csmonitor--2020-05-11--In confusing shift, British PM encourages people to go to work

Employees , business owners , police , and trade unions in Britain expressed confusion Monday after the government switched from telling workers to stay at home to urging them to return to work – but preferably without getting near other people or using public transport .
In a televised statement Sunday , Prime Minister Boris Johnson extended most of the draconian restrictions on daily life imposed March 23 to slow the spread of the coronavirus , including closing schools , restaurants , and most shops .
He also sketched out how the lockdown will be eased in stages if the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fall .
Britain ’ s official coronavirus death toll stands at almost 32,000 , the highest in Europe and the second-highest in the world after the United States .
While the number of new deaths and infections is falling , Mr. Johnson said it would be “ madness ” to loosen restrictions so much that there is a second spike in coronavirus cases .
But he made a dramatic shift in tone on the economy , saying “ anyone who can ’ t work from home , for instance those in construction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go to work.
” He said workplaces should observe social distancing and people should avoid public transport if possible , traveling “ by car or even better by walking or bicycle.
” Critics said the advice was confusing , hard to follow , and potentially dangerous – especially in a big city like London , where most people do not own cars and where subways are operating at a fraction of their usual capacity .
After Mr. Johnson spoke , London Major Sadiq Khan issued a statement stressing that the lockdown had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must not use public transport for any unnecessary journeys.
” London ’ s Waterloo station , usually the country ’ s busiest train hub , remained largely quiet Monday morning but commuters venturing back to work said they worried that services would soon be thronged again .
“ I am nervous about going back , because I have a family and they have been isolating since the start .
I feel like I am now putting them at risk , ” said Peter Osu , who was returning to work at a construction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lockdown started .
“ People were sitting close together on the [ subway ] and others were having to stand , '' he said .
`` There was no 2 meter spacing .
This is the first day .
Can you imagine what it ’ s going to look like by the end of the week ?
” Mr. Johnson ’ s Conservative government said more details of the “ road map ” out of lockdown would come in a 50-page document being published Monday .
But already Mr. Johnson was at odds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who decried his decision to replace the “ Stay at Home ” slogan that has been used for seven weeks with one urging people to “ Stay Alert.
” Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon said she didn ’ t know what the new advice meant and asked the U.K. government not to promote such a “ vague and imprecise ” message in Scotland .
In his statement , Mr. Johnson also said within weeks the U.K. would impose a 14-day quarantine on people arriving by air , though it is unclear how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland and France will be exempt .
The prime minister , who was hospitalized last month with a serious bout of COVID-19 , said if the outbreak continues to recede , primary school pupils could start to return to class beginning June 1 , and some outdoor cafes and restaurants might reopen in July , along with movie theaters and places of worship .
He offered modest changes that will take effect Wednesday only in England .
People may people may exercise as much as they want , rather than just one bout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to sit and sunbathe outdoors .
Driving to a park or beach will be permitted , and golf courses and tennis courts can reopen – though people can only play sports with members of their own household .
But confusion reigned over whether people could now meet up with friends or relatives outdoors as long as they stayed 6.5 feet apart .
“ Police officers will continue to do their best , but their work must be based on crystal clear guidance , not loose rules that are left open to interpretation – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers , whose job is already challenging , ” said John Apter , national chairman of the Police Federation of England and Wales .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Employees, business owners, police, and trade unions in Britain expressed confusion Monday after the government switched from telling workers to stay at home to urging them to return to work – but preferably without getting near other people or using public transport.
In a televised statement Sunday, Prime Minister Boris Johnson extended most of the draconian restrictions on daily life imposed March 23 to slow the spread of the coronavirus, including closing schools, restaurants, and most shops. He also sketched out how the lockdown will be eased in stages if the number of infections in the U.K. continues to fall.
Britain’s official coronavirus death toll stands at almost 32,000, the highest in Europe and the second-highest in the world after the United States. While the number of new deaths and infections is falling, Mr. Johnson said it would be “madness” to loosen restrictions so much that there is a second spike in coronavirus cases.
But he made a dramatic shift in tone on the economy, saying “anyone who can’t work from home, for instance those in construction or manufacturing, should be actively encouraged to go to work.”
He said workplaces should observe social distancing and people should avoid public transport if possible, traveling “by car or even better by walking or bicycle.”
Critics said the advice was confusing, hard to follow, and potentially dangerous – especially in a big city like London, where most people do not own cars and where subways are operating at a fraction of their usual capacity.
After Mr. Johnson spoke, London Major Sadiq Khan issued a statement stressing that the lockdown had not been lifted and saying Londoners “must not use public transport for any unnecessary journeys.”
London’s Waterloo station, usually the country’s busiest train hub, remained largely quiet Monday morning but commuters venturing back to work said they worried that services would soon be thronged again.
“I am nervous about going back, because I have a family and they have been isolating since the start. I feel like I am now putting them at risk,” said Peter Osu, who was returning to work at a construction site for the first time since the lockdown started.
“People were sitting close together on the [subway] and others were having to stand," he said. "There was no 2 meter spacing. This is the first day. Can you imagine what it’s going to look like by the end of the week?”
Mr. Johnson’s Conservative government said more details of the “road map” out of lockdown would come in a 50-page document being published Monday. But already Mr. Johnson was at odds with the leaders of Scotland and Wales, who decried his decision to replace the “Stay at Home” slogan that has been used for seven weeks with one urging people to “Stay Alert.”
Scottish First Minister Nicola Sturgeon said she didn’t know what the new advice meant and asked the U.K. government not to promote such a “vague and imprecise” message in Scotland.
In his statement, Mr. Johnson also said within weeks the U.K. would impose a 14-day quarantine on people arriving by air, though it is unclear how it will be enforced. Travelers from Ireland and France will be exempt.
The prime minister, who was hospitalized last month with a serious bout of COVID-19, said if the outbreak continues to recede, primary school pupils could start to return to class beginning June 1, and some outdoor cafes and restaurants might reopen in July, along with movie theaters and places of worship.
He offered modest changes that will take effect Wednesday only in England. People may people may exercise as much as they want, rather than just one bout a day, and will be allowed to sit and sunbathe outdoors. Driving to a park or beach will be permitted, and golf courses and tennis courts can reopen – though people can only play sports with members of their own household.
But confusion reigned over whether people could now meet up with friends or relatives outdoors as long as they stayed 6.5 feet apart.
Police organizations said the fuzzy rules made enforcement harder.
“Police officers will continue to do their best, but their work must be based on crystal clear guidance, not loose rules that are left open to interpretation – because that will be grossly unfair on officers, whose job is already challenging,” said John Apter, national chairman of the Police Federation of England and Wales.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-05-08--Is this crisis giving capitalism a moral nudge?

“ I feel like we ’ re in a musical chairs moment , ” says Shelley Alpern , director of shareholder advocacy at Rhia Ventures , a social investment firm in San Francisco .
“ When the self-quarantining phase is over , it ’ s basically like the music stops and we see where the economy has landed.
” Many businesses are focused on survival more than do-goodism .
But some have also moved to boost pay for lower-wage workers , avoid layoffs , maintain health insurance for those they do lay off , or to offer fuller protections for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Economic shocks tend to accelerate the pace of structural change , ” says Neil Gregory , chief thought leadership officer of the International Finance Corporation , the private investment arm of the World Bank Group .
Thus , corporate moves already underway toward greener , more sustainable operations , as well as wider use of online services , should speed up , he says .
Even before the coronavirus , leaders of many corporations were already acknowledging public pressure to shift toward a “ stakeholder ” model of corporate purpose , with emphasis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as profits .
Times of crisis , historically , add momentum to existing trends .
Stories keep rolling in of corporate good deeds in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic : • Carhartt , the clothing maker known for its sturdy work pants , has redirected factories in Kentucky and Tennessee to produce gowns and masks for medical workers .
• Shoe company Allbirds of San Francisco , which brands itself around low environmental impact , has donated $ 500,000 in footwear as part of an effort “ to lift up our healthcare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manufacturer Marlin Steel got an order one Friday evening in March to make test-tube holders for companies testing patients for COVID-19 – a product it had never made before .
Employees volunteered to work the weekend to design and build them .
Then , due to a canceled airline flight , two Marlin employees drove more than 1,000 miles overnight to deliver them to the first client by Monday morning .
Such examples of corporations helping a broader community are spurring hopes among some that the coronavirus crisis can hasten a shift – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and gradual – toward a more benevolent capitalism .
The latest signs of movement aren ’ t limited to the United States .
The company Allbirds has roots in New Zealand as well as the U.S. , and the coronavirus has prompted companies around the world to make moves beyond the interests of their shareholders .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
“ I feel like we ’ re in a musical chairs moment , ” says Shelley Alpern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ventures , a social investment and advocacy firm based in San Francisco .
“ When the self-quarantining phase is over , it ’ s basically like the music stops and we see where the economy has landed .
… It ’ s an amazing opportunity that ’ s coming up before us .
