csmonitor--2020-02-06--What Utah voters say about Mitt Romney's impeachment vote

Republican Mitt Romney , GOP establishment to the core , took the Senate 's most brazenly rebellious stance Wednesday in voting to force President Donald Trump from office , a move highlighting how rare it is for Republicans to cross swords with this president .
By voting Wednesday to convict Mr. Trump for abusing presidential powers , the Utah lawmaker became the only Republican to cross party lines in the Senate impeachment trial 's climactic votes acquitting the president .
All Democrats voted to convict Mr. Trump on both counts against him .
Even though Mr. Romney 's status as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticize Mr. Trump is well known in his adopted home state , his unequivocal speech before voting yes on impeachment caught many in Utah by surprise .
Republicans in the state are unusually divided on the president , so while some were heartened to see Mr. Romney cast what he described as an agonizing vote dictated by his conscience , Trump supporters were left angry and frustrated .
Still , with four years to go before any re-election campaign , Mr. Romney has a long time to explain his vote to a state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that gives him a celebrity-like status .
`` There will be ramifications , '' said Jason Perry , director of the University of Utah 's Hinckley Institute of Politics .
But `` people do ultimately care about what he says , even if they do n't agree with him . ''
Mr. Romney appeared emotional during his speech on the Senate floor .
He told reporters that he 'd been waking up in the early-morning hours as his mind churned over what to do , and cited a Church of Jesus Christ of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing despite the consequences .
Mr. Romney 's key role in saving the troubled 2002 Olympics in Salt Lake City paired with his status as the first major-party presidential candidate from the state 's predominant faith widely known as the Mormon church has made him well-known and liked in the state where he moved after his failed 2012 presidential run .
Many Utah voters share Mr. Romney 's wariness about Mr. Trump .
A nationwide Associated Press survey of midterm voters in 2018 found that while two-thirds of church members voted Republican , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's job performance .
The VoteCast survey also found that 64 % of Utah voters wanted to see the senator confront the president .
Mr. Romney and Mr. Trump have an on-again-off-again history , with Mr. Trump once calling for the senator to be impeached .
There 's no provision in the U.S. Constitution for that .
While one Utah lawmaker has recently introduced a bill that would create a path to recall a senator , it is unclear if there would be a serious push for it to be used on Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lone Republican to vote for Mr. Trump 's removal from office .
State leaders who have applauded Mr. Trump on issues such as public lands , lambasted Mr. Romney 's invocation of morality .
But voters who appreciated his campaign promise to occasionally stand up to the president cheered the more strident message .
Shelly Cluff , a stay-at-home mother in suburban Riverton , is a Republican who 's never been a fan of Mr. Trump .
She was pleasantly surprised at Mr. Romney 's stance .
`` I was greatly impressed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so much on the line in order not to violate his conscience , in order to stand with a clear conscience before God , '' Ms. Cluff said .
Still , she knows that not all her neighbors feel the same , including several who did n't vote for him in 2016 but have since come around .
`` I 've been taken aback by how many people have been really upset and disappointed in Mitt Romney , '' she said .
Count among those voters like Ray Clark , an electrical contractor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's `` furious '' about Mr. Romney 's vote , and chalks it up to the senator 's personal dislike of the president .
Still , he 's not sure if Mr. Romney will ultimately suffer any true political consequences in Utah .
`` Right now , I 'd say he does n't stand a chance .
Four years from now , who knows ? ''
he said .
In an early hint of the wrath that may be coming Mr. Romney 's way , White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham released a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s political opponents – all Democrats , and one failed Republican presidential candidate – voted for the manufactured impeachment articles.
” At Thursday 's National Prayer Breakfast , Mr. Trump said “ I do n't like people who use their faith as justification for doing what they know is wrong , '' he said in an apparent reference to Mr. Romney .
The abuse of power impeachment charge that Mr. Romney backed was based on allegations that Mr. Trump delayed U.S. military aid to Ukraine for its war with Russian-backed fighters until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigate Joe Biden , a Trump political rival .
Mr. Romney joined all other Republicans in opposing the second impeachment article , which accused Mr. Trump of obstructing Congress ' investigation of his actions toward Ukraine .
Mr. Romney announced his decision during an eight-minute speech on the Senate floor two hours before the GOP-dominated chamber voted to absolve Mr. Trump .
Mr. Romney cited the significance of the impeachment oath to render “ impartial justice ” sworn to by all senators .
“ I am profoundly religious .
My faith is at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Mr. Romney , a Mormon , said before pausing for about 11 seconds , seemingly struggling with his emotions .
“ The grave question the Constitution task senators to answer is whether the president committed an act so extreme , so egregious , that it rises to the level of a high crime and misdemeanor , ” Mr. Romney said .
“ Yes , he did.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers Alan Fram , Calvin Woodward , and Michael Tackett from Washington and Mary Clare @ @ @ @ @ @

Republican Mitt Romney, GOP establishment to the core, took the Senate's most brazenly rebellious stance Wednesday in voting to force President Donald Trump from office, a move highlighting how rare it is for Republicans to cross swords with this president.
By voting Wednesday to convict Mr. Trump for abusing presidential powers, the Utah lawmaker became the only Republican to cross party lines in the Senate impeachment trial's climactic votes acquitting the president. All Democrats voted to convict Mr. Trump on both counts against him.
Even though Mr. Romney's status as one of few Republicans willing to publicly criticize Mr. Trump is well known in his adopted home state, his unequivocal speech before voting yes on impeachment caught many in Utah by surprise.
Republicans in the state are unusually divided on the president, so while some were heartened to see Mr. Romney cast what he described as an agonizing vote dictated by his conscience, Trump supporters were left angry and frustrated.
Still, with four years to go before any re-election campaign, Mr. Romney has a long time to explain his vote to a state electorate with a deep well of goodwill that gives him a celebrity-like status.
"There will be ramifications," said Jason Perry, director of the University of Utah's Hinckley Institute of Politics. But "people do ultimately care about what he says, even if they don't agree with him."
Mr. Romney appeared emotional during his speech on the Senate floor. He told reporters that he'd been waking up in the early-morning hours as his mind churned over what to do, and cited a Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints hymn about doing the right thing despite the consequences.
Mr. Romney's key role in saving the troubled 2002 Olympics in Salt Lake City paired with his status as the first major-party presidential candidate from the state's predominant faith widely known as the Mormon church has made him well-known and liked in the state where he moved after his failed 2012 presidential run.
Many Utah voters share Mr. Romney's wariness about Mr. Trump. A nationwide Associated Press survey of midterm voters in 2018 found that while two-thirds of church members voted Republican, just over half approved of Mr. Trump's job performance. The VoteCast survey also found that 64% of Utah voters wanted to see the senator confront the president.
Mr. Romney and Mr. Trump have an on-again-off-again history, with Mr. Trump once calling for the senator to be impeached. There's no provision in the U.S. Constitution for that. While one Utah lawmaker has recently introduced a bill that would create a path to recall a senator, it is unclear if there would be a serious push for it to be used on Mr. Romney, even after he became the lone Republican to vote for Mr. Trump's removal from office.
State leaders who have applauded Mr. Trump on issues such as public lands, lambasted Mr. Romney's invocation of morality. But voters who appreciated his campaign promise to occasionally stand up to the president cheered the more strident message.
Shelly Cluff, a stay-at-home mother in suburban Riverton, is a Republican who's never been a fan of Mr. Trump. She was pleasantly surprised at Mr. Romney's stance.
"I was greatly impressed by his integrity, his willingness to put so much on the line in order not to violate his conscience, in order to stand with a clear conscience before God," Ms. Cluff said.
Still, she knows that not all her neighbors feel the same, including several who didn't vote for him in 2016 but have since come around.
"I've been taken aback by how many people have been really upset and disappointed in Mitt Romney," she said.
Count among those voters like Ray Clark, an electrical contractor in rural Kanab. He said he's "furious" about Mr. Romney's vote, and chalks it up to the senator's personal dislike of the president.
Still, he's not sure if Mr. Romney will ultimately suffer any true political consequences in Utah.
"Right now, I'd say he doesn't stand a chance. Four years from now, who knows?" he said.
In an early hint of the wrath that may be coming Mr. Romney's way, White House press secretary Stephanie Grisham released a statement saying “only the President’s political opponents – all Democrats, and one failed Republican presidential candidate – voted for the manufactured impeachment articles.”
At Thursday's National Prayer Breakfast, Mr. Trump said “I don't like people who use their faith as justification for doing what they know is wrong," he said in an apparent reference to Mr. Romney.
The abuse of power impeachment charge that Mr. Romney backed was based on allegations that Mr. Trump delayed U.S. military aid to Ukraine for its war with Russian-backed fighters until the embattled country's new leaders agreed to investigate Joe Biden, a Trump political rival.
Mr. Romney joined all other Republicans in opposing the second impeachment article, which accused Mr. Trump of obstructing Congress' investigation of his actions toward Ukraine.
Mr. Romney announced his decision during an eight-minute speech on the Senate floor two hours before the GOP-dominated chamber voted to absolve Mr. Trump. Mr. Romney cited the significance of the impeachment oath to render “impartial justice” sworn to by all senators.
“I am profoundly religious. My faith is at the heart of who I am,” Mr. Romney, a Mormon, said before pausing for about 11 seconds, seemingly struggling with his emotions.
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“The grave question the Constitution task senators to answer is whether the president committed an act so extreme, so egregious, that it rises to the level of a high crime and misdemeanor,” Mr. Romney said. “Yes, he did.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Alan Fram, Calvin Woodward, and Michael Tackett from Washington and Mary Clare Jalonick contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-02-06--Iowa results: Sanders and Buttigieg now too close to call

Pete Buttigieg and Bernie Sanders are nearly tied in the Iowa Democratic caucuses , with nearly all results counted in a contest marred by technical issues and reporting delays .
The race remained too early to call early Thursday with 97 % of precincts reporting .
Party officials were scrambling to verify the remaining results three days after Iowans gathered at caucus sites across the state to begin choosing which Democrat will take on President Donald Trump in November .
A new batch of results released just after midnight narrowed the margin between Mr. Buttigieg , the former mayor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders , the progressive senator from Vermont .
Mr. Buttigieg has a lead of three state delegate equivalents out of 2,098 counted .
The deadlocked contest gives both Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders a burst of momentum as they seek to pull away from the crowded field .
The nearly complete results show them leading Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren , with former Vice President Joe Biden and Sen. Amy Klobuchar trailing behind .
But the results in Iowa were muddied by the stunning breakdown of the caucus reporting process in a state that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Iowa officials initially attributed a delay in reporting results to technical problems with an app that precinct chairs were supposed to use to record votes , then to backlogs as those volunteers tried to call the party to submit their totals .
Even as the total number of results ticked up throughout the day Wednesday , obstacles remained .
Some tally sheets were making their way to party headquarters in Des Moines through the mail , which contributed to the delay .
Much of the political world has already shifted its attention to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first primary election in the Democrats ' 2020 nomination fight on Tuesday .
Both Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders are leading contenders there , as well .
The two men are separated by 40 years in age and conflicting ideology .
Senator Sanders , a self-described democratic socialist , has been a progressive powerhouse for decades .
Mr. Buttigieg , a former municipal official , represents the more moderate wing of the Democratic Party .
Mr. Buttigieg is also the first openly gay candidate to earn presidential primary delegates .
Their strength in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rivals as the race shifted to New Hampshire .
Mr. Biden , who fell far short of expectations in Iowa , cast both Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders as risky choices for Democrats , given the former mayor 's relative inexperience and the senator 's descriptions of himself as a socialist .
Senator Sanders is making his second run for the White House .
He surprised many Democrats in 2016 with his strong challenge to Hillary Clinton , but entered the 2020 contest as a front-runner .
He 's topped the field in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senator Sanders and his supporters raised issues with the primary process after the 2016 election , prompting the Democratic National Committee to make changes that affected the Iowa reporting regulations .
As a result , Iowa released three sets of data from the caucuses : the tally of voter preferences at the start of the caucus ; their preferences after supporters of candidates who reached less than 15 % made a second choice ; and the results of state delegate equivalents .
The final alignment results are used to determine state delegate equivalents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has long used to call the winner of the caucus .
Democrats pick their nominee based on delegate totals .
With 97 % of precincts reporting , Senator Sanders is leading in the first alignment results and has a narrower edge in the final alignment .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Pete Buttigieg and Bernie Sanders are nearly tied in the Iowa Democratