csmonitor--2020-05-28--Brexit’s benefits? How food security prep set up UK for pandemic.

One challenge has been reshaping the “ just-in-time ” delivery system that the U.K. has relied upon for decades to bring fresh produce as cost effectively as possible to store shelves .
But such a system typically keeps very little produce in stock to cope with emergencies like the current crisis .
Food services may switch to a “ just-in-case ” approach , says David Bailey , a professor at the University of Birmingham , “ so instead of having a super-lean supply chain that stretches across the world , you actually have much bigger stocks and supply-chain sourcing locally.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a boon in the last few months , as it has softened the disruptive blow of the coronavirus pandemic .
Yet as the United Kingdom begins reopening after two months under lockdown , analysts say the coronavirus has still exposed an unacceptably high vulnerability of food dependency that must now be dealt with .
When planning for Brexit , the British government spent several billion pounds making preparations in case the country pulled out of the European Union without an agreement .
That included a concerted look at food security , for good @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its food .
In the chaotic lead up to Britain ’ s departure from the European Union , grim forecasts emerged of the dangers of a no-deal Brexit .
They warned of disruption of fragile food and medicine supply chains , and panic buying and fuel shortages that would spark “ a rise in public disorder and community tensions.
” The British government , in fact , spent several billion pounds making preparations in case the country pulled out of the EU without an agreement .
The contingency planning , called Operation Yellowhammer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security , for good reason : Britain imports fully half of its food , much of that from the EU .
This extensive pre-Brexit planning has proved a boon in the last few months , as it has softened the disruptive blow of the coronavirus pandemic .
Britain has been relatively ready to cope with a COVID-19 surge in demand for food thanks to a degree of warehouse and stockpile expansion from early 2019 .
Yet as the United Kingdom begins reopening after two months under lockdown , analysts say the coronavirus has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food dependency that must now be dealt with .
It is a holdover from the British Empire in the mid-19th century , when the country relied on food sourced from colonies abroad to provide nourishment at home .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Questions are also being raised about how crisis-mode government decisions further empowered large supermarket chains , while decimating the restaurants and hotels of the food-service sector , which accounted for 30 % of U.K. food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic has raised alarm about overreliance on seasonal foreign workers , most from the EU .
This even prompted Prince Charles to take the unusual step of calling on Britons furloughed from other sectors of the economy to help to bring in crops before they rot .
“ Britain was probably in the best-stocked position that it had been for many , many years , because of preparations for Brexit , ” says David Bailey , a professor of industrial strategy at the University of Birmingham .
“ So , when COVID-19 hit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and people starting to stockpile at home , the supermarkets ’ distribution system was in a position to meet that , though not necessarily in the right place at the right time.
” “ The negative side , ” adds Professor Bailey , “ is that when it comes to food in particular – agriculture , picking crops , and food processing – the U.K. is very dependent on an army of overseas , low-paid workers ... and that ’ s been made worse by [ pandemic ] travel restrictions.
” As Britons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the virus , with the second highest death toll ( 37,000 ) in the world after the U.S. , the push to bring critical supplies closer to home will accelerate , and extend beyond food .
“ There will be questions about how far we have gone in terms of integration globally and whether we need to bring a balance back , at least in what we deem to be strategically important areas – agriculture , parts of manufacturing , sourcing for our health system , pharmaceuticals – for more local content to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” says Professor Bailey .
Another result will be close examination of why the food-service sector was almost completely shut down during the lockdown , rather than being kept running to help food banks and other outlets .
Food producers have been challenged with huge surpluses from unused local produce , such as 95,000 tons of potatoes expected to pile up by July , which had been destined for fish and chip shops .
And Britain ’ s nine largest supermarket chains have been relied upon to carry the burden , while the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ devastated ” by lockdown measures , says Tim Lang , a professor of food policy at City , University of London , and author of a new book “ Feeding Britain : Our Food Problems and How to Fix Them.
” “ The astonishing thing , going into coronavirus , is Britain ought to have been the best-prepared rich country on the planet to deal with food and a no-deal Brexit .
It wasn ’ t , ” says Professor Lang , who has advised a host of United Nations bodies and U.K. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cites preparatory reviews for a pandemic in 2011 , then full-scale Brexit planning in 2016 and 2019 .
Despite the long-standing concerns , little has been done to make the U.K. less food dependent , says Professor Lang .
“ The U.S. feeds itself .
France feeds itself .
Britain doesn ’ t , and has chosen not to.
” “ Why does that happen ?
It ’ s because Britain had an empire and it made a decision in the 1840s not to feed itself , ” says Professor Lang .
Ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both world wars , “ the hardwired position still in Britain … is we expect others to feed us.
” One challenge has been reshaping the “ just-in-time ” delivery system that the U.K. has relied upon for decades to bring fresh produce as cost effectively as possible to store shelves .
When the mammoth British supermarket chain Tesco adopted the system , it shot up from being the third-biggest retailer in the U.K. to the third largest in the world – and now accounts for more than 20 % of retail food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system typically keeps very little produce in stock to cope with emergencies like the current crisis .
Tesco has been a key player in “ feed the nation ” contingency plans since early March .
During the lockdown , it donated food to provide millions of meals for health service workers , and supported 350,000 people from a government-provided list of those “ clinically vulnerable.
” Presciently , Tesco in 2016 also conducted a “ doomsday ” exercise , in which it envisioned coping with a headquarters shutdown .
It was therefore ready @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sudden surge in demand for food akin to its traditional heaviest shopping day of the year , Dec. 23 .
“ With no notice we had five days at that level and no chance to plan , ” Dave Lewis , Tesco ’ s chief executive officer , told The Guardian earlier this month .
“ That pace in demand is unbelievable .
The whole industry emptied the front end of the supply chain and then we had to recover.
” The lessons now being learned are likely to have far-reaching effects .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ provided a useful stress test for the supply chain , but both Brexit and the pandemic will galvanize a trend toward reducing risk .
Critical needs like food and health services may switch from just-in-time delivery systems to `` just-in-case , '' so “ instead of having a super-lean supply chain that stretches across the world , you actually have much bigger stocks and supply-chain sourcing locally , ” says Professor Bailey .
In the U.K. , that may require a broader change of thinking .
“ There are really important issues that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s ] got to wake up and discuss its food security problem , ” says Professor Lang .
“ Food banks can ’ t cope , and the government ’ s response is , yet again , let nine retailers give more donations to food banks .
...
There is a terrifyingly worrying arrogance being shown in the British government that it can just leave it to Tesco , et al.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall @

The British government spent a great deal trying to protect itself from food shortages in the event of a no-deal Brexit. Then the coronavirus pandemic brought about its own food crisis. How did the U.K. fare?
One challenge has been reshaping the “just-in-time” delivery system that the U.K. has relied upon for decades to bring fresh produce as cost effectively as possible to store shelves. But such a system typically keeps very little produce in stock to cope with emergencies like the current crisis. Food services may switch to a “just-in-case” approach, says David Bailey, a professor at the University of Birmingham, “so instead of having a super-lean supply chain that stretches across the world, you actually have much bigger stocks and supply-chain sourcing locally.”
This extensive pre-Brexit planning has proved a boon in the last few months, as it has softened the disruptive blow of the coronavirus pandemic. Yet as the United Kingdom begins reopening after two months under lockdown, analysts say the coronavirus has still exposed an unacceptably high vulnerability of food dependency that must now be dealt with.
When planning for Brexit, the British government spent several billion pounds making preparations in case the country pulled out of the European Union without an agreement. That included a concerted look at food security, for good reason: Britain imports fully half of its food.
In the chaotic lead up to Britain’s departure from the European Union, grim forecasts emerged of the dangers of a no-deal Brexit. They warned of disruption of fragile food and medicine supply chains, and panic buying and fuel shortages that would spark “a rise in public disorder and community tensions.”
The British government, in fact, spent several billion pounds making preparations in case the country pulled out of the EU without an agreement. The contingency planning, called Operation Yellowhammer, included a concerted look at food security, for good reason: Britain imports fully half of its food, much of that from the EU.
This extensive pre-Brexit planning has proved a boon in the last few months, as it has softened the disruptive blow of the coronavirus pandemic. Britain has been relatively ready to cope with a COVID-19 surge in demand for food thanks to a degree of warehouse and stockpile expansion from early 2019.
Why We Wrote This The British government spent a great deal trying to protect itself from food shortages in the event of a no-deal Brexit. Then the coronavirus pandemic brought about its own food crisis. How did the U.K. fare?
Yet as the United Kingdom begins reopening after two months under lockdown, analysts say the coronavirus has still exposed an unacceptably high vulnerability of food dependency that must now be dealt with. It is a holdover from the British Empire in the mid-19th century, when the country relied on food sourced from colonies abroad to provide nourishment at home.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Questions are also being raised about how crisis-mode government decisions further empowered large supermarket chains, while decimating the restaurants and hotels of the food-service sector, which accounted for 30% of U.K. food consumption before the lockdown. And the pandemic has raised alarm about overreliance on seasonal foreign workers, most from the EU. This even prompted Prince Charles to take the unusual step of calling on Britons furloughed from other sectors of the economy to help to bring in crops before they rot.
