen in our state, but it could.”
West Virginia, which has the seventh-lowest number of U.S. coronavirus cases, received just over $1 million per positive test. Gov. Jim Justice, a Republican, has said he hopes the state will be able to use the money to alleviate its growing budget shortfall, even though federal guidance on the bill suggests that would not be allowed.
New York doesn't have the luxury of trying to use the money to help cover a massive drop in tax revenue.
While it received billions of federal dollars for coronavirus-related expenses, it has received no money to help offset the loss of more than $13 billion in revenue, said Freeman Klopott, spokesman for the state budget division. The state is now considering $10 billion in cuts.
“New York state has been the epicenter of the pandemic and unfortunately has been home to about one-third of all U.S. COVID-19 related deaths, and federal funding provided so far has failed to recognize this reality,” Mr. Klopott said in a statement.
Steve Sweeney, New Jersey's Democratic state Senate president, said if his state were among those with the fewest infections, “we'd give the money to somebody else.”
New York and other states with high numbers of cases have been lobbying Congress to provide more aid to state and local governments in a future coronavirus relief package.
Sens. Bill Cassidy, a Louisiana Republican, and Robert Menendez, a New Jersey Democrat, are proposing $500 billion more for state and local governments. Under their plan, the first one-third of the money would be allocated based on population, the second on the number of coronavirus cases and the third on the toll it’s taken on government budgets.
Under their proposal, every state again would receive at least $1.25 billion – and this time with looser restrictions on how the money could be spent.
Mr. Menendez said the baseline amount was a nod to political reality: “We need to get 60 votes in the Senate.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Mr. Mulvihill reported from Cherry Hill, New Jersey. AP reporters Becky Bohrer in Juneau, Alaska; Anthony Izaguirre in Charleston, West Virginia; Audrey McAvoy in Honolulu; Wilson Ring in Montpelier, Vermont; and Marina Villeneuve in Albany, New York, contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-05-06--Why Lebanese protesters are risking a return to the streets

“ They say , ‘ Let me die from the virus , but if I have a chance to bring about a better government , and have a better life for my kids , then [ let me ] risk that , ’ ” he says .
People “ have been hungry for a while , ” says Rami Khouri , a prominent journalist and a professor at the American University of Beirut .
But it is the combination of wide poverty , work stoppages , and no apparent end to “ dysfunctional management and corruption ” that have made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But in recent weeks the virus lockdown has triggered additional pain : massive job losses and a falling currency that have wiped out savings , sent prices soaring , and heightened desperation .
The result is that Lebanon ’ s legions of protesters have arrived at a breaking point , where anger at the lack of political change overcomes the fear of infection .
Last fall it was anger against a corrupt political elite and decades of sectarian rule that sparked hundreds of thousands of Lebanese to rise up in a wave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s prime minister to resign .
Citing the coronavirus pandemic , the government disbanded the last protest camps only in March .
Nisrine Hammoud , a veteran Lebanese protester , could not believe what she was seeing last week in her northern city of Tripoli .
Enraged anew at a swift economic collapse that deepened both their poverty and their hunger , fellow demonstrators broke the country ’ s COVID-19 curfew and took to the streets .
While the anger against a corrupt political elite and decades of sectarian rule that sparked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up last October have not disappeared , the government wasted little time citing the pandemic to dismantle remaining protest camps in late March .
But in recent weeks , the virus lockdown has triggered additional pain : massive job losses and a currency in free fall have wiped out savings , caused a dollar shortage and soaring prices , and sparked new levels of desperation .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
The result is that Lebanon ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more widely poor and hungry than ever before – have arrived at a breaking point , where anger at the lack of political change overcomes the fear of infection .
While only the latest episode in a decade of dramatic , regime-changing unrest across the Arab world , analysts note that Lebanese protesters are the first to disregard the virus in their demand for wholesale change .
The anger spilled over first in Tripoli , Lebanon ’ s second city in one of its poorest regions , where protesters risked infection , tear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ army – which left one man dead – to burn banks , battle security forces , and declare their fresh uprising a “ hunger revolution.
” “ For them , it ’ s a lose-lose situation , ” says Ms. Hammoud , a 20-something activist from Tripoli , about those who are demonstrating again .
