csmonitor--2020-10-19--‘Homeland Elegies’ weaves together a Muslim family and politics

When Ayad Akhtar won a Pulitzer in 2013 for his play “ Disgraced ” – in which a successful Muslim-American lawyer admits to feeling “ an unexpected blush of pride ” on seeing the twin towers fall – he became a flashpoint for controversies around Islam in the long wake of 9/11 .
Some theatergoers were suspicious that the phrase mirrored Akhtar ’ s own sentiments ; Muslims felt betrayed by what they saw as reinforcing Western stereotypes , which foreshadowed then-candidate Donald Trump ’ s false claim of Muslims in Jersey City “ cheering ” on 9/11 .
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flawed Muslim character , had simply done what all good writers do – portrayed humanity as morally complex .
In “ Homeland Elegies , ” his latest and most autobiographical work , Akhtar comes to terms with such criticism .
His experience of 9/11 was that of many distraught and disoriented New Yorkers – that is , until he was called a terrorist while waiting to donate blood .
Still more compelling is his explanation of how that memorable line of dialogue in his play evolved from a remark his mother made , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through CIA interference in her homeland of Pakistan .
“ Homeland Elegies ” weaves together these themes of family and politics , along with Akhtar ’ s life as a writer as he perpetually records , adapts , and invents narratives .
Eschewing a traditional novel ’ s dramatic arc , Akhtar adopts an orchestral structure of eight interlinked movements bookended by an overture and coda .
Though it ’ s considered autofiction – a sort of fictionalized spin-off of the author ’ s life – “ Homeland Elegies ” reads like memoir @ @ @ @ @ @ @ digressions that offer political commentary and historical context .
His narrator is a playwright named Ayad Akhtar .
Some other names are changed but only barely , as with the actor Aasif Mandvi , who starred in “ Disgraced ” and here is referred to as “ Ashraf.
” ( I ’ ll confess to finding this a bit distracting .
Is this an in-joke ?
Is Akhtar dodging a lawsuit ? )
“ Homeland Elegies ” opens with Akhtar delving into his fraught relationship with his father , who served briefly as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , yet decades later is still captivated by his encounter with celebrity .
Brushing off Trump ’ s anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim rhetoric , Akhtar ’ s father supports his presidential candidacy , in thrall to what Trump embodies of the American dream as the self writ larger than life .
Akhtar ’ s skill at dialogue is on full display here , as the two spar over the 2016 campaign until Akhtar throws up his hands at his father ’ s infuriatingly circular logic .
Akhtar circles seamlessly from his individual experiences , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by police , to the larger social and economic landscape , tracing the corrosive effects of scorched-earth political rhetoric and late capitalism .
Along the way , he tackles subjects as wide-ranging as the leveraging of debt , the corporatization of healthcare , the exorbitant cost of college , and a fascinating account of Robert Bork ’ s role in deregulating the U.S. financial system ( and by fascinating , I mean appalling ) .
Yet “ Homeland Elegies ” is less polemical than all this may sound , due to the richness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ varied journeys and fierce debates .
One family friend , whom Akhtar ’ s mother was quietly in love with , is followed as he leaves a prosperous medical practice in New Jersey and returns to Pakistan , where providing care for the poor comes at a great personal cost .
Another friend , who is charismatic but ruthless , makes a killing on the stock market in a way that is entirely legal , yet bankrupts entire cities .
An incisive critique of American culture , “ Homeland Elegies ” ties these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of free speech .
At a college where Akhtar has been invited to speak by his former professor and mentor , called Mary in the book , Muslim students protest , calling Akhtar ’ s work “ demeaning ” and “ unsafe ” – this without having read the work , but having only read about it online .
After a spate of Islamophobic posters appear on campus decrying Akhtar , these same students come around to defending him .
Mary reflects that “ platitudes and pornography , ” the currency of social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students ’ ability to discuss anything substantial , noting that “ her work now was about teaching them cognitive basics : how to recognize what was worth paying attention to ; how to suffer through boredom ; how to discern rhetoric from reality , discomfort from defense.
” After sitting in on a class discussion , Akhtar finds that Mary ’ s painstaking labor has succeeded , sounding a note of cautious optimism .
Frankly , it ’ s the most insightful description I ’ ve read of the challenges of teaching today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it applies to our discourse in American culture more broadly , for old and young alike .
Fittingly , Akhtar has been named the new president of PEN America , which supports literary freedom and human rights globally .
He seems just the right man for the job .
Elizabeth Toohey is an associate professor of English at Queensborough Community College , CUNY and a Knight Visiting Nieman Fellow at Harvard University

When Ayad Akhtar won a Pulitzer in 2013 for his play “Disgraced” – in which a successful Muslim-American lawyer admits to feeling “an unexpected blush of pride” on seeing the twin towers fall – he became a flashpoint for controversies around Islam in the long wake of 9/11. Some theatergoers were suspicious that the phrase mirrored Akhtar’s own sentiments; Muslims felt betrayed by what they saw as reinforcing Western stereotypes, which foreshadowed then-candidate Donald Trump’s false claim of Muslims in Jersey City “cheering” on 9/11. Yet Akhtar, in creating an empathetic but flawed Muslim character, had simply done what all good writers do – portrayed humanity as morally complex.
In “Homeland Elegies,” his latest and most autobiographical work, Akhtar comes to terms with such criticism. His experience of 9/11 was that of many distraught and disoriented New Yorkers – that is, until he was called a terrorist while waiting to donate blood. Still more compelling is his explanation of how that memorable line of dialogue in his play evolved from a remark his mother made, the culmination of a lifetime of suffering through CIA interference in her homeland of Pakistan. “Homeland Elegies” weaves together these themes of family and politics, along with Akhtar’s life as a writer as he perpetually records, adapts, and invents narratives.
Eschewing a traditional novel’s dramatic arc, Akhtar adopts an orchestral structure of eight interlinked movements bookended by an overture and coda. Though it’s considered autofiction – a sort of fictionalized spin-off of the author’s life – “Homeland Elegies” reads like memoir, but it is interwoven with essayistic digressions that offer political commentary and historical context. His narrator is a playwright named Ayad Akhtar. Some other names are changed but only barely, as with the actor Aasif Mandvi, who starred in “Disgraced” and here is referred to as “Ashraf.” (I’ll confess to finding this a bit distracting. Is this an in-joke? Is Akhtar dodging a lawsuit?)
“Homeland Elegies” opens with Akhtar delving into his fraught relationship with his father, who served briefly as Trump’s physician in the 1990s, yet decades later is still captivated by his encounter with celebrity. Brushing off Trump’s anti-immigrant and anti-Muslim rhetoric, Akhtar’s father supports his presidential candidacy, in thrall to what Trump embodies of the American dream as the self writ larger than life. Akhtar’s skill at dialogue is on full display here, as the two spar over the 2016 campaign until Akhtar throws up his hands at his father’s infuriatingly circular logic.
Akhtar circles seamlessly from his individual experiences, such as when he is racially profiled by police, to the larger social and economic landscape, tracing the corrosive effects of scorched-earth political rhetoric and late capitalism. Along the way, he tackles subjects as wide-ranging as the leveraging of debt, the corporatization of healthcare, the exorbitant cost of college, and a fascinating account of Robert Bork’s role in deregulating the U.S. financial system (and by fascinating, I mean appalling). Yet “Homeland Elegies” is less polemical than all this may sound, due to the richness of Akhtar’s characters and their varied journeys and fierce debates. One family friend, whom Akhtar’s mother was quietly in love with, is followed as he leaves a prosperous medical practice in New Jersey and returns to Pakistan, where providing care for the poor comes at a great personal cost. Another friend, who is charismatic but ruthless, makes a killing on the stock market in a way that is entirely legal, yet bankrupts entire cities.