It ’ s whether the government and civil society with the aid of companies can help to re-envision the future and design an economy where the rewards are more broadly distributed for workers and we ’ re all in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a quest for shareholder profits and an often-charitable spirit have long coexisted in capitalist economies .
And for now , legions of businesses are focused more on survival than on do-goodism .
But even before the pandemic , leaders of many large corporations were already acknowledging public pressure to shift toward a “ stakeholder ” model of corporate purpose , with a stronger emphasis on societal and worker interests as well as profits .
And times of crisis , historically , can add momentum to existing trends .
“ Economic shocks tend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Neil Gregory , chief thought leadership officer of the International Finance Corporation , the private investment arm of the World Bank Group .
Thus , corporate moves already underway toward greener , more sustainable operations , as well as wider use of online services , should speed up , he adds .
One of the biggest challenges now facing businesses is massive layoffs .
The Labor Department reported Friday that 20.5 million Americans lost their jobs last month , causing unemployment to soar to 14.7 % , a level not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ companies have tried to soften the blow by allowing workers to hang onto their health care benefits .
Gravity Payments , a credit-card processor in Seattle that won plaudits five years ago for raising workers ’ minimum pay to $ 70,000 a year , found a different solution .
Losing $ 1 million a month , the CEO turned to his employees for cost-cutting ideas and within a day they had them , including workers volunteering to take temporary pay cuts .
The CEO and chief operating officers were so impressed they cut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the amount of time the company can continue to operate before running out of cash and having to lay off workers .
“ Workers are the No .
1 stakeholder ” The pandemic has also shined a bright light on weaknesses of contemporary capitalism .
Any lasting changes in CEO thinking may end up being spurred most heavily from the outside the boardroom – by workers and watchdog groups or consumers and socially conscious investors .
Will the pandemic really force social change ?
“ I wouldn ’ t say I ’ m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rhia Ventures .
Yet she adds : “ What does give me some optimism is that I think ... there is rising awareness of how vulnerable so many people in certain sectors of the economy are.
” The economy ’ s reliance on low-paid , often part-time employees , has suddenly become more starkly visible , as truck drivers and grocery clerks have become front-line workers in the battle to keep households supplied while citizens are largely sheltering in their homes .
“ Workers are the No .
1 stakeholder in this particular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior vice president for sustainable investing at Impax Asset Management .
“ It ’ s so easy to expose your workers to the potential for infection.
” Individually , many companies have stepped up to the plate to help out these workers .
Large chains such as Walmart , Target , Kroger , and Albertsons have increased pay temporarily .
CVS and Trader Joe ’ s have handed out bonuses .
Even many firms that weren ’ t seeing a surge in business have acted to help their lowest-paid employees .
Restaurant chain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handed out first-quarter bonuses .
Darden Restaurants , owner of the Olive Garden and LongHorn Steakhouse chains , extended paid sick leave to all of its hourly employees .
It ’ s not always clear when companies are acting from high ethical standards and when they ’ re simply trying to avoid bad publicity .
Seattle-based Amazon has won praise for stepping up its operations and hiring 175,000 new workers to keep consumers supplied with goods when so many stores are closed .
But the result is also extra market share in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held public protests at several locations , including at its Whole Foods division , complaining the company hasn ’ t done enough to protect them .
So last week , when announcing first-quarter earnings , executives told shareholders to “ take a seat ” in case of shock because the company planned to devote all its expected $ 4 billion second-quarter profit to pandemic-related activities .
The actions will include protective equipment for all workers , stepped-up cleaning and monitoring , and the building of a facility for its own coronavirus testing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ image took another hit this week , when vice president Tim Bray resigned , citing the firing of employee whistleblowers on safety concerns .
Bad press has dogged some corporations – and perhaps prompted corrective changes – during past economic downturns , too .
During the 2008 financial crisis , several corporations that got government bailouts gave their executives huge bonuses , which raised a public furor .
“ There ’ s nothing like that during this crisis , ” says Ms. Gorte at Impax .
In fact , some corporate CEOs have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they ’ re trimming or even eliminating their pay for the year .
Still , a controversy this year involves participation in emergency federal loans for small firms , which are forgivable if used to keep workers employed .
The program ’ s rules were loose enough that some large publicly traded companies managed to qualify for the program , partially draining it of cash .
When they faced the glare of media headlines , several returned the money .
Another prod for corporations is the prospect of legislative efforts to address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The crisis has added to hopes on the political left that ideas like a higher minimum wage , universal health care , or even a universal basic income could gain political traction .
Whether through political leverage or investor and consumer activism , some experts say the social forces that guide corporate behavior are already shifting , if slowly .
“ We already are at that inflection point , ” says Barbara Dyer , executive director of the Good Companies , Good Jobs Initiative at the Sloan School of the Massachusetts Institute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ known , for example , that the policies and laws that shape our employment and labor systems are antiquated .
… They came out of the New Deal .
And there are many people who have been working to think about what the 21st century legal structure ought to be .
And they ’ re ready.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“I feel like we’re in a musical chairs moment,” says Shelley Alpern, director of shareholder advocacy at Rhia Ventures, a social investment firm in San Francisco. “When the self-quarantining phase is over, it’s basically like the music stops and we see where the economy has landed.”
Many businesses are focused on survival more than do-goodism. But some have also moved to boost pay for lower-wage workers, avoid layoffs, maintain health insurance for those they do lay off, or to offer fuller protections for frontline workers in the pandemic.
New thinking was already percolating in corporate boardrooms. Now many corporations are acting to address the pandemic – or risking criticism if they don’t care for “essential workers.”
“Economic shocks tend to accelerate the pace of structural change,” says Neil Gregory, chief thought leadership officer of the International Finance Corporation, the private investment arm of the World Bank Group. Thus, corporate moves already underway toward greener, more sustainable operations, as well as wider use of online services, should speed up, he says.
Even before the coronavirus, leaders of many corporations were already acknowledging public pressure to shift toward a “stakeholder” model of corporate purpose, with emphasis on societal and worker interests as well as profits. Times of crisis, historically, add momentum to existing trends.
Stories keep rolling in of corporate good deeds in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic:
Carhartt, the clothing maker known for its sturdy work pants, has redirected factories in Kentucky and Tennessee to produce gowns and masks for medical workers.
Shoe company Allbirds of San Francisco, which brands itself around low environmental impact, has donated $500,000 in footwear as part of an effort “to lift up our healthcare community.”
In Baltimore, steel-basket manufacturer Marlin Steel got an order one Friday evening in March to make test-tube holders for companies testing patients for COVID-19 – a product it had never made before. Employees volunteered to work the weekend to design and build them. Then, due to a canceled airline flight, two Marlin employees drove more than 1,000 miles overnight to deliver them to the first client by Monday morning.
Such examples of corporations helping a broader community are spurring hopes among some that the coronavirus crisis can hasten a shift – even if the steps may be modest and gradual – toward a more benevolent capitalism. The latest signs of movement aren’t limited to the United States. The company Allbirds has roots in New Zealand as well as the U.S., and the coronavirus has prompted companies around the world to make moves beyond the interests of their shareholders.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Why We Wrote This New thinking was already percolating in corporate boardrooms. Now many corporations are acting to address the pandemic – or risking criticism if they don’t care for “essential workers.”
“I feel like we’re in a musical chairs moment,” says Shelley Alpern, director of shareholder advocacy at Rhia Ventures, a social investment and advocacy firm based in San Francisco. “When the self-quarantining phase is over, it’s basically like the music stops and we see where the economy has landed. … It’s an amazing opportunity that’s coming up before us. It’s whether the government and civil society with the aid of companies can help to re-envision the future and design an economy where the rewards are more broadly distributed for workers and we’re all in a far more resilient place.”
Of course, a quest for shareholder profits and an often-charitable spirit have long coexisted in capitalist economies. And for now, legions of businesses are focused more on survival than on do-goodism.
But even before the pandemic, leaders of many large corporations were already acknowledging public pressure to shift toward a “stakeholder” model of corporate purpose, with a stronger emphasis on societal and worker interests as well as profits. And times of crisis, historically, can add momentum to existing trends.
“Economic shocks tend to accelerate the pace of structural change,” says Neil Gregory, chief thought leadership officer of the International Finance Corporation, the private investment arm of the World Bank Group. Thus, corporate moves already underway toward greener, more sustainable operations, as well as wider use of online services, should speed up, he adds.
One of the biggest challenges now facing businesses is massive layoffs. The Labor Department reported Friday that 20.5 million Americans lost their jobs last month, causing unemployment to soar to 14.7%, a level not seen since the Great Depression. Some companies have tried to soften the blow by allowing workers to hang onto their health care benefits. Gravity Payments, a credit-card processor in Seattle that won plaudits five years ago for raising workers’ minimum pay to $70,000 a year, found a different solution.
