csmonitor--2020-02-19--What Trump pardons show about his idea of presidency

President Trump has already complained about the “ unfairness ” being visited on his political associate Roger Stone , who will be sentenced Thursday for felonies including obstructing the FBI investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election .
Those more critical of the pardons framed his decisions as impulsive , isolated from the long-standing Justice Department procedure for considering pardons , and aimed largely at white-collar criminals whose relatives or representatives were able to lobby for relief on Fox News .
The moves , they add , could lay the groundwork for pardons that would benefit himself .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ involved , ” he told reporters .
“ I ’ m actually , I guess , the chief law enforcement officer of the country.
” The president defended his actions as a dispensation of justice for those who had been unfairly convicted or already served adequate time for their sins .
He presented himself as legally positioned to shape the U.S. legal system as he sees fit .
In providing legal relief to former Illinois Gov .
Rod Blagojevich and 10 other persons convicted of federal crimes , President Donald Trump on Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nature of his use of the powerful pardon tool – and what it might reveal about his conception of the presidency itself .
In 2010 , Donald Trump fired Rod Blagojevich from “ Celebrity Apprentice ” because the former Illinois governor didn ’ t learn enough Harry Potter trivia for a marketing assignment .
In 2020 , President Trump commuted Mr. Blagojevich ’ s prison sentence for public corruption with perhaps the closest thing he has to a Potter-esque magic wand : his Constitution-based power to “ grant reprieves and pardons for offenses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal relief to Mr. Blagojevich and 10 other persons convicted of federal crimes , President Trump on Tuesday lit off a national conversation on the nature of his use of the powerful pardon tool – and what it might reveal about his conception of the presidency itself .
President Trump defended his actions as a dispensation of justice for those who had been unfairly convicted or already served adequate time for their sins .
He presented himself as legally positioned to shape the U.S. legal system as he sees fit .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he told reporters .
“ I ’ m actually , I guess , the chief law enforcement officer of the country.
” Those more critical of the pardons framed his decisions as impulsive , isolated from the long-standing Justice Department procedure for considering pardons , and aimed largely at white-collar criminals whose relatives or representatives were able to lobby for relief on Fox News .
Anyone looking for a pattern or a plan in the pardons is looking in the wrong place , argues political scientist Jonathan Bernstein in a Bloomberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he wants , and he treats the presidency as something he won that allows him to do stuff he wants , ” Mr. Bernstein writes .
“ Pardons are great for that , because they ’ re the closest thing to an absolute power the president has.
” Besides the commutation for Mr. Blagojevich , who was sentenced in 2011 to 14 years in prison for , among other things , trying to auction off Barack Obama ’ s Illinois Senate seat after he was elected president , President Trump pardoned Edward DeBartolo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ San Francisco 49ers who pleaded guilty to concealing an extortion plot in 1998 ; Bernard Kerik , a former New York City police commissioner who was sentenced to four years in prison after conviction on eight felonies including tax fraud ; and Michael Milken , the former “ junk bond king ” who pleaded guilty to securities fraud in 1990 , among others .
President Trump pointed to the length of Mr. Blagojevich ’ s 14-year sentence as an indication that leniency was deserved .
“ That was a ... ridiculous sentence , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told reporters .
President Trump has previously granted clemency to Alice Marie Johnson , a black woman serving a life sentence for a nonviolent drug offense , his supporters point out .
And the president has used his power in this area sparingly so far , pardoning just 25 people while commuting the sentences of six more .
“ Please , by all means educate me on abuse of power , ” wrote Donald Trump Jr. in a tweet comparing his father ’ s pardon numbers with higher ones of past presidents .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was abusing the pardon power was to use it as a means of laying the groundwork for pardons that would benefit himself .
President Trump has already complained about the “ unfairness ” being visited on his political associate Roger Stone , for instance .
Mr. Stone will be sentenced Thursday after his conviction on seven felonies , including lying to Congress and obstructing the FBI investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election .
And the president implicitly compared himself to Mr. Blagojevich , noting that the former Illinois governor was caught @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Obama ’ s vacant seat , reflective of the now-famous phone call between President Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy .
“ I would think that there have been many politicians – I ’ m not one of them , by the way – that have said a lot worse over the telephone , ” President Trump told reporters .
In general , President Trump ’ s use of his pardon powers also at times appears to reflect aspects of his approach to the presidency that Democrats and other critics have charged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing , it ignores the advice of the bureaucracy – or the “ deep state , ” as Trump supporters might call it .
There is no indication that for Tuesday ’ s actions the president consulted the Department of Justice ’ s pardon office , which normally carefully sorts and vets applications for relief to ensure the president gets accurate information to inform decisions .
Instead , the president said he acted on “ recommendations ” in making his decisions , referring apparently to the loose network of friends , former officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arm at a dinner or catch him on the phone at odd hours .
Those who weighed in on Mr. Kerik ’ s pardon , for instance , included Rudy Giuliani , broadcaster Geraldo Rivera , and former Navy SEAL and accused war criminal Eddie Gallagher , whose demotion President Trump overturned last year .
Celebrity Kim Kardashian urged relief for Ms. Johnson .
Former San Francisco 49er players argued for Mr. DeBartolo .
Second , what the president sees on Fox News heavily influences his decisions .
Mr. Kerik has been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Patti Blagojevich , Mr. Blagojevich ’ s wife , has appeared on Fox directly calling for sentence relief for her husband .
Allies of Mr. Stone have pleaded with President Trump through the Fox screen for a Stone pardon .
Critics say that in total the way President Trump goes about pardons positions him , not as the head of a government working toward decisions , but as a quasi-king who alone makes the call .
He is dispensing largesse , seemingly at random , by his own whims , rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin in The New Yorker .
“ That ’ s the real lesson – a story of creeping authoritarianism – of [ Tuesday ’ s ] commutations and pardons by President Trump , ” Mr. Toobin writes .

President Trump has already complained about the “unfairness” being visited on his political associate Roger Stone, who will be sentenced Thursday for felonies including obstructing the FBI investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election.
Those more critical of the pardons framed his decisions as impulsive, isolated from the long-standing Justice Department procedure for considering pardons, and aimed largely at white-collar criminals whose relatives or representatives were able to lobby for relief on Fox News. The moves, they add, could lay the groundwork for pardons that would benefit himself.
“I’m allowed to be totally involved,” he told reporters. “I’m actually, I guess, the chief law enforcement officer of the country.”
Offering pardons is perhaps the closest thing the president has to absolute power, and in using this power Tuesday, President Trump gave glimpses of how he sees himself.
The president defended his actions as a dispensation of justice for those who had been unfairly convicted or already served adequate time for their sins. He presented himself as legally positioned to shape the U.S. legal system as he sees fit.
In providing legal relief to former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich and 10 other persons convicted of federal crimes, President Donald Trump on Tuesday lit off a national conversation on the nature of his use of the powerful pardon tool – and what it might reveal about his conception of the presidency itself.
In 2010, Donald Trump fired Rod Blagojevich from “Celebrity Apprentice” because the former Illinois governor didn’t learn enough Harry Potter trivia for a marketing assignment. In 2020, President Trump commuted Mr. Blagojevich’s prison sentence for public corruption with perhaps the closest thing he has to a Potter-esque magic wand: his Constitution-based power to “grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States.”
In providing legal relief to Mr. Blagojevich and 10 other persons convicted of federal crimes, President Trump on Tuesday lit off a national conversation on the nature of his use of the powerful pardon tool – and what it might reveal about his conception of the presidency itself.
President Trump defended his actions as a dispensation of justice for those who had been unfairly convicted or already served adequate time for their sins. He presented himself as legally positioned to shape the U.S. legal system as he sees fit.
Why We Wrote This Offering pardons is perhaps the closest thing the president has to absolute power, and in using this power Tuesday, President Trump gave glimpses of how he sees himself.
“I’m allowed to be totally involved,” he told reporters. “I’m actually, I guess, the chief law enforcement officer of the country.”
Those more critical of the pardons framed his decisions as impulsive, isolated from the long-standing Justice Department procedure for considering pardons, and aimed largely at white-collar criminals whose relatives or representatives were able to lobby for relief on Fox News.
Anyone looking for a pattern or a plan in the pardons is looking in the wrong place, argues political scientist Jonathan Bernstein in a Bloomberg News column.
“He wants what he wants, and he treats the presidency as something he won that allows him to do stuff he wants,” Mr. Bernstein writes. “Pardons are great for that, because they’re the closest thing to an absolute power the president has.”
Relatively few pardons
Besides the commutation for Mr. Blagojevich, who was sentenced in 2011 to 14 years in prison for, among other things, trying to auction off Barack Obama’s Illinois Senate seat after he was elected president, President Trump pardoned Edward DeBartolo Jr., a former owner of the San Francisco 49ers who pleaded guilty to concealing an extortion plot in 1998; Bernard Kerik, a former New York City police commissioner who was sentenced to four years in prison after conviction on eight felonies including tax fraud; and Michael Milken, the former “junk bond king” who pleaded guilty to securities fraud in 1990, among others.
President Trump pointed to the length of Mr. Blagojevich’s 14-year sentence as an indication that leniency was deserved.
“That was a ... ridiculous sentence, in my opinion,” the president told reporters.
President Trump has previously granted clemency to Alice Marie Johnson, a black woman serving a life sentence for a nonviolent drug offense, his supporters point out. And the president has used his power in this area sparingly so far, pardoning just 25 people while commuting the sentences of six more.
“Please, by all means educate me on abuse of power,” wrote Donald Trump Jr. in a tweet comparing his father’s pardon numbers with higher ones of past presidents.
The dangers critics see
Critics replied that one way the president was abusing the pardon power was to use it as a means of laying the groundwork for pardons that would benefit himself.
President Trump has already complained about the “unfairness” being visited on his political associate Roger Stone, for instance. Mr. Stone will be sentenced Thursday after his conviction on seven felonies, including lying to Congress and obstructing the FBI investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 election.
And the president implicitly compared himself to Mr. Blagojevich, noting that the former Illinois governor was caught on a phone call trying to sell Mr. Obama’s vacant seat, reflective of the now-famous phone call between President Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.
“I would think that there have been many politicians – I’m not one of them, by the way – that have said a lot worse over the telephone,” President Trump told reporters.
Bypassing presidential norms?
In general, President Trump’s use of his pardon powers also at times appears to reflect aspects of his approach to the presidency that Democrats and other critics have charged break American political norms.
For one thing, it ignores the advice of the bureaucracy – or the “deep state,” as Trump supporters might call it. There is no indication that for Tuesday’s actions the president consulted the Department of Justice’s pardon office, which normally carefully sorts and vets applications for relief to ensure the president gets accurate information to inform decisions.
Instead, the president said he acted on “recommendations” in making his decisions, referring apparently to the loose network of friends, former officials, and Mar-a-Lago members who grab his arm at a dinner or catch him on the phone at odd hours.
Those who weighed in on Mr. Kerik’s pardon, for instance, included Rudy Giuliani, broadcaster Geraldo Rivera, and former Navy SEAL and accused war criminal Eddie Gallagher, whose demotion President Trump overturned last year. Celebrity Kim Kardashian urged relief for Ms. Johnson. Former San Francisco 49er players argued for Mr. DeBartolo.
Second, what the president sees on Fox News heavily influences his decisions. Mr. Kerik has been a regular commentator on Fox, for instance. Patti Blagojevich, Mr. Blagojevich’s wife, has appeared on Fox directly calling for sentence relief for her husband. Allies of Mr. Stone have pleaded with President Trump through the Fox screen for a Stone pardon.
Critics say that in total the way President Trump goes about pardons positions him, not as the head of a government working toward decisions, but as a quasi-king who alone makes the call.
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He is dispensing largesse, seemingly at random, by his own whims, rather than pursuant to any legal system, writes legal analyst Jeffrey Toobin in The New Yorker.
“That’s the real lesson – a story of creeping authoritarianism – of [Tuesday’s] commutations and pardons by President Trump,” Mr. Toobin writes.