An incisive critique of American culture, “Homeland Elegies” ties these threads together, concluding with the question of free speech. At a college where Akhtar has been invited to speak by his former professor and mentor, called Mary in the book, Muslim students protest, calling Akhtar’s work “demeaning” and “unsafe” – this without having read the work, but having only read about it online. After a spate of Islamophobic posters appear on campus decrying Akhtar, these same students come around to defending him. Mary reflects that “platitudes and pornography,” the currency of social media, have stunted this generation of students’ ability to discuss anything substantial, noting that “her work now was about teaching them cognitive basics: how to recognize what was worth paying attention to; how to suffer through boredom; how to discern rhetoric from reality, discomfort from defense.” After sitting in on a class discussion, Akhtar finds that Mary’s painstaking labor has succeeded, sounding a note of cautious optimism.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Frankly, it’s the most insightful description I’ve read of the challenges of teaching today. I worry, too, that it applies to our discourse in American culture more broadly, for old and young alike. Fittingly, Akhtar has been named the new president of PEN America, which supports literary freedom and human rights globally. He seems just the right man for the job.
Elizabeth Toohey is an associate professor of English at Queensborough Community College, CUNY and a Knight Visiting Nieman Fellow at Harvard University


csmonitor--2020-10-19--With older poll workers sidelined, young Americans step up

“ There are a lot of stereotypes about my generation : We ’ re lazier , not connecting to the real world .
We ’ re zombies to social media and our phones and stuff , ” Mr. Kamin says .
“ But this has truly shown me that is just not at all true .
There are so many people my age who are just looking for any opportunity to get involved.
” Yet even if some shortages still remain , the deluge of young people stepping up to take their place has been enormous – and may ripple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civically engaged for years to come .
Even in a good year , the small army of election officials needed each November is hard to rally .
Add in a pandemic , which disproportionately affects the older Americans who make up the majority of poll workers , and many feared a crisis .
Leo Kamin is just 20 days too young to vote this year , but that was no excuse to sit out the election .
He became a poll worker in March and has since helped recruit 30,000 poll workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , through Poll Hero Project .
The air was freezing , the sun had yet to rise , and Leo Kamin had just arrived at the church for his 6 a.m. shift – which meant he only had 15 hours to go .
Out came the tents and tables , mercifully arranged around heating lamps in the gusty parking lot .
Inside , he and a team of poll workers puzzled together dividers , printers , tables , tablets , computers , and their all- important voting machines .
All that was left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kamin ’ s polling station in Denver on March 3 , they would soon arrive in hundreds .
By the time he left at 9 in the evening , Mr. Kamin had used so much hand sanitizer his skin was beginning to crack .
But among the many ballots he saw cast that day , not one was his own .
A high school junior , Mr. Kamin is 17 and just 20 days too young to vote this year .
For him , that wasn ’ t an excuse to sit out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll working and first pitched in during the primaries in March .
This November he ’ ll return , and likely send thousands of other young poll workers to voting stations .
Partly motivated by his experience in March , Mr. Kamin helped found the Poll Hero Project , a nationwide drive to register poll workers for this year ’ s election .
Their initial goal , says Ryan Schwieger , a senior at Princeton University and another co-founder , was to recruit 1,000 poll workers in the first month .
They hit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have since added almost 30,000 more – mostly still in high school , and like Mr. Kamin , unable to vote themselves .
Poll Hero ’ s work is at the vanguard of a countrywide call to action for young people to help run this year ’ s election .
Even in a good year , the small army of election officials needed each November is hard to rally .
Add in a pandemic , which disproportionately affects the older Americans who make up the majority of poll workers , and many feared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shortages still remain , the deluge of young people stepping up to take their place has been enormous – and may ripple into a new generation of poll workers civically engaged for years to come .
“ There are a lot of stereotypes about my generation : We ’ re lazier , not connecting to the real world .
We ’ re zombies to social media and our phones and stuff , ” Mr. Kamin says .
“ But this has truly shown me that is just not at all true .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are just looking for any opportunity to get involved.
” If there ever was a time to get involved in elections , it ’ s this year , says Quentin Palfrey , chairman of the Voter Protection Corps ( VPC ) .
A national election requires about 115,000 polling places and 900,000 poll workers , he says .
But since in a typical season some 60 % of poll workers are age 60 or older , the people most likely to work the polls are also those most threatened by COVID-19 .
During @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mass shortages of poll workers in states like Georgia and Wisconsin – shuttering more than 90 % of polling places in some locales .
These closures forced tight bottlenecks and hourslong waits to vote .
The result , says Andrea Hailey , CEO of Vote.org , was logistical disenfranchisement of voters who didn ’ t know where to vote or have the time to wait .
There is no comprehensive data for American election officials , but research from the VPC and Carnegie Mellon University suggests that 485 counties in eight battleground states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poll worker shortages .
While absentee voting and voting by mail are now more available than ever , not everyone has or prefers that option , says Mr. Palfrey .
Particularly for long-disenfranchised groups , he says , there ’ s a certain comfort in casting a ballot in person .
And to do that , people need poll workers , says Rachael Cobb , chair of political science and legal studies at Suffolk University in Boston .
From answering questions to keeping records to reporting votes , these front-line election workers manage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from start to finish .
“ The whole health and wellness of our democracy at the end of the day comes down to people filling out their ballots , ” says Ms. Hailey .
“ When you go in person , poll workers are the people who are going to guide that experience.
” A desire to experience that other side of elections brought Bree Baccaglini , a law student at Stanford University , to a four-hour poll worker training in 2018 .
In that informational monsoon , she learned how to troubleshoot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and manage the human error bound to come .
When she arrived at the polling place weeks later at 6 a.m. , she entered one of the most rigorous civic educations of her life .
“ Elections are mammoth national events run by bajillions of individuals , ” she says .
“ We view it as a rarefied process , but it ’ s really just a lot of normal people showing up to do their jobs.
” Ms. Baccaglini will return to work the polls this November , freshly motivated to play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sense of purpose – shared by thousands of other young people working the polls this November – hints at a rise in collective spirit among a group often viewed as civically apathetic .
Of the more than 600,000 poll workers that the nationwide campaign Power the Polls has attracted this year , around 40 % are under 35 and 65 % are under 50 , says Robert Brandon , president and CEO of Fair Elections Center , one of the campaign ’ s founding organizations .
Each of the many young poll workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to protect voting rights and more at-risk Americans who may need to stay at home .
“ Older and more immuno-vulnerable people should definitely not have to bear this burden , ” says Ms. Baccaglini .
The upshot is a new sense of collective engagement among some , brought to light by the pandemic and tense election .
To steal a phrase , says Ms. Hailey of Vote.org , many younger Americans are not asking what the election can do for them .
They ’ re asking what they can do for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ professor who lives in Brooklyn , plans to work the polls for the first time this November .
She doesn ’ t feel particularly inspired by the candidates this year , but she wants to be sure that anyone around her who wants to vote can vote .
Anika Rice , who will work the polls even while working on her Ph.D. in geology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison , hopes to engage with her community and help protect voting rights .
Leah Rocketto , an editor at Woman ’ s Day in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Election Day just because she can .
She feels privileged to be young , healthy , and employed during the pandemic .
Why not use that privilege to help people vote ?
And then there ’ s Mr. Kamin , who will return to the polling place hoping for better weather this November .
His first foray into election work let him witness some heartwarming moments : applause for first-time voters , civic excitement from new citizens , the grace of the older poll workers who remind him of his grandmother .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall , and another chance to participate in the collective effort of Election Day .
“ For people like me especially who can not vote , it just feels good to make an impact , ” he says .
“ And you ’ re making an impact on hundreds of people instead of just casting one ballot .
”

“There are a lot of stereotypes about my generation: We’re lazier, not connecting to the real world. We’re zombies to social media and our phones and stuff,” Mr. Kamin says. “But this has truly shown me that is just not at all true. There are so many people my age who are just looking for any opportunity to get involved.”
Yet even if some shortages still remain, the deluge of young people stepping up to take their place has been enormous – and may ripple into a new generation of poll workers civically engaged for years to come.
When the pandemic threatened to keep older poll workers away, young people rose to fill the void. It’s an emergency measure, but one that is kindling civic engagement in a generation that has often been called apathetic.