Losing $1 million a month, the CEO turned to his employees for cost-cutting ideas and within a day they had them, including workers volunteering to take temporary pay cuts. The CEO and chief operating officers were so impressed they cut their own salaries to zero, doubling the amount of time the company can continue to operate before running out of cash and having to lay off workers.
“Workers are the No. 1 stakeholder”
The pandemic has also shined a bright light on weaknesses of contemporary capitalism. Any lasting changes in CEO thinking may end up being spurred most heavily from the outside the boardroom – by workers and watchdog groups or consumers and socially conscious investors.
Will the pandemic really force social change? “I wouldn’t say I’m optimistic,” says Ms. Alpern of Rhia Ventures. Yet she adds: “What does give me some optimism is that I think ... there is rising awareness of how vulnerable so many people in certain sectors of the economy are.”
The economy’s reliance on low-paid, often part-time employees, has suddenly become more starkly visible, as truck drivers and grocery clerks have become front-line workers in the battle to keep households supplied while citizens are largely sheltering in their homes.
“Workers are the No. 1 stakeholder in this particular instance,” says Julie Gorte, senior vice president for sustainable investing at Impax Asset Management. “It’s so easy to expose your workers to the potential for infection.”
Individually, many companies have stepped up to the plate to help out these workers. Large chains such as Walmart, Target, Kroger, and Albertsons have increased pay temporarily. CVS and Trader Joe’s have handed out bonuses.
Jonathan Ernst/Reuters View caption Hide caption Contract drivers paid by Amazon collect bags of free groceries to deliver from the Bread for the City social services charity during the coronavirus outbreak, in Washington, D.C., May 5, 2020. The charity is sending out as many as 500 or 600 bags a day using the drivers.
Even many firms that weren’t seeing a surge in business have acted to help their lowest-paid employees. Restaurant chain Chipotle raised hourly pay 10% and handed out first-quarter bonuses. Darden Restaurants, owner of the Olive Garden and LongHorn Steakhouse chains, extended paid sick leave to all of its hourly employees.
It’s not always clear when companies are acting from high ethical standards and when they’re simply trying to avoid bad publicity.
Seattle-based Amazon has won praise for stepping up its operations and hiring 175,000 new workers to keep consumers supplied with goods when so many stores are closed. But the result is also extra market share in a now-shrinking economy. And Amazon workers have held public protests at several locations, including at its Whole Foods division, complaining the company hasn’t done enough to protect them.
So last week, when announcing first-quarter earnings, executives told shareholders to “take a seat” in case of shock because the company planned to devote all its expected $4 billion second-quarter profit to pandemic-related activities. The actions will include protective equipment for all workers, stepped-up cleaning and monitoring, and the building of a facility for its own coronavirus testing.
Even so, Amazon’s public image took another hit this week, when vice president Tim Bray resigned, citing the firing of employee whistleblowers on safety concerns.
Actions under public scrutiny
Bad press has dogged some corporations – and perhaps prompted corrective changes – during past economic downturns, too. During the 2008 financial crisis, several corporations that got government bailouts gave their executives huge bonuses, which raised a public furor.
“There’s nothing like that during this crisis,” says Ms. Gorte at Impax. In fact, some corporate CEOs have gone out of their way to emphasize that they’re trimming or even eliminating their pay for the year.
Still, a controversy this year involves participation in emergency federal loans for small firms, which are forgivable if used to keep workers employed. The program’s rules were loose enough that some large publicly traded companies managed to qualify for the program, partially draining it of cash. When they faced the glare of media headlines, several returned the money.
Another prod for corporations is the prospect of legislative efforts to address the treatment of workers or income inequality. The crisis has added to hopes on the political left that ideas like a higher minimum wage, universal health care, or even a universal basic income could gain political traction.
Whether through political leverage or investor and consumer activism, some experts say the social forces that guide corporate behavior are already shifting, if slowly.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“We already are at that inflection point,” says Barbara Dyer, executive director of the Good Companies, Good Jobs Initiative at the Sloan School of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “We’ve known, for example, that the policies and laws that shape our employment and labor systems are antiquated. … They came out of the New Deal. And there are many people who have been working to think about what the 21st century legal structure ought to be. And they’re ready.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


Daily for May 11, 2020

Every Thursday Krystyna Piotrowska , in her puffy parka , has gathered with a handful of other activists near the Charles de Gaulle statue at a busy intersection in central Warsaw .
There , until recently , the demonstrators – most of them grandmothers , or in her case a great-grandmother – have handed out leaflets and hoisted placards to protest against a poisonous kind of patriotism that they see afflicting modern Poland .
Their signs have been made of plastic foam so they are easy to carry .
Their slogans : “ Stop Hate Speech , ” “ Nationalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Neofascists.
” The disparate crew of retired professionals , some in tennis shoes , all impassioned , has been confronting authorities and nationalist demonstrators for more than a year .
While the protesters have stopped amid the coronavirus outbreak , they vow to take up their curbside activism again once the lockdown here ends .
Being grandmothers , the protesters say , decreases their chances of being manhandled by police on the streets as has been the fate of other groups standing in the way of nationalist marches .
But their activism is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hurled abuse and even flammable projectiles at the intrepid demonstrators .
“ Young people have this freedom and they think that by definition they deserve it , ” says Ms. Piotrowska .
“ Unfortunately , freedom is not given once and for all .
You have to take care of it and fight for it , just like love.
” The Polish Grannies , as the protesters are called , symbolize a grassroots movement across parts of Europe that is trying to blunt the most extreme versions of far-right nationalism .
Often led @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for gender-specific causes such as reproductive rights but also broader issues ranging from democratic freedoms to preserving the rule of law .
From Austria to Germany to rural and urban Poland , they are alarmed by the mainstreaming of hate speech toward migrants , the LGBTQ community , and other minorities .
While the groups are not officially linked , many of them share the same goals – to stop modern day fascism .
A wide range of female activists has championed the cause of women ’ s rights but also turned out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ In recent years we have observed in Poland , and also in other countries , a tendency for women to mobilize in progressive movements opposing fascism or right-wing populism , ” says Elżbieta Korolczuk , a sociologist at Södertörn University in Stockholm and the American Studies Center of Warsaw University .
“ This is a conflict around who is really ‘ the people.
’ Right-wing populists often use rhetoric to claim that they are ‘ the people ’ and that they have the right to decide how the state should act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have .
Women in Poland , Argentina , or Spain oppose this .
They say we are ‘ the people.
’ ” The newest star in the protest movement has been the Polish Grannies .
They are shattering the stereotype often held here of the quiet , church-going grandmother .
Until the onset of COVID-19 , they had been meeting on the streets of Warsaw every week under the protective gaze of two police officers .
The women believe that consistency is key to getting their message out .
Unlike some other activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard history that they ’ ve witnessed – notably the toll that German occupation in World War II and later Soviet rule took on their nation .
They see worrisome echoes in the fear-mongering rhetoric and policies of the Law and Justice party ( PiS ) , the populist right-wing government that came to power here in 2015 and immediately began introducing controversial judiciary reforms , as well as the swelling ranks of far-right nationalists .
“ I lived most of my adult life under communism , ” Ms. Piotrowska says .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like a human being .
I could travel freely .
... And now I feel like someone wants to take this away from me.
” Can she and her fellow matriarchs help change the face of Polish society ?
Ms. Piotrowska is not the eldest member of the group but , at 68 , she is definitely the youngest great-grandmother .
Over tea in her small Warsaw flat , where floral motifs and pictures of grandchildren dominate the living room decor , she talks about being a “ soft ” feminist .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government extends beyond women ’ s rights .
She is equally concerned about the environment in a coal-producing nation resistant to change .
She worries that high social spending will translate into unpayable debt and frets over the mainstreaming of hate speech and growing polarization of Polish society .
What worries her most are the young people who , she says , behave like soccer hooligans and have embraced far-right slogans such as “ Death to the enemies of the motherland ” and “ Poland only for Poles.
” Ms. Piotrowska recalls her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ men , during a massive nationalist march on Independence Day in November 2017 .
The youth threw red flares as they coursed through the streets of Warsaw .
“ What is their definition of the enemy ?
” she asks agitatedly .
“ What they say is hatred .
...
I remember the ruins of fascism .
Poland experienced fascism .
Fascism divides people into good and bad .
They are going in that direction.
” Ms. Piotrowska has installed a safety app on her phone at the request of her son , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her should she end up at a police station .
She says the name of her group tends to pique the interest of young people and even elicits good responses from police .
“ Everyone has or had a grandma , ” she notes .
“ People usually think positively about them .
Our name is also a type of protection against attack.
” Like Ms. Piotrowska , Anna Irena Łabuś works the streets with zeal .
One of the oldest members of the protesting grannies , she grew up in a small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an adult worked in a bank in the capital .
When demonstrating , the widow wields a rainbow flag like a lance and glares at passersby who fail to pick up a leaflet .
Her indomitable personality has earned her the nickname “ Mother Superior , ” but the septuagenarian is actually an atheist and quick to denounce the Roman Catholic Church , which has been a bastion of support for the ruling government .
She reveres the Polish Constitution and keeps a copy , which was signed by the president of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Secret handbag .
Her necklace and bracelet spell out konstytucja ( “ constitution ” ) .
The Polish Grannies staged their first protest on March 1 , 2019 , when they were counteracting a demonstration in Warsaw by a group of nationalists .
Yet the founding members met and found common cause years before .
Ms. Łabuś recalls an encounter on Dec. 3 , 2015 , when crowds gathered outside the constitutional court in protest of PiS-led government legal reforms that changed the character of the Constitutional Tribunal , the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reforms were deemed by many in Poland , as well as the European Commission , as a threat to the rule of law .
“ In 2015 , my world collapsed , ” says Ms. Łabuś .
“ Since then , I have been saying openly what hurts me .
I don ’ t agree with breaking the constitution.
” Ms. Łabuś has focused much of her energy on directly confronting conservative activists .
In February 2018 , for instance , she joined a rally that aimed to block a nationalist march in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fringes of the primeval Białowieża Forest .
Far-right groups were staging what they call the “ March of Remembrance of the Cursed Soldiers ” – a reference to Polish partisans who resisted the introduction of communism but some of whom also took part in war crimes against Belarusian communities in the region .
“ The government allows nationalism to grow , and it goes together with [ fascism ] , ” says Ms. Łabuś , one of many counterdemonstrators to have been arrested for allegedly disrupting that nationalist march , which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and more confident .
Nationalists want to subjugate women to live the way they want them to and that is why women are the first to protest against them.
” Iwonna Kowalska , another grandmother , thought she was done demonstrating and was focusing instead on building her business after 1989 .
She takes pride in having worked in the past for an anticommunist underground publishing house , Nowa ( New ) .
Now she uses her printing expertise to help the Polish Grannies .
Her apartment doubles as the group ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to craft banners and brainstorm slogans .
Ms. Kowalska was showing up at the weekly protests in platform sneakers .
She bounded around blasting oppositional songs through a bullhorn .
The grannies are anything but stationary : They ’ ve marched in front of a branch of the state television channel as well as the guarded gates of the presidential palace .
“ I didn ’ t expect that I would have to go out on the streets again , ” says Ms. Kowalska , who had printed more than 10,000 leaflets against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were scheduled for May 10 but were not held due the coronavirus pandemic .
“ It ’ s our job to signal the dangers to the younger generation , ” says Ms. Kowalska .
“ They have passports , mobile phones , cars , easy access to credit to buy cars and flats , so they don ’ t care .
They don ’ t realize that all this can lead to such bad things .
It is our fault .
... We spoiled them.
” The idea that grandmothers have the responsibility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mistakes of the past has also gained momentum in Austria and Germany .
Grannies Against the Right took shape in 2017 when the far-right Freedom Party of Austria joined the country ’ s coalition government .
In Germany , the grannies movement ( known as Omas Gegen Rechts ) spread in response to the rise of the nationalist Alternative for Germany party ( AfD ) .
The Polish grandmothers is a distinct group .
In fact , the members here were unaware of their European counterparts .
The grannies share many ideals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other women fighting the right-wing government in Poland .
Zuzanna Hertzberg , for instance , is pursuing her activism with the bristles of a paintbrush .
She had an exhibit at the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews that paid tribute to women who formed part of the Warsaw Ghetto resistance in World War II .
The museum , a cubic glass structure , lies in a district of the capital city where the Jewish community thrived before occupying German forces fenced it off and created the largest ghetto of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in particular , the Holocaust have today become flashpoints for Poland ’ s right-wing government .
“ If you take the definition that fascism is a social practice connected with oppression , then you can see this on a daily basis in Poland , ” says Ms. Hertzberg .
“ In Poland it is on a big scale : fake historical narratives , restaurants [ that refuse to admit ] Roma people , LGBT-free zones.
” She points out that the museum ’ s director , Dariusz Stola , was recently pushed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reappointment .
Government meddling has also sparked a legal conflict with historians at the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk .
PiS believes Poland is unfairly blamed for Nazi atrocities .
Critics counter that the government is trying to rewrite Holocaust history and downplay the role of Poles .
Ms. Hertzberg is worried enough by such historical conflicts that she now devotes more time to political activism than artistic creation .
She has reconciled the two through her efforts in support of the “ anti-fascist year , ” an initiative bringing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and social movements to celebrate those who fought authoritarianism in the past and encourage opposition to it today .
She is a member of the leftist antifa coalition and a co-founder of the anti-fascist Jewish Bloc .
The latter made its debut by reading the poem “ We , Polish Jews ” during Independence Day celebrations in 2018 , when more than 200,000 people gathered in Warsaw .
The Independence Day rally , organized by Polish nationalist and far-right groups with the blessing of the president , featured fascist flags and symbols .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Polish government , ” says the artist , who takes pride in being the granddaughter of a man who fought fascism in Spain but whose artwork often focuses on the untold stories of women .
“ There ’ s not enough people to sit on the street to block them , and if we do , police pull us out of the streets.
” Author Klementyna Suchanow is a street warrior , too .
She got her first taste of protests in 2016 , when the government announced plans to ban abortion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who broke the law .
Poland already has some of the strictest laws on abortion in Europe .
All terminations are banned unless the pregnancy is the result of incest or rape , puts the health of the mother at risk , or if the fetus is severely deformed .
The bill would have narrowed the right to abortion further – to only when a woman ’ s life is in danger .
Ms. Suchanow says she could not imagine her daughter growing up with fewer reproductive rights than those enjoyed by Polish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrations are widely credited with halting the legislation .
“ It was just an eruption of women ’ s voices , ” says Ms. Suchanow , member of a movement called Women ’ s Strike .
Since 2016 , Ms. Suchanow and her sisters in arms have regularly found themselves on the streets confronting an increasingly bold far-right nationalist movement that now has members in parliament .
A newly formed alliance , Konfederacja , won 6 % of the vote and earned 11 parliamentary seats in October legislative elections .
“ We allowed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run in elections , ” says Gabriela Lazarek , a former hair dresser who is now a women ’ s rights activist and who unsuccessfully ran for office in the town of Cieszyn , near the Czech border .
“ They ’ re not just street fighters anymore , but men in suits.
” One test of how much influence the women activists have will come in the presidential elections .
While some of the groups , such as the grannies , aren ’ t backing a presidential candidate , they are making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Strike , for instance , has been waging a campaign to pressure candidates to clarify where they stand on abortion rights .
The group has put up billboards in 14 cities .
The Polish Grannies support that cause .
Yet there is no doubt the coronavirus has changed the dynamic of the election .
All candidates were forced to cancel their campaigns because of the pandemic .
Public gatherings were banned .
People are prohibited from protesting in the streets .
Members of PiS and their supporters argue the women activists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the elections whether the country was in lockdown or not .
Witold Waszczykowski , a party member and former foreign minister who now holds a seat in the European Parliament , says more people show up to an average football match than to the largest anti-government protests witnessed in recent years .
“ Of course , nobody underestimates these protests , but the protests are marginal , ” he says , downplaying the influence of both ultra-nationalists to the right of his party and of women and LGBTQ rights activists .
The Polish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radar , he says .
Yet the women activists , and some outside analysts , believe they are leaving a mark nonetheless .
They point , for instance , to their help in defeating the restrictive abortion law in 2016 .
Indeed , women say their advocacy on the issue not only affected the outcome of the legislation but triggered a national discussion on what it means to have a right to abortion and ultimately softened the public ’ s attitude toward it .
Similarly , in 2019 political pressure from women helped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example and limiting domestic violence cases to only those in which a woman is beaten repeatedly .
Women also say there is value in simply confronting nationalists when they are out in the streets holding demonstrations .
They believe it shows there is an alternative voice in the country – and the more women that grab placards and bullhorns , the better .
“ We regard ourselves as street feminists , ” says Ms. Suchanow .
“ The movement isn ’ t based on academic theories .
...
It is built on action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why it is so dynamic and diverse.
” For the grannies , there are other incentives to taking to the streets , too .
They believe they are not only elevating public discourse on issues but smashing a stereotype about themselves .
“ The positive thing is that women are more aware of their rights , ” says Ms. Piotrowska taking stock of the gains made by Polish women since 1989 .
“ They don ’ t want to be stuck in the kitchen or at church .
They want to be an @ @ @ @ @ @

Polish Grannies vs. the far right: Europe’s unlikely democracy defenders Collapse
Every Thursday Krystyna Piotrowska, in her puffy parka, has gathered with a handful of other activists near the Charles de Gaulle statue at a busy intersection in central Warsaw. There, until recently, the demonstrators – most of them grandmothers, or in her case a great-grandmother – have handed out leaflets and hoisted placards to protest against a poisonous kind of patriotism that they see afflicting modern Poland. Their signs have been made of plastic foam so they are easy to carry. Their slogans: “Stop Hate Speech,” “Nationalism is not Patriotism,” “Stop Neofascists.”