“ They will tell you , ‘ We ’ re going to die of hunger , so it ’ s either coronavirus or hunger.
’ They don ’ t even care anymore .
They are going to lose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are on the street.
” On top of quarantine job losses and a currency that lost 60 % of its value in just weeks , there is additional stress during Ramadan .
The holy month of fasting has been transformed by social distancing requirements that limit family gatherings and by high prices that cap meal size .
“ The first time they did a protest [ breaking the lockdown ] , everyone was complaining , ” says Ms. Hammoud , who first spoke with the Monitor last November , a Lebanese flag draped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of protest tents in Martyrs ’ Square in central Beirut .
“ Even we , the people that usually join the protest , were complaining , saying , ‘ This is not the right time for it .
There is a virus ; what are you guys doing ?
’ ” says Ms. Hammoud .
“ But then , with time , we couldn ’ t complain anymore , because we knew that they are going through hell.
” Lebanon ’ s protests have brought the country to the brink of chaos before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They ’ re part of a revival of Arab world anti-government protests – a so-called Arab Spring 2.0 – that began last autumn and took hold from Algeria and Sudan to Iraq and Lebanon .
Rami Khouri , the renowned journalist and a professor at the American University of Beirut , says the latest outburst in Lebanon is a “ turning point ” – defying a pandemic to challenge entrenched and uncaring politicians – but should be seen as part of a longer-term Arab transformation .
“ It really is one regional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – most of which are military-linked , or sectarian oligarchies – have steadily lost their credibility , efficacy , and legitimacy , ” says Professor Khouri , who is also a senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School .
“ The citizenry , in the meantime , in tandem , has been steadily pauperized , marginalized , and treated with disdain.
” It ’ s not just that they are hungry , because people “ have been hungry for a while , ” says Professor Khouri .
But it is the combination of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officially poor , ” work stoppages , and no apparent end to “ dysfunctional management and corruption , ” that have made COVID-19 appear to be the lesser danger .
“ They say , ‘ Let me die from the virus , but if I have a chance to bring about a better government , and have a better life for my kids , then [ let me ] risk that , ’ ” he says .
“ For many people , life has lost its meaning .
That sounds crazy , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are doing lightly , ” he says .
“ They don ’ t confront armies firing at them lightly , or the virus , or the power of the sectarian militias that are unleashed on them every once in a while .
“ They need to be driven by some kind of really intense , almost insane force to get them to do this , ” he adds .
“ And that , as far as I can see , is their own sense of dehumanization.
” Indeed , even if demonstrators are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lebanon ’ s unprecedented economic crisis now overshadows all else .
“ Protesters who have been arrested have spoken of being tortured in custody , beaten viciously and electrocuted by army intelligence units , ” Lina Mounzer , a writer and translator in Beirut , wrote today in The New York Times .
“ Against these horrors and the everyday despair of no longer being able to afford the simplest things , the threat of the virus , despite 741 cases and 25 deaths in Lebanon so far , has faded into abstraction.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ force the resignation of one prime minister , but a long-awaited five-year economic recovery package , promised months ago and heavily dependent on winning International Monetary Fund aid , was only announced last week .
The small nation ’ s vital statistics are as bad as at any time since the end of the 1975-90 civil war .
Lebanon shoulders more than $ 90 billion of debt and defaulted on sovereign debt payments for the first time in March .
Those factors , and the clear unwillingness of Lebanon ’ s political elite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been based on plundering national resources to benefit party clients – have made international donors wary of helping without seeing reforms first .
Kristalina Georgieva , the head of the International Monetary Fund , said Monday that Lebanon ’ s plan was “ an important step forward , ” and that talks would begin on “ much needed reforms.
” But Maha Yahya , head of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut , wrote in an analysis days earlier that most of the obvious reforms “ would undermine the vested interests of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thus far have proven unwilling to accept the pain of adjustment.
” The renewal of street protests , despite the coronavirus , “ implicitly assumes that the public has no expectation that the politicians will address the root causes of the country ’ s financial crisis , ” writes Ms. Yahya .
“ What Lebanon is facing today is likely to last for years , and the chances of recovery are thin.
” That is the calculation anti-government activists are making , as they prepare for the next round of post-pandemic protests .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ lockdown , we are going to go back to universities , schools , and jobs , but we know that ’ s not going to happen , ” says Ms. Hammoud in Tripoli .
“ We ’ re all going to hit the streets again .
It ’ s going to be even more aggressive this time.
” In the meantime , she and her fellow activists are gathering donations for food distributions , so far to hundreds of families , to prevent them from being catered to during Ramadan by political parties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ That ’ s what we are afraid of , because [ people ] are so , so vulnerable that they can be easily controlled all over again , ” she says .
Indeed , the coronavirus has been used as an excuse by the political elite not to act quickly or decisively on economic reforms , says Professor Khouri .
“ That ’ s the danger : A lot of action happens , but no change happens , ” he says .
“ The question then becomes : If the protesters then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they withstand this ?
We don ’ t know .
Nobody knows the answer to that .
“ What is clear is that when you get millions of people in desperate situations , they eventually do something , ” says Professor Khouri .
“ And they ’ ve started to do something.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“They say, ‘Let me die from the virus, but if I have a chance to bring about a better government, and have a better life for my kids, then [let me] risk that,’” he says.
People “have been hungry for a while,” says Rami Khouri, a prominent journalist and a professor at the American University of Beirut. But it is the combination of wide poverty, work stoppages, and no apparent end to “dysfunctional management and corruption” that have made COVID-19 appear to be the lesser danger.
A defiant wave of Lebanese protests last fall sought to fundamentally change a political system seen as corrupt. Now, amid a pandemic, poverty and hunger is renewing the protesters’ willingness to take risks.
But in recent weeks the virus lockdown has triggered additional pain: massive job losses and a falling currency that have wiped out savings, sent prices soaring, and heightened desperation. The result is that Lebanon’s legions of protesters have arrived at a breaking point, where anger at the lack of political change overcomes the fear of infection.
Last fall it was anger against a corrupt political elite and decades of sectarian rule that sparked hundreds of thousands of Lebanese to rise up in a wave of dramatic protests that led the nation’s prime minister to resign. Citing the coronavirus pandemic, the government disbanded the last protest camps only in March.
Nisrine Hammoud, a veteran Lebanese protester, could not believe what she was seeing last week in her northern city of Tripoli.
Enraged anew at a swift economic collapse that deepened both their poverty and their hunger, fellow demonstrators broke the country’s COVID-19 curfew and took to the streets.
While the anger against a corrupt political elite and decades of sectarian rule that sparked hundreds of thousands of Lebanese to rise up last October have not disappeared, the government wasted little time citing the pandemic to dismantle remaining protest camps in late March.
Why We Wrote This A defiant wave of Lebanese protests last fall sought to fundamentally change a political system seen as corrupt. Now, amid a pandemic, poverty and hunger is renewing the protesters’ willingness to take risks.
But in recent weeks, the virus lockdown has triggered additional pain: massive job losses and a currency in free fall have wiped out savings, caused a dollar shortage and soaring prices, and sparked new levels of desperation.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
The result is that Lebanon’s legions of protesters – furious, and more widely poor and hungry than ever before – have arrived at a breaking point, where anger at the lack of political change overcomes the fear of infection. While only the latest episode in a decade of dramatic, regime-changing unrest across the Arab world, analysts note that Lebanese protesters are the first to disregard the virus in their demand for wholesale change.
The anger spilled over first in Tripoli, Lebanon’s second city in one of its poorest regions, where protesters risked infection, tear gas, and live fire from the army – which left one man dead – to burn banks, battle security forces, and declare their fresh uprising a “hunger revolution.”
“For them, it’s a lose-lose situation,” says Ms. Hammoud, a 20-something activist from Tripoli, about those who are demonstrating again. “They will tell you, ‘We’re going to die of hunger, so it’s either coronavirus or hunger.’ They don’t even care anymore. They are going to lose anyway; that’s why they are on the street.”
On top of quarantine job losses and a currency that lost 60% of its value in just weeks, there is additional stress during Ramadan. The holy month of fasting has been transformed by social distancing requirements that limit family gatherings and by high prices that cap meal size.
“The first time they did a protest [breaking the lockdown], everyone was complaining,” says Ms. Hammoud, who first spoke with the Monitor last November, a Lebanese flag draped across her shoulders, at a cluster of protest tents in Martyrs’ Square in central Beirut.
“Even we, the people that usually join the protest, were complaining, saying, ‘This is not the right time for it. There is a virus; what are you guys doing?’” says Ms. Hammoud. “But then, with time, we couldn’t complain anymore, because we knew that they are going through hell.”
Mohamed Azakir/Reuters View caption Hide caption Demonstrators with masks depicting the Lebanese flag gesture during a Labor Day protest against growing economic hardship, in Beirut, May 1, 2020.
Lebanon’s protests have brought the country to the brink of chaos before, forcing a prime minister to resign. They’re part of a revival of Arab world anti-government protests – a so-called Arab Spring 2.0 – that began last autumn and took hold from Algeria and Sudan to Iraq and Lebanon.
Rami Khouri, the renowned journalist and a professor at the American University of Beirut, says the latest outburst in Lebanon is a “turning point” – defying a pandemic to challenge entrenched and uncaring politicians – but should be seen as part of a longer-term Arab transformation.
The greater danger
“It really is one regional wave in which government or political authorities – most of which are military-linked, or sectarian oligarchies – have steadily lost their credibility, efficacy, and legitimacy,” says Professor Khouri, who is also a senior fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School. “The citizenry, in the meantime, in tandem, has been steadily pauperized, marginalized, and treated with disdain.”
It’s not just that they are hungry, because people “have been hungry for a while,” says Professor Khouri. But it is the combination of a large majority that is now “officially poor,” work stoppages, and no apparent end to “dysfunctional management and corruption,” that have made COVID-19 appear to be the lesser danger.
“They say, ‘Let me die from the virus, but if I have a chance to bring about a better government, and have a better life for my kids, then [let me] risk that,’” he says.
“For many people, life has lost its meaning. That sounds crazy, but people don’t do what they are doing lightly,” he says. “They don’t confront armies firing at them lightly, or the virus, or the power of the sectarian militias that are unleashed on them every once in a while.
“They need to be driven by some kind of really intense, almost insane force to get them to do this,” he adds. “And that, as far as I can see, is their own sense of dehumanization.”
Indeed, even if demonstrators are not making an explicit virus-versus-bullets computation, Lebanon’s unprecedented economic crisis now overshadows all else.
“Protesters who have been arrested have spoken of being tortured in custody, beaten viciously and electrocuted by army intelligence units,” Lina Mounzer, a writer and translator in Beirut, wrote today in The New York Times. “Against these horrors and the everyday despair of no longer being able to afford the simplest things, the threat of the virus, despite 741 cases and 25 deaths in Lebanon so far, has faded into abstraction.”
Mohamed Azakir/Reuters View caption Hide caption A demonstrator gestures near Lebanese soldiers standing guard during a Labor Day protest in Beirut, May 1, 2020.
Lebanon’s protests managed to force the resignation of one prime minister, but a long-awaited five-year economic recovery package, promised months ago and heavily dependent on winning International Monetary Fund aid, was only announced last week.
The small nation’s vital statistics are as bad as at any time since the end of the 1975-90 civil war. Lebanon shoulders more than $90 billion of debt and defaulted on sovereign debt payments for the first time in March.
Those factors, and the clear unwillingness of Lebanon’s political elite – whose sectarian rule for decades has been based on plundering national resources to benefit party clients – have made international donors wary of helping without seeing reforms first.
Kristalina Georgieva, the head of the International Monetary Fund, said Monday that Lebanon’s plan was “an important step forward,” and that talks would begin on “much needed reforms.” But Maha Yahya, head of the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut, wrote in an analysis days earlier that most of the obvious reforms “would undermine the vested interests of the politicians and the parties, who thus far have proven unwilling to accept the pain of adjustment.”
The renewal of street protests, despite the coronavirus, “implicitly assumes that the public has no expectation that the politicians will address the root causes of the country’s financial crisis,” writes Ms. Yahya. “What Lebanon is facing today is likely to last for years, and the chances of recovery are thin.”
Post-pandemic plans
That is the calculation anti-government activists are making, as they prepare for the next round of post-pandemic protests.
“People think that, after the lockdown, we are going to go back to universities, schools, and jobs, but we know that’s not going to happen,” says Ms. Hammoud in Tripoli. “We’re all going to hit the streets again. It’s going to be even more aggressive this time.”
In the meantime, she and her fellow activists are gathering donations for food distributions, so far to hundreds of families, to prevent them from being catered to during Ramadan by political parties that will demand support in return.
“That’s what we are afraid of, because [people] are so, so vulnerable that they can be easily controlled all over again,” she says.
Indeed, the coronavirus has been used as an excuse by the political elite not to act quickly or decisively on economic reforms, says Professor Khouri.
“That’s the danger: A lot of action happens, but no change happens,” he says. “The question then becomes: If the protesters then go back home, how long can they withstand this? We don’t know. Nobody knows the answer to that.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“What is clear is that when you get millions of people in desperate situations, they eventually do something,” says Professor Khouri. “And they’ve started to do something.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-05-21--Pandemic, in park: Viewers pull up to drive-ins again

“ We ’ re theater people , we ’ re creative people , ” says Michael Duran , producing artistic director of BDT Stage .
“ We should be able to figure out a way to bring theater to the people and still be able to stay safe.
” The drive-in , a medium that has waned since its heyday decades ago , is suddenly at the forefront of pop culture again .
Beyond the nostalgic allure of movies under the stars , innovators are looking toward the drive-in model as a way to experience live events now that people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least temporarily , audiences may end up in front of vast screens for concerts , sports , and even theater .
First-timers Jill and Bill Harris brought their three children to see Pixar ’ s “ Onward.
” “ We can sit outside and talk if we want to , ” says Ms. Harris .
“ You really can ’ t do that in the theater.
” On a recent Saturday night , vehicles spread out among three screens at the Rustic Tri View Drive In in North Smithfield , Rhode Island .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ kids in pajamas , and attendees discover that face masks aren ’ t impervious to the tantalizing smell of fried dough .
When Danish singer-songwriter Mads Langer stepped onto a concert stage in late April , he wasn ’ t greeted with cheers and clapping .
He was welcomed by the honking of car horns .
Around 500 vehicles gathered to watch the pop star perform in a field in Aarhus , Denmark , that had been hastily transformed into a drive-in hosting rock shows and screening movies .
Mr. Langer performed on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ massive screen that relayed video of the show .
Sound was streamed via FM radio .
Before the coronavirus crisis there was only one drive-in theater in the Scandinavian country .
Now they ’ re popping up all over .
“ I ’ m starting a small drive-in tour , ” says Mr. Langer , whose itinerary includes a stage and screen erected in the parking lot of Copenhagen ’ s international airport .
“ For me , this whole thing is really about trying to be creative and rethink ways of doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a long time .
So it ’ s becoming an adventure.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
The drive-in , a medium that has waned since its heyday decades ago , is suddenly at the forefront of pop culture again .
It ’ s an attractive option for watching movies while practicing pandemic-related social distancing , with demand high from coast to coast .
But innovators are also looking toward the drive-in model as a way to experience @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer stand elbow to elbow .
At least temporarily , audiences may end up in front of vast screens for not just films , but also concerts , sports , and even theater .
For many people , cars congregating for a collective experience under the stars offers a nostalgic allure .
“ A drive-in is very democratic , ” says Joe Bob Briggs , host of “ The Last Drive-In ” on AMC ’ s Shudder streaming service .
“ The drive-in is usually on the edge of the city .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drive out to the country to be at the drive-in .
And people in the country drive in towards the city to be at the drive-in .
...
It ’ s a festive , communal place.
” ‘ A venue with many uses Social distancing is a boon for the outdoor screens that remain in the United States .
Some 305 locations were still in operation in 2019 , according to the United Drive-In Theatre Owners Association .
Until Hollywood offers new releases again , drive-ins can still attract moviegoers with retro fare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Back to the Future.
” Owners are also considering other entertainment .
In Lockport , New York , the Transit Drive-in Theatre is lobbying to show live prime-time NFL games featuring the nearby Buffalo Bills .
Promoters are also besieging drive-ins with offers to stream live entertainment events .