csmonitor--2020-02-19--Is Bernie cruising to the nomination?  And is it too late for anyone to stop him?

Is the presidential primary contest closer to over than many Democrats realize ?
Yesterday , FiveThirtyEight ’ s Nate Silver projected that after Super Tuesday – essentially two weeks from today – Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders will have accumulated 41 % of delegates .
To which former Obama campaign manager David Plouffe responded : “ If this happens , Sanders would have a pledged delegate lead he ’ ll never relinquish.
” In other words , while party stalwarts are increasingly panicking over the prospect of nominating a 78-year old self-proclaimed democratic socialist as their standard bearer – and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” movement in the offing – it may already be too late .
Many analysts have been comparing the situation to the Republican primary in 2016 , in which Donald Trump ’ s opponents mostly refrained from attacking him for fear it would backfire on them , and the “ anti-Trump ” movement was never able to unite behind a single alternative .
To worried Democrats , the answer seems obvious : if the party ’ s moderate voters would just line up behind one candidate – Mayor Pete , or Amy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new frontrunner .
The problem is , none of those candidates has any incentive to drop out right now .
Nor is it entirely clear that clearing the field would make a difference .
A new NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll finds that when Democratic primary voters are asked to choose between only Mr. Sanders and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg , they pick Mr. Sanders by a margin of 20 points ; if asked to choose between Mr. Sanders and former South Bend , Indiana , Mayor Pete Buttigieg , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To drive home the Democrats ’ bind , that same poll also finds that 67 % of all registered voters are either “ very uncomfortable ” or have “ reservations ” about a candidate who is a socialist – making it easily the most unpopular quality for a presidential contender .
Indeed , Senate Republicans are already gleefully running attack ads tying their Democratic opponents to the senator from Vermont .
Party leaders , for all the hand-wringing , have mostly been staying on the sidelines .
In the run-up to this Saturday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggest Senator Sanders is likely to win – former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid pointedly told Bloomberg Businessweek ’ s Joshua Green that if other Democrats don ’ t like Sanders ’ s ideology , “ they ’ re going to have to start saying they don ’ t like it.
” “ Don ’ t hope that someone else is going to do it , ” he warned .
But as for Senator Reid himself ?
He voted early – and marked his ballot “ uncommitted.
” Let us know what you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Dear reader:
Is the presidential primary contest closer to over than many Democrats realize?
Yesterday, FiveThirtyEight’s Nate Silver projected that after Super Tuesday – essentially two weeks from today – Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders will have accumulated 41% of delegates. To which former Obama campaign manager David Plouffe responded: “If this happens, Sanders would have a pledged delegate lead he’ll never relinquish.”
Why We Wrote This Unless something happens to change the current trajectory, the senator from Vermont looks on track to become the Democratic nominee. He benefits from a divided opposition that shies away from attacking him.
In other words, while party stalwarts are increasingly panicking over the prospect of nominating a 78-year old self-proclaimed democratic socialist as their standard bearer – and we keep hearing about a “Stop Sanders” movement in the offing – it may already be too late.
Many analysts have been comparing the situation to the Republican primary in 2016, in which Donald Trump’s opponents mostly refrained from attacking him for fear it would backfire on them, and the “anti-Trump” movement was never able to unite behind a single alternative.
To worried Democrats, the answer seems obvious: if the party’s moderate voters would just line up behind one candidate – Mayor Pete, or Amy, or Bloomberg – they’d anoint a new frontrunner. The problem is, none of those candidates has any incentive to drop out right now.
Nor is it entirely clear that clearing the field would make a difference. A new NBC News/Wall Street Journal poll finds that when Democratic primary voters are asked to choose between only Mr. Sanders and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, they pick Mr. Sanders by a margin of 20 points; if asked to choose between Mr. Sanders and former South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Mr. Sanders wins by 16 points.
To drive home the Democrats’ bind, that same poll also finds that 67% of all registered voters are either “very uncomfortable” or have “reservations” about a candidate who is a socialist – making it easily the most unpopular quality for a presidential contender. Indeed, Senate Republicans are already gleefully running attack ads tying their Democratic opponents to the senator from Vermont.
Party leaders, for all the hand-wringing, have mostly been staying on the sidelines. In the run-up to this Saturday’s Nevada caucuses – where polls suggest Senator Sanders is likely to win – former Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid pointedly told Bloomberg Businessweek’s Joshua Green that if other Democrats don’t like Sanders’s ideology, “they’re going to have to start saying they don’t like it.”
“Don’t hope that someone else is going to do it,” he warned.
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But as for Senator Reid himself? He voted early – and marked his ballot “uncommitted.”
Let us know what you’re thinking at csmpolitics@csmonitor.com.