“Britain was probably in the best-stocked position that it had been for many, many years, because of preparations for Brexit,” says David Bailey, a professor of industrial strategy at the University of Birmingham. “So, when COVID-19 hit, leading to lots of economic dislocation and people starting to stockpile at home, the supermarkets’ distribution system was in a position to meet that, though not necessarily in the right place at the right time.”
“The negative side,” adds Professor Bailey, “is that when it comes to food in particular – agriculture, picking crops, and food processing – the U.K. is very dependent on an army of overseas, low-paid workers ... and that’s been made worse by [pandemic] travel restrictions.”
Denis Charlet/AP/File View caption Hide caption An employee of Eurotunnel and his dog check trucks on their way to Britain during a day of test in case of no-deal Brexit, at the exit of the Channel tunnel in Calais, northern France.
As Britons begin to emerge from the worst of the virus, with the second highest death toll (37,000) in the world after the U.S., the push to bring critical supplies closer to home will accelerate, and extend beyond food.
“There will be questions about how far we have gone in terms of integration globally and whether we need to bring a balance back, at least in what we deem to be strategically important areas – agriculture, parts of manufacturing, sourcing for our health system, pharmaceuticals – for more local content to guard against this sort of disruption,” says Professor Bailey.
Another result will be close examination of why the food-service sector was almost completely shut down during the lockdown, rather than being kept running to help food banks and other outlets. Food producers have been challenged with huge surpluses from unused local produce, such as 95,000 tons of potatoes expected to pile up by July, which had been destined for fish and chip shops.
And Britain’s nine largest supermarket chains have been relied upon to carry the burden, while the rest of the food-service sector was “devastated” by lockdown measures, says Tim Lang, a professor of food policy at City, University of London, and author of a new book “Feeding Britain: Our Food Problems and How to Fix Them.”
“The astonishing thing, going into coronavirus, is Britain ought to have been the best-prepared rich country on the planet to deal with food and a no-deal Brexit. It wasn’t,” says Professor Lang, who has advised a host of United Nations bodies and U.K. government agencies on food issues. He cites preparatory reviews for a pandemic in 2011, then full-scale Brexit planning in 2016 and 2019.
Despite the long-standing concerns, little has been done to make the U.K. less food dependent, says Professor Lang. “The U.S. feeds itself. France feeds itself. Britain doesn’t, and has chosen not to.”
“Why does that happen? It’s because Britain had an empire and it made a decision in the 1840s not to feed itself,” says Professor Lang. Ever since, despite food shortage shocks during both world wars, “the hardwired position still in Britain … is we expect others to feed us.”
Andrew Boyers/Reuters View caption Hide caption Customers shop at Hunters Farm shop in Milton Keynes, England, as the spread of the COVID-19 continues on March 18, 2020.
One challenge has been reshaping the “just-in-time” delivery system that the U.K. has relied upon for decades to bring fresh produce as cost effectively as possible to store shelves. When the mammoth British supermarket chain Tesco adopted the system, it shot up from being the third-biggest retailer in the U.K. to the third largest in the world – and now accounts for more than 20% of retail food purchases in Britain. But such a system typically keeps very little produce in stock to cope with emergencies like the current crisis.
Tesco has been a key player in “feed the nation” contingency plans since early March. During the lockdown, it donated food to provide millions of meals for health service workers, and supported 350,000 people from a government-provided list of those “clinically vulnerable.”
Presciently, Tesco in 2016 also conducted a “doomsday” exercise, in which it envisioned coping with a headquarters shutdown. It was therefore ready for remote working, but not the sudden surge in demand for food akin to its traditional heaviest shopping day of the year, Dec. 23.
“With no notice we had five days at that level and no chance to plan,” Dave Lewis, Tesco’s chief executive officer, told The Guardian earlier this month. “That pace in demand is unbelievable. The whole industry emptied the front end of the supply chain and then we had to recover.”
The lessons now being learned are likely to have far-reaching effects. Birmingham’s Professor Bailey says Brexit provided a useful stress test for the supply chain, but both Brexit and the pandemic will galvanize a trend toward reducing risk. Critical needs like food and health services may switch from just-in-time delivery systems to "just-in-case," so “instead of having a super-lean supply chain that stretches across the world, you actually have much bigger stocks and supply-chain sourcing locally,” says Professor Bailey.
In the U.K., that may require a broader change of thinking.
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“There are really important issues that Britain has got to face; [it’s] got to wake up and discuss its food security problem,” says Professor Lang. “Food banks can’t cope, and the government’s response is, yet again, let nine retailers give more donations to food banks. ... There is a terrifyingly worrying arrogance being shown in the British government that it can just leave it to Tesco, et al.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.


csmonitor--2020-06-15--Daily for June 15, 2020

Daily for June 15, 2020

Days before Donald Trump became president , Obama administration officials hosted a “ tabletop exercise ” for the incoming Trump team .
One of the hypothetical challenges : dealing with a novel strain of influenza that was sweeping the globe .
Cases were appearing in California and Texas , according to the simulation .
It could be the worst flu pandemic since 1918 .
There would be shortages of essential equipment like ventilators .
A “ whole of government ” response would be needed .
Some 30 Trump appointees attended the meeting .
Today , only eight still work for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Institution tally .
In the rearview mirror , of course , everything can look crystal clear .
As President Trump ’ s former spokesman , Sean Spicer , who attended that January 2017 tabletop exercise , said : “ There ’ s no briefing that can prepare you for a worldwide pandemic.
” Some federal actions have been widely applauded .
Mr. Trump ’ s decision in late January to ban flights from China is one .
The president ’ s initial support for states ’ economic shutdowns – and his signing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses in an effort to prevent an economic collapse – wins praise even from some critics .
But other aspects of the Trump administration ’ s early pandemic response have met with harsh pushback .
The U.S. government had been warned in early January of the deadly new virus in China , and should have been better prepared for its arrival on American soil , critics say .
When it did arrive , a combination of conflicting messages and a lack of a clear leadership structure delayed the adoption of safe practices to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Even allies of President Trump take issue with aspects of the federal government ’ s response .
“ There will be 600-page books on the mistakes that were made , ” says conservative economist Stephen Moore , an informal adviser to the president .
Much has been made of the turnover and turmoil of the Trump presidency – including the 2018 closure of the White House office on global biothreats .
But as the nation ’ s economy slowly reopens , with cases beginning to pick up again in at least 20 states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 115,000 and rising – the highest tally in the world – a larger question hangs over the crisis : Is America ’ s complex , multilayered system of government itself simply too outmoded – too cumbersome , overly partisan , ill-equipped to keep up with the pace of global change – to capably handle a once-in-a-century pandemic ?
In other words , despite all the stumbles of the Trump team , would another administration necessarily have done all that much better ?
“ We have a legacy government that hasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Max Stier , president and CEO of the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service .
“ This is a long-standing problem , but it creates more impact when something really bad happens.
” In the perpetual battle to protect the nation from biological threats , Kenneth Bernard has seen history repeat itself over and over .
Under former President Bill Clinton , Dr. Bernard ran the National Security Council ’ s office on global health threats , only to see it close when President George W. Bush took office .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sent to people in 17 states , Dr. Bernard was brought in to reopen the office .
President Barack Obama closed the office and then reopened it when Ebola struck .
In 2018 , President Trump ’ s new national security adviser , John Bolton , closed it again , though administration officials say its “ medical health preparedness ” functions were kept in other parts of the National Security Council .
A Washington Post fact-check article examining whether the 2018 closing of the NSC biothreats office hampered the Trump administration ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no firm conclusion .
But the early days of the pandemic were obviously key .
While American governance is by design decentralized , with many decisions left up to the states , the White House plays an essential coordinating role , says Dr. Bernard , an epidemiologist and retired rear admiral in the U.S. Public Health Service .
“ A truly critical pandemic like this , where it affects everyone ’ s life in America , is by its very nature a federal national problem , ” says Dr. Bernard .
“ What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White House is leadership.
” The first head of the White House Coronavirus Task Force was the secretary of health and human services , Alex Azar .
But that assignment was inappropriate , says Dr. Bernard , because the HHS secretary has no ability to coordinate departments like State , Treasury , and Defense .
By late February , Vice President Mike Pence was put in charge of the task force .
But in the modern era , the vice president fulfills broad functions , and thus is ill-equipped to operate as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health emergency , Dr. Bernard says .
A more effective option , he adds , would have been for the president to appoint a special presidential assistant who focuses solely on the pandemic – someone who can coordinate all the necessary agencies as the anointed presidential representative , as Ron Klain did for President Obama during Ebola .
One of the most eye-opening aspects of the federal response to COVID-19 has been the apparent sidelining of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta .
Its early test kits for COVID-19 didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a virologist named Robert Redfield , has not played a major role in public messaging .
Technology problems hindered timely collection of data in the early days of the pandemic , as Americans streamed back into the United States from overseas .
Problems at the CDC predate Dr. Redfield .
The agency , once looked to as a global leader on public health , has long been hampered by antiquated technology and a slow-moving bureaucracy that ’ s particularly ill-equipped to handle a fast-moving crisis .
“ The CDC is the poster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Paul Light , a professor of public service at New York University .
Add to this picture an administration with conflicted views toward science and deep angst about the damage done to a once-vibrant economy .
“ There are legitimate areas where you have to balance the economy and public health , ” says James Curran , dean of the Rollins School of Public Health at Emory University in Atlanta and a former longtime CDC official .
“ We just need to get all the public health facts out , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have , and if they don ’ t always do the job , the answer isn ’ t to shut out the agencies .
The answer is to make them better.
” Some Trump allies now believe the economic shutdowns were a huge mistake .
“ The economic costs and the costs of human suffering caused by this lockdown have been multiple times greater than any benefit , ” says Mr. Moore .
Mr. Moore thinks “ we could have been much smarter ” – limiting lockdowns to the most at-risk areas and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faults both parties in Congress for making it more lucrative for unemployed people not to work than to work .
“ There was just a sense of total crisis and fear , ” he says .
“ I don ’ t think the president had any other choice.
” When crisis hits , conservatives say , the “ mission creep ” that besets bureaucracies is most evident .
Multiple agencies with overlapping agendas can conflict with each other , such as the CDC , National Institutes of Health , and the Food and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ axiomatic that an overly bureaucratized government response to anything is going to be a challenge , ” says Charmaine Yoest , co-executive director of the conservative Heritage Foundation ’ s National Coronavirus Recovery Commission .
But challenges to effective governance today are not just in the executive branch ; they ’ re also in Congress and even the for-profit private sector .
And they start with a system that is highly politicized and encourages short-term thinking .
One example : Cabinet departments and other federal agencies are topped by some 4,000 political appointees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1,200 are Senate-confirmed .
“ No other democracy has anything close to that level of political infiltration in the institution of the government , ” Mr. Stier says .
That , in turn , results in a top echelon of leaders who don ’ t necessarily know what they ’ re doing , he says .
In Congress , hyper-partisanship has led to dysfunction in budget-setting , leading the government to run increasingly on a form of funding autopilot known as “ continuing resolutions , ” punctuated more and more by government shutdowns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; Senate confirmations slow .
Adding to the challenge is a half-century decline of public trust in the federal government , as charted by the Pew Research Center .
For decades , presidential rhetoric and scandals have made Americans increasingly cynical about government and wary of its messages .
But few presidents over the years have been willing to invest the political capital needed to make major governmental reforms .
“ We haven ’ t had a major reorganization of government in decades , ” says Professor Light .
“ It just ain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Light has watched history repeat itself many times .
Between 2000 and 2015 alone , he counts 48 breakdowns in federal governance , including the Sept. 11 , 2001 , terrorist attacks and the botched rollout of the “ Obamacare ” insurance website in 2013 .
The details vary from crisis to crisis , but Mr. Light keeps coming to the same conclusion : We keep having breakdowns , because “ we just don ’ t pay much attention to how organizations work.
” Early in his presidency , Mr. Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to overhaul the federal bureaucracy by applying business principles , but the initiative appears to have stalled .
Historically , significant government reorganizations are rare .
Former President Herbert Hoover ran major commissions on reform in the 1940s and ’ 50s .
Efforts by President Jimmy Carter in the 1970s had less impact .
In the 1990s , President Clinton tasked his vice president , Al Gore , with “ reinventing government , ” an effort that reduced the size of the federal workforce by 300,000 people .
The 9/11 attacks led to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Clinton-Gore effort reflected a bipartisan consensus – now defunct – that “ big government ” was a problem .
The technology revolution undergirded the reforms .
President Clinton felt that “ if Democrats wanted to have an activist government , you had to first convince people that government could work efficiently and take care of their tax dollars , ” says Elaine Kamarck , who managed the initiative .
Dr. Curran of Emory University sees unique strengths and weaknesses in the U.S. as it faces down COVID-19 .
“ We ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but we also have some of the greatest health disparities , ” Dr. Curran says .
“ And we have the most disorganized health financing system of any major country.
” The U.S. doesn ’ t have a national health service , and the entire health community can ’ t be mobilized to do whatever the government wants .
The American public health system is also poorly understood .
Yet the U.S. is seen as having some of the best hospitals , specialists , and researchers in the world .
These paradoxes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also be sources of hope .
There ’ s plenty to build on .
In a public health crisis , “ assessment and surveillance are a key government responsibility , as is interpretation of the surveillance , ” says Dr. Curran , referring to the painstaking collection of data about caseloads .
“ We ’ re starting to see more of that from the CDC than we did.
” Dr. Curran sees the current turmoil as an opportunity to think about how the functions of government can be improved to meet public needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reform totally our federalist system , but we should think about that , too , ” he says .
“ What are the national responsibilities versus the state responsibilities ?
And that ’ s not just about health ; it ’ s related to everything else.
” Ms. Kamarck , a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution , has already mapped out three proposals for government reform , post-pandemic .
All three , she says , are things the military already does routinely : ( 1 ) better scenario planning for potential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ surge capacity ” in personnel to deal with such crises ; and ( 3 ) applying dual-use principles to health care technology .
“ None of this will happen without competent leadership , ” she adds .
It ’ s worth noting that despite all the breakdowns in governance , there are agencies and employees who make “ miracles ” happen every day , says Mr. Light .
Take Beth Ripley , a Veterans Health Administration radiologist in Seattle .
When the coronavirus crisis first hit , Dr. Ripley swung into action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout the VA that uses 3D printing to help surgeons .
By late March , as the need for personal protective equipment soared , Dr. Ripley had pulled together three federal agencies – the VA , the Food and Drug Administration , and the National Institutes of Health – to rapidly boost stocks of PPE via 3D technology .
By mid-April , through a quickly organized public-private partnership , face shields and masks suitable for medical personnel had already been designed and were being tested .
It ’ s the kind of government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and speed – that could turn a cynic into a believer .
Now she ’ s a finalist for a “ Sammie , ” the annual awards by the Partnership for Public Service honoring outstanding federal employees .
Mr. Stier , the partnership president , clearly relishes talking about the good news in government at a time of historic challenge .
“ There are many examples , ” he says , “ where people can creatively achieve impact in the government .
”

Shaky COVID response lays bare a decadeslong crisis in government Collapse
Evan Vucci/AP/File View caption Hide caption President Donald Trump, with Vice President Mike Pence (left) and other members of the Coronavirus Task Force, holds up a paper about countries best and least prepared to deal with a pandemic, during a news conference at the White House, Feb. 26, 2020, in Washington.
Days before Donald Trump became president, Obama administration officials hosted a “tabletop exercise” for the incoming Trump team. One of the hypothetical challenges: dealing with a novel strain of influenza that was sweeping the globe.
Cases were appearing in California and Texas, according to the simulation. It could be the worst flu pandemic since 1918. There would be shortages of essential equipment like ventilators. A “whole of government” response would be needed.
Some 30 Trump appointees attended the meeting. Today, only eight still work for the president, according to a Brookings Institution tally.
In the rearview mirror, of course, everything can look crystal clear. As President Trump’s former spokesman, Sean Spicer, who attended that January 2017 tabletop exercise, said: “There’s no briefing that can prepare you for a worldwide pandemic.”
Some federal actions have been widely applauded. Mr. Trump’s decision in late January to ban flights from China is one. The president’s initial support for states’ economic shutdowns – and his signing of emergency legislation providing payments to individuals and businesses in an effort to prevent an economic collapse – wins praise even from some critics.
But other aspects of the Trump administration’s early pandemic response have met with harsh pushback. The U.S. government had been warned in early January of the deadly new virus in China, and should have been better prepared for its arrival on American soil, critics say. When it did arrive, a combination of conflicting messages and a lack of a clear leadership structure delayed the adoption of safe practices to contain the spread, they add.
Even allies of President Trump take issue with aspects of the federal government’s response. “There will be 600-page books on the mistakes that were made,” says conservative economist Stephen Moore, an informal adviser to the president.
Much has been made of the turnover and turmoil of the Trump presidency – including the 2018 closure of the White House office on global biothreats.
But as the nation’s economy slowly reopens, with cases beginning to pick up again in at least 20 states, and the U.S. death toll now over 115,000 and rising – the highest tally in the world – a larger question hangs over the crisis: Is America’s complex, multilayered system of government itself simply too outmoded – too cumbersome, overly partisan, ill-equipped to keep up with the pace of global change – to capably handle a once-in-a-century pandemic?
In other words, despite all the stumbles of the Trump team, would another administration necessarily have done all that much better?
“We have a legacy government that hasn’t kept up with the world around it,” says Max Stier, president and CEO of the nonpartisan Partnership for Public Service. “This is a long-standing problem, but it creates more impact when something really bad happens.”
History repeating itself
In the perpetual battle to protect the nation from biological threats, Kenneth Bernard has seen history repeat itself over and over.