There ’ s a precedent : In 2014 , Jimmy Buffett played a show beamed exclusively to drive-ins across the U.S. “ Free markets fill vacuums very quickly , ” says Dave Andelman , co-owner of the Mendon Twin Drive-In in Mendon , Massachusetts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Day .
He envisions the president of the Ultimate Fighting Championship having ideas .
“ Dana White from the UFC will say , ‘ OK , we ’ ll put it on the biggest card we ever put out.
’ ...
There ’ ll be boxing , there ’ ll be concerts , there ’ ll be comedy.
” When drive-in theaters aren ’ t readily available , entrepreneurs are building their own pop-up versions .
In the German towns of Schüttorf and Düsseldorf , night clubs this month assembled stages and screens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which the clubbers waved glow sticks out of car windows and flashed headlights in time with the beat .
On June 1 , the Danish soccer club FC Midtjylland is planning to use two large screens in its 2000-space parking lot so that fans can watch games being played inside the empty stadium .
Similarly , a dinner theater company in Boulder , Colorado , is examining the economic viability of projecting a musical production from its stage to a phalanx of cars outside .
“ We ’ ve got these big vast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and we could hook them up with an FM receiver from a soundboard inside the theater , ” explains Michael Duran , producing artistic director of BDT Stage .
“ We ’ re theater people , we ’ re creative people .
We should be able to figure out a way to bring theater to the people and still be able to stay safe.
” Another idea is to turn drive-ins into actual concert venues .
Already bands in Mesa , Arizona , and Fort Collins , Colorado , are planning such events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is gearing up for a DJ event in which masked dancers must stay within the width of their car – the strictest social distancing since high school proms in the 1950s .
“ I had one promoter talking to me about essentially leaving a big stage setup here , basically all year , ” says Mr. Andelman during a tour of his 16-acre drive-in highlighting the social distancing procedures it has instituted .
His face mask , with a cartoon hotdog , is one of many that were custom-made for his employees .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get out and do their thing , ” he says .
“ The vibe of those events will be amazing.
” John Vincent , president of the drive-in owners association , reckons that zoning laws and a thicket of onerous regulations will make it difficult for many new drive-ins to spontaneously sprout up in the U.S .
Existing drive-ins are already working overtime as it is to institute practices and procedures to make their facilities safe during the pandemic , including reducing capacity by half .
On a recent Saturday night , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on display at the Rustic Tri View Drive In in North Smithfield , Rhode Island .
A phalanx of 200 vehicles spreads out among three screens , an extra space between each one for social distance .
As the sunset embers behind the silhouetted tree line , flatbed trucks transform into sleeping-bag forts for kids in pajamas .
Attendees discover that one thing face masks aren ’ t impervious to is the tantalizing smell of fried dough .
In a carefully spaced pickup line outside the snack bar , many express relief at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t been to a drive-in in years – or ever .
First-timers Jill and Bill Harris , who brought their three children for a double feature that includes Pixar ’ s “ Onward , ” conclude that they like the drive-in better than theaters .
“ We can sit outside , and talk if we want to , ” says Ms. Harris .
“ You really can ’ t do that in the theater.
” That ’ s something that ’ s long been an allure .
“ You have this shield @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the fact is nobody wants to stay in the car at the drive-in .
... Everybody gets the lawn chairs out , ” says Chris Willman , features editor for Variety and a longtime drive-in devotee .
He notes that if you want to have minimal contact , “ you can go and never get out of your car .
Slip your credit card through a crack in the window right at the gate and that ’ s all the exposure you have all night.
” In the Northeast , the sold-out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first venues permitted to reopen .
While waiting for “ Onward , ” Cristen Spinella sits in a camping chair outside her car and plays Mexican train dominoes with her boyfriend .
Lamenting the suspension of concert-going , her favorite social activity , she says she ’ d “ definitely ” attend a gig streamed at a drive-in .
For now , the pharmacist is more than happy just to see a movie during the pandemic .
“ It ’ s outside , so it ’ s a breath of fresh air , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people who ’ ve never been to a drive-in or have written it off , maybe will really fall in love with the drive-in and start coming again.
” Editor ’ s note : This story has been updated to correct the location in the dateline to Mendon , Mass .