csmonitor--2020-02-19--President Trump goes on clemency spree, testing power

President Donald Trump went on a clemency blitz Tuesday , commuting former Illinois Gov .
Rod Blagojevich 's 14-year prison sentence and pardoning former New York City police commissioner Bernie Kerik , among a long list of others .
Those who got a break from Mr. Trump include financier Michael Milken , the `` junk bond king '' who served two years in prison in the early 1990s after pleading guilty to violating U.S. securities laws , and Edward DeBartolo Jr. , the former San Francisco 49ers owner convicted in a gambling fraud scandal after building one of the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump also commuted the sentences of several women with more sympathetic cases to balance out the men convicted of corruption .
In all , Mr. Trump took clemency actions related to 11 people , his latest interventions in the justice system as he faces growing criticism for weighing in on the cases of former aides .
Mr. Trump made clear that he saw similarities between efforts to investigate his own conduct and those that took down Mr. Blagojevich , a Democrat who appeared on Mr. Trump 's reality TV show , `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a prosecution by the same people – Comey , Fitzpatrick , the same group , '' Mr. Trump told reporters .
He was referring to Patrick Fitzgerald , the former U.S. attorney who prosecuted Mr. Blagojevich and now represents former FBI Director James Comey , whom Mr. Trump fired from the agency in May 2017 .
Mr. Comey was working in the private sector during the Blagojevich investigation and indictment .
The clemency actions come as an emboldened Mr. Trump continues to test the limits of his office now that impeachment is over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rep. Bill Pascrell , Jr. of New Jersey , who accused Mr. Trump of using his unfettered pardon power `` to shield unrepentant felons , racists , and corrupt scoundrels . ''
Mr. Blagojevich was convicted on charges of political corruption , including seeking to sell an appointment to former President Barack Obama 's old Senate seat and trying to shake down a children 's hospital .
But Mr. Trump said the former governor had been subjected to a `` ridiculous sentence '' that did n't fit his crimes .
`` That was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in my opinion and in the opinion of many others , '' he said .
Mr. Trump confirmed the pardons on an air base tarmac as he left Washington for a West Coast visit .
He said he had yet to think about pardoning his longtime confidant Roger Stone , who is scheduled to be sentenced Thursday , or granting clemency to several former aides who have ended up in legal jeopardy , including his former campaign chairman Paul Manafort and disgraced former national security adviser Mike Flynn .
But he made clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cases .
`` Somebody has to stick up for the people , '' Mr. Trump said .
As for Mr. Stone , in particular , he added : `` You 're going to see what happens .
I think he 's treated unfairly . ''
Former Manhattan Assistant U.S. Attorney Mimi Rocah said the pardons send a message that corruption is OK and `` signal to his friends who are facing investigations or prosecutions for white collar crimes ... that Trump has their back . ''
Indeed , Mr. Pascrell predicted that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican-controlled Senate , `` outrageous abuses like these will accelerate and worsen . ''
In Illinois , current Gov .
J.B. Pritzker , a Democrat , said in a statement that Mr. Trump `` has abused his pardon power in inexplicable ways to reward his friends and condone corruption , and I deeply believe this pardon sends the wrong message at the wrong time . ''
Republicans in the state echoed his criticism of the Blagojevich action .
Many of the pardons announced Tuesday were advocated by well-heeled friends of the president , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magnate , Tom Barrack , a longtime Trump confidant and the chairman of his inaugural committee , and Fox News personality Maria Bartiromo .
Mr. Milken 's advocates , for example , included all of the above – along with Rudy Giuliani , the president 's personal attorney .
It was Mr. Giuliani who charged Mr. Milken with 98 felony counts , including racketeering , insider trading , and securities fraud , when he served as the top federal prosecutor in New York City in 1989 .
`` He paid a big price @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Mr. Trump said of Mr. Milken , who was among a small group of GOP mega donors who spent Election Night 2018 at the White House , according to media reports .
Mr. Blagojevich 's case had been championed by his wife , Patti , who went on a media blitz in 2018 .
Appearing on Fox News , she encouraged Mr. Trump to step in , likening the investigation of her husband to special prosecutor Robert Mueller 's investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 election .
And relatives of Paul @ @ @ @ @ @ @ company found guilty of underpaying his taxes , whom Mr. Trump also pardoned , have donated large sums to Mr. Trump 's reelection campaign .
But Mr. Trump also commuted the sentences of several women more representative of the flood of requests that presidents typically receive .
Judith Negron had been serving 35 years at a Florida prison for health care fraud , conspiracy , and money laundering when she was released Tuesday .
`` It 's hard to put in words .
I 'm so excited .
I yelled , screamed and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happiness and gratitude , '' said Yamilla Cruz Estrada , Ms. Negron 's sister , thanking Mr. Trump for answering the family 's prayers .
`` I 'm indebted to him for the rest of my life because he gave me my family back , '' Ms. Judith 's husband , Hector Negron , told The Associated Press .
Her case , like several others , had been championed by criminal justice reform advocates like Alice Marie Johnson , whose life sentence Mr. Trump commuted in 2018 at the urging of reality TV @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump 's reelection campaign featured in a recent Super Bowl ad .
Ms. Johnson told the AP that the president had been looking specifically for female candidates , and asked her for a list of other women who deserved clemency during a criminal justice conference at historically black Benedict College .
`` Kim made a difference going to the White House fighting for me , so if I can fight for something I definitely was n't going to turn that opportunity down , '' Ms. Johnson said .
Holly Harris , president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Network , applauded Mr. Trump `` for taking these steps , '' but said she hoped to see him use his power to help `` any of the thousands of deserving individuals who are neither rich , nor famous , nor connected '' and `` every bit as deserving of a second chance . ''
Ohio Pastor Darrell Scott , who had advocated for Mr. DeBartolo Jr. 's pardon and announced Mr. Trump 's decision Tuesday surrounded by a handful of football greats , said that when he first brought the case to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consumed with other matters , including the Mueller investigation .
Now that impeachment is over , he said , Mr. Trump has time to focus on other matters .
`` We finally get to breathe for the first time before something else comes , '' he said .
`` I think they 're trying to play catch up . ''
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Jill Colvin, Zeke Miller, and Michael Tarm

President Donald Trump went on a clemency blitz Tuesday, commuting former Illinois Gov. Rod Blagojevich's 14-year prison sentence and pardoning former New York City police commissioner Bernie Kerik, among a long list of others.
Those who got a break from Mr. Trump include financier Michael Milken, the "junk bond king" who served two years in prison in the early 1990s after pleading guilty to violating U.S. securities laws, and Edward DeBartolo Jr., the former San Francisco 49ers owner convicted in a gambling fraud scandal after building one of the most successful NFL teams in history. But Mr. Trump also commuted the sentences of several women with more sympathetic cases to balance out the men convicted of corruption.
In all, Mr. Trump took clemency actions related to 11 people, his latest interventions in the justice system as he faces growing criticism for weighing in on the cases of former aides. Mr. Trump made clear that he saw similarities between efforts to investigate his own conduct and those that took down Mr. Blagojevich, a Democrat who appeared on Mr. Trump's reality TV show, "Celebrity Apprentice."
"It was a prosecution by the same people – Comey, Fitzpatrick, the same group," Mr. Trump told reporters. He was referring to Patrick Fitzgerald, the former U.S. attorney who prosecuted Mr. Blagojevich and now represents former FBI Director James Comey, whom Mr. Trump fired from the agency in May 2017. Mr. Comey was working in the private sector during the Blagojevich investigation and indictment.
The clemency actions come as an emboldened Mr. Trump continues to test the limits of his office now that impeachment is over. The actions drew alarm from Democratic Rep. Bill Pascrell, Jr. of New Jersey, who accused Mr. Trump of using his unfettered pardon power "to shield unrepentant felons, racists, and corrupt scoundrels."
Mr. Blagojevich was convicted on charges of political corruption, including seeking to sell an appointment to former President Barack Obama's old Senate seat and trying to shake down a children's hospital.
But Mr. Trump said the former governor had been subjected to a "ridiculous sentence" that didn't fit his crimes.
"That was a tremendously powerful, ridiculous sentence, in my opinion and in the opinion of many others," he said.
Mr. Trump confirmed the pardons on an air base tarmac as he left Washington for a West Coast visit. He said he had yet to think about pardoning his longtime confidant Roger Stone, who is scheduled to be sentenced Thursday, or granting clemency to several former aides who have ended up in legal jeopardy, including his former campaign chairman Paul Manafort and disgraced former national security adviser Mike Flynn.
But he made clear anew that he is sympathetic to their cases. "Somebody has to stick up for the people," Mr. Trump said. As for Mr. Stone, in particular, he added: "You're going to see what happens. I think he's treated unfairly."
Former Manhattan Assistant U.S. Attorney Mimi Rocah said the pardons send a message that corruption is OK and "signal to his friends who are facing investigations or prosecutions for white collar crimes ... that Trump has their back."
Indeed, Mr. Pascrell predicted that, following Mr. Trump's acquittal by the Republican-controlled Senate, "outrageous abuses like these will accelerate and worsen."
In Illinois, current Gov. J.B. Pritzker, a Democrat, said in a statement that Mr. Trump "has abused his pardon power in inexplicable ways to reward his friends and condone corruption, and I deeply believe this pardon sends the wrong message at the wrong time."
Republicans in the state echoed his criticism of the Blagojevich action.
Many of the pardons announced Tuesday were advocated by well-heeled friends of the president, including Sheldon Adelson, the billionaire casino magnate, Tom Barrack, a longtime Trump confidant and the chairman of his inaugural committee, and Fox News personality Maria Bartiromo.
Mr. Milken's advocates, for example, included all of the above – along with Rudy Giuliani, the president's personal attorney. It was Mr. Giuliani who charged Mr. Milken with 98 felony counts, including racketeering, insider trading, and securities fraud, when he served as the top federal prosecutor in New York City in 1989.
"He paid a big price, paid a very tough price," Mr. Trump said of Mr. Milken, who was among a small group of GOP mega donors who spent Election Night 2018 at the White House, according to media reports.
Mr. Blagojevich's case had been championed by his wife, Patti, who went on a media blitz in 2018. Appearing on Fox News, she encouraged Mr. Trump to step in, likening the investigation of her husband to special prosecutor Robert Mueller's investigation into Russian meddling in the 2016 election.
And relatives of Paul Pogue, the owner of a construction company found guilty of underpaying his taxes, whom Mr. Trump also pardoned, have donated large sums to Mr. Trump's reelection campaign.
But Mr. Trump also commuted the sentences of several women more representative of the flood of requests that presidents typically receive.
Judith Negron had been serving 35 years at a Florida prison for health care fraud, conspiracy, and money laundering when she was released Tuesday.
"It's hard to put in words. I'm so excited. I yelled, screamed and cried. We are just filled with happiness and gratitude," said Yamilla Cruz Estrada, Ms. Negron's sister, thanking Mr. Trump for answering the family's prayers.
"I'm indebted to him for the rest of my life because he gave me my family back," Ms. Judith's husband, Hector Negron, told The Associated Press.
Her case, like several others, had been championed by criminal justice reform advocates like Alice Marie Johnson, whose life sentence Mr. Trump commuted in 2018 at the urging of reality TV star Kim Kardashian West and whose story Mr. Trump's reelection campaign featured in a recent Super Bowl ad.
Ms. Johnson told the AP that the president had been looking specifically for female candidates, and asked her for a list of other women who deserved clemency during a criminal justice conference at historically black Benedict College.
"Kim made a difference going to the White House fighting for me, so if I can fight for something I definitely wasn't going to turn that opportunity down," Ms. Johnson said.
Holly Harris, president of the criminal justice group Justice Action Network, applauded Mr. Trump "for taking these steps," but said she hoped to see him use his power to help "any of the thousands of deserving individuals who are neither rich, nor famous, nor connected" and "every bit as deserving of a second chance."
Ohio Pastor Darrell Scott, who had advocated for Mr. DeBartolo Jr.'s pardon and announced Mr. Trump's decision Tuesday surrounded by a handful of football greats, said that when he first brought the case to the White House, the administration was consumed with other matters, including the Mueller investigation. Now that impeachment is over, he said, Mr. Trump has time to focus on other matters.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
"We finally get to breathe for the first time before something else comes," he said. "I think they're trying to play catch up."
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-20--As Latino clout rises, Sanders leads field in courting them.