Under former President Bill Clinton, Dr. Bernard ran the National Security Council’s office on global health threats, only to see it close when President George W. Bush took office. In late 2001, after anthrax-laced letters were sent to people in 17 states, Dr. Bernard was brought in to reopen the office.
President Barack Obama closed the office and then reopened it when Ebola struck. In 2018, President Trump’s new national security adviser, John Bolton, closed it again, though administration officials say its “medical health preparedness” functions were kept in other parts of the National Security Council.
A Washington Post fact-check article examining whether the 2018 closing of the NSC biothreats office hampered the Trump administration’s early response to the coronavirus came to no firm conclusion.
But the early days of the pandemic were obviously key. While American governance is by design decentralized, with many decisions left up to the states, the White House plays an essential coordinating role, says Dr. Bernard, an epidemiologist and retired rear admiral in the U.S. Public Health Service.
“A truly critical pandemic like this, where it affects everyone’s life in America, is by its very nature a federal national problem,” says Dr. Bernard. “What you’re looking for from the White House is leadership.”
The first head of the White House Coronavirus Task Force was the secretary of health and human services, Alex Azar. But that assignment was inappropriate, says Dr. Bernard, because the HHS secretary has no ability to coordinate departments like State, Treasury, and Defense.
By late February, Vice President Mike Pence was put in charge of the task force. But in the modern era, the vice president fulfills broad functions, and thus is ill-equipped to operate as a full-time “czar” on a major health emergency, Dr. Bernard says.
A more effective option, he adds, would have been for the president to appoint a special presidential assistant who focuses solely on the pandemic – someone who can coordinate all the necessary agencies as the anointed presidential representative, as Ron Klain did for President Obama during Ebola.
One of the most eye-opening aspects of the federal response to COVID-19 has been the apparent sidelining of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta. Its early test kits for COVID-19 didn’t work. The CDC director, a virologist named Robert Redfield, has not played a major role in public messaging. Technology problems hindered timely collection of data in the early days of the pandemic, as Americans streamed back into the United States from overseas.
Problems at the CDC predate Dr. Redfield. The agency, once looked to as a global leader on public health, has long been hampered by antiquated technology and a slow-moving bureaucracy that’s particularly ill-equipped to handle a fast-moving crisis.
“The CDC is the poster child for an undermined, under-engaged workforce,” says Paul Light, a professor of public service at New York University.
Add to this picture an administration with conflicted views toward science and deep angst about the damage done to a once-vibrant economy.
“There are legitimate areas where you have to balance the economy and public health,” says James Curran, dean of the Rollins School of Public Health at Emory University in Atlanta and a former longtime CDC official. “We just need to get all the public health facts out, interpreted by the very best minds we have, and if they don’t always do the job, the answer isn’t to shut out the agencies. The answer is to make them better.”
Some Trump allies now believe the economic shutdowns were a huge mistake.
“The economic costs and the costs of human suffering caused by this lockdown have been multiple times greater than any benefit,” says Mr. Moore.
Mr. Moore thinks “we could have been much smarter” – limiting lockdowns to the most at-risk areas and populations like nursing homes. He also faults both parties in Congress for making it more lucrative for unemployed people not to work than to work.
But he doesn’t blame Mr. Trump.
“There was just a sense of total crisis and fear,” he says. “I don’t think the president had any other choice.”
A highly politicized system
When crisis hits, conservatives say, the “mission creep” that besets bureaucracies is most evident. Multiple agencies with overlapping agendas can conflict with each other, such as the CDC, National Institutes of Health, and the Food and Drug Administration.
“It’s axiomatic that an overly bureaucratized government response to anything is going to be a challenge,” says Charmaine Yoest, co-executive director of the conservative Heritage Foundation’s National Coronavirus Recovery Commission.
But challenges to effective governance today are not just in the executive branch; they’re also in Congress and even the for-profit private sector. And they start with a system that is highly politicized and encourages short-term thinking.
One example: Cabinet departments and other federal agencies are topped by some 4,000 political appointees, and out of those, some 1,200 are Senate-confirmed.
“No other democracy has anything close to that level of political infiltration in the institution of the government,” Mr. Stier says.
That, in turn, results in a top echelon of leaders who don’t necessarily know what they’re doing, he says.
In Congress, hyper-partisanship has led to dysfunction in budget-setting, leading the government to run increasingly on a form of funding autopilot known as “continuing resolutions,” punctuated more and more by government shutdowns. Oversight can be ineffective or nonexistent; Senate confirmations slow.
Adding to the challenge is a half-century decline of public trust in the federal government, as charted by the Pew Research Center. For decades, presidential rhetoric and scandals have made Americans increasingly cynical about government and wary of its messages.
But few presidents over the years have been willing to invest the political capital needed to make major governmental reforms.
“We haven’t had a major reorganization of government in decades,” says Professor Light. “It just ain’t sexy.”
Through the decades, Mr. Light has watched history repeat itself many times. Between 2000 and 2015 alone, he counts 48 breakdowns in federal governance, including the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the botched rollout of the “Obamacare” insurance website in 2013.
The details vary from crisis to crisis, but Mr. Light keeps coming to the same conclusion: We keep having breakdowns, because “we just don’t pay much attention to how organizations work.”
Early in his presidency, Mr. Trump assigned senior adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner to overhaul the federal bureaucracy by applying business principles, but the initiative appears to have stalled.
Historically, significant government reorganizations are rare. Former President Herbert Hoover ran major commissions on reform in the 1940s and ’50s. Efforts by President Jimmy Carter in the 1970s had less impact. In the 1990s, President Clinton tasked his vice president, Al Gore, with “reinventing government,” an effort that reduced the size of the federal workforce by 300,000 people. The 9/11 attacks led to creation of the Department of Homeland Security.
The Clinton-Gore effort reflected a bipartisan consensus – now defunct – that “big government” was a problem. The technology revolution undergirded the reforms.
President Clinton felt that “if Democrats wanted to have an activist government, you had to first convince people that government could work efficiently and take care of their tax dollars,” says Elaine Kamarck, who managed the initiative.
Unique strengths and weaknesses
Dr. Curran of Emory University sees unique strengths and weaknesses in the U.S. as it faces down COVID-19.
“We’re the wealthiest country in the world, but we also have some of the greatest health disparities,” Dr. Curran says. “And we have the most disorganized health financing system of any major country.”
The U.S. doesn’t have a national health service, and the entire health community can’t be mobilized to do whatever the government wants. The American public health system is also poorly understood. Yet the U.S. is seen as having some of the best hospitals, specialists, and researchers in the world.
These paradoxes can be maddening, but they can also be sources of hope. There’s plenty to build on.
In a public health crisis, “assessment and surveillance are a key government responsibility, as is interpretation of the surveillance,” says Dr. Curran, referring to the painstaking collection of data about caseloads. “We’re starting to see more of that from the CDC than we did.”
Dr. Curran sees the current turmoil as an opportunity to think about how the functions of government can be improved to meet public needs.
“We’re not going to reform totally our federalist system, but we should think about that, too,” he says. “What are the national responsibilities versus the state responsibilities? And that’s not just about health; it’s related to everything else.”
Ms. Kamarck, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, has already mapped out three proposals for government reform, post-pandemic. All three, she says, are things the military already does routinely: (1) better scenario planning for potential crises; (2) building more “surge capacity” in personnel to deal with such crises; and (3) applying dual-use principles to health care technology.
“None of this will happen without competent leadership,” she adds.
It’s worth noting that despite all the breakdowns in governance, there are agencies and employees who make “miracles” happen every day, says Mr. Light.
Take Beth Ripley, a Veterans Health Administration radiologist in Seattle. When the coronavirus crisis first hit, Dr. Ripley swung into action. She had already developed a network throughout the VA that uses 3D printing to help surgeons. By late March, as the need for personal protective equipment soared, Dr. Ripley had pulled together three federal agencies – the VA, the Food and Drug Administration, and the National Institutes of Health – to rapidly boost stocks of PPE via 3D technology.
By mid-April, through a quickly organized public-private partnership, face shields and masks suitable for medical personnel had already been designed and were being tested.
It’s the kind of government success story – demonstrating ingenuity, collaboration, and speed – that could turn a cynic into a believer. Now she’s a finalist for a “Sammie,” the annual awards by the Partnership for Public Service honoring outstanding federal employees.
Mr. Stier, the partnership president, clearly relishes talking about the good news in government at a time of historic challenge. “There are many examples,” he says, “where people can creatively achieve impact in the government.”


csmonitor--2020-06-16--‘History in the making’? Seattle protest zone prompts rethink on policing.

The night the zone was created , “ lots of people who had had their voices silenced for generations had a chance to get up in front of the crowd .
It was the people ’ s mic , ” says a protester named John , an unemployed theater worker who lives a block away .
“ It was a remarkable turn of events .
That felt like a victory to me.
” But here in the zone – where a diverse community has set up open mics and a garden , and danced in the street – activists say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagine , debate , and experiment with a radically different relationship between police and community .
This weekend , they changed the name to CHOP .
But what that stands for depends on whom you ask , a reflection of the movement ’ s evolving goals and leadership .
Outside views of the area are even more complicated , with some supporters seeing it as a beacon of hope for their movement , and conservative critics as a danger .
On the leafy streets of Capitol Hill in Seattle , six blocks have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Washington , D.C. , and beyond .
Last week , amid tense rallies against racism and police violence , officers abruptly vacated the local precinct , and the activists christened the area the “ Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone.
” As a police chopper circles overhead , a protester named John , wearing a Black power pin , stands watch at a barricade at the entrance to Seattle ’ s spontaneous new hub of activism – a six-block area that demonstrators initially dubbed the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone ( CHAZ ) .
Orange @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abruptly vacated the Seattle Police Department ’ s East Precinct building last week amid rallies against racism and police brutality , are now plastered with posters calling to “ Defund SPD ” – a key demand of activists here who seek to shift half the police budget into community services .
But views are mixed on the police role and future of the station .
Many signs and graffiti are hostile to cops .
Yet John , an unemployed theater worker who lives a block away and withheld his last name for privacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a misnomer , and stresses that police can return to the station “ whenever they want.
” City officials , including police , Fire Chief Harold Scoggins , and Mayor Jenny Durkan , have freely entered the “ zone ” in recent days , along with flocks of visitors .
“ There is no reason peaceful protest can ’ t coexist with police presence , ” John says of the CHAZ , which over the weekend was renamed the CHOP .
What that stands for , however , depends on whom you ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s evolving goals and leadership .
An entry sign calls it the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest ; some say the O now stands for “ Organized.
” John and others say they sought freedom to protest , but never asked police to leave .
Ensconced in Capitol Hill , a nightlife and entertainment district long a center of the city ’ s LGBTQ and counterculture communities , the protest zone has been largely peaceful since police left , although tensions have flared with counterdemonstrators .
People speak at open mics , cook , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a memorial to those killed by police , garden , watch documentaries and dance in the streets .
The main purpose of CHOP , activists here say , is to occupy the space in order to imagine , debate , and experiment with a radically different relationship between police and community .
“ It ’ s showing the world that having police breathing down your neck all the time is not necessary , ” says Black Lives Matter organizer Mark Henry Jr. , standing in front of the boarded-up precinct building , its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ read : Seattle People ’ s Department .
“ This place will be a monument to social justice , and a beacon of hope to the world that police reform is not only possible , it is necessary.
” Seattle ’ s protest zone has grabbed the national and international spotlight , with sharp attacks from conservative critics including President Trump .
On Sunday , Mr. Trump depicted it as a “ takeover of Seattle ” by “ far-left militant groups.
” On Monday , he repeated threats to crack down on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gov .
Jay Inslee do not .
Ms. Durkan , a former U.S. attorney , has called the president ’ s description untruthful and his threats illegal .
The zone “ is not a lawless wasteland of anarchist insurrection – it is a peaceful expression of our community ’ s collective grief and their desire to build a better world , ” she tweeted .
Last week , Seattle Police Chief Carmen Best told officers their departure from the precinct in Capitol Hill was “ not my decision , ” saying she was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ relented to severe public pressure.
” But both she and Mayor Durkan have initiated policing reforms in consultation with the community .
“ This is a pivotal moment in history , ” Chief Best , the first black woman to hold SPD ’ s top post , said Sunday in an appearance on Face the Nation .
“ We are going to move in a different direction and policing will never be the same , ” she said , after participating in a Black Lives Matter march of 60,000 people in Seattle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an “ epiphany.
” Seattle has moved rapidly to meet some protester demands – temporarily banning the use of tear gas except in life-threatening situations , requiring police to display name tags and wear body cameras at protests , and withdrawing the National Guard .
Experts in criminal justice reform say that too often , police are called because social workers or other professionals are not available , which Mayor Durkan says must change .
More broadly , the United States needs to expand investment in low-income housing and mental health and addiction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decades , says Katherine Beckett , a professor of law , societies , and justice at the University of Washington .
“ The U.S. now spends twice as much on social control as on social welfare , ” says Dr. Beckett .
On the leafy streets of Capitol Hill , the multiracial community of protesters ranges from professionals with remote day jobs to laid-off workers and homeless people .
Activists have set up tents for shelter and started a community garden in Cal Anderson Park .
Donated food and medical supplies , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fend off the coronavirus , are distributed from sidewalk stalls .
Everyone pitches in to pick up trash .
“ It seems to be a good place to live .
I ’ m not going to be bothered by the cops , ” says Ada , an out-of-work computer programmer who moved here from Dallas several weeks ago and has been living out of her car .
“ It ’ s history in the making .
It ’ s cool , ” she says , cooking a pan of beans and rice over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ red wagon , “ but also complicated.
” One complication , protesters say , involves threats from white extremist groups , such as Proud Boys ; several men wearing “ Proud Boys ” shirts showed up Monday .
Protesters have kept police barricades in place , which they say is primarily to keep drivers from harming crowds , as happened last Sunday when a gunman drove toward protesters , shooting one in the arm who tried to stop him .
They have also formed a night watch from 1 a.m. to 5 a.m. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the watch , ” says Ada , who declined to give her last name .
Over the weekend , occupiers grouped in circles at the CHOP main intersection discussed goals , and then formed teams to handle different duties ranging from security to technology and communications .
“ Our long-term goal is to … make a community center so we have a place we feel safe to come to , ” says Anthony Barr , a laid-off Applebee ’ s server and front-line protester .
At the same time , protester representatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Seattle officials led by Fire Chief Scoggins , who they say has won their trust .
This week , they reached initial consensus on an option to ease access for residents , businesses , and emergency vehicles , while preserving space for demonstrations and improving safety .
Sam Zimbabwe , director of the Seattle Department of Transportation , told citizen journalist Omari Salisbury the alterations are designed so “ the neighborhood can get back to co-existing with the protests… this is Seattle values….we are all really trying to find space together.
” Ron @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said some businesses are afraid to open , and voiced concern about fire and safety , as did some residents who no longer sleep in the zone at night .
He urged the group to decide quickly on a way forward .
“ We can all work together here and turn this into something good , ” he said .
Police Chief Best has said that while response times are increased , officers would respond to important emergency calls in the zone .
Some businesses are thriving as people crowd the area .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ since the police left , says Kohl Travis , host at Momiji , a Japanese restaurant across the street from the abandoned precinct building .
“ It ’ s definitely a less hostile environment.
” Surveying the scene from the “ No Cop Co-op ” on East Pine Street – where “ Black Lives Matter ” is written in huge , colorful letters – Brian , a health care worker who asked not to give his last name , is moved by the crowd and sidewalks spray painted with Black and white fists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people of all races coming in and helping , ” he says , as he hands out donated Clif Bars .
“ Some people don ’ t have much money … maybe they only have two water bottles , they just want to give something , anything to the cause .
It ’ s a beautiful thing.
” Back on the barricade , John recalls his feeling the night the police left , after more than a week of tension .
“ They hopped on their bikes and rode up the street and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I never thought the police would do that.
” The next night , “ we finally had the square and set up the PA , and lots of people who had had their voices silenced for generations had a chance to get up in front of the crowd .
It was the people ’ s mic , ” he says .
“ It was a remarkable turn of events .
That felt like a victory to me .
”

The night the zone was created, “lots of people who had had their voices silenced for generations had a chance to get up in front of the crowd. It was the people’s mic,” says a protester named John, an unemployed theater worker who lives a block away. “It was a remarkable turn of events. That felt like a victory to me.”
But here in the zone – where a diverse community has set up open mics and a garden, and danced in the street – activists say CHOP’s main purpose is to imagine, debate, and experiment with a radically different relationship between police and community.
Six blocks of Seattle jumped into the media spotlight last week, becoming a symbol of nationwide protests – but in dramatically different ways, depending on the publication. Here’s what our reporter found: a city trying to reimagine how police and the communities they serve can work together.
This weekend, they changed the name to CHOP. But what that stands for depends on whom you ask, a reflection of the movement’s evolving goals and leadership. Outside views of the area are even more complicated, with some supporters seeing it as a beacon of hope for their movement, and conservative critics as a danger.
On the leafy streets of Capitol Hill in Seattle, six blocks have become an activist hub, attracting attention from Washington, D.C., and beyond. Last week, amid tense rallies against racism and police violence, officers abruptly vacated the local precinct, and the activists christened the area the “Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone.”
As a police chopper circles overhead, a protester named John, wearing a Black power pin, stands watch at a barricade at the entrance to Seattle’s spontaneous new hub of activism – a six-block area that demonstrators initially dubbed the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ).
Orange barricades left behind by police, who abruptly vacated the Seattle Police Department’s East Precinct building last week amid rallies against racism and police brutality, are now plastered with posters calling to “Defund SPD” – a key demand of activists here who seek to shift half the police budget into community services.
But views are mixed on the police role and future of the station. Many signs and graffiti are hostile to cops. Yet John, an unemployed theater worker who lives a block away and withheld his last name for privacy, says “autonomous zone” is a misnomer, and stresses that police can return to the station “whenever they want.” City officials, including police, Fire Chief Harold Scoggins, and Mayor Jenny Durkan, have freely entered the “zone” in recent days, along with flocks of visitors.
Why We Wrote This Six blocks of Seattle jumped into the media spotlight last week, becoming a symbol of nationwide protests – but in dramatically different ways, depending on the publication. Here’s what our reporter found: a city trying to reimagine how police and the communities they serve can work together.
“There is no reason peaceful protest can’t coexist with police presence,” John says of the CHAZ, which over the weekend was renamed the CHOP. What that stands for, however, depends on whom you ask – a reflection of the movement’s evolving goals and leadership. An entry sign calls it the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest; some say the O now stands for “Organized.” John and others say they sought freedom to protest, but never asked police to leave.
Ann Scott Tyson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption John, a protester and unemployed theater worker who withheld his last name for privacy, stands watch at the perimeter of Seattle's Capitol Hill Occupy Protest.
Ensconced in Capitol Hill, a nightlife and entertainment district long a center of the city’s LGBTQ and counterculture communities, the protest zone has been largely peaceful since police left, although tensions have flared with counterdemonstrators. People speak at open mics, cook, paint protest art, light candles at a memorial to those killed by police, garden, watch documentaries and dance in the streets.
The main purpose of CHOP, activists here say, is to occupy the space in order to imagine, debate, and experiment with a radically different relationship between police and community.
“It’s showing the world that having police breathing down your neck all the time is not necessary,” says Black Lives Matter organizer Mark Henry Jr., standing in front of the boarded-up precinct building, its sign altered with gold spray paint to read: Seattle People’s Department. “This place will be a monument to social justice, and a beacon of hope to the world that police reform is not only possible, it is necessary.”
In the limelight
Seattle’s protest zone has grabbed the national and international spotlight, with sharp attacks from conservative critics including President Trump. On Sunday, Mr. Trump depicted it as a “takeover of Seattle” by “far-left militant groups.” On Monday, he repeated threats to crack down on the zone if Mayor Durkan and Washington State Gov. Jay Inslee do not.
Ann Scott Tyson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption A sign reads "You are entering free Capitol Hill" at the entrance to the Capitol Hill Occupy Protest area, June 12, 2020, in Seattle. The demonstration area, initially called the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone, was created after police abandoned the area amid protests against racism and police brutality.
Ms. Durkan, a former U.S. attorney, has called the president’s description untruthful and his threats illegal.
The zone “is not a lawless wasteland of anarchist insurrection – it is a peaceful expression of our community’s collective grief and their desire to build a better world,” she tweeted.
Last week, Seattle Police Chief Carmen Best told officers their departure from the precinct in Capitol Hill was “not my decision,” saying she was concerned about arson, but the city “relented to severe public pressure.” But both she and Mayor Durkan have initiated policing reforms in consultation with the community.
“This is a pivotal moment in history,” Chief Best, the first black woman to hold SPD’s top post, said Sunday in an appearance on Face the Nation. “We are going to move in a different direction and policing will never be the same,” she said, after participating in a Black Lives Matter march of 60,000 people in Seattle on Saturday that she said brought her an “epiphany.”
Seattle has moved rapidly to meet some protester demands – temporarily banning the use of tear gas except in life-threatening situations, requiring police to display name tags and wear body cameras at protests, and withdrawing the National Guard.
Experts in criminal justice reform say that too often, police are called because social workers or other professionals are not available, which Mayor Durkan says must change. More broadly, the United States needs to expand investment in low-income housing and mental health and addiction services, which have been underfunded for decades, says Katherine Beckett, a professor of law, societies, and justice at the University of Washington.
“The U.S. now spends twice as much on social control as on social welfare,” says Dr. Beckett.
What next?
On the leafy streets of Capitol Hill, the multiracial community of protesters ranges from professionals with remote day jobs to laid-off workers and homeless people. Activists have set up tents for shelter and started a community garden in Cal Anderson Park. Donated food and medical supplies, including gloves, masks, and hand-sanitizer to fend off the coronavirus, are distributed from sidewalk stalls. Everyone pitches in to pick up trash.
Ann Scott Tyson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Protesters Ada (right) and her friend Azzy (left) cook beans and rice in the Capitol Hill Occupy Protest area June 12, 2020, in Seattle.
“It seems to be a good place to live. I’m not going to be bothered by the cops,” says Ada, an out-of-work computer programmer who moved here from Dallas several weeks ago and has been living out of her car. “It’s history in the making. It’s cool,” she says, cooking a pan of beans and rice over a camping stove set up in a red wagon, “but also complicated.”
One complication, protesters say, involves threats from white extremist groups, such as Proud Boys; several men wearing “Proud Boys” shirts showed up Monday. Protesters have kept police barricades in place, which they say is primarily to keep drivers from harming crowds, as happened last Sunday when a gunman drove toward protesters, shooting one in the arm who tried to stop him. They have also formed a night watch from 1 a.m. to 5 a.m. “I help out where I can with the watch,” says Ada, who declined to give her last name.
Over the weekend, occupiers grouped in circles at the CHOP main intersection discussed goals, and then formed teams to handle different duties ranging from security to technology and communications. “Our long-term goal is to … make a community center so we have a place we feel safe to come to,” says Anthony Barr, a laid-off Applebee’s server and front-line protester.
At the same time, protester representatives are making headway in regular talks with Seattle officials led by Fire Chief Scoggins, who they say has won their trust. This week, they reached initial consensus on an option to ease access for residents, businesses, and emergency vehicles, while preserving space for demonstrations and improving safety.
Sam Zimbabwe, director of the Seattle Department of Transportation, told citizen journalist Omari Salisbury the alterations are designed so “the neighborhood can get back to co-existing with the protests… this is Seattle values….we are all really trying to find space together.”
Ann Scott Tyson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption JR Ramos, who is Filipino-American, stitched the Black power symbol on a Filipino flag to express solidarity for the Black Lives Matter movement. After a march, he returned to the Capitol Hill Occupy Protest area in Seattle June 12, 2020.
Ron Amundson, a local property owner, said some businesses are afraid to open, and voiced concern about fire and safety, as did some residents who no longer sleep in the zone at night. He urged the group to decide quickly on a way forward. “We can all work together here and turn this into something good,” he said. Police Chief Best has said that while response times are increased, officers would respond to important emergency calls in the zone.
Some businesses are thriving as people crowd the area. “Honestly I do feel safer” since the police left, says Kohl Travis, host at Momiji, a Japanese restaurant across the street from the abandoned precinct building. “It’s definitely a less hostile environment.”
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Surveying the scene from the “No Cop Co-op” on East Pine Street – where “Black Lives Matter” is written in huge, colorful letters – Brian, a health care worker who asked not to give his last name, is moved by the crowd and sidewalks spray painted with Black and white fists side by side. “You have people of all races coming in and helping,” he says, as he hands out donated Clif Bars. “Some people don’t have much money … maybe they only have two water bottles, they just want to give something, anything to the cause. It’s a beautiful thing.”
Back on the barricade, John recalls his feeling the night the police left, after more than a week of tension. “They hopped on their bikes and rode up the street and disappeared,” he says. “I never thought the police would do that.” The next night, “we finally had the square and set up the PA, and lots of people who had had their voices silenced for generations had a chance to get up in front of the crowd. It was the people’s mic,” he says. “It was a remarkable turn of events. That felt like a victory to me.”


csmonitor--2020-05-07--Daily for May 7, 2020

Daily for May 7, 2020

People think of New York as a city of skyscrapers and high finance , but it ’ s the small , independent businesses that make the city run .
New York has more small , family-run enterprises than just about anywhere else in the country – some 230,000 entities that employ nearly half the city ’ s private workforce .
Visitors who come to the city for the arts , finance , and glitz don ’ t see that the true pulp of New York comes from everyday butchers , bakers , dog groomers , jewelers , hardware stores , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighborhoods .
Sometimes with just two or three workers , these merchants make the city feel more like a small town than somewhere that ’ s home to more than 8.3 million people .
They ’ re neighborhood fixtures , and too many are in dire straits because of the pandemic .
In terms of diagnoses and deaths , no city has suffered more than New York , which has had more COVID-19 cases than any foreign country except Spain , Italy , and the United Kingdom .
With the state in its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shuttered businesses are at obvious risk , but so are shops that are operating but not covering costs .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
For businesses deemed essential – grocers , restaurants , liquor stores , laundromats – the first few days after New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo ’ s shutdown announcement were like building an airplane as they flew it .
Soon , they had a system .
All instituted stricter cleaning protocols .
Most businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people in a store .
A few retailers installed huge sneeze guards at cash registers and mandated that customers wear masks before it became mandatory .
Even in the best times , it ’ s hard to be a small business in New York .
The city ’ s minimum wage is among the nation ’ s highest , annual rent can run into six digits , and taxes pack a wallop .
Then there is insurance and red tape , as well as tough competition from online retailers and national chains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teams of lobbyists and lawyers , mom and pops are largely on their own .
When the city shut down , their hard job became pretty near impossible .
There ’ s more at stake than the livelihoods of individual entrepreneurs .
Small businesses give New York City its character and vibrancy , says Jonathan Bowles , executive director of the Center for an Urban Future , an independent think tank .
“ It ’ s a diverse mix of shopping that you can ’ t find anywhere else in the country and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York City , ” he says .
“ I don ’ t think people come to New York [ to see ] chain stores and chain restaurants.
” Indeed , New Yorkers themselves take it personally if Victoria ’ s Secret replaces Viola ’ s Smart Shop .
But the challenges here also symbolize a wider one nationwide .
Whether in Chicago , Dallas , or New Orleans , no one wants a neighbor going bust .
Yet that ’ s precisely the risk as the COVID-19 crisis leaves millions of U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their ordinary revenue .
It ’ s uncertain how many of New York ’ s small businesses are open now , or how many of their almost 3 million workers are unemployed .
Since layoffs began in March , almost 593,000 city residents had filed for unemployment by April 25 , according to the state Department of Labor .
More people couldn ’ t register because the system kept crashing .
Vito Mazzarino ’ s family has owned S & V General Supply Co. on the Upper East Side of Manhattan since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It had closed in March , partly due to so much uncertainty but also because its shelves had been emptied of protective wear like N95 masks .
Virus-related gear was all people wanted , and the store couldn ’ t get more .
By the time S & V lifted its metal gates to customers , it couldn ’ t get American-made N95s .
Chinese-made KN95 masks , which Mr. Mazzarino estimates would ’ ve cost him $ 2 or $ 3 each before the novel coronavirus , are now going for $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same profit margins .
Located on First Avenue , S & V ’ s customers are primarily handymen from the 15- and 20-story apartment buildings surrounding it .
With all nonemergency work on hold , demand for S & V ’ s lumber , paint , and plumbing and electrical equipment is on hold , too .
S & V ’ s sales are off 60 % .
Mr. Mazzarino says he got none of the initial $ 349 billion federal aid package but is prepping for round two .
Though his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aren ’ t covering the mortgage , equipment , supplies , or staff .
“ This is a major blow to the economy .
It ’ s going to trickle down to every aspect of it .
The big concern is how long it goes on .
I hope it ends soon , ” says Mr. Mazzarino , a lifelong New Yorker , “ or else we ’ re all going to be broke.
” Manhattan is characterized as a land of big spenders , but this area of the borough represents a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
Most businesses are homegrown – restaurants , nail salons , clothing boutiques , barbers , grocers , housewares stores , and one that sells carpeting .
The Starbucks and nearby 7-Eleven also have their loyalists .
Pre-coronavirus , pedestrians were out at every hour , and traffic was backed up .
Seven weeks into the state shutdown , just over half of the local stores were open – 26 out of 49 .
Just up First Avenue from S & V is A Matter of Health , which has been selling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since 1989 .
Customers must wear gloves , and only two people are allowed in the narrow-aisled store at a time .
Shopping baskets are washed after every purchase .
Each night , workers swab the floor with bleach water and try to disinfect the inventory .
“ Customers really appreciate the fact that we are on top of it , ” manager Elias Zaki says .
Some have even sent pizza .
“ It ’ s like Secret Santa.
” Like many stores , A Matter of Health cut hours .
Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gloves , some staffers didn ’ t feel safe coming in .
So Mr. Zaki is down to eight employees from 12 .
He says sales are up slightly , partly because of a new email-delivery program but also because his few walk-in customers are buying more than usual .
“ For the first week , some people were buying five gallons of milk .
That didn ’ t make sense , unless you ’ re a baker .
We did try to enforce [ limits ] on popular items that we know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of , ” Mr. Zaki says .
Some vendors , he says , have warned that certain products with specialty ingredients like elderberry won ’ t be back until January .
Sourcing is a constant concern for Gamal “ Jimmy ” Yehia , who has owned the nearby Market Deli since 1991 .
Without his daily food deliveries , Mr. Yehia goes to his local grocery store and Costco for stock .
As with other neighborhood bodegas , his comfortably cluttered shop is more than a source of coffee , bagels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stop by to chat , and some neighbors leave keys for safekeeping .
“ I get a lot of comments from people saying , ‘ Thank you for opening.
’ People , they understand [ we don ’ t have ] to be open , but we ’ re open for them , ” Mr. Yehia says .
He is bringing in a bit more money than usual , thanks to business from closed smoke shops ’ customers .
But the work is exacting a toll .
Mr. Yehia , in his 60s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus , taking the express bus from Staten Island .
Now , he works 50-hour weeks and drives the hour each way .
He says he ’ s kept prices pretty much the same , in part because he drops suppliers who bump up their prices .
“ Some companies take advantage , ” he says .
Little choice but to reopen It ’ s been harder for Ken Huang .
He opened Sashimi Ramen Express , a reasonably priced sushi restaurant on a nearby quiet side street , in 2015 .
Rent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 400 square feet ; it ’ s another $ 1,300 to cover all other monthly expenses , except staff .
Mr. Huang closed on March 10 because his workers didn ’ t feel safe leaving home .
With little savings , no money coming in , and the rent due , he reopened April 14 .
Where he previously had three people making salmon rolls and bubble tea , he now is the only one .
He takes orders via text and offers pickup only .
A big night recently earned him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what he made pre-coronavirus .
He applied for $ 10,000 in federal aid but got just $ 1,000 – not enough to cover his electric bill for three months .
Just recently , his landlord said he could stop paying rent until he ’ s gotten back on his feet .
But ultimately , he will have to pay everything in full .
Even before the shutdown , many small businesses were fragile .
According to a new survey by the regional Federal Reserve banks , 30 % of businesses with fewer than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk ” or “ distressed.
” Even among those deemed “ healthy , ” just 20 % said they could survive two months with a loss in revenue .
Among the most fortunate of local businesses is Hex & Co. , a board game cafe .
Back when “ corona ” was just another Spanish word , business was booming at Hex West in Morningside Heights near Columbia University and its sister cafes in Brooklyn , Greenwich Village , and the Upper East Side .
During the day , they were a combination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ young children and their parents , teens , and 20- and 30-somethings packed in , drinking $ 7 milkshakes and $ 13 cocktails , strategizing over Settlers of Catan , Codenames , and hundreds of other games that lined the walls .
Fast-forward to the shutdown in March .
Hex owner Greg May and his two partners focused on their Columbia location and furloughed about two-thirds of their 100-person staff .
Though proudly old-school analog , Hex ’ s “ Dungeon Masters ” have taken their quests into Zoom chats and elsewhere in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hex West added delivery ( of games ) and is meeting expenses on both the West and East sides .
One of the relatively few businesses that ’ s gotten federal aid , it ’ s lined up more than $ 200,000 in low-interest loans .
Its landlords appear willing to cut deals on rent , and the other three cafes are expected to reopen as soon as customers are allowed .
“ It makes me incredibly sad to hear about other small businesses that New York is losing , ” Mr. May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hear about another store or cafe or bar that is in trouble .
I hope the city and state can continue to support and help small-business owners.
” Rainbow Ace Hardware , across from S & V , is the closest thing to a general store Manhattan has seen since horses caused traffic jams .
A local institution for more than 30 years , it boasts an eclectic inventory – including underwear , rain boots , paint , hammers , curtains , lamps , Lysol , toilet paper , and MyPillow .
With @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shelf-stable foods like pasta .
One worker says business is down by more than half and staffing is at 50 % .
But here ’ s the bright side : New York ’ s infamous crotchety customers either are nicer or are staying home .
“ They ’ re very few – fewer than normal , ” manager Fall Sar says .
“ We ’ re all in the same boat.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

‘We’re open for them’: The small shops in New York trying to stay afloat Collapse
Kathy Willens/AP View caption Hide caption Assistant manager Tiffany Wong moves a cake onto a smaller plate at Clementine Bakery in the Brooklyn borough of New York, during the coronavirus outbreak, April 16, 2020. The popular bakery and cafe removed its smaller tables and added a large one to display fresh produce.
People think of New York as a city of skyscrapers and high finance, but it’s the small, independent businesses that make the city run.
New York has more small, family-run enterprises than just about anywhere else in the country – some 230,000 entities that employ nearly half the city’s private workforce. Visitors who come to the city for the arts, finance, and glitz don’t see that the true pulp of New York comes from everyday butchers, bakers, dog groomers, jewelers, hardware stores, restaurants, and specialty stores that shape neighborhoods. Sometimes with just two or three workers, these merchants make the city feel more like a small town than somewhere that’s home to more than 8.3 million people.
They’re neighborhood fixtures, and too many are in dire straits because of the pandemic.