Even in a good year, the small army of election officials needed each November is hard to rally. Add in a pandemic, which disproportionately affects the older Americans who make up the majority of poll workers, and many feared a crisis.
Leo Kamin is just 20 days too young to vote this year, but that was no excuse to sit out the election. He became a poll worker in March and has since helped recruit 30,000 poll workers, many of them high schoolers like himself, through Poll Hero Project.
The air was freezing, the sun had yet to rise, and Leo Kamin had just arrived at the church for his 6 a.m. shift – which meant he only had 15 hours to go.
Out came the tents and tables, mercifully arranged around heating lamps in the gusty parking lot. Inside, he and a team of poll workers puzzled together dividers, printers, tables, tablets, computers, and their all-
important voting machines.
All that was left was the voters. And at Mr. Kamin’s polling station in Denver on March 3, they would soon arrive in hundreds. By the time he left at 9 in the evening, Mr. Kamin had used so much hand sanitizer his skin was beginning to crack.
Why We Wrote This When the pandemic threatened to keep older poll workers away, young people rose to fill the void. It’s an emergency measure, but one that is kindling civic engagement in a generation that has often been called apathetic.
But among the many ballots he saw cast that day, not one was his own. A high school junior, Mr. Kamin is 17 and just 20 days too young to vote this year. For him, that wasn’t an excuse to sit out the election. Mr. Kamin turned to poll working and first pitched in during the primaries in March. This November he’ll return, and likely send thousands of other young poll workers to voting stations.
Partly motivated by his experience in March, Mr. Kamin helped found the Poll Hero Project, a nationwide drive to register poll workers for this year’s election. Their initial goal, says Ryan Schwieger, a senior at Princeton University and another co-founder, was to recruit 1,000 poll workers in the first month. They hit that number in a week, and have since added almost 30,000 more – mostly still in high school, and like Mr. Kamin, unable to vote themselves.
Poll Hero’s work is at the vanguard of a countrywide call to action for young people to help run this year’s election. Even in a good year, the small army of election officials needed each November is hard to rally. Add in a pandemic, which disproportionately affects the older Americans who make up the majority of poll workers, and many feared a crisis.
Yet even if some shortages still remain, the deluge of young people stepping up to take their place has been enormous – and may ripple into a new generation of poll workers civically engaged for years to come.
“There are a lot of stereotypes about my generation: We’re lazier, not connecting to the real world. We’re zombies to social media and our phones and stuff,” Mr. Kamin says. “But this has truly shown me that is just not at all true. There are so many people my age who are just looking for any opportunity to get involved.”
The heart of democracy
If there ever was a time to get involved in elections, it’s this year, says Quentin Palfrey, chairman of the Voter Protection Corps (VPC).
A national election requires about 115,000 polling places and 900,000 poll workers, he says. But since in a typical season some 60% of poll workers are age 60 or older, the people most likely to work the polls are also those most threatened by COVID-19.
During the primaries, the pandemic led to mass shortages of poll workers in states like Georgia and Wisconsin – shuttering more than 90% of polling places in some locales. These closures forced tight bottlenecks and hourslong waits to vote. The result, says Andrea Hailey, CEO of Vote.org,
was logistical disenfranchisement of voters who didn’t know where to vote or have the time to wait.
There is no comprehensive data for American election officials, but research from the VPC and Carnegie Mellon University suggests that 485 counties in eight battleground states are still at a high risk for poll worker shortages.
While absentee voting and voting by mail are now more available than ever, not everyone has or prefers that option, says Mr. Palfrey. Particularly for long-disenfranchised groups, he says, there’s a certain comfort in casting a ballot in person.
And to do that, people need poll workers, says Rachael Cobb, chair of political science and legal studies at Suffolk University in Boston.
From answering questions to keeping records to reporting votes, these front-line election workers manage American democracy’s most important day from start to finish.
“The whole health and wellness of our democracy at the end of the day comes down to people filling out their ballots,” says Ms. Hailey. “When you go in person, poll workers are the people who are going to guide that experience.”
Answering the call of duty
A desire to experience that other side of elections brought Bree Baccaglini, a law student at Stanford University, to a four-hour poll worker training in 2018. In that informational monsoon, she learned how to troubleshoot the voting machines, handle ballots, and manage the human error bound to come.
When she arrived at the polling place weeks later at 6 a.m., she entered one of the most rigorous civic educations of her life.
“Elections are mammoth national events run by bajillions of individuals,” she says. “We view it as a rarefied process, but it’s really just a lot of normal people showing up to do their jobs.”
Ms. Baccaglini will return to work the polls this November, freshly motivated to play her part during the pandemic. Her sense of purpose – shared by thousands of other young people working the polls this November – hints at a rise in collective spirit among a group often viewed as civically apathetic.
Of the more than 600,000 poll workers that the nationwide campaign Power the Polls has attracted this year, around 40% are under 35 and 65% are under 50, says Robert Brandon, president and CEO of Fair Elections Center, one of the campaign’s founding organizations.
Each of the many young poll workers interviewed for this story mentioned a desire to protect voting rights and more at-risk Americans who may need to stay at home.
“Older and more immuno-vulnerable people should definitely not have to bear this burden,” says Ms. Baccaglini.
The upshot is a new sense of collective engagement among some, brought to light by the pandemic and tense election. To steal a phrase, says Ms. Hailey of Vote.org, many younger Americans are not asking what the election can do for them. They’re asking what they can do for their election.
Emily Luan, an adjunct professor who lives in Brooklyn, plans to work the polls for the first time this November. She doesn’t feel particularly inspired by the candidates this year, but she wants to be sure that anyone around her who wants to vote can vote.
Anika Rice, who will work the polls even while working on her Ph.D. in geology at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, hopes to engage with her community and help protect voting rights.
Leah Rocketto, an editor at Woman’s Day in New York, is stepping up on Election Day just because she can. She feels privileged to be young, healthy, and employed during the pandemic. Why not use that privilege to help people vote?
And then there’s Mr. Kamin, who will return to the polling place hoping for better weather this November.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
His first foray into election work let him witness some heartwarming moments: applause for first-time voters, civic excitement from new citizens, the grace of the older poll workers who remind him of his grandmother. He hopes for more such moments in the fall, and another chance to participate in the collective effort of Election Day.
“For people like me especially who cannot vote, it just feels good to make an impact,” he says. “And you’re making an impact on hundreds of people instead of just casting one ballot.”


csmonitor--2020-10-19--Bolivia's exit polls: Former Morales minister poised to win

Evo Morales ’ party claimed victory in Bolivia ’ s presidential election as official results trickled in from Sunday ’ s high-stakes redo of last year ’ s annulled ballot that saw the leftist leader resign and flee the country .
More than nine hours after polls closed , barely 6 % of all ballot boxes had been counted and they showed Mr. Morales ’ handpicked successor , Luis Arce , trailing a conservative rival .
But with a private quick count of sampled polling stations favoring Mr. Arce by a wide margin , even interim President Jeanine Áñez – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the socialist movement looked set to return to power in what looked to be a major jolt to South America ’ s beleaguered left .
“ I congratulate the winners and I ask them to govern thinking in Bolivia and in our democracy , ” Ms. Áñez said on Twitter .
Bolivians have long been accustomed to quick preliminary results in presidential elections .
But after allegations of fraud and days of unrest marred last year ’ s ballot , newly installed electoral authorities had been appealing for patience , reminding voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to declare a winner .
While voting was peaceful , the long wait Sunday night for results fueled speculation that something was awry .
Adding to intrigue , publication of two exit polls was also withheld after private pollsters said they didn ’ t trust their own survey results .
Mr. Morales broke the tense silence by declaring Mr. Arce the winner .
Later , two pollsters said a quick count of official tally sheets at select polling stations showed Mr. Arce had garnered more than 50 % of the votes , compared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mesa , the top finisher of four rival candidates .
“ We ’ ve recovered our democracy , ” Mr. Morales said in brief remarks from exile in Argentina .
“ Lucho will be our president.