Still , he ’ s struggled to win support among older voters .
“ Anybody but Bernie , ” says Margarita Rebollayal , a spirited octogenarian exiting a town hall sponsored by the League for United Latin American Citizens .
“ He ’ s lying to young people , ” she says , filling their heads with unrealistic ideas .
Experts say Senator Sanders ’ grassroots organizing helps explain why the self-proclaimed democratic socialist is leading among likely Democratic voters in Nevada – and the nation .
“ He ’ s using a lot of Latino youth to connect with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Romero , an expert on the Latino vote at the University of Southern California .
Bernie Sanders ’ campaign started targeting the Latino community in Nevada last June .
In recent weeks , the senator from Vermont has been outspending all but billionaire Tom Steyer in Spanish-language advertising here .
This year , for the first time ever , Latinos are expected to become the largest racial or ethnic minority eligible to vote in a presidential election .
How many of them will do so – and whether they will tip things one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But Saturday ’ s caucus in Nevada , where Latinos make up nearly a third of the population , will provide some early clues .
This year , for the first time ever , Latinos are expected to become the largest racial or ethnic minority eligible to vote in a presidential election .
How many of them will do so – and whether they will tip things one way or the other – remains unknown , but Saturday ’ s presidential caucus in Nevada will provide some early clues .
Unlike the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hampshire , minorities make up the majority of Nevada ’ s population , with Latinos accounting for nearly 30 % .
Right on the heels of Saturday ’ s vote will come Super Tuesday on March 3 , when giants like California and Texas – where Latinos make up nearly a third of eligible voters – will weigh in .
In past presidential cycles , Hispanics have tended to lag behind other groups in turnout .
But if the Democratic campaign playing out here in Las Vegas is any indication , Latino voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Lines for early voting were long , including in the heavily Hispanic area of east Las Vegas .
Several campaigns have been working on Latino outreach here since at least last summer – setting up local field offices and hiring Latinos for senior leadership positions .
“ When [ campaigns ] engage Latinos ... we turn out , ” says Sindy Benavides , chief executive officer of the League for United Latin American Citizens , or LULAC , the oldest civil rights Latino organization in the country .
While her organization does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Sanders campaign as a model .
“ Bernie Sanders is doing the investment , making sure to reach the Latino community where they are , ” she says in an interview before a recent town hall in Las Vegas sponsored by LULAC .
The town hall featured Democratic candidates Tom Steyer , Pete Buttigieg , and Amy Klobuchar , as well as a video appearance by Senator Sanders , who boomed into the auditorium from a movie-theater-sized screen .
Senator Sanders ’ grassroots organizing in the Latino community helps explain why the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic voters in Nevada – and the nation .
The RealClearPolitics polling average shows him at 30 % in Nevada , with his closest rival , former Vice President Joe Biden , at 16 % .
A new survey by the Spanish-language television network Univision shows similar levels of support for Senator Sanders among Latinos , with 33 % backing him in Nevada and 30 % nationally .
Mr. Biden trails him by about 10 points in both cases .
It is an achievement that worries moderate Democrats , but excites his supporters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Navarro , who is hanging around a Sanders table outside the entrance to the LULAC town hall at the College of Southern Nevada here .
It ’ s the only candidate table set up , featuring a well-worn cutout of the candidate that keeps flopping over .
As students stop by for free pizza , they can learn a bit about Senator Sanders , as well as how to register to vote .
“ It ’ s not so much his policies ; it ’ s his values , ” says Mr. Navarro @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democratic Socialists of America , is certainly in sync with the Vermont senator ’ s policy agenda .
The American dream is no longer achievable just through hard work , he says , and the country needs someone like Senator Sanders to take the nation in a new direction .
He also praises the senator ’ s authenticity and consistency : “ He ’ s been a progressive since college.
” Clarissa Perez , who is working during her pre-college “ gap year ” as an intern in Las Vegas , pipes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talks with the Latino community , not to it .
The mariachi bands at his events show his appreciation for her culture , she says , adding that she thinks of the avuncular white-haired candidate as an uncle , or tío .
“ I love Tío Bernie , ” she says with a big smile .
Often , campaigns focus on the Latino community toward the end of their efforts .
The Sanders campaign decided to focus on it at the beginning .
In Nevada , it started targeting the Latino community last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voters was bilingual .
In California , the campaign has opened at least 15 field offices , many in Latino areas .
In recent weeks , he ’ s been outspending all but Mr. Steyer in Spanish-language advertising in Nevada , according to data from Kantar Media ’ s Campaign Media Analysis Group .
“ He ’ s using a lot of Latino youth to connect with other Latino youth , and across generations , ” says Mindy Romero , an expert on the Latino vote at the University of Southern California .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ limited so far – his support among Latinos , as with voters in general , skews young .
Neither are Latino political leaders flocking to him ( or to any candidate , for that matter ) .
“ Anybody but Bernie , ” says Margarita Rebollayal , a spirited octogenarian as she exits the town hall .
She minces no words : “ He ’ s lying to young people , ” filling their heads with unrealistic ideas .
She says she ’ s leaning toward Senator Klobuchar as someone who can “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not the only Democratic candidate making a major effort to connect with Latinos in Nevada .
Sen. Elizabeth Warren ’ s campaign has been on the ground since January 2019 , and has 12 field offices in the state , including in east Las Vegas , where most people on her staff are Spanish-speaking .
She ranks third in the state among voters overall , according to the RealClearPolitics polling average .
Mr. Steyer , the billionaire turned climate change crusader , has also invested heavily in the community .
His senior leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and he praised the mujeres on his staff at a recent event with Latino attorneys , small-business owners , and other professionals .
Walking into the second-floor offices of immigrant lawyers Rudolfo Gonzalez and Edgar Flores , and trailed by a mariachi band singing “ the immigrant song , ” Mr. Steyer last week detailed his work that directly benefited Hispanics – biographical details unknown to many people there and met with approving nods and applause .
He touts his mission-driven bank that provides loans to people not served by big banks , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrants , and his success in blocking a proposed power plant in the Latino community of Oxnard , California .
Mr. Steyer ’ s electronic billboards tower over Las Vegas as rush-hour traffic inches along Interstate 15 and his campaign claims its internal polling shows him statistically tied with Mr. Biden for second place in Nevada .
Always looking to shift the media spotlight away from Democrats , President Donald Trump is on a Western tour that will culminate with a Las Vegas rally Friday night – hours before the Democratic caucus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Republicans or lean Republican , according to the Pew Research Center , and 30 % of Hispanic voters approve of President Trump ’ s job performance – 23 % very strongly .
This presents a challenge for Democrats , writes Kristian Ramos , former spokesman for the Congressional Hispanic Caucus , in The Atlantic .
Democrats lost in 2016 with about 66 % of the Latino vote , Mr. Ramos notes .
They will need about 70 % to win this time , he says .
But that is not an impossibility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in large numbers .
In the Nevada midterm elections of 2018 , Latino voter turnout in Nevada was 74 % – a 22-point increase over the midterms of 2014 , according to Mr. Ramos , a consultant for Mi Familia Vota , the Latino voter registration and participation organization .
“ That is an indication of the scope and urgency in this cycle , ” says Mr. Ramos , who expects heavy Latino turnout in Nevada .
In California , the Democratic polling firm Latino Decisions also detects high intensity among Latino voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difference between 2016 and this time is that Latinos have actually experienced the Trump presidency , and not just been warned about it , many Latinos say .
Back at the law firm of Gonzelez & Flores , Mr. Gonzalez says he has not yet made up his mind about whom he will vote for .
He needs to consult with his family and his law partner .
But he will definitely vote .
And will Latinos , generally , show up ?
“ On this one , yes , ” he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up with what ’ s been going on for the last four years .
”