In terms of diagnoses and deaths, no city has suffered more than New York, which has had more COVID-19 cases than any foreign country except Spain, Italy, and the United Kingdom. With the state in its seventh week of full lockdown, temporarily shuttered businesses are at obvious risk, but so are shops that are operating but not covering costs.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
For businesses deemed essential – grocers, restaurants, liquor stores, laundromats – the first few days after New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s shutdown announcement were like building an airplane as they flew it. Soon, they had a system. All instituted stricter cleaning protocols. Most businesses cut hours; some limited the number of people in a store. A few retailers installed huge sneeze guards at cash registers and mandated that customers wear masks before it became mandatory.
Even in the best times, it’s hard to be a small business in New York. The city’s minimum wage is among the nation’s highest, annual rent can run into six digits, and taxes pack a wallop. Then there is insurance and red tape, as well as tough competition from online retailers and national chains. Unlike unions or big corporations with teams of lobbyists and lawyers, mom and pops are largely on their own. When the city shut down, their hard job became pretty near impossible.
There’s more at stake than the livelihoods of individual entrepreneurs. Small businesses give New York City its character and vibrancy, says Jonathan Bowles, executive director of the Center for an Urban Future, an independent think tank.
“It’s a diverse mix of shopping that you can’t find anywhere else in the country and adds so much to street life in New York City,” he says. “I don’t think people come to New York [to see] chain stores and chain restaurants.”
Indeed, New Yorkers themselves take it personally if Victoria’s Secret replaces Viola’s Smart Shop. But the challenges here also symbolize a wider one nationwide. Whether in Chicago, Dallas, or New Orleans, no one wants a neighbor going bust. Yet that’s precisely the risk as the COVID-19 crisis leaves millions of U.S. small businesses shuttered or drawing a fraction of their ordinary revenue.
It’s uncertain how many of New York’s small businesses are open now, or how many of their almost 3 million workers are unemployed. Since layoffs began in March, almost 593,000 city residents had filed for unemployment by April 25, according to the state Department of Labor. More people couldn’t register because the system kept crashing.
Sales off 60%
Vito Mazzarino’s family has owned S&V General Supply Co. on the Upper East Side of Manhattan since 1974. The store recently reopened. It had closed in March, partly due to so much uncertainty but also because its shelves had been emptied of protective wear like N95 masks. Virus-related gear was all people wanted, and the store couldn’t get more. By the time S&V lifted its metal gates to customers, it couldn’t get American-made N95s. Chinese-made KN95 masks, which Mr. Mazzarino estimates would’ve cost him $2 or $3 each before the novel coronavirus, are now going for $9. He raised prices to keep the same profit margins.
Andrew Hohmann View caption Hide caption Vito Mazzarino pauses in front of his family’s hardware store in New York City on May 4, 2020. S&V General Supply Co. is one of the few stores allowed to operate during Gov. Andrew Cuomo’s state of emergency.
Located on First Avenue, S&V’s customers are primarily handymen from the 15- and 20-story apartment buildings surrounding it. With all nonemergency work on hold, demand for S&V’s lumber, paint, and plumbing and electrical equipment is on hold, too. S&V’s sales are off 60%. Mr. Mazzarino says he got none of the initial $349 billion federal aid package but is prepping for round two. Though his family owns the building, current sales aren’t covering the mortgage, equipment, supplies, or staff.
“This is a major blow to the economy. It’s going to trickle down to every aspect of it. The big concern is how long it goes on. I hope it ends soon,” says Mr. Mazzarino, a lifelong New Yorker, “or else we’re all going to be broke.”
Manhattan is characterized as a land of big spenders, but this area of the borough represents a dollop of middle class (relatively speaking). Most businesses are homegrown – restaurants, nail salons, clothing boutiques, barbers, grocers, housewares stores, and one that sells carpeting. The Starbucks and nearby 7-Eleven also have their loyalists. Pre-coronavirus, pedestrians were out at every hour, and traffic was backed up. Seven weeks into the state shutdown, just over half of the local stores were open – 26 out of 49.
Disinfecting the inventory
Just up First Avenue from S&V is A Matter of Health, which has been selling organic produce, cereal, and cleaners since 1989. Customers must wear gloves, and only two people are allowed in the narrow-aisled store at a time. Shopping baskets are washed after every purchase. Each night, workers swab the floor with bleach water and try to disinfect the inventory.
“Customers really appreciate the fact that we are on top of it,” manager Elias Zaki says. Some have even sent pizza. “It’s like Secret Santa.”
Like many stores, A Matter of Health cut hours. Even with precautions like wearing surgical masks and gloves, some staffers didn’t feel safe coming in. So Mr. Zaki is down to eight employees from 12. He says sales are up slightly, partly because of a new email-delivery program but also because his few walk-in customers are buying more than usual.
“For the first week, some people were buying five gallons of milk. That didn’t make sense, unless you’re a baker. We did try to enforce [limits] on popular items that we know our distributors don’t give us a lot of,” Mr. Zaki says. Some vendors, he says, have warned that certain products with specialty ingredients like elderberry won’t be back until January.
Sourcing is a constant concern for Gamal “Jimmy” Yehia, who has owned the nearby Market Deli since 1991. Without his daily food deliveries, Mr. Yehia goes to his local grocery store and Costco for stock. As with other neighborhood bodegas, his comfortably cluttered shop is more than a source of coffee, bagels, and milk. Doormen on break stop by to chat, and some neighbors leave keys for safekeeping.
Andrew Hohmann View caption Hide caption Gamal “Jimmy” Yehia works at his Upper East Side bodega on May 4, 2020. Food stores like Market Deli have seen an upswing in business since nonessential entities were closed to flatten the COVID-19 curve.
“I get a lot of comments from people saying, ‘Thank you for opening.’ People, they understand [we don’t have] to be open, but we’re open for them,” Mr. Yehia says.
He is bringing in a bit more money than usual, thanks to business from closed smoke shops’ customers. But the work is exacting a toll. Mr. Yehia, in his 60s, had worked part time before the coronavirus, taking the express bus from Staten Island. Now, he works 50-hour weeks and drives the hour each way. He says he’s kept prices pretty much the same, in part because he drops suppliers who bump up their prices.
“Some companies take advantage,” he says.
Little choice but to reopen
It’s been harder for Ken Huang. He opened Sashimi Ramen Express, a reasonably priced sushi restaurant on a nearby quiet side street, in 2015. Rent runs more than $5,000 a month for 400 square feet; it’s another $1,300 to cover all other monthly expenses, except staff. Mr. Huang closed on March 10 because his workers didn’t feel safe leaving home. With little savings, no money coming in, and the rent due, he reopened April 14. Where he previously had three people making salmon rolls and bubble tea, he now is the only one. He takes orders via text and offers pickup only.
A big night recently earned him about $600, multiples short of what he made pre-coronavirus. He applied for $10,000 in federal aid but got just $1,000 – not enough to cover his electric bill for three months. Just recently, his landlord said he could stop paying rent until he’s gotten back on his feet. But ultimately, he will have to pay everything in full.
Even before the shutdown, many small businesses were fragile. According to a new survey by the regional Federal Reserve banks, 30% of businesses with fewer than 500 employees were classified as “at risk” or “distressed.” Even among those deemed “healthy,” just 20% said they could survive two months with a loss in revenue.
Board games and Zoom chats
Among the most fortunate of local businesses is Hex & Co., a board game cafe. Back when “corona” was just another Spanish word, business was booming at Hex West in Morningside Heights near Columbia University and its sister cafes in Brooklyn, Greenwich Village, and the Upper East Side. During the day, they were a combination WeWork/cafe/study hall/after-school program. At night, young children and their parents, teens, and 20- and 30-somethings packed in, drinking $7 milkshakes and $13 cocktails, strategizing over Settlers of Catan, Codenames, and hundreds of other games that lined the walls.
Fast-forward to the shutdown in March. Hex owner Greg May and his two partners focused on their Columbia location and furloughed about two-thirds of their 100-person staff. Though proudly old-school analog, Hex’s “Dungeon Masters” have taken their quests into Zoom chats and elsewhere in cyberspace. Open for takeaway snacks, Hex West added delivery (of games) and is meeting expenses on both the West and East sides.
One of the relatively few businesses that’s gotten federal aid, it’s lined up more than $200,000 in low-interest loans. Its landlords appear willing to cut deals on rent, and the other three cafes are expected to reopen as soon as customers are allowed.
“It makes me incredibly sad to hear about other small businesses that New York is losing,” Mr. May says. “Every day, you hear about another store or cafe or bar that is in trouble. I hope the city and state can continue to support and help small-business owners.”
Crotchety customers harder to find
Rainbow Ace Hardware, across from S&V, is the closest thing to a general store Manhattan has seen since horses caused traffic jams. A local institution for more than 30 years, it boasts an eclectic inventory – including underwear, rain boots, paint, hammers, curtains, lamps, Lysol, toilet paper, and MyPillow. With the quarantine, it’s added shelf-stable foods like pasta. One worker says business is down by more than half and staffing is at 50%. But here’s the bright side: New York’s infamous crotchety customers either are nicer or are staying home.
“They’re very few – fewer than normal,” manager Fall Sar says. “We’re all in the same boat.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.