” Appearing a few minutes later , Mr. Arce appealed for calm , saying he would seek to form a government of national unity .
“ I think the Bolivian people want to retake the path we were on , ” Mr. Arce declared around midnight surrounded by a small group of supporters , some of them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ’ s Indigenous roots .
The early official results favored Mr. Mesa , a former journalist and historian , with 49 % compared to 33 % for Mr. Arce .
Prior to voting , polls showed Mr. Arce ahead but lacking enough votes to avoid a November runoff , where conservative voters would ’ ve likely rallied behind Mr. Mesa .
To win in the first round , a candidate needs more than 50 % of the vote , or 40 % with a lead of at least 10 percentage points @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who oversaw a surge in growth and reduction in poverty as Mr. Morales ’ economy minister for more than a decade , would face an uphill battle trying to jump-start growth this time .
The coronavirus , which led authorities to postpone Sunday ’ s election twice , has hit the impoverished , landlocked Bolivia harder than almost any other country on a per capita basis .
Nearly 8,400 of its 11.6 million people have died of COVID-19 .
Mr. Arce also faces the challenge of emerging from the long shadow of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but whose support enabled the low-key , UK-educated economist to mount a strong campaign .
Mr. Morales was barred from running in Sunday ’ s election , even for a seat in congress , and faces prosecution on what are seen as trumped-up charges of terrorism if he returns home .
Few expect the sometimes-irascible politician to sit by idly in a future Arce government .
Bolivia , once one of the most politically volatile countries in Latin America , experienced a rare period of stability under Mr. Morales , the country ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ llama herder who became prominent leading a coca grower ’ s union , Mr. Morales had been immensely popular while overseeing an export-led economic surge .
But support was eroding due to his reluctance to leave power , increasing authoritarian impulses , and a series of corruption scandals .
He shrugged aside a public vote that had set term limits , and competed in the October 2019 presidential vote , which he claimed to have narrowly won outright .
But a lengthy pause in reporting results fed suspicions of fraud and nationwide protests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least 36 people .
When police and military leaders suggested he leave , Mr. Morales resigned and fled the country .
Mr. Morales called his ouster a coup and a non-elected conservative government has ruled since .
Sunday ’ s vote was an attempt to reset Bolivia ’ s democracy .
All seats in the 136-member Legislative Assembly were also up for grabs and expected to echo the results of the presidential race .
“ Bolivia ’ s new executive and legislative leaders will face daunting challenges in a polarized country , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endemically weak institutions , ” said the Washington Office on Latin America , a Washington-based human rights advocacy organization .
Mr. Morales led Bolivia from 2006 until 2019 and was the last survivor of the so-called “ pink wave ” of leftist leaders that swept into power across South American during a commodities boom .
Although outrage with corruption fueled a resurgence in right-wing politics , notably in Brazil , Mr. Arce ’ s victory is bound to reenergize the left , whose anthem of economic justice has broad appeal in a region @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 37 % this year , according to the United Nations .
In the end , Mr. Arce may have benefited from overreach and a series of errors by Mr. Morales ’ enemies .
Ms. Áñez , a conservative senator , proclaimed herself interim president amid last year ’ s tumult and was accepted by the courts .
Her administration , despite lacking a majority in congress , set about trying to prosecute Mr. Morales and key aides while undoing his policies , prompting more unrest and polarization .
“ A lot of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offered , I prefer to go back to the way things were , ” said Andres Gomez , a political scientist based in La Paz .
Ms. Áñez dropped out at as a candidate for Sunday ’ s presidential election while trailing badly in polls .
That boosted Mr. Mesa , who governed Bolivia following the resignation in 2003 of former President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada amid widespread protests .
The Trump administration , which celebrated Mr. Morales ’ departure as a watershed moment for democracy in Latin America , has been more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surged in the polls .
A senior State Department official this week said the U.S. is ready to work with whomever Bolivians select in a free and fair vote .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Paola Flores contributed to this report .

Evo Morales’ party claimed victory in Bolivia’s presidential election as official results trickled in from Sunday’s high-stakes redo of last year’s annulled ballot that saw the leftist leader resign and flee the country.
More than nine hours after polls closed, barely 6% of all ballot boxes had been counted and they showed Mr. Morales’ handpicked successor, Luis Arce, trailing a conservative rival.
But with a private quick count of sampled polling stations favoring Mr. Arce by a wide margin, even interim President Jeanine Áñez – an archrival of Mr. Morales – recognized that the socialist movement looked set to return to power in what looked to be a major jolt to South America’s beleaguered left.
“I congratulate the winners and I ask them to govern thinking in Bolivia and in our democracy,” Ms. Áñez said on Twitter.
Bolivians have long been accustomed to quick preliminary results in presidential elections. But after allegations of fraud and days of unrest marred last year’s ballot, newly installed electoral authorities had been appealing for patience, reminding voters that they have up to five days to declare a winner.
While voting was peaceful, the long wait Sunday night for results fueled speculation that something was awry. Adding to intrigue, publication of two exit polls was also withheld after private pollsters said they didn’t trust their own survey results.
Mr. Morales broke the tense silence by declaring Mr. Arce the winner. Later, two pollsters said a quick count of official tally sheets at select polling stations showed Mr. Arce had garnered more than 50% of the votes, compared to 31% for former President Carlos Mesa, the top finisher of four rival candidates.
“We’ve recovered our democracy,” Mr. Morales said in brief remarks from exile in Argentina. “Lucho will be our president.”
Appearing a few minutes later, Mr. Arce appealed for calm, saying he would seek to form a government of national unity.
“I think the Bolivian people want to retake the path we were on,” Mr. Arce declared around midnight surrounded by a small group of supporters, some of them in traditional Andean dress in honor of the country’s Indigenous roots.
The early official results favored Mr. Mesa, a former journalist and historian, with 49% compared to 33% for Mr. Arce.
Prior to voting, polls showed Mr. Arce ahead but lacking enough votes to avoid a November runoff, where conservative voters would’ve likely rallied behind Mr. Mesa. To win in the first round, a candidate needs more than 50% of the vote, or 40% with a lead of at least 10 percentage points over the second-place candidate.
Mr. Arce, who oversaw a surge in growth and reduction in poverty as Mr. Morales’ economy minister for more than a decade, would face an uphill battle trying to jump-start growth this time.
The coronavirus, which led authorities to postpone Sunday’s election twice, has hit the impoverished, landlocked Bolivia harder than almost any other country on a per capita basis. Nearly 8,400 of its 11.6 million people have died of COVID-19.
Mr. Arce also faces the challenge of emerging from the long shadow of his former boss, who remains polarizing but whose support enabled the low-key, UK-educated economist to mount a strong campaign.
Mr. Morales was barred from running in Sunday’s election, even for a seat in congress, and faces prosecution on what are seen as trumped-up charges of terrorism if he returns home. Few expect the sometimes-irascible politician to sit by idly in a future Arce government.
Bolivia, once one of the most politically volatile countries in Latin America, experienced a rare period of stability under Mr. Morales, the country’s first Indigenous president.
A boyhood llama herder who became prominent leading a coca grower’s union, Mr. Morales had been immensely popular while overseeing an export-led economic surge. But support was eroding due to his reluctance to leave power, increasing authoritarian impulses, and a series of corruption scandals.
He shrugged aside a public vote that had set term limits, and competed in the October 2019 presidential vote, which he claimed to have narrowly won outright. But a lengthy pause in reporting results fed suspicions of fraud and nationwide protests followed, leading to the deaths of at least 36 people.
When police and military leaders suggested he leave, Mr. Morales resigned and fled the country. Mr. Morales called his ouster a coup and a non-elected conservative government has ruled since.
Sunday’s vote was an attempt to reset Bolivia’s democracy. All seats in the 136-member Legislative Assembly were also up for grabs and expected to echo the results of the presidential race.
“Bolivia’s new executive and legislative leaders will face daunting challenges in a polarized country, ravaged by COVID-19, and hampered by endemically weak institutions,” said the Washington Office on Latin America, a Washington-based human rights advocacy organization.