The disparate crew of retired professionals, some in tennis shoes, all impassioned, has been confronting authorities and nationalist demonstrators for more than a year. While the protesters have stopped amid the coronavirus outbreak, they vow to take up their curbside activism again once the lockdown here ends.
Being grandmothers, the protesters say, decreases their chances of being manhandled by police on the streets as has been the fate of other groups standing in the way of nationalist marches. But their activism is not without risk. Far-right youths have hurled abuse and even flammable projectiles at the intrepid demonstrators.
“Young people have this freedom and they think that by definition they deserve it,” says Ms. Piotrowska. “Unfortunately, freedom is not given once and for all. You have to take care of it and fight for it, just like love.”
The Polish Grannies, as the protesters are called, symbolize a grassroots movement across parts of Europe that is trying to blunt the most extreme versions of far-right nationalism. Often led by women, these groups are fighting for gender-specific causes such as reproductive rights but also broader issues ranging from democratic freedoms to preserving the rule of law.
From Austria to Germany to rural and urban Poland, they are alarmed by the mainstreaming of hate speech toward migrants, the LGBTQ community, and other minorities.
Dominique Soguel View caption Hide caption “Freedom is not given once and for all. You have to take care of it and fight for it, just like love.” – Krystyna Piotrowska, a member of the Polish Grannies
While the groups are not officially linked, many of them share the same goals – to stop modern day fascism. A wide range of female activists has championed the cause of women’s rights but also turned out in the streets to defend the constitution.
“In recent years we have observed in Poland, and also in other countries, a tendency for women to mobilize in progressive movements opposing fascism or right-wing populism,” says Elżbieta Korolczuk, a sociologist at Södertörn University in Stockholm and the American Studies Center of Warsaw University. “This is a conflict around who is really ‘the people.’ Right-wing populists often use rhetoric to claim that they are ‘the people’ and that they have the right to decide how the state should act and what rights the individual groups should have. Women in Poland, Argentina, or Spain oppose this. They say we are ‘the people.’”
The newest star in the protest movement has been the Polish Grannies. They are shattering the stereotype often held here of the quiet, church-going grandmother. Until the onset of COVID-19, they had been meeting on the streets of Warsaw every week under the protective gaze of two police officers. The women believe that consistency is key to getting their message out.
Unlike some other activists, their passion is rooted in the hard history that they’ve witnessed – notably the toll that German occupation in World War II and later Soviet rule took on their nation. They see worrisome echoes in the fear-mongering rhetoric and policies of the Law and Justice party (PiS), the populist right-wing government that came to power here in 2015 and immediately began introducing controversial judiciary reforms, as well as the swelling ranks of far-right nationalists.
“I lived most of my adult life under communism,” Ms. Piotrowska says. “In 1989, I started to breathe like a human being. I could travel freely. ... And now I feel like someone wants to take this away from me.”
Can she and her fellow matriarchs help change the face of Polish society?
***
Ms. Piotrowska is not the eldest member of the group but, at 68, she is definitely the youngest great-grandmother. Over tea in her small Warsaw flat, where floral motifs and pictures of grandchildren dominate the living room decor, she talks about being a “soft” feminist.
Dominique Soguel View caption Hide caption Young men listen to far-right leaders at a gathering of the Konfederacja political party in the port city of Gdańsk, Poland.
But her list of grievances with the current government extends beyond women’s rights. She is equally concerned about the environment in a coal-producing nation resistant to change. She worries that high social spending will translate into unpayable debt and frets over the mainstreaming of hate speech and growing polarization of Polish society.
What worries her most are the young people who, she says, behave like soccer hooligans and have embraced far-right slogans such as “Death to the enemies of the motherland” and “Poland only for Poles.” Ms. Piotrowska recalls her first encounter with the throngs of young men, during a massive nationalist march on Independence Day in November 2017. The youth threw red flares as they coursed through the streets of Warsaw.
“What is their definition of the enemy?” she asks agitatedly. “What they say is hatred. ... I remember the ruins of fascism. Poland experienced fascism. Fascism divides people into good and bad. They are going in that direction.”
Ms. Piotrowska has installed a safety app on her phone at the request of her son, who wants to be able to find her should she end up at a police station. She says the name of her group tends to pique the interest of young people and even elicits good responses from police.
“Everyone has or had a grandma,” she notes. “People usually think positively about them. Our name is also a type of protection against attack.”
Like Ms. Piotrowska, Anna Irena Łabuś works the streets with zeal. One of the oldest members of the protesting grannies, she grew up in a small lumber town in central Poland but as an adult worked in a bank in the capital. When demonstrating, the widow wields a rainbow flag like a lance and glares at passersby who fail to pick up a leaflet.
Dominique Soguel View caption Hide caption Anna Irena Łabuś, who has two grandchildren, is a member of the Polish Grannies advocacy group. She says they are fighting "for the young people, for their future."
Her indomitable personality has earned her the nickname “Mother Superior,” but the septuagenarian is actually an atheist and quick to denounce the Roman Catholic Church, which has been a bastion of support for the ruling government. She reveres the Polish Constitution and keeps a copy, which was signed by the president of the supreme court, in a red Victoria’s Secret handbag. Her necklace and bracelet spell out konstytucja (“constitution”).
***
The Polish Grannies staged their first protest on March 1, 2019, when they were counteracting a demonstration in Warsaw by a group of nationalists. Yet the founding members met and found common cause years before.
Ms. Łabuś recalls an encounter on Dec. 3, 2015, when crowds gathered outside the constitutional court in protest of PiS-led government legal reforms that changed the character of the Constitutional Tribunal, the country’s highest constitutional court. The reforms were deemed by many in Poland, as well as the European Commission, as a threat to the rule of law.
“In 2015, my world collapsed,” says Ms. Łabuś. “Since then, I have been saying openly what hurts me. I don’t agree with breaking the constitution.”
Ms. Łabuś has focused much of her energy on directly confronting conservative activists. In February 2018, for instance, she joined a rally that aimed to block a nationalist march in the northeastern town of Hajnówka, on the fringes of the primeval Białowieża Forest. Far-right groups were staging what they call the “March of Remembrance of the Cursed Soldiers” – a reference to Polish partisans who resisted the introduction of communism but some of whom also took part in war crimes against Belarusian communities in the region.
“The government allows nationalism to grow, and it goes together with [fascism],” says Ms. Łabuś, one of many counterdemonstrators to have been arrested for allegedly disrupting that nationalist march, which was officially authorized. “Nationalists feel more and more confident. Nationalists want to subjugate women to live the way they want them to and that is why women are the first to protest against them.”
Dominique Soguel View caption Hide caption Iwonna Kowalska uses her background in printing to help the Polish Grannies create banners and leaflets.
Iwonna Kowalska, another grandmother, thought she was done demonstrating and was focusing instead on building her business after 1989. She takes pride in having worked in the past for an anticommunist underground publishing house, Nowa (New). Now she uses her printing expertise to help the Polish Grannies. Her apartment doubles as the group’s headquarters for planning meetings, a place to craft banners and brainstorm slogans.
Ms. Kowalska was showing up at the weekly protests in platform sneakers. She bounded around blasting oppositional songs through a bullhorn. The grannies are anything but stationary: They’ve marched in front of a branch of the state television channel as well as the guarded gates of the presidential palace.
“I didn’t expect that I would have to go out on the streets again,” says Ms. Kowalska, who had printed more than 10,000 leaflets against President Andrzej Duda ahead of elections that were scheduled for May 10 but were not held due the coronavirus pandemic.
“It’s our job to signal the dangers to the younger generation,” says Ms. Kowalska. “They have passports, mobile phones, cars, easy access to credit to buy cars and flats, so they don’t care. They don’t realize that all this can lead to such bad things. It is our fault. ... We spoiled them.”
The idea that grandmothers have the responsibility to alert the next generation to avoid the mistakes of the past has also gained momentum in Austria and Germany. Grannies Against the Right took shape in 2017 when the far-right Freedom Party of Austria joined the country’s coalition government. In Germany, the grannies movement (known as Omas Gegen Rechts) spread in response to the rise of the nationalist Alternative for Germany party (AfD). The Polish grandmothers is a distinct group. In fact, the members here were unaware of their European counterparts.
***
The grannies share many ideals with, and draw inspiration from, other women fighting the right-wing government in Poland. Zuzanna Hertzberg, for instance, is pursuing her activism with the bristles of a paintbrush.
CZAREK SOKOLOWSKI/AP View caption Hide caption People stroll past the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews in War- saw. A stalemate over the independence of the institution has pit- ted the museum’s former director against the populist government.
She had an exhibit at the POLIN Museum of the History of Polish Jews that paid tribute to women who formed part of the Warsaw Ghetto resistance in World War II. The museum, a cubic glass structure, lies in a district of the capital city where the Jewish community thrived before occupying German forces fenced it off and created the largest ghetto of its kind in Europe. The war and, in particular, the Holocaust have today become flashpoints for Poland’s right-wing government.