Still, he’s struggled to win support among older voters. “Anybody but Bernie,” says Margarita Rebollayal, a spirited octogenarian exiting a town hall sponsored by the League for United Latin American Citizens. “He’s lying to young people,” she says, filling their heads with unrealistic ideas.
Experts say Senator Sanders’ grassroots organizing helps explain why the self-proclaimed democratic socialist is leading among likely Democratic voters in Nevada – and the nation. “He’s using a lot of Latino youth to connect with other Latino youth,” says Mindy Romero, an expert on the Latino vote at the University of Southern California.
Outreach to Latino voters has often been a late-stage activity for Democratic campaigns. That’s changing visibly In Nevada, the first primary contest in a majority-minority state.
Bernie Sanders’ campaign started targeting the Latino community in Nevada last June. In recent weeks, the senator from Vermont has been outspending all but billionaire Tom Steyer in Spanish-language advertising here.
This year, for the first time ever, Latinos are expected to become the largest racial or ethnic minority eligible to vote in a presidential election. How many of them will do so – and whether they will tip things one way or the other – remains unknown. But Saturday’s caucus in Nevada, where Latinos make up nearly a third of the population, will provide some early clues.
This year, for the first time ever, Latinos are expected to become the largest racial or ethnic minority eligible to vote in a presidential election. How many of them will do so – and whether they will tip things one way or the other – remains unknown, but Saturday’s presidential caucus in Nevada will provide some early clues.
Unlike the overwhelmingly white states of Iowa and New Hampshire, minorities make up the majority of Nevada’s population, with Latinos accounting for nearly 30%. Right on the heels of Saturday’s vote will come Super Tuesday on March 3, when giants like California and Texas – where Latinos make up nearly a third of eligible voters – will weigh in.
In past presidential cycles, Hispanics have tended to lag behind other groups in turnout. But if the Democratic campaign playing out here in Las Vegas is any indication, Latino voters’ interest in this election is high. Lines for early voting were long, including in the heavily Hispanic area of east Las Vegas. Several campaigns have been working on Latino outreach here since at least last summer – setting up local field offices and hiring Latinos for senior leadership positions.
Why We Wrote This Outreach to Latino voters has often been a late-stage activity for Democratic campaigns. That’s changing visibly In Nevada, the first primary contest in a majority-minority state.
“When [campaigns] engage Latinos ... we turn out,” says Sindy Benavides, chief executive officer of the League for United Latin American Citizens, or LULAC, the oldest civil rights Latino organization in the country. While her organization does not endorse candidates, she singles out the Sanders campaign as a model.
“Bernie Sanders is doing the investment, making sure to reach the Latino community where they are,” she says in an interview before a recent town hall in Las Vegas sponsored by LULAC. The town hall featured Democratic candidates Tom Steyer, Pete Buttigieg, and Amy Klobuchar, as well as a video appearance by Senator Sanders, who boomed into the auditorium from a movie-theater-sized screen.
Senator Sanders’ grassroots organizing in the Latino community helps explain why the self-proclaimed democratic socialist is leading among likely Democratic voters in Nevada – and the nation. The RealClearPolitics polling average shows him at 30% in Nevada, with his closest rival, former Vice President Joe Biden, at 16%.
A new survey by the Spanish-language television network Univision shows similar levels of support for Senator Sanders among Latinos, with 33% backing him in Nevada and 30% nationally. Mr. Biden trails him by about 10 points in both cases.
Francine Kiefer/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Clarissa Perez (left) and Shaun Navarro stand outside the Democratic presidential town hall sponsored by the League for United Latin American Citizens in Las Vegas on Feb. 13, 2020. They both are huge fans of Sen. Bernie Sanders and see him as a candidate with consistent progressive values. Ms. Perez refers to him affectionately as uncle, or tío in Spanish. "I love Tío Bernie," she says.
“I love Tío Bernie”
It is an achievement that worries moderate Democrats, but excites his supporters.
They include Latinos such as Shaun Navarro, who is hanging around a Sanders table outside the entrance to the LULAC town hall at the College of Southern Nevada here. It’s the only candidate table set up, featuring a well-worn cutout of the candidate that keeps flopping over. As students stop by for free pizza, they can learn a bit about Senator Sanders, as well as how to register to vote.
“It’s not so much his policies; it’s his values,” says Mr. Navarro, who, as local co-chair of the Democratic Socialists of America, is certainly in sync with the Vermont senator’s policy agenda. The American dream is no longer achievable just through hard work, he says, and the country needs someone like Senator Sanders to take the nation in a new direction. He also praises the senator’s authenticity and consistency: “He’s been a progressive since college.”
Clarissa Perez, who is working during her pre-college “gap year” as an intern in Las Vegas, pipes up with the observation that the senator talks with the Latino community, not to it. The mariachi bands at his events show his appreciation for her culture, she says, adding that she thinks of the avuncular white-haired candidate as an uncle, or tío. “I love Tío Bernie,” she says with a big smile.
Often, campaigns focus on the Latino community toward the end of their efforts. The Sanders campaign decided to focus on it at the beginning. In Nevada, it started targeting the Latino community last June, and its first communication to voters was bilingual. In California, the campaign has opened at least 15 field offices, many in Latino areas. In recent weeks, he’s been outspending all but Mr. Steyer in Spanish-language advertising in Nevada, according to data from Kantar Media’s Campaign Media Analysis Group.
“He’s using a lot of Latino youth to connect with other Latino youth, and across generations,” says Mindy Romero, an expert on the Latino vote at the University of Southern California. Still, that cross-generational reach has been limited so far – his support among Latinos, as with voters in general, skews young. Neither are Latino political leaders flocking to him (or to any candidate, for that matter).
“Anybody but Bernie,” says Margarita Rebollayal, a spirited octogenarian as she exits the town hall. She minces no words: “He’s lying to young people,” filling their heads with unrealistic ideas. She says she’s leaning toward Senator Klobuchar as someone who can “get things done.”
Outreach by other campaigns
Senator Sanders is not the only Democratic candidate making a major effort to connect with Latinos in Nevada. Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s campaign has been on the ground since January 2019, and has 12 field offices in the state, including in east Las Vegas, where most people on her staff are Spanish-speaking. She ranks third in the state among voters overall, according to the RealClearPolitics polling average.
Mr. Steyer, the billionaire turned climate change crusader, has also invested heavily in the community. His senior leadership team in Nevada is mostly Latinas, and he praised the mujeres on his staff at a recent event with Latino attorneys, small-business owners, and other professionals.
Walking into the second-floor offices of immigrant lawyers Rudolfo Gonzalez and Edgar Flores, and trailed by a mariachi band singing “the immigrant song,” Mr. Steyer last week detailed his work that directly benefited Hispanics – biographical details unknown to many people there and met with approving nods and applause.
He touts his mission-driven bank that provides loans to people not served by big banks, his church that is a sanctuary for immigrants, and his success in blocking a proposed power plant in the Latino community of Oxnard, California. Mr. Steyer’s electronic billboards tower over Las Vegas as rush-hour traffic inches along Interstate 15 and his campaign claims its internal polling shows him statistically tied with Mr. Biden for second place in Nevada.
Always looking to shift the media spotlight away from Democrats, President Donald Trump is on a Western tour that will culminate with a Las Vegas rally Friday night – hours before the Democratic caucus. About a third of registered Latinos self-identify as Republicans or lean Republican, according to the Pew Research Center, and 30% of Hispanic voters approve of President Trump’s job performance – 23% very strongly.
This presents a challenge for Democrats, writes Kristian Ramos, former spokesman for the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, in The Atlantic. Democrats lost in 2016 with about 66% of the Latino vote, Mr. Ramos notes. They will need about 70% to win this time, he says.
But that is not an impossibility if Latinos who support Democrats show up in large numbers. In the Nevada midterm elections of 2018, Latino voter turnout in Nevada was 74% – a 22-point increase over the midterms of 2014, according to Mr. Ramos, a consultant for Mi Familia Vota, the Latino voter registration and participation organization.
“That is an indication of the scope and urgency in this cycle,” says Mr. Ramos, who expects heavy Latino turnout in Nevada. In California, the Democratic polling firm Latino Decisions also detects high intensity among Latino voters – with Senator Sanders leading.
The difference between 2016 and this time is that Latinos have actually experienced the Trump presidency, and not just been warned about it, many Latinos say.
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Back at the law firm of Gonzelez & Flores, Mr. Gonzalez says he has not yet made up his mind about whom he will vote for. He needs to consult with his family and his law partner. But he will definitely vote. And will Latinos, generally, show up?
“On this one, yes,” he says. “I think people are fed up with what’s been going on for the last four years.”


csmonitor--2020-02-20--As Democratic race heats up, candidates turn on each other

From the opening bell , Democrats savaged New York billionaire Mike Bloomberg and raised pointed questions about Bernie Sanders ' take-no-prisoners politics during a contentious debate Wednesday night that threatened to further muddy the party 's urgent quest to defeat President Donald Trump .
Mr. Bloomberg , the former New York mayor who was once a Republican , was forced to defend his record and past comments related to race , gender , and his personal wealth in an occasionally rocky debate stage debut .
Mr. Sanders , meanwhile , tried to beat back pointed questions about his embrace of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heart attack last year .
The ninth debate of this cycle featured the most aggressive sustained period of infighting in the Democrats ’ yearlong search for a presidential nominee .
The tension reflected growing anxiety among candidates and party leaders that the nomination fight could yield a candidate who will struggle to build a winning coalition in November to beat Mr. Trump .
The campaign is about to quickly intensify .
Nevada votes on Saturday and South Carolina follows on Feb. 29 .
More than a dozen states host Super Tuesday contests in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the delegates needed to win the nomination at stake .
Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren was in a fight for survival and stood out with repeated attacks on Mr. Bloomberg .
She sought to undermine him with core Democratic voters who are uncomfortable with his vast wealth , his offensive remarks about policing of minorities , and demeaning comments about women , including those who worked at his company .
Mr. Sanders lashed out at Mr. Bloomberg 's policing policies as New York City mayor that Mr. Sanders said targeted `` African American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' And former Vice President Joe Biden charged that Mr. Bloomberg ’ s `` stop-and-frisk '' policy ended up `` throwing 5 million black men up against the wall . ''
Watching during his Western campaign swing , Mr. Trump joined the Mr. Bloomberg pile on .
`` Mini Mike Bloomberg ’ s debate performance tonight was perhaps the worst in the history of debates , and there have been some really bad ones , '' Mr. Trump tweeted .
`` He was stumbling , bumbling , and grossly incompetent .
If this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the race , nothing will .
Not so easy to do what I did ! ''
After the debate , Ms. Warren told reporters : `` I have no doubt that Michael Bloomberg is reaching in his pocket right now , and spending another hundred million dollars to try to erase every American 's memory about what happened on the debate stage . ''
On a night that threatened to tarnish the shine of his carefully constructed TV-ad image , Mr. Bloomberg faltered when attacked on issues related to race and gender .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ his wealth and how he has used it to affect change important to Democrats .
He took particular aim at Mr. Sanders and his self-description as a democratic socialist .
`` I don ’ t think there 's any chance of the senator beating Donald Trump , '' Mr. Bloomberg declared before noting Mr. Sanders ' rising wealth .
`` The best known socialist in the country happens to be a millionaire with three houses ! ''
Mr. Sanders defended owning multiple houses , noting he has one in Washington , where he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state he represents in the Senate .
While Mr. Bloomberg was the shiny new object Wednesday , the debate also marked a major test for Mr. Sanders , who is emerging as the front-runner in the Democrats ’ nomination fight , whether his party ’ s establishment likes it or not .
A growing group of donors , elected officials , and political operatives fear that Mr. Sanders ’ uncompromising progressive politics could be a disaster in the general election against Mr. Trump , yet they ’ ve struggled to coalesce behind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , went after both Mr. Bloomberg and Mr. Sanders , warning that one threatened to `` burn down '' the Democratic Party and the other was trying to buy it .
He called them `` the two most polarizing figures on this stage , '' with little chance of defeating Mr. Trump or helping congressional Democrats in contests with Republicans .
Mr. Bloomberg and Mr. Sanders were prime targets , but the stakes were no less dire for the other four candidates on stage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a two-term vice president , desperately needed to breathe new life into his flailing campaign , which entered the night at the bottom of a moderate muddle behind Mr. Buttigieg and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar .
And after a bad finish last week in New Hampshire , Ms. Warren was fighting to resurrect her stalled White House bid .
A Warren campaign aide said on Twitter that her fiery first hour of debate was her best hour of fundraising `` to date . ''
The other leading progressive in the race , Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Mr. Bloomberg for his embrace of democratic socialism .
Mr. Sanders , as he has repeatedly over the last year , defended the cost of his signature `` Medicare for All '' healthcare plan , which would eliminate the private insurance industry in favor of a government-backed healthcare system that would cover all Americans .
`` When you asked Bernie how much it cost last time he said ... 'We 'll find out , ' '' Mr. Biden quipped .
`` It costs over $ 35 trillion , let 's get real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Buttigieg and Ms. Klobuchar when the former Indiana mayor slammed the three-term Minnesota senator for failing to answer questions in a recent interview about Mexican policy and forgetting the name of the Mexican president .
Mr. Buttigieg noted that she 's on a committee that oversees trade issues in Mexico and she `` was not able to speak to literally the first thing about the politics of the country . ''
She shot back : `` Are you trying to say I 'm dumb ?
Are you mocking me here ? ''
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Mr. Buttigieg again : `` I wish everyone else was as perfect as you , Pete . ''
The debate closed with a question about the possibility that Democrats remain divided deep into the primary season with a final resolution coming during a contested national convention in July .
Asked if the candidate with the most delegates should be the nominee – even if he or she is short of a delegate majority , almost every candidate suggested that the convention process should `` work its way out , '' as Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who helped force changes to the nomination process this year and hopes to take a significant delegate lead in the coming weeks , was the only exception .
`` The person who has the most votes should become the nominee , '' he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Steve Peoples and Alexandra Jaffe reported from Washington .
AP writer Kathleen Ronayne in Sacramento , California , contributed to this report .