As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“We’re theater people, we’re creative people,” says Michael Duran, producing artistic director of BDT Stage. “We should be able to figure out a way to bring theater to the people and still be able to stay safe.”
The drive-in, a medium that has waned since its heyday decades ago, is suddenly at the forefront of pop culture again. Beyond the nostalgic allure of movies under the stars, innovators are looking toward the drive-in model as a way to experience live events now that people can no longer stand elbow-to-elbow. At least temporarily, audiences may end up in front of vast screens for concerts, sports, and even theater.
For many, pandemic life has been filled with unsettling firsts. But around the U.S. and the world, people are finding some cozy comfort in a decades-old idea: the drive-in.
First-timers Jill and Bill Harris brought their three children to see Pixar’s “Onward.” “We can sit outside and talk if we want to,” says Ms. Harris. “You really can’t do that in the theater.”
On a recent Saturday night, vehicles spread out among three screens at the Rustic Tri View Drive In in North Smithfield, Rhode Island. Flatbed trucks transform into sleeping-bag forts for kids in pajamas, and attendees discover that face masks aren’t impervious to the tantalizing smell of fried dough.
When Danish singer-songwriter Mads Langer stepped onto a concert stage in late April, he wasn’t greeted with cheers and clapping. He was welcomed by the honking of car horns.
Around 500 vehicles gathered to watch the pop star perform in a field in Aarhus, Denmark, that had been hastily transformed into a drive-in hosting rock shows and screening movies. Mr. Langer performed on a newly constructed concert stage beneath a massive screen that relayed video of the show. Sound was streamed via FM radio.
Before the coronavirus crisis there was only one drive-in theater in the Scandinavian country. Now they’re popping up all over.
Why We Wrote This For many, pandemic life has been filled with unsettling firsts. But around the U.S. and the world, people are finding some cozy comfort in a decades-old idea: the drive-in.
“I’m starting a small drive-in tour,” says Mr. Langer, whose itinerary includes a stage and screen erected in the parking lot of Copenhagen’s international airport. “For me, this whole thing is really about trying to be creative and rethink ways of doing stuff that everybody has been doing for a long time. So it’s becoming an adventure.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
The drive-in, a medium that has waned since its heyday decades ago, is suddenly at the forefront of pop culture again. It’s an attractive option for watching movies while practicing pandemic-related social distancing, with demand high from coast to coast. But innovators are also looking toward the drive-in model as a way to experience live events now that people can no longer stand elbow to elbow. At least temporarily, audiences may end up in front of vast screens for not just films, but also concerts, sports, and even theater. For many people, cars congregating for a collective experience under the stars offers a nostalgic allure.
“A drive-in is very democratic,” says Joe Bob Briggs, host of “The Last Drive-In” on AMC’s Shudder streaming service. “The drive-in is usually on the edge of the city. And the people who live in the city drive out to the country to be at the drive-in. And people in the country drive in towards the city to be at the drive-in. ... It’s a festive, communal place.” ‘
A venue with many uses
Social distancing is a boon for the outdoor screens that remain in the United States. Some 305 locations were still in operation in 2019, according to the United Drive-In Theatre Owners Association. Until Hollywood offers new releases again, drive-ins can still attract moviegoers with retro fare such as “Jaws” and “Back to the Future.” Owners are also considering other entertainment. In Lockport, New York, the Transit Drive-in Theatre is lobbying to show live prime-time NFL games featuring the nearby Buffalo Bills. Promoters are also besieging drive-ins with offers to stream live entertainment events. There’s a precedent: In 2014, Jimmy Buffett played a show beamed exclusively to drive-ins across the U.S.
Alfredo Sosa/Staff View caption Hide caption Dave Andelman, co-owner of the Mendon Twin Drive-In, shows the upgrades that he has made May 7, 2020, in Mendon, Massachusetts. His face mask, with a cartoon hotdog, is one of many that were custom-made for his employees, who swing back into action on Memorial Day.
“Free markets fill vacuums very quickly,” says Dave Andelman, co-owner of the Mendon Twin Drive-In in Mendon, Massachusetts, which plans to open on Memorial Day. He envisions the president of the Ultimate Fighting Championship having ideas. “Dana White from the UFC will say, ‘OK, we’ll put it on the biggest card we ever put out.’ ... There’ll be boxing, there’ll be concerts, there’ll be comedy.”