“If you take the definition that fascism is a social practice connected with oppression, then you can see this on a daily basis in Poland,” says Ms. Hertzberg. “In Poland it is on a big scale: fake historical narratives, restaurants [that refuse to admit] Roma people, LGBT-free zones.”
She points out that the museum’s director, Dariusz Stola, was recently pushed out of office because PiS blocked his reappointment. Government meddling has also sparked a legal conflict with historians at the Museum of the Second World War in Gdańsk. PiS believes Poland is unfairly blamed for Nazi atrocities. Critics counter that the government is trying to rewrite Holocaust history and downplay the role of Poles.
Ms. Hertzberg is worried enough by such historical conflicts that she now devotes more time to political activism than artistic creation. She has reconciled the two through her efforts in support of the “anti-fascist year,” an initiative bringing together public institutions, nongovernmental organizations, and social movements to celebrate those who fought authoritarianism in the past and encourage opposition to it today.
She is a member of the leftist antifa coalition and a co-founder of the anti-fascist Jewish Bloc. The latter made its debut by reading the poem “We, Polish Jews” during Independence Day celebrations in 2018, when more than 200,000 people gathered in Warsaw. The Independence Day rally, organized by Polish nationalist and far-right groups with the blessing of the president, featured fascist flags and symbols.
Dominique Soguel View caption Hide caption Artist Zuzanna Hertzberg has an exhibit at a museum that pays tribute to women who were part of the War Ghetto resistance in World War II.
“You have openly fascist people in the Polish government,” says the artist, who takes pride in being the granddaughter of a man who fought fascism in Spain but whose artwork often focuses on the untold stories of women. “There’s not enough people to sit on the street to block them, and if we do, police pull us out of the streets.”
Author Klementyna Suchanow is a street warrior, too. She got her first taste of protests in 2016, when the government announced plans to ban abortion in almost all cases and punish women who broke the law. Poland already has some of the strictest laws on abortion in Europe. All terminations are banned unless the pregnancy is the result of incest or rape, puts the health of the mother at risk, or if the fetus is severely deformed. The bill would have narrowed the right to abortion further – to only when a woman’s life is in danger.
Ms. Suchanow says she could not imagine her daughter growing up with fewer reproductive rights than those enjoyed by Polish women under communism. Large-scale, women-led demonstrations are widely credited with halting the legislation.
“It was just an eruption of women’s voices,” says Ms. Suchanow, member of a movement called Women’s Strike.
Since 2016, Ms. Suchanow and her sisters in arms have regularly found themselves on the streets confronting an increasingly bold far-right nationalist movement that now has members in parliament. A newly formed alliance, Konfederacja, won 6% of the vote and earned 11 parliamentary seats in October legislative elections.
“We allowed fascists to enter the public debate and run in elections,” says Gabriela Lazarek, a former hair dresser who is now a women’s rights activist and who unsuccessfully ran for office in the town of Cieszyn, near the Czech border. “They’re not just street fighters anymore, but men in suits.”
***
One test of how much influence the women activists have will come in the presidential elections.
While some of the groups, such as the grannies, aren’t backing a presidential candidate, they are making their views felt on issues. Women’s Strike, for instance, has been waging a campaign to pressure candidates to clarify where they stand on abortion rights. The group has put up billboards in 14 cities. The Polish Grannies support that cause.
Yet there is no doubt the coronavirus has changed the dynamic of the election. All candidates were forced to cancel their campaigns because of the pandemic. Public gatherings were banned. People are prohibited from protesting in the streets.
Dominique Soguel View caption Hide caption Klementyna Suchanow is a member of the protest group called Women’s Strike.
Members of PiS and their supporters argue the women activists wouldn’t have much influence in the elections whether the country was in lockdown or not. Witold Waszczykowski, a party member and former foreign minister who now holds a seat in the European Parliament, says more people show up to an average football match than to the largest anti-government protests witnessed in recent years.
“Of course, nobody underestimates these protests, but the protests are marginal,” he says, downplaying the influence of both ultra-nationalists to the right of his party and of women and LGBTQ rights activists. The Polish Grannies aren’t even on his radar, he says.
Yet the women activists, and some outside analysts, believe they are leaving a mark nonetheless. They point, for instance, to their help in defeating the restrictive abortion law in 2016. Indeed, women say their advocacy on the issue not only affected the outcome of the legislation but triggered a national discussion on what it means to have a right to abortion and ultimately softened the public’s attitude toward it.
Similarly, in 2019 political pressure from women helped prevent Poland from following Russia’s example and limiting domestic violence cases to only those in which a woman is beaten repeatedly.
Women also say there is value in simply confronting nationalists when they are out in the streets holding demonstrations. They believe it shows there is an alternative voice in the country – and the more women that grab placards and bullhorns, the better.
“We regard ourselves as street feminists,” says Ms. Suchanow. “The movement isn’t based on academic theories. ... It is built on action, street action. That’s why it is so dynamic and diverse.”
For the grannies, there are other incentives to taking to the streets, too. They believe they are not only elevating public discourse on issues but smashing a stereotype about themselves.
“The positive thing is that women are more aware of their rights,” says Ms. Piotrowska taking stock of the gains made by Polish women since 1989. “They don’t want to be stuck in the kitchen or at church. They want to be an equal part of society.”


csmonitor--2020-05-07--‘We’re open for them’: The small shops in New York trying to stay afloat

“ Every day , you hear about another store or cafe or bar that is in trouble , ” says Greg May , whose board game cafe Hex & Co. significantly restructured to meet expenses .
“ I hope the city and state can continue to support and help small-business owners.
” New York has more small , family-run enterprises than just about anywhere else in the country – some 230,000 entities that employ nearly half the city ’ s private workforce .
With the state in its seventh week of lockdown , temporarily shuttered businesses are at obvious risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operating but not covering costs .
Mr. Mazzarino says he got none of the initial $ 349 billion federal aid package but is prepping for round two .
“ This is a major blow to the economy .
...
I hope it ends soon , ” he says , “ or else we ’ re all going to be broke.
” Vito Mazzarino ’ s family has owned S & V General Supply Co. on First Avenue in Manhattan since 1974 .
The store ’ s customers are primarily handymen from nearby apartment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on hold because of the coronavirus , demand for S & V ’ s lumber , paint , and other items is on hold , too .
Sales are off 60 % .
People think of New York as a city of skyscrapers and high finance , but it ’ s the small , independent businesses that make the city run .
New York has more small , family-run enterprises than just about anywhere else in the country – some 230,000 entities that employ nearly half the city ’ s private workforce .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the arts , finance , and glitz don ’ t see that the true pulp of New York comes from everyday butchers , bakers , dog groomers , jewelers , hardware stores , restaurants , and specialty stores that shape neighborhoods .
Sometimes with just two or three workers , these merchants make the city feel more like a small town than somewhere that ’ s home to more than 8.3 million people .
They ’ re neighborhood fixtures , and too many are in dire straits because of the pandemic .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city has suffered more than New York , which has had more COVID-19 cases than any foreign country except Spain , Italy , and the United Kingdom .
With the state in its seventh week of full lockdown , temporarily shuttered businesses are at obvious risk , but so are shops that are operating but not covering costs .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
For businesses deemed essential – grocers , restaurants , liquor stores , laundromats – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gov .
Andrew Cuomo ’ s shutdown announcement were like building an airplane as they flew it .
Soon , they had a system .
All instituted stricter cleaning protocols .
Most businesses cut hours ; some limited the number of people in a store .
A few retailers installed huge sneeze guards at cash registers and mandated that customers wear masks before it became mandatory .
Even in the best times , it ’ s hard to be a small business in New York .
The city ’ s minimum wage is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ annual rent can run into six digits , and taxes pack a wallop .
Then there is insurance and red tape , as well as tough competition from online retailers and national chains .
Unlike unions or big corporations with teams of lobbyists and lawyers , mom and pops are largely on their own .
When the city shut down , their hard job became pretty near impossible .
There ’ s more at stake than the livelihoods of individual entrepreneurs .
Small businesses give New York City its character and vibrancy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Center for an Urban Future , an independent think tank .
“ It ’ s a diverse mix of shopping that you can ’ t find anywhere else in the country and adds so much to street life in New York City , ” he says .
“ I don ’ t think people come to New York [ to see ] chain stores and chain restaurants.
” Indeed , New Yorkers themselves take it personally if Victoria ’ s Secret replaces Viola ’ s Smart Shop .
But the challenges here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whether in Chicago , Dallas , or New Orleans , no one wants a neighbor going bust .
Yet that ’ s precisely the risk as the COVID-19 crisis leaves millions of U.S. small businesses shuttered or drawing a fraction of their ordinary revenue .
It ’ s uncertain how many of New York ’ s small businesses are open now , or how many of their almost 3 million workers are unemployed .
Since layoffs began in March , almost 593,000 city residents had filed for unemployment by April 25 , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ More people couldn ’ t register because the system kept crashing .
Vito Mazzarino ’ s family has owned S & V General Supply Co. on the Upper East Side of Manhattan since 1974 .
The store recently reopened .
It had closed in March , partly due to so much uncertainty but also because its shelves had been emptied of protective wear like N95 masks .
Virus-related gear was all people wanted , and the store couldn ’ t get more .
By the time S & V lifted its metal gates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get American-made N95s .
Chinese-made KN95 masks , which Mr. Mazzarino estimates would ’ ve cost him $ 2 or $ 3 each before the novel coronavirus , are now going for $ 9 .
He raised prices to keep the same profit margins .
Located on First Avenue , S & V ’ s customers are primarily handymen from the 15- and 20-story apartment buildings surrounding it .
With all nonemergency work on hold , demand for S & V ’ s lumber , paint , and plumbing and electrical equipment is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ V ’ s sales are off 60 % .
Mr. Mazzarino says he got none of the initial $ 349 billion federal aid package but is prepping for round two .
Though his family owns the building , current sales aren ’ t covering the mortgage , equipment , supplies , or staff .
“ This is a major blow to the economy .
It ’ s going to trickle down to every aspect of it .
The big concern is how long it goes on .
I hope it ends soon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Yorker , “ or else we ’ re all going to be broke.
” Manhattan is characterized as a land of big spenders , but this area of the borough represents a dollop of middle class ( relatively speaking ) .
Most businesses are homegrown – restaurants , nail salons , clothing boutiques , barbers , grocers , housewares stores , and one that sells carpeting .
The Starbucks and nearby 7-Eleven also have their loyalists .
Pre-coronavirus , pedestrians were out at every hour , and traffic was backed up .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ just over half of the local stores were open – 26 out of 49 .
Just up First Avenue from S & V is A Matter of Health , which has been selling organic produce , cereal , and cleaners since 1989 .
Customers must wear gloves , and only two people are allowed in the narrow-aisled store at a time .
Shopping baskets are washed after every purchase .
Each night , workers swab the floor with bleach water and try to disinfect the inventory .
“ Customers really appreciate the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” manager Elias Zaki says .
Some have even sent pizza .
“ It ’ s like Secret Santa.
” Like many stores , A Matter of Health cut hours .
Even with precautions like wearing surgical masks and gloves , some staffers didn ’ t feel safe coming in .
So Mr. Zaki is down to eight employees from 12 .
He says sales are up slightly , partly because of a new email-delivery program but also because his few walk-in customers are buying more than usual .
“ For the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ five gallons of milk .
That didn ’ t make sense , unless you ’ re a baker .
We did try to enforce [ limits ] on popular items that we know our distributors don ’ t give us a lot of , ” Mr. Zaki says .
Some vendors , he says , have warned that certain products with specialty ingredients like elderberry won ’ t be back until January .
Sourcing is a constant concern for Gamal “ Jimmy ” Yehia , who has owned the nearby Market Deli since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Yehia goes to his local grocery store and Costco for stock .
As with other neighborhood bodegas , his comfortably cluttered shop is more than a source of coffee , bagels , and milk .
Doormen on break stop by to chat , and some neighbors leave keys for safekeeping .
“ I get a lot of comments from people saying , ‘ Thank you for opening.
’ People , they understand [ we don ’ t have ] to be open , but we ’ re open for them , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bringing in a bit more money than usual , thanks to business from closed smoke shops ’ customers .
But the work is exacting a toll .
Mr. Yehia , in his 60s , had worked part time before the coronavirus , taking the express bus from Staten Island .
Now , he works 50-hour weeks and drives the hour each way .
He says he ’ s kept prices pretty much the same , in part because he drops suppliers who bump up their prices .
“ Some companies take advantage , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reopen It ’ s been harder for Ken Huang .
He opened Sashimi Ramen Express , a reasonably priced sushi restaurant on a nearby quiet side street , in 2015 .
Rent runs more than $ 5,000 a month for 400 square feet ; it ’ s another $ 1,300 to cover all other monthly expenses , except staff .
Mr. Huang closed on March 10 because his workers didn ’ t feel safe leaving home .
With little savings , no money coming in , and the rent due , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had three people making salmon rolls and bubble tea , he now is the only one .
He takes orders via text and offers pickup only .
A big night recently earned him about $ 600 , multiples short of what he made pre-coronavirus .
He applied for $ 10,000 in federal aid but got just $ 1,000 – not enough to cover his electric bill for three months .
Just recently , his landlord said he could stop paying rent until he ’ s gotten back on his feet .
But ultimately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in full .
Even before the shutdown , many small businesses were fragile .
According to a new survey by the regional Federal Reserve banks , 30 % of businesses with fewer than 500 employees were classified as “ at risk ” or “ distressed.
” Even among those deemed “ healthy , ” just 20 % said they could survive two months with a loss in revenue .
Among the most fortunate of local businesses is Hex & Co. , a board game cafe .
Back when “ corona ” was just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Hex West in Morningside Heights near Columbia University and its sister cafes in Brooklyn , Greenwich Village , and the Upper East Side .
During the day , they were a combination WeWork/cafe/study hall/after-school program .
At night , young children and their parents , teens , and 20- and 30-somethings packed in , drinking $ 7 milkshakes and $ 13 cocktails , strategizing over Settlers of Catan , Codenames , and hundreds of other games that lined the walls .
Fast-forward to the shutdown in March .
Hex owner Greg May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Columbia location and furloughed about two-thirds of their 100-person staff .
Though proudly old-school analog , Hex ’ s “ Dungeon Masters ” have taken their quests into Zoom chats and elsewhere in cyberspace .
Open for takeaway snacks , Hex West added delivery ( of games ) and is meeting expenses on both the West and East sides .
One of the relatively few businesses that ’ s gotten federal aid , it ’ s lined up more than $ 200,000 in low-interest loans .
Its landlords appear willing to cut deals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cafes are expected to reopen as soon as customers are allowed .
“ It makes me incredibly sad to hear about other small businesses that New York is losing , ” Mr. May says .
“ Every day , you hear about another store or cafe or bar that is in trouble .
I hope the city and state can continue to support and help small-business owners.
” Rainbow Ace Hardware , across from S & V , is the closest thing to a general store Manhattan has seen since horses caused traffic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 30 years , it boasts an eclectic inventory – including underwear , rain boots , paint , hammers , curtains , lamps , Lysol , toilet paper , and MyPillow .
With the quarantine , it ’ s added shelf-stable foods like pasta .
One worker says business is down by more than half and staffing is at 50 % .
But here ’ s the bright side : New York ’ s infamous crotchety customers either are nicer or are staying home .
“ They ’ re very few – fewer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says .
“ We ’ re all in the same boat.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“Every day, you hear about another store or cafe or bar that is in trouble,” says Greg May, whose board game cafe Hex & Co. significantly restructured to meet expenses. “I hope the city and state can continue to support and help small-business owners.”
New York has more small, family-run enterprises than just about anywhere else in the country – some 230,000 entities that employ nearly half the city’s private workforce. With the state in its seventh week of lockdown, temporarily shuttered businesses are at obvious risk, but so are shops that are operating but not covering costs.
New York’s myriad small businesses are integral to the city’s character and vibrancy, but now the pandemic is calling into question the survival of many. Their straits also point to the broader challenge facing the U.S. economy.
Mr. Mazzarino says he got none of the initial $349 billion federal aid package but is prepping for round two. “This is a major blow to the economy. ... I hope it ends soon,” he says, “or else we’re all going to be broke.”
Vito Mazzarino’s family has owned S&V General Supply Co. on First Avenue in Manhattan since 1974. The store’s customers are primarily handymen from nearby apartment buildings, but with all nonemergency work on hold because of the coronavirus, demand for S&V’s lumber, paint, and other items is on hold, too. Sales are off 60%.
People think of New York as a city of skyscrapers and high finance, but it’s the small, independent businesses that make the city run.
New York has more small, family-run enterprises than just about anywhere else in the country – some 230,000 entities that employ nearly half the city’s private workforce. Visitors who come to the city for the arts, finance, and glitz don’t see that the true pulp of New York comes from everyday butchers, bakers, dog groomers, jewelers, hardware stores, restaurants, and specialty stores that shape neighborhoods. Sometimes with just two or three workers, these merchants make the city feel more like a small town than somewhere that’s home to more than 8.3 million people.
They’re neighborhood fixtures, and too many are in dire straits because of the pandemic.
Why We Wrote This New York’s myriad small businesses are integral to the city’s character and vibrancy, but now the pandemic is calling into question the survival of many. Their straits also point to the broader challenge facing the U.S. economy.
In terms of diagnoses and deaths, no city has suffered more than New York, which has had more COVID-19 cases than any foreign country except Spain, Italy, and the United Kingdom. With the state in its seventh week of full lockdown, temporarily shuttered businesses are at obvious risk, but so are shops that are operating but not covering costs.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
For businesses deemed essential – grocers, restaurants, liquor stores, laundromats – the first few days after New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s shutdown announcement were like building an airplane as they flew it. Soon, they had a system. All instituted stricter cleaning protocols. Most businesses cut hours; some limited the number of people in a store. A few retailers installed huge sneeze guards at cash registers and mandated that customers wear masks before it became mandatory.
Even in the best times, it’s hard to be a small business in New York. The city’s minimum wage is among the nation’s highest, annual rent can run into six digits, and taxes pack a wallop. Then there is insurance and red tape, as well as tough competition from online retailers and national chains. Unlike unions or big corporations with teams of lobbyists and lawyers, mom and pops are largely on their own. When the city shut down, their hard job became pretty near impossible.
There’s more at stake than the livelihoods of individual entrepreneurs. Small businesses give New York City its character and vibrancy, says Jonathan Bowles, executive director of the Center for an Urban Future, an independent think tank.
“It’s a diverse mix of shopping that you can’t find anywhere else in the country and adds so much to street life in New York City,” he says. “I don’t think people come to New York [to see] chain stores and chain restaurants.”
Indeed, New Yorkers themselves take it personally if Victoria’s Secret replaces Viola’s Smart Shop. But the challenges here also symbolize a wider one nationwide. Whether in Chicago, Dallas, or New Orleans, no one wants a neighbor going bust. Yet that’s precisely the risk as the COVID-19 crisis leaves millions of U.S. small businesses shuttered or drawing a fraction of their ordinary revenue.
It’s uncertain how many of New York’s small businesses are open now, or how many of their almost 3 million workers are unemployed. Since layoffs began in March, almost 593,000 city residents had filed for unemployment by April 25, according to the state Department of Labor. More people couldn’t register because the system kept crashing.
Sales off 60%
Vito Mazzarino’s family has owned S&V General Supply Co. on the Upper East Side of Manhattan since 1974. The store recently reopened. It had closed in March, partly due to so much uncertainty but also because its shelves had been emptied of protective wear like N95 masks. Virus-related gear was all people wanted, and the store couldn’t get more. By the time S&V lifted its metal gates to customers, it couldn’t get American-made N95s. Chinese-made KN95 masks, which Mr. Mazzarino estimates would’ve cost him $2 or $3 each before the novel coronavirus, are now going for $9. He raised prices to keep the same profit margins.
Andrew Hohmann View caption Hide caption Vito Mazzarino pauses in front of his family’s hardware store in New York City on May 4, 2020. S&V General Supply Co. is one of the few stores allowed to operate during Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s state of emergency.
Located on First Avenue, S&V’s customers are primarily handymen from the 15- and 20-story apartment buildings surrounding it. With all nonemergency work on hold, demand for S&V’s lumber, paint, and plumbing and electrical equipment is on hold, too. S&V’s sales are off 60%. Mr. Mazzarino says he got none of the initial $349 billion federal aid package but is prepping for round two. Though his family owns the building, current sales aren’t covering the mortgage, equipment, supplies, or staff.
“This is a major blow to the economy. It’s going to trickle down to every aspect of it. The big concern is how long it goes on. I hope it ends soon,” says Mr. Mazzarino, a lifelong New Yorker, “or else we’re all going to be broke.”
Manhattan is characterized as a land of big spenders, but this area of the borough represents a dollop of middle class (relatively speaking). Most businesses are homegrown – restaurants, nail salons, clothing boutiques, barbers, grocers, housewares stores, and one that sells carpeting. The Starbucks and nearby 7-Eleven also have their loyalists. Pre-coronavirus, pedestrians were out at every hour, and traffic was backed up. Seven weeks into the state shutdown, just over half of the local stores were open – 26 out of 49.
Disinfecting the inventory
Just up First Avenue from S&V is A Matter of Health, which has been selling organic produce, cereal, and cleaners since 1989. Customers must wear gloves, and only two people are allowed in the narrow-aisled store at a time. Shopping baskets are washed after every purchase. Each night, workers swab the floor with bleach water and try to disinfect the inventory.
“Customers really appreciate the fact that we are on top of it,” manager Elias Zaki says. Some have even sent pizza. “It’s like Secret Santa.”
Like many stores, A Matter of Health cut hours. Even with precautions like wearing surgical masks and gloves, some staffers didn’t feel safe coming in. So Mr. Zaki is down to eight employees from 12. He says sales are up slightly, partly because of a new email-delivery program but also because his few walk-in customers are buying more than usual.
“For the first week, some people were buying five gallons of milk. That didn’t make sense, unless you’re a baker. We did try to enforce [limits] on popular items that we know our distributors don’t give us a lot of,” Mr. Zaki says. Some vendors, he says, have warned that certain products with specialty ingredients like elderberry won’t be back until January.
Sourcing is a constant concern for Gamal “Jimmy” Yehia, who has owned the nearby Market Deli since 1991. Without his daily food deliveries, Mr. Yehia goes to his local grocery store and Costco for stock. As with other neighborhood bodegas, his comfortably cluttered shop is more than a source of coffee, bagels, and milk. Doormen on break stop by to chat, and some neighbors leave keys for safekeeping.
Andrew Hohmann View caption Hide caption Gamal “Jimmy” Yehia works at his Upper East Side bodega on May 4, 2020. Food stores like Market Deli have seen an upswing in business since nonessential entities were closed to flatten the COVID-19 curve.
“I get a lot of comments from people saying, ‘Thank you for opening.’ People, they understand [we don’t have] to be open, but we’re open for them,” Mr. Yehia says.
He is bringing in a bit more money than usual, thanks to business from closed smoke shops’ customers. But the work is exacting a toll. Mr. Yehia, in his 60s, had worked part time before the coronavirus, taking the express bus from Staten Island. Now, he works 50-hour weeks and drives the hour each way. He says he’s kept prices pretty much the same, in part because he drops suppliers who bump up their prices.
“Some companies take advantage,” he says.
Little choice but to reopen
It’s been harder for Ken Huang. He opened Sashimi Ramen Express, a reasonably priced sushi restaurant on a nearby quiet side street, in 2015. Rent runs more than $5,000 a month for 400 square feet; it’s another $1,300 to cover all other monthly expenses, except staff. Mr. Huang closed on March 10 because his workers didn’t feel safe leaving home. With little savings, no money coming in, and the rent due, he reopened April 14. Where he previously had three people making salmon rolls and bubble tea, he now is the only one. He takes orders via text and offers pickup only.
A big night recently earned him about $600, multiples short of what he made pre-coronavirus. He applied for $10,000 in federal aid but got just $1,000 – not enough to cover his electric bill for three months. Just recently, his landlord said he could stop paying rent until he’s gotten back on his feet. But ultimately, he will have to pay everything in full.
Even before the shutdown, many small businesses were fragile. According to a new survey by the regional Federal Reserve banks, 30% of businesses with fewer than 500 employees were classified as “at risk” or “distressed.” Even among those deemed “healthy,” just 20% said they could survive two months with a loss in revenue.
Board games and Zoom chats
Among the most fortunate of local businesses is Hex & Co., a board game cafe. Back when “corona” was just another Spanish word, business was booming at Hex West in Morningside Heights near Columbia University and its sister cafes in Brooklyn, Greenwich Village, and the Upper East Side. During the day, they were a combination WeWork/cafe/study hall/after-school program. At night, young children and their parents, teens, and 20- and 30-somethings packed in, drinking $7 milkshakes and $13 cocktails, strategizing over Settlers of Catan, Codenames, and hundreds of other games that lined the walls.
Fast-forward to the shutdown in March. Hex owner Greg May and his two partners focused on their Columbia location and furloughed about two-thirds of their 100-person staff. Though proudly old-school analog, Hex’s “Dungeon Masters” have taken their quests into Zoom chats and elsewhere in cyberspace. Open for takeaway snacks, Hex West added delivery (of games) and is meeting expenses on both the West and East sides.
One of the relatively few businesses that’s gotten federal aid, it’s lined up more than $200,000 in low-interest loans. Its landlords appear willing to cut deals on rent, and the other three cafes are expected to reopen as soon as customers are allowed.
“It makes me incredibly sad to hear about other small businesses that New York is losing,” Mr. May says. “Every day, you hear about another store or cafe or bar that is in trouble. I hope the city and state can continue to support and help small-business owners.”
Crotchety customers harder to find
Rainbow Ace Hardware, across from S&V, is the closest thing to a general store Manhattan has seen since horses caused traffic jams. A local institution for more than 30 years, it boasts an eclectic inventory – including underwear, rain boots, paint, hammers, curtains, lamps, Lysol, toilet paper, and MyPillow. With the quarantine, it’s added shelf-stable foods like pasta. One worker says business is down by more than half and staffing is at 50%. But here’s the bright side: New York’s infamous crotchety customers either are nicer or are staying home.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“They’re very few – fewer than normal,” manager Fall Sar says. “We’re all in the same boat.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.