Steve Peoples, Alexandra Jaffe, and Michelle L. Price

From the opening bell, Democrats savaged New York billionaire Mike Bloomberg and raised pointed questions about Bernie Sanders' take-no-prisoners politics during a contentious debate Wednesday night that threatened to further muddy the party's urgent quest to defeat President Donald Trump.
Mr. Bloomberg, the former New York mayor who was once a Republican, was forced to defend his record and past comments related to race, gender, and his personal wealth in an occasionally rocky debate stage debut. Mr. Sanders, meanwhile, tried to beat back pointed questions about his embrace of democratic socialism and his health following a heart attack last year.
The ninth debate of this cycle featured the most aggressive sustained period of infighting in the Democrats’ yearlong search for a presidential nominee. The tension reflected growing anxiety among candidates and party leaders that the nomination fight could yield a candidate who will struggle to build a winning coalition in November to beat Mr. Trump.
The campaign is about to quickly intensify. Nevada votes on Saturday and South Carolina follows on Feb. 29. More than a dozen states host Super Tuesday contests in less than two weeks with about one-third of the delegates needed to win the nomination at stake.
Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren was in a fight for survival and stood out with repeated attacks on Mr. Bloomberg. She sought to undermine him with core Democratic voters who are uncomfortable with his vast wealth, his offensive remarks about policing of minorities, and demeaning comments about women, including those who worked at his company.
Ms. Warren labeled Mr. Bloomberg "a billionaire who calls people fat broads and horse-faced lesbians."
She wasn’t alone.
Mr. Sanders lashed out at Mr. Bloomberg's policing policies as New York City mayor that Mr. Sanders said targeted "African American and Latinos in an outrageous way."
And former Vice President Joe Biden charged that Mr. Bloomberg’s "stop-and-frisk" policy ended up "throwing 5 million black men up against the wall."
Watching during his Western campaign swing, Mr. Trump joined the Mr. Bloomberg pile on. "Mini Mike Bloomberg’s debate performance tonight was perhaps the worst in the history of debates, and there have been some really bad ones," Mr. Trump tweeted. "He was stumbling, bumbling, and grossly incompetent. If this doesn’t knock him out of the race, nothing will. Not so easy to do what I did!"
After the debate, Ms. Warren told reporters: "I have no doubt that Michael Bloomberg is reaching in his pocket right now, and spending another hundred million dollars to try to erase every American's memory about what happened on the debate stage."
On a night that threatened to tarnish the shine of his carefully constructed TV-ad image, Mr. Bloomberg faltered when attacked on issues related to race and gender. But he was firm and unapologetic about his wealth and how he has used it to affect change important to Democrats. He took particular aim at Mr. Sanders and his self-description as a democratic socialist.
"I don’t think there's any chance of the senator beating Donald Trump," Mr. Bloomberg declared before noting Mr. Sanders' rising wealth. "The best known socialist in the country happens to be a millionaire with three houses!"
Mr. Sanders defended owning multiple houses, noting he has one in Washington, where he works, and two in Vermont, the state he represents in the Senate.
While Mr. Bloomberg was the shiny new object Wednesday, the debate also marked a major test for Mr. Sanders, who is emerging as the front-runner in the Democrats’ nomination fight, whether his party’s establishment likes it or not. A growing group of donors, elected officials, and political operatives fear that Mr. Sanders’ uncompromising progressive politics could be a disaster in the general election against Mr. Trump, yet they’ve struggled to coalesce behind a single moderate alternative.
Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, went after both Mr. Bloomberg and Mr. Sanders, warning that one threatened to "burn down" the Democratic Party and the other was trying to buy it.
He called them "the two most polarizing figures on this stage," with little chance of defeating Mr. Trump or helping congressional Democrats in contests with Republicans.
Mr. Bloomberg and Mr. Sanders were prime targets, but the stakes were no less dire for the other four candidates on stage.
Longtime establishment favorite Mr. Biden, a two-term vice president, desperately needed to breathe new life into his flailing campaign, which entered the night at the bottom of a moderate muddle behind Mr. Buttigieg and Minnesota Sen. Amy Klobuchar. And after a bad finish last week in New Hampshire, Ms. Warren was fighting to resurrect her stalled White House bid.
A Warren campaign aide said on Twitter that her fiery first hour of debate was her best hour of fundraising "to date."
The other leading progressive in the race, Mr. Sanders came under attack from Mr. Biden and Mr. Bloomberg for his embrace of democratic socialism.
Mr. Sanders, as he has repeatedly over the last year, defended the cost of his signature "Medicare for All" healthcare plan, which would eliminate the private insurance industry in favor of a government-backed healthcare system that would cover all Americans.
"When you asked Bernie how much it cost last time he said ...'We'll find out,'" Mr. Biden quipped. "It costs over $35 trillion, let's get real."
And ongoing animosity flared between Mr. Buttigieg and Ms. Klobuchar when the former Indiana mayor slammed the three-term Minnesota senator for failing to answer questions in a recent interview about Mexican policy and forgetting the name of the Mexican president.
Mr. Buttigieg noted that she's on a committee that oversees trade issues in Mexico and she "was not able to speak to literally the first thing about the politics of the country."
She shot back: "Are you trying to say I'm dumb? Are you mocking me here?"
Later in the night she lashed out at Mr. Buttigieg again: "I wish everyone else was as perfect as you, Pete."
The debate closed with a question about the possibility that Democrats remain divided deep into the primary season with a final resolution coming during a contested national convention in July.
Asked if the candidate with the most delegates should be the nominee – even if he or she is short of a delegate majority, almost every candidate suggested that the convention process should "work its way out," as Mr. Biden put it.
Mr. Sanders, who helped force changes to the nomination process this year and hopes to take a significant delegate lead in the coming weeks, was the only exception.
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"The person who has the most votes should become the nominee," he said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Steve Peoples and Alexandra Jaffe reported from Washington. AP writer Kathleen Ronayne in Sacramento, California, contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-21--Gay rights, religious freedom, and the battle over adoption

Robin Fretwell Wilson , a law professor at the University of Illinois , was herself adopted as a child .
“ The most important thing in my view , and I think in the view of most Americans , ” she says , “ is to find these kids homes and permanent families.
” The irony of the situation is that religious people and gay advocates are among those most interested in taking in children .
“ Those two groups , more than almost any others , are drawn to adoption , ” says Walter Olson , a senior fellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a son with his husband .
While the U.S. Supreme Court made same-sex marriage a universal right in 2015 , the rules governing child placement vary widely from state to state .
Many Democratic states have instituted nondiscrimination rules , while Republican states have taken the side of religious freedom .
The question of what constitutes a family has long been mired in a cultural clash between advocates of religious freedom and LGBTQ rights .
But when it comes to adoption and foster care , the stakes may be more profound – because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When Walter Olson and his now-husband , Steve Pippin , first enrolled their adopted son Timothy in preschool more than 15 years ago , they weren ’ t exactly sure what to expect .
At that time , before seismic social changes helped reshape the daily rhythms of LGBTQ Americans and redefine the legal definition of marriage , it was still more or less a socially daring act for a gay couple to seek to adopt , Mr. Olson says .
“ People expect that we must have faced more barriers than there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a senior fellow at the Cato Institute ’ s Robert A .
Levy Center for Constitutional Studies in Washington , D.C. “ But almost every local experience that we had was totally friendly and welcoming , ” he says .
The school district in their suburban New York community had , in fact , officially begun to recognize same-sex parents the year they enrolled their son in preschool .
Still , the process was neither simple nor without its frustrations .
“ As adopters , we knew that not all agencies would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noting how they were prepared to encounter rejection in the process .
In certain respects , the issue of LGBTQ families seeking to foster or adopt children has only become more volatile since the time Mr. Olson and Mr. Pippin decided to adopt .
Like other arenas of American society after the U.S. Supreme Court made same-sex marriage a constitutional right in 2015 , the country ’ s array of local and interstate placement agencies has become yet another battlefield in the cultural clash between the advocates of religious freedom and LGBTQ equality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservative leanings , however , Mr. Olson also sees a deeper ideological clash between those who understand the country as well-served by the robust traditions of American pluralism and religious freedom , and those who would seek instead what might be called a rigorous egalitarian secularism .
In Democratic states , legislators have instituted nondiscrimination rules for adoption and foster care agencies that receive government funds .
Many Republican states , on the other hand , have gone the opposite route , passing religious freedom laws that permit faith-based agencies to decline to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even with those who do not share their religious views .
“ You have kind of a push-pull in opposite directions in the U.S. right now , ” says Robin Fretwell Wilson , professor of law and the director of the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Illinois .
Last month , Tennessee became the 11th state to protect religious adoption and foster care agencies , allowing them to work only with families that conform to their religious beliefs .
At least eight of these states , including Alabama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Texas , have passed such protections in just the past three years .
Some religious agencies have also declined to place children in the homes of those who do not share their religious views .
In South Carolina , the state ’ s largest agency and the recipient of federal funds declined to offer foster services to a Jewish woman in 2018 , since she did not share its Christian views .
In early February , the Trump administration granted the agency a waiver from federal nondiscrimination rules passed during the Obama administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as well as in cities like Washington and Philadelphia , however , long-standing agencies run by Catholic Social Services have felt forced to shut down after officials required those receiving government funding to abide by newly instituted nondiscrimination rules .
Similar disputes have roiled many states over the past few years as certain religious wedding vendors have also sought to decline to participate in the ritual aspects of same-sex weddings , in many cases running headlong into various nondiscrimination principles that govern public accommodations and businesses .
The stakes surrounding foster care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ profound , experts say , since children , most of whom are coming out of dire life situations , are caught in the middle of this ever-rancorous culture war .
“ The most important thing in my view , and I think in the view of most Americans , is to find these kids homes and permanent families , ” says Professor Wilson , who was herself adopted as a child .
“ And to get that done , I think we have to have all hands on deck , meaning that if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foster most in the United States , it ’ s single women , it ’ s gay and lesbian couples , and it ’ s religious people.
” But the issue is not simply a matter of pragmatics , says Dana Prince , a professor at the school of applied social sciences at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland .
Allowing religious agencies to reject LGBTQ families is part of a larger ideological animus that is often expressed in harmful ways across society .
“ What we have at stake here is more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an individual who wants to step into a role as a foster parent , ” says Dr .
Prince .
“ We ’ re also potentially allowing more discrimination against youth who are in care , and who may be LGBT themselves.
” In fact , at 19 % to 25 % of foster care children , LGBTQ youth are overrepresented among the estimated 400,000 children currently in the system , according to researchers at The Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law .
Many have been rejected by their biological families .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ those kids ?
” she says .
“ For whatever reason , if your case ends up being managed through a religiously based organization , you might then face rejection from their caseworkers , who aren ’ t trained or aware or sensitive to the particular needs of LGBT kids.
” In her work with LGBTQ youth in Ohio , she ’ s witnessed children who have been moved from home to home up to 25 times , often because of religious incompatibilities .
Such moving around in the system has long-term effects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity , she says .
Advocates of a more pluralistic system like Mr. Olson , however , believe that specialized agencies that serve specific populations can be beneficial for their special needs .
There are Native American agencies that seek to place children with Native American families , and Roman Catholic agencies that try to maintain the religious needs of Catholic kids , as well as specialized agencies serving those with special health needs .
Some have concerns .
“ I guess I ’ m troubled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that says the way that we respect diversity is by allowing LGBTQ people to be excluded from certain parts of public life , and from certain publicly funded agencies , ” says Susan Hazeldean , a professor at Brooklyn Law School in New York .
“ I don ’ t think that ’ s the right way to have a diverse society that would welcome everyone.
” Mr. Olson , however , believes a mix-and-match system can be beneficial for a wide range of populations with specific needs – and that those battling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in theory at least , natural allies .
“ Even though gay advocates and religious advocates have gotten to be on opposite sides of these legal battles , there are reasons why they should understand each other , because those two groups , more than almost any others , are drawn to adoption , ” he says .
“ These two groups , I ’ d like to think , in a good world should be cooperating with each other , recognizing that the other is doing something that they also value.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ important reasons America became a pioneer in same-sex adoptions decades ago was the number of gay and lesbian couples and individuals who felt called to give care to infants born with HIV .
“ It was one of the first crossings of the bridge to gay adoption , ” he says .
“ Extraordinary cases in which gay couples and individuals with humanitarian motives made the case to let those kids have a parent , at least for the couple of years that they were going to be alive .
Often it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” And part of the reason this was possible , he says , is that there is still a robust pluralism in the U.S. system , with numerous choices available to Americans .
“ The fact is , because we don ’ t have a centralized set of rules in this country , it means that people who are determined to become parents , or to help kids in need , will often find a good match , ” he says .
“ America might have taken longer than European countries to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still the pioneer on gay adoption , because in America , to a large extent , if you wanted to adopt or start a family , you could just go ahead and do it .
”