When drive-in theaters aren’t readily available, entrepreneurs are building their own pop-up versions. In the German towns of Schüttorf and Düsseldorf, night clubs this month assembled stages and screens in their parking lots for raves in which the clubbers waved glow sticks out of car windows and flashed headlights in time with the beat. On June 1, the Danish soccer club FC Midtjylland is planning to use two large screens in its 2000-space parking lot so that fans can watch games being played inside the empty stadium. Similarly, a dinner theater company in Boulder, Colorado, is examining the economic viability of projecting a musical production from its stage to a phalanx of cars outside.
“We’ve got these big vast walls on both sides of the theater and we could hook them up with an FM receiver from a soundboard inside the theater,” explains Michael Duran, producing artistic director of BDT Stage. “We’re theater people, we’re creative people. We should be able to figure out a way to bring theater to the people and still be able to stay safe.”
Another idea is to turn drive-ins into actual concert venues. Already bands in Mesa, Arizona, and Fort Collins, Colorado, are planning such events. And Houston’s Showboat Drive-In is gearing up for a DJ event in which masked dancers must stay within the width of their car – the strictest social distancing since high school proms in the 1950s.
“I had one promoter talking to me about essentially leaving a big stage setup here, basically all year,” says Mr. Andelman during a tour of his 16-acre drive-in highlighting the social distancing procedures it has instituted. His face mask, with a cartoon hotdog, is one of many that were custom-made for his employees. “Bands and the comics are itching to get out and do their thing,” he says. “The vibe of those events will be amazing.”
Working overtime
John Vincent, president of the drive-in owners association, reckons that zoning laws and a thicket of onerous regulations will make it difficult for many new drive-ins to spontaneously sprout up in the U.S. Existing drive-ins are already working overtime as it is to institute practices and procedures to make their facilities safe during the pandemic, including reducing capacity by half.
On a recent Saturday night, the new embrace of these venues is on display at the Rustic Tri View Drive In in North Smithfield, Rhode Island. A phalanx of 200 vehicles spreads out among three screens, an extra space between each one for social distance. As the sunset embers behind the silhouetted tree line, flatbed trucks transform into sleeping-bag forts for kids in pajamas. Attendees discover that one thing face masks aren’t impervious to is the tantalizing smell of fried dough. In a carefully spaced pickup line outside the snack bar, many express relief at getting outside their homes. Some haven’t been to a drive-in in years – or ever. First-timers Jill and Bill Harris, who brought their three children for a double feature that includes Pixar’s “Onward,” conclude that they like the drive-in better than theaters.
Mikkel Berg Pedersen/Ritzau Scanpix/Reuters View caption Hide caption Cars are parked in front of the stage where Danish singer-songwriter Mads Langer performs at a sold-out drive-in concert at Tangkrogen, a public park in Aarhus, Denmark, April 24, 2020.
“We can sit outside, and talk if we want to,” says Ms. Harris. “You really can’t do that in the theater.”
That’s something that’s long been an allure. “You have this shield around you on all four sides. But the fact is nobody wants to stay in the car at the drive-in. ... Everybody gets the lawn chairs out,” says Chris Willman, features editor for Variety and a longtime drive-in devotee. He notes that if you want to have minimal contact, “you can go and never get out of your car. Slip your credit card through a crack in the window right at the gate and that’s all the exposure you have all night.”
In the Northeast, the sold-out Tri View Drive In was among the first venues permitted to reopen. While waiting for “Onward,” Cristen Spinella sits in a camping chair outside her car and plays Mexican train dominoes with her boyfriend. Lamenting the suspension of concert-going, her favorite social activity, she says she’d “definitely” attend a gig streamed at a drive-in. For now, the pharmacist is more than happy just to see a movie during the pandemic.
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“It’s outside, so it’s a breath of fresh air,” says Ms. Spinella. “Hopefully people who’ve never been to a drive-in or have written it off, maybe will really fall in love with the drive-in and start coming again.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to correct the location in the dateline to Mendon, Mass. As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.