Mr. Morales led Bolivia from 2006 until 2019 and was the last survivor of the so-called “pink wave” of leftist leaders that swept into power across South American during a commodities boom.
Although outrage with corruption fueled a resurgence in right-wing politics, notably in Brazil, Mr. Arce’s victory is bound to reenergize the left, whose anthem of economic justice has broad appeal in a region where poverty is expected to surge to 37% this year, according to the United Nations.
In the end, Mr. Arce may have benefited from overreach and a series of errors by Mr. Morales’ enemies. Ms. Áñez, a conservative senator, proclaimed herself interim president amid last year’s tumult and was accepted by the courts. Her administration, despite lacking a majority in congress, set about trying to prosecute Mr. Morales and key aides while undoing his policies, prompting more unrest and polarization.
“A lot of people said if this is the alternative being offered, I prefer to go back to the way things were,” said Andres Gomez, a political scientist based in La Paz.
Ms. Áñez dropped out at as a candidate for Sunday’s presidential election while trailing badly in polls. That boosted Mr. Mesa, who governed Bolivia following the resignation in 2003 of former President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada amid widespread protests.
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The Trump administration, which celebrated Mr. Morales’ departure as a watershed moment for democracy in Latin America, has been more cautious as Mr. Morales’ handpicked successor surged in the polls. A senior State Department official this week said the U.S. is ready to work with whomever Bolivians select in a free and fair vote.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Paola Flores contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-10-19--China's economy bounces back as consumers resume spending

China ’ s shaky economic recovery from the coronavirus pandemic is gaining strength as consumers return to shopping malls and auto dealerships while the United States and Europe endure painful contractions .
Growth in the world ’ s second-largest economy accelerated to 4.9 % over a year earlier in the three months ending in September , up from the previous quarter ’ s 3.2 % , official data showed Monday .
Retail spending rebounded to above pre-virus levels for the first time and factory output rose , boosted by demand for exports of masks and other medical supplies .
China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expected to grow this year while activity in the U.S. , Europe , and Japan shrinks .
The recovery is “ broadening out and becoming less reliant ” on government stimulus , Julian Evans-Pritchard of Capital Economics said in a report .
He said growth is “ still accelerating ” heading into the present quarter .
Most Asian stock markets rose on the news of increased activity in China , the biggest trading partner for all of its neighbors .
Japan ’ s Nikkei 225 index added 1.1 % while Hong Kong ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Markets in South Korea and Australia also rose .
China ’ s benchmark Shanghai Composite Index lost 0.7 % on expectations the relatively strong data will reduce the likelihood of additional stimulus that might boost share prices .
China , where the pandemic began in December , became the first major economy to return to growth after the ruling Communist Party declared the disease under control in March and began reopening factories , shops , and offices .
The economy contracted by 6.8 % in the first quarter , its worst performance since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The economy “ continued the steady recovery , ” the National Bureau of Statistics said in a report .
However , it warned , “ the international environment is still complicated and severe.
” It said China faces great pressure to prevent a resurgence of the virus .
Authorities have lifted curbs on travel and business but visitors to government and other public buildings still are checked for the virus ’ s telltale fever .
Travelers arriving from abroad must be quarantined for two weeks .
Last week , more than 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the eastern port of Qingdao after 12 cases were found there .
That broke a two-month streak with no virus transmissions reported within China .
Industrial production rose 5.8 % over the same quarter last year , a marked improvement over the first half ’ s 1.3 % contraction .
Chinese exporters are taking market share from foreign competitors that still are hampered by anti-virus controls .
Retail sales rose 0.9 % over a year earlier .
That was up from a 7.2 % contraction in the first half as consumers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a tariff war with Washington , put off buying .
Online commerce rose 15.3 % .
In a sign demand is accelerating , sales in September rose 3.3 % .
“ China ’ s recovery in private consumption is gathering momentum , ” said Stephen Innes of AxiCorp in a report .
China has reported 4,634 coronavirus deaths and 85,685 confirmed cases , plus three suspected cases .
Economists say China is likely to recover faster than other major economies due to the ruling party ’ s decision to impose the most intensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut off most access to cities with a total of 60 million people .
The International Monetary Fund is forecasting China ’ s economic growth at 1.8 % this year while the U.S. economy is expected to shrink by 4.3 % .
The IMF expects a 9.8 % contraction in France , 6 % in Germany , and 5.3 % in Japan .
Private sector analysts say as much as 30 % of China ’ s urban workforce , or up to 130 million people , may have lost their jobs at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 million jobs might be lost for good this year .
The ruling party promised in May to spend $ 280 billion on meeting goals including creating 9 million new jobs .
But it has avoided joining the U.S. and Japan in rolling out stimulus packages of $ 1 trillion or more due to concern about adding to already high Chinese debt .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage @ @ @ @ @ @

China’s shaky economic recovery from the coronavirus pandemic is gaining strength as consumers return to shopping malls and auto dealerships while the United States and Europe endure painful contractions.
Growth in the world’s second-largest economy accelerated to 4.9% over a year earlier in the three months ending in September, up from the previous quarter’s 3.2%, official data showed Monday. Retail spending rebounded to above pre-virus levels for the first time and factory output rose, boosted by demand for exports of masks and other medical supplies.
China is the only major economy that is expected to grow this year while activity in the U.S., Europe, and Japan shrinks.
The recovery is “broadening out and becoming less reliant” on government stimulus, Julian Evans-Pritchard of Capital Economics said in a report. He said growth is “still accelerating” heading into the present quarter.
Most Asian stock markets rose on the news of increased activity in China, the biggest trading partner for all of its neighbors. Japan’s Nikkei 225 index added 1.1% while Hong Kong’s Hang Seng climbed 0.9%. Markets in South Korea and Australia also rose.
China’s benchmark Shanghai Composite Index lost 0.7% on expectations the relatively strong data will reduce the likelihood of additional stimulus that might boost share prices.
China, where the pandemic began in December, became the first major economy to return to growth after the ruling Communist Party declared the disease under control in March and began reopening factories, shops, and offices.
The economy contracted by 6.8% in the first quarter, its worst performance since at least the mid-1960s, before rebounding.
The economy “continued the steady recovery,” the National Bureau of Statistics said in a report. However, it warned, “the international environment is still complicated and severe.” It said China faces great pressure to prevent a resurgence of the virus.
Authorities have lifted curbs on travel and business but visitors to government and other public buildings still are checked for the virus’s telltale fever. Travelers arriving from abroad must be quarantined for two weeks.
Last week, more than 10 million people were tested for the virus in the eastern port of Qingdao after 12 cases were found there. That broke a two-month streak with no virus transmissions reported within China.
Industrial production rose 5.8% over the same quarter last year, a marked improvement over the first half’s 1.3% contraction. Chinese exporters are taking market share from foreign competitors that still are hampered by anti-virus controls.
Retail sales rose 0.9% over a year earlier. That was up from a 7.2% contraction in the first half as consumers, already anxious about a slowing economy and a tariff war with Washington, put off buying. Online commerce rose 15.3%.
In a sign demand is accelerating, sales in September rose 3.3%.
“China’s recovery in private consumption is gathering momentum,” said Stephen Innes of AxiCorp in a report.
China has reported 4,634 coronavirus deaths and 85,685 confirmed cases, plus three suspected cases.
Economists say China is likely to recover faster than other major economies due to the ruling party’s decision to impose the most intensive anti-disease measures in history. Those temporarily cut off most access to cities with a total of 60 million people.
The International Monetary Fund is forecasting China’s economic growth at 1.8% this year while the U.S. economy is expected to shrink by 4.3%. The IMF expects a 9.8% contraction in France, 6% in Germany, and 5.3% in Japan.
Private sector analysts say as much as 30% of China’s urban workforce, or up to 130 million people, may have lost their jobs at least temporarily. They say as many as 25 million jobs might be lost for good this year.
The ruling party promised in May to spend $280 billion on meeting goals including creating 9 million new jobs. But it has avoided joining the U.S. and Japan in rolling out stimulus packages of $1 trillion or more due to concern about adding to already high Chinese debt.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-19--Has Facebook done enough for the 2020 US presidential election?

Ever since Russian agents and other opportunists abused its platform in an attempt to manipulate the 2016 United States presidential election , Facebook has insisted – repeatedly – that it ’ s learned its lesson and is no longer a conduit for misinformation , voter suppression , and election disruption .
But it has been a long and halting journey for the social network .
Critical outsiders , as well as some of Facebook ’ s own employees , say the company ’ s efforts to revise its rules and tighten its safeguards remain wholly insufficient to the task , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ project .
As for why , they point to the company ’ s persistent unwillingness to act decisively over much of that time .
“ Am I concerned about the election ?
I ’ m terrified , ” said Roger McNamee , a Silicon Valley venture capitalist and an early Facebook investor turned vocal critic .
“ At the company ’ s current scale , it ’ s a clear and present danger to democracy and national security.
” The company ’ s rhetoric has certainly gotten an update .
CEO Mark Zuckerberg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unimaginable in 2016 – among them , possible civil unrest and potentially a disputed election that Facebook could easily make even worse – as challenges the platform now faces .
“ This election is not going to be business as usual , ” Mr. Zuckerberg wrote in a September Facebook post in which he outlined Facebook ’ s efforts to encourage voting and remove misinformation from its service .
“ We all have a responsibility to protect our democracy.
” Yet for years Facebook executives have seemed to be caught off guard whenever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world – was used for malicious purposes .
Mr. Zuckerberg has offered multiple apologies over the years , as if no one could have predicted that people would use Facebook to live-stream murders and suicides , incite ethnic cleansings , promote fake cancer cures , or attempt to steal elections .
While other platforms like Twitter and YouTube have also struggled to address misinformation and hateful content , Facebook stands apart for its reach and scale and , compared to many other platforms , its slower response to the challenges identified in 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Donald Trump ’ s election , Mr. Zuckerberg offered a remarkably tone-deaf quip regarding the notion that “ fake news ” spread on Facebook could have influenced the 2016 election , calling it “ a pretty crazy idea.
” A week later , he walked back the comment .
Since then , Facebook has issued a stream of mea culpas for its slowness to act against threats to the 2016 election and promised to do better .
“ I don ’ t think they have become better at listening , ” said David @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Facebook ’ s rise .
“ What ’ s changed is more people have been telling them they need to do something.
” The company has hired outside fact-checkers , added restrictions – then more restrictions – on political advertisements and taken down thousands of accounts , pages , and groups it found to be engaging in “ coordinated inauthentic behavior.
” That ’ s Facebook ’ s term for fake accounts and groups that maliciously target political discourse in countries ranging from Albania to Zimbabwe .
It ’ s also started added @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about voting and has , at times , taken steps to limit the circulation of misleading posts .
In recent weeks the platform also banned posts that deny the Holocaust and joined Twitter in limiting the spread of an unverified political story about Hunter Biden , son of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden , published by the conservative New York Post .
All this unquestionably puts Facebook in a better position than it was in four years ago .
But that doesn ’ t mean it ’ s fully prepared .
Despite tightened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still using the platform to organize .
Recently , this included a foiled plot to kidnap the governor of Michigan .
In the four years since the last election , Facebook ’ s earnings and user growth have soared .
This year , analysts expect the company to rake in profits of $ 23.2 billion on revenue of $ 80 billion , according to FactSet .
It currently boasts 2.7 billion users worldwide , up from 1.8 billion at this time in 2016 .
Facebook faces a number of government investigations into its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ antitrust probe by the U.S. Federal Trade Commission .
An earlier FTC investigation socked Facebook with a large $ 5 billion fine , but didn ’ t require any additional changes .
“ Their No .
1 priority is growth , not reducing harm , ” Mr. Kirkpatrick said .
“ And that is unlikely to change.
” Part of the problem : Mr. Zuckerberg maintains an iron grip on the company , yet doesn ’ t take criticism of him or his creation seriously , charges social media expert Jennifer Grygiel , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the public knows what ’ s going on , they said .
“ They see COVID misinformation .
They see how Donald Trump exploits it .
They can ’ t unsee it.
” Facebook insists it takes the challenge of misinformation seriously – especially when it comes to the election .
“ Elections have changed since 2016 , and so has Facebook , ” the company said in a statement laying out its policies on the election and voting .
“ We have more people and better technology to protect our platforms , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies and enforcement.
” Professor Grygiel says such comments are par for the course : “ This company uses PR in place of an ethical business model.
” Mr. Kirkpatrick notes that board members and executives who have pushed back against the CEO – a group that includes the founders of Instagram and WhatsApp – have left the company .
“ He is so certain that Facebook ’ s overall impact on the world is positive ” and that critics don ’ t give him enough credit for that , Mr. Kirkpatrick said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Facebook CEO isn ’ t inclined to take constructive feedback .
“ He doesn ’ t have to do anything he doesn ’ t want to .
He has no oversight , ” Mr. Kirkpatrick said .
The federal government has so far left Facebook to its own devices , a lack of accountability that has only empowered the company , according to U.S. Rep. Pramila Jayapal , a Washington Democrat who grilled Mr. Zuckerberg during a July Capitol Hill hearing .
Warning labels are of limited value if the algorithms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polarizing material at users , she said .
“ I think Facebook has done some things that indicate it understands its role .
But it has been , in my opinion , far too little , too late.
” This story is reported by The Associated Press .

Ever since Russian agents and other opportunists abused its platform in an attempt to manipulate the 2016 United States presidential election, Facebook has insisted – repeatedly – that it’s learned its lesson and is no longer a conduit for misinformation, voter suppression, and election disruption.
But it has been a long and halting journey for the social network. Critical outsiders, as well as some of Facebook’s own employees, say the company’s efforts to revise its rules and tighten its safeguards remain wholly insufficient to the task, despite it having spent billions on the project. As for why, they point to the company’s persistent unwillingness to act decisively over much of that time.
“Am I concerned about the election? I’m terrified,” said Roger McNamee, a Silicon Valley venture capitalist and an early Facebook investor turned vocal critic. “At the company’s current scale, it’s a clear and present danger to democracy and national security.”
The company’s rhetoric has certainly gotten an update. CEO Mark Zuckerberg now casually references possible outcomes that were unimaginable in 2016 – among them, possible civil unrest and potentially a disputed election that Facebook could easily make even worse – as challenges the platform now faces.
“This election is not going to be business as usual,” Mr. Zuckerberg wrote in a September Facebook post in which he outlined Facebook’s efforts to encourage voting and remove misinformation from its service. “We all have a responsibility to protect our democracy.”
Yet for years Facebook executives have seemed to be caught off guard whenever their platform – created to connect the world – was used for malicious purposes. Mr. Zuckerberg has offered multiple apologies over the years, as if no one could have predicted that people would use Facebook to live-stream murders and suicides, incite ethnic cleansings, promote fake cancer cures, or attempt to steal elections.
While other platforms like Twitter and YouTube have also struggled to address misinformation and hateful content, Facebook stands apart for its reach and scale and, compared to many other platforms, its slower response to the challenges identified in 2016.
In the immediate aftermath of President Donald Trump’s election, Mr. Zuckerberg offered a remarkably tone-deaf quip regarding the notion that “fake news” spread on Facebook could have influenced the 2016 election, calling it “a pretty crazy idea.” A week later, he walked back the comment.
Since then, Facebook has issued a stream of mea culpas for its slowness to act against threats to the 2016 election and promised to do better. “I don’t think they have become better at listening,” said David Kirkpatrick, author of a book on Facebook’s rise. “What’s changed is more people have been telling them they need to do something.”
The company has hired outside fact-checkers, added restrictions – then more restrictions – on political advertisements and taken down thousands of accounts, pages, and groups it found to be engaging in “coordinated inauthentic behavior.” That’s Facebook’s term for fake accounts and groups that maliciously target political discourse in countries ranging from Albania to Zimbabwe.
It’s also started added warning labels to posts that contain misinformation about voting and has, at times, taken steps to limit the circulation of misleading posts. In recent weeks the platform also banned posts that deny the Holocaust and joined Twitter in limiting the spread of an unverified political story about Hunter Biden, son of Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, published by the conservative New York Post.
All this unquestionably puts Facebook in a better position than it was in four years ago. But that doesn’t mean it’s fully prepared. Despite tightened rules banning them, violent militias are still using the platform to organize. Recently, this included a foiled plot to kidnap the governor of Michigan.
In the four years since the last election, Facebook’s earnings and user growth have soared. This year, analysts expect the company to rake in profits of $23.2 billion on revenue of $80 billion, according to FactSet. It currently boasts 2.7 billion users worldwide, up from 1.8 billion at this time in 2016.
Facebook faces a number of government investigations into its size and market power, including an antitrust probe by the U.S. Federal Trade Commission. An earlier FTC investigation socked Facebook with a large $5 billion fine, but didn’t require any additional changes.
“Their No. 1 priority is growth, not reducing harm,” Mr. Kirkpatrick said. “And that is unlikely to change.”
Part of the problem: Mr. Zuckerberg maintains an iron grip on the company, yet doesn’t take criticism of him or his creation seriously, charges social media expert Jennifer Grygiel, a Syracuse University communications professor. But the public knows what’s going on, they said. “They see COVID misinformation. They see how Donald Trump exploits it. They can’t unsee it.”
Facebook insists it takes the challenge of misinformation seriously – especially when it comes to the election.
“Elections have changed since 2016, and so has Facebook,” the company said in a statement laying out its policies on the election and voting. “We have more people and better technology to protect our platforms, and we’ve improved our content policies and enforcement.”
Professor Grygiel says such comments are par for the course: “This company uses PR in place of an ethical business model.”
Mr. Kirkpatrick notes that board members and executives who have pushed back against the CEO – a group that includes the founders of Instagram and WhatsApp – have left the company.
“He is so certain that Facebook’s overall impact on the world is positive” and that critics don’t give him enough credit for that, Mr. Kirkpatrick said of Mr. Zuckerberg. As a result, the Facebook CEO isn’t inclined to take constructive feedback. “He doesn’t have to do anything he doesn’t want to. He has no oversight,” Mr. Kirkpatrick said.
The federal government has so far left Facebook to its own devices, a lack of accountability that has only empowered the company, according to U.S. Rep. Pramila Jayapal, a Washington Democrat who grilled Mr. Zuckerberg during a July Capitol Hill hearing.
Warning labels are of limited value if the algorithms underlying the platform are designed to push polarizing material at users, she said.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“I think Facebook has done some things that indicate it understands its role. But it has been, in my opinion, far too little, too late.”
This story is reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-19--Why US campaigns are courting Puerto Ricans who can't vote

The campaigns of President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden are rallying people in a place where United States citizens can not cast ballots but have the ear of hundreds of thousands of potential voters in the battleground state of Florida .
The candidates are targeting Puerto Rico in a way never before seen , with the U.S. territory suddenly finding itself in the crosshairs of a high-stakes race even though Puerto Ricans on the island can not vote in presidential elections , despite being U.S. citizens since 1917 .
Campaigners know this , but they hope those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends on the U.S. mainland to vote for them in a strategy that capitalizes on the close ties they share .
It ’ s a novel role that plays off the sentiment that Puerto Ricans in Florida feel they are voting by proxy for those back home left out of U.S. democracy .
And a growing number find this role appealing , especially since many on the island are struggling to recover from hurricanes Irma and Maria , a string of strong earthquakes , a deep economic crisis , and the pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ million Puerto Ricans on the island , including my entire family , ” said Jerick Mediavilla , who is from the mountain town of Corozal and is voting in a U.S. presidential election for the first time after moving to Orlando four years ago .
“ Puerto Rico doesn ’ t have a voice .
Our voice is via the United States.
” It ’ s people like Mr. Mediavilla that Democrats and Republicans are trying to target as they court Latinos in Florida , which has the largest population of Puerto Ricans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million .
Mr. Trump won Florida in 2016 and has virtually no path to the White House if he doesn ’ t do so again .
Polls are tight , and as the Trump campaign worries of support slipping among suburban and older voters , Latinos in Florida have become crucial .
Puerto Ricans represent 27 % of Hispanics of voting age in Florida , trailing only Cuban-Americans .
While it ’ s unclear how many are Democrats or Republicans , Democrats have widened the gap of Hispanic voters registered for this election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The gains were in counties with a high number of Puerto Ricans including Orange County , home to Orlando , and Hillsborough , home to Tampa .
Polk County , where the Puerto Rican population has more than doubled since 2013 , saw the fastest growth of Latino registered voters , with Democrats registering 21,000 more voters than Republicans .
The gap in 2016 was 15,000 .
But those same counties also have a very high number of voters registered without party affiliation .
“ Puerto Ricans will play a very crucial role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sánchez , co-executive director of Poder Latinx , a U.S.-based non-profit group that aims to mobilize Latino voters .
Election observers , however , note Puerto Ricans have weaker voter turnout rates than other Hispanic groups that favor Republican candidates .
Mr. Trump recently secured an endorsement from Puerto Rico ’ s governor and promised nearly $ 13 billion in additional aid last month to help the island rebuild from Hurricane Maria .
During a recent rally in Florida , Mr. Trump declared : “ I ’ m not gon na say the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the best thing that ever happened to Puerto Rico .
You better vote for me , Puerto Rico.
” Many were quick to note that those living on the island don ’ t have that right .
Meanwhile , Mr. Biden granted an exclusive interview to Puerto Rico ’ s main newspaper that for the first time in its 50 years endorsed a U.S. presidential candidate and asked those in the U.S. mainland to support Mr. Biden : “ We ask that you , with the great power of your vote , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open the way to the transformation effort that will honor the dignity and promote the progress of every person.
” Mr. Biden recently launched digital and print ads on the island with the hashtag “ HazloXMi , ” or DoItForMe , urging Puerto Ricans to tell their friends and family on the U.S. mainland to participate : “ With your vote over there , you help us here.
” “ Both campaigns are doing it thinking this will bounce back to Florida , ” said Carlos Suárez , a political science professor at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s unclear whether the indirect campaign strategy will work , but Luis Gutiérrez , a former U.S. representative who served 26 years in Congress and now lives in Puerto Rico , called it a smart move .
Puerto Ricans “ are always in contact .
Why ?
Because whether you ’ re one of 3 million on the island or 5 million somewhere else , you ’ re part of one community , ” the Democrat said .
“ If you are born in Puerto Rico , it will be part of your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election draws near , pressure keeps growing on Puerto Ricans on the island and on the mainland .
A Florida political group recently created a song set to the tune of “ Rakatá ” by Wisin y Yandel , a renowned Puerto Rican reggaeton duo who first became popular in the early 2000s .
The song encourages Puerto Ricans who moved to Florida to use their new voting power and hurl a “ chancleta ” or flip-flop at Mr. Trump to help those living on the island : “ He doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Trump ’ s campaign has countered with ads highlighting the billions of dollars his administration has pledged to help Puerto Rico recover from Maria , a Category 4 storm that caused an estimated $ 100 billion in damage and killed an estimated 2,975 people in its aftermath .
However , the administration withheld billions of dollars in emergency aid for months , saying it worried about mismanagement and corruption on the island .
Wyneska Méndez , who moved to Miami from Puerto Rico eight years ago , said she would not let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adding that Mr. Trump is the only choice to protect the economy .
She especially likes that Mr. Trump feels strongly against abortion because of her Christian faith , and she believes Puerto Rico needed to get its affairs in order to receive the same kind of relief offered to U.S. states .
“ I don ’ t let others get in my head , ” Ms. Méndez said as she waited for a speech by Vice President Mike Pence on Thursday in Miami .
Dozens of Trump supporters who gathered Sunday in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sentiment , saying the president has sent billions of dollars to help with hurricane reconstruction as they praised his pro-life stance .
Dr. Miriam Ramírez de Ferrer , a former senator and member of Puerto Rico ’ s pro-statehood party , said that Mr. Trump ’ s personality can be misinterpreted and that she believes he was joking when making comments about the island that critics have found offensive .
“ There have been many erroneous messages from certain Puerto Ricans toward Trump , and we don ’ t want people to think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Dr. Ramírez said as she pulled down the face mask of a fellow Trump supporter decorated with bald eagles and U.S. flags .
Despite the aid Puerto Rico has received under the Trump administration , Mr. Mediavilla and his brother , Omar , who lives in Puerto Rico , remain unswayed .
“ It ’ s a great help , but really , in the end , I see it as a political strategy , ” said Omar Mediavilla , adding that he is grateful his brother was motivated by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ They ’ re our voice carrying our complaints .
...
It ’ s important that Puerto Ricans over there give us this opportunity.
” Some who live on the island remain wary of the campaigning to influence Puerto Ricans on the mainland .
Omar Soto , a production supervisor whose brother lives in Lakeland , Florida , said the strategies are pointless .
“ It seems like there ’ s a tone of despair , ” he said , adding that he believes it could backfire .
“ I think it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the option to vote for president.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Dánica Coto reported this story in San Juan , Puerto Rico , and Adriana Gomez Licon reported from Miami .

The campaigns of President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden are rallying people in a place where United States citizens cannot cast ballots but have the ear of hundreds of thousands of potential voters in the battleground state of Florida.
The candidates are targeting Puerto Rico in a way never before seen, with the U.S. territory suddenly finding itself in the crosshairs of a high-stakes race even though Puerto Ricans on the island cannot vote in presidential elections, despite being U.S. citizens since 1917.
Campaigners know this, but they hope those on the island will push relatives and friends on the U.S. mainland to vote for them in a strategy that capitalizes on the close ties they share.
It’s a novel role that plays off the sentiment that Puerto Ricans in Florida feel they are voting by proxy for those back home left out of U.S. democracy. And a growing number find this role appealing, especially since many on the island are struggling to recover from hurricanes Irma and Maria, a string of strong earthquakes, a deep economic crisis, and the pandemic.
“I’m voting for 3 million Puerto Ricans on the island, including my entire family,” said Jerick Mediavilla, who is from the mountain town of Corozal and is voting in a U.S. presidential election for the first time after moving to Orlando four years ago. “Puerto Rico doesn’t have a voice. Our voice is via the United States.”
It’s people like Mr. Mediavilla that Democrats and Republicans are trying to target as they court Latinos in Florida, which has the largest population of Puerto Ricans in the U.S., with nearly 1.2 million. Mr. Trump won Florida in 2016 and has virtually no path to the White House if he doesn’t do so again. Polls are tight, and as the Trump campaign worries of support slipping among suburban and older voters, Latinos in Florida have become crucial.
Puerto Ricans represent 27% of Hispanics of voting age in Florida, trailing only Cuban-Americans. While it’s unclear how many are Democrats or Republicans, Democrats have widened the gap of Hispanic voters registered for this election over the GOP compared with 2016. The gains were in counties with a high number of Puerto Ricans including Orange County, home to Orlando, and Hillsborough, home to Tampa. Polk County, where the Puerto Rican population has more than doubled since 2013, saw the fastest growth of Latino registered voters, with Democrats registering 21,000 more voters than Republicans. The gap in 2016 was 15,000. But those same counties also have a very high number of voters registered without party affiliation.
“Puerto Ricans will play a very crucial role in this election,” said Yadira Sánchez, co-executive director of Poder Latinx, a U.S.-based non-profit group that aims to mobilize Latino voters.
Election observers, however, note Puerto Ricans have weaker voter turnout rates than other Hispanic groups that favor Republican candidates.
Mr. Trump recently secured an endorsement from Puerto Rico’s governor and promised nearly $13 billion in additional aid last month to help the island rebuild from Hurricane Maria. During a recent rally in Florida, Mr. Trump declared: “I’m not gonna say the best, but I’m just about the best thing that ever happened to Puerto Rico. You better vote for me, Puerto Rico.” Many were quick to note that those living on the island don’t have that right.
Meanwhile, Mr. Biden granted an exclusive interview to Puerto Rico’s main newspaper that for the first time in its 50 years endorsed a U.S. presidential candidate and asked those in the U.S. mainland to support Mr. Biden: “We ask that you, with the great power of your vote, especially in key electoral states, help open the way to the transformation effort that will honor the dignity and promote the progress of every person.”
Mr. Biden recently launched digital and print ads on the island with the hashtag “HazloXMi,” or DoItForMe, urging Puerto Ricans to tell their friends and family on the U.S. mainland to participate: “With your vote over there, you help us here.”
“Both campaigns are doing it thinking this will bounce back to Florida,” said Carlos Suárez, a political science professor at the University of Florida.
It’s unclear whether the indirect campaign strategy will work, but Luis Gutiérrez, a former U.S. representative who served 26 years in Congress and now lives in Puerto Rico, called it a smart move.
Puerto Ricans “are always in contact. Why? Because whether you’re one of 3 million on the island or 5 million somewhere else, you’re part of one community,” the Democrat said. “If you are born in Puerto Rico, it will be part of your life until the last day.”
As the election draws near, pressure keeps growing on Puerto Ricans on the island and on the mainland.
A Florida political group recently created a song set to the tune of “Rakatá” by Wisin y Yandel, a renowned Puerto Rican reggaeton duo who first became popular in the early 2000s. The song encourages Puerto Ricans who moved to Florida to use their new voting power and hurl a “chancleta” or flip-flop at Mr. Trump to help those living on the island: “He doesn’t care one bit for Boricuas.”
Mr. Trump’s campaign has countered with ads highlighting the billions of dollars his administration has pledged to help Puerto Rico recover from Maria, a Category 4 storm that caused an estimated $100 billion in damage and killed an estimated 2,975 people in its aftermath. However, the administration withheld billions of dollars in emergency aid for months, saying it worried about mismanagement and corruption on the island.
Wyneska Méndez, who moved to Miami from Puerto Rico eight years ago, said she would not let fellow Puerto Ricans influence her decision, adding that Mr. Trump is the only choice to protect the economy. She especially likes that Mr. Trump feels strongly against abortion because of her Christian faith, and she believes Puerto Rico needed to get its affairs in order to receive the same kind of relief offered to U.S. states.
“I don’t let others get in my head,” Ms. Méndez said as she waited for a speech by Vice President Mike Pence on Thursday in Miami.
Dozens of Trump supporters who gathered Sunday in Puerto Rico for a rally shared her sentiment, saying the president has sent billions of dollars to help with hurricane reconstruction as they praised his pro-life stance.
Dr. Miriam Ramírez de Ferrer, a former senator and member of Puerto Rico’s pro-statehood party, said that Mr. Trump’s personality can be misinterpreted and that she believes he was joking when making comments about the island that critics have found offensive.
“There have been many erroneous messages from certain Puerto Ricans toward Trump, and we don’t want people to think that all Puerto Ricans are the same,” Dr. Ramírez said as she pulled down the face mask of a fellow Trump supporter decorated with bald eagles and U.S. flags.
Despite the aid Puerto Rico has received under the Trump administration, Mr. Mediavilla and his brother, Omar, who lives in Puerto Rico, remain unswayed.
“It’s a great help, but really, in the end, I see it as a political strategy,” said Omar Mediavilla, adding that he is grateful his brother was motivated by the aftermath of Maria to support Mr. Biden. “They’re our voice carrying our complaints. ... It’s important that Puerto Ricans over there give us this opportunity.”
Some who live on the island remain wary of the campaigning to influence Puerto Ricans on the mainland.
Omar Soto, a production supervisor whose brother lives in Lakeland, Florida, said the strategies are pointless.
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“It seems like there’s a tone of despair,” he said, adding that he believes it could backfire. “I think it’s disrespectful. We should have the option to vote for president.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Dánica Coto reported this story in San Juan, Puerto Rico, and Adriana Gomez Licon reported from Miami.