Robin Fretwell Wilson, a law professor at the University of Illinois, was herself adopted as a child. “The most important thing in my view, and I think in the view of most Americans,” she says, “is to find these kids homes and permanent families.”
The irony of the situation is that religious people and gay advocates are among those most interested in taking in children. “Those two groups, more than almost any others, are drawn to adoption,” says Walter Olson, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, who adopted a son with his husband.
Should adoption agencies be able to discriminate against LGBTQ families? Some say that the way forward is to set aside differences and focus on a common desire to help children.
While the U.S. Supreme Court made same-sex marriage a universal right in 2015, the rules governing child placement vary widely from state to state. Many Democratic states have instituted nondiscrimination rules, while Republican states have taken the side of religious freedom.
The question of what constitutes a family has long been mired in a cultural clash between advocates of religious freedom and LGBTQ rights. But when it comes to adoption and foster care, the stakes may be more profound – because children are caught in the middle.
When Walter Olson and his now-husband, Steve Pippin, first enrolled their adopted son Timothy in preschool more than 15 years ago, they weren’t exactly sure what to expect.
At that time, before seismic social changes helped reshape the daily rhythms of LGBTQ Americans and redefine the legal definition of marriage, it was still more or less a socially daring act for a gay couple to seek to adopt, Mr. Olson says.
“People expect that we must have faced more barriers than there actually were,” notes Mr. Olson, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute’s Robert A. Levy Center for Constitutional Studies in Washington, D.C. “But almost every local experience that we had was totally friendly and welcoming,” he says. The school district in their suburban New York community had, in fact, officially begun to recognize same-sex parents the year they enrolled their son in preschool.
Why We Wrote This Should adoption agencies be able to discriminate against LGBTQ families? Some say that the way forward is to set aside differences and focus on a common desire to help children.
Still, the process was neither simple nor without its frustrations. “As adopters, we knew that not all agencies would serve us,” he says, noting how they were prepared to encounter rejection in the process.
In certain respects, the issue of LGBTQ families seeking to foster or adopt children has only become more volatile since the time Mr. Olson and Mr. Pippin decided to adopt. Like other arenas of American society after the U.S. Supreme Court made same-sex marriage a constitutional right in 2015, the country’s array of local and interstate placement agencies has become yet another battlefield in the cultural clash between the advocates of religious freedom and LGBTQ equality.
As a thinker with libertarian and conservative leanings, however, Mr. Olson also sees a deeper ideological clash between those who understand the country as well-served by the robust traditions of American pluralism and religious freedom, and those who would seek instead what might be called a rigorous egalitarian secularism.
In Democratic states, legislators have instituted nondiscrimination rules for adoption and foster care agencies that receive government funds. Many Republican states, on the other hand, have gone the opposite route, passing religious freedom laws that permit faith-based agencies to decline to place children with same-sex couples – or even with those who do not share their religious views.
“You have kind of a push-pull in opposite directions in the U.S. right now,” says Robin Fretwell Wilson, professor of law and the director of the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Illinois.
Back in the news
Last month, Tennessee became the 11th state to protect religious adoption and foster care agencies, allowing them to work only with families that conform to their religious beliefs. At least eight of these states, including Alabama, Michigan, South Dakota, and Texas, have passed such protections in just the past three years.
Some religious agencies have also declined to place children in the homes of those who do not share their religious views. In South Carolina, the state’s largest agency and the recipient of federal funds declined to offer foster services to a Jewish woman in 2018, since she did not share its Christian views. In early February, the Trump administration granted the agency a waiver from federal nondiscrimination rules passed during the Obama administration.
In states like Massachusetts and Illinois, as well as in cities like Washington and Philadelphia, however, long-standing agencies run by Catholic Social Services have felt forced to shut down after officials required those receiving government funding to abide by newly instituted nondiscrimination rules.
Similar disputes have roiled many states over the past few years as certain religious wedding vendors have also sought to decline to participate in the ritual aspects of same-sex weddings, in many cases running headlong into various nondiscrimination principles that govern public accommodations and businesses.
The stakes surrounding foster care and adoption are in many ways more profound, experts say, since children, most of whom are coming out of dire life situations, are caught in the middle of this ever-rancorous culture war.
“The most important thing in my view, and I think in the view of most Americans, is to find these kids homes and permanent families,” says Professor Wilson, who was herself adopted as a child. “And to get that done, I think we have to have all hands on deck, meaning that if you look at those who adopt or foster most in the United States, it’s single women, it’s gay and lesbian couples, and it’s religious people.”
Mark Humphrey/AP View caption Hide caption Republican state Sen. Steven Dickerson debates a proposal allowing faith-based adoption agencies to decline to place children with same-sex couples because of their religious beliefs, Jan. 14, 2020, in Nashville, Tennessee. That month, the state became the 11th to enact such protections.
But the issue is not simply a matter of pragmatics, says Dana Prince, a professor at the school of applied social sciences at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland. Allowing religious agencies to reject LGBTQ families is part of a larger ideological animus that is often expressed in harmful ways across society.
“What we have at stake here is more than just discriminating against a couple or an individual who wants to step into a role as a foster parent,” says Dr. Prince. “We’re also potentially allowing more discrimination against youth who are in care, and who may be LGBT themselves.”
In fact, at 19% to 25% of foster care children, LGBTQ youth are overrepresented among the estimated 400,000 children currently in the system, according to researchers at The Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law. Many have been rejected by their biological families.
“And what are we doing with those kids?” she says. “For whatever reason, if your case ends up being managed through a religiously based organization, you might then face rejection from their caseworkers, who aren’t trained or aware or sensitive to the particular needs of LGBT kids.”
In her work with LGBTQ youth in Ohio, she’s witnessed children who have been moved from home to home up to 25 times, often because of religious incompatibilities. Such moving around in the system has long-term effects on children when they become adults, regardless of their sexual orientation or gender identity, she says.
A mix-and-match system
Advocates of a more pluralistic system like Mr. Olson, however, believe that specialized agencies that serve specific populations can be beneficial for their special needs. There are Native American agencies that seek to place children with Native American families, and Roman Catholic agencies that try to maintain the religious needs of Catholic kids, as well as specialized agencies serving those with special health needs.
Some have concerns. “I guess I’m troubled by a vision of diversity and pluralism that says the way that we respect diversity is by allowing LGBTQ people to be excluded from certain parts of public life, and from certain publicly funded agencies,” says Susan Hazeldean, a professor at Brooklyn Law School in New York. “I don’t think that’s the right way to have a diverse society that would welcome everyone.”
Mr. Olson, however, believes a mix-and-match system can be beneficial for a wide range of populations with specific needs – and that those battling each other on this issue should be, in theory at least, natural allies.
“Even though gay advocates and religious advocates have gotten to be on opposite sides of these legal battles, there are reasons why they should understand each other, because those two groups, more than almost any others, are drawn to adoption,” he says. “These two groups, I’d like to think, in a good world should be cooperating with each other, recognizing that the other is doing something that they also value.”
Indeed, one of the most important reasons America became a pioneer in same-sex adoptions decades ago was the number of gay and lesbian couples and individuals who felt called to give care to infants born with HIV.
“It was one of the first crossings of the bridge to gay adoption,” he says. “Extraordinary cases in which gay couples and individuals with humanitarian motives made the case to let those kids have a parent, at least for the couple of years that they were going to be alive. Often it was only gay people who would step forward.”
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And part of the reason this was possible, he says, is that there is still a robust pluralism in the U.S. system, with numerous choices available to Americans.
“The fact is, because we don’t have a centralized set of rules in this country, it means that people who are determined to become parents, or to help kids in need, will often find a good match,” he says. “America might have taken longer than European countries to get to gay marriage, but it was still the pioneer on gay adoption, because in America, to a large extent, if you wanted to adopt or start a family, you could just go ahead and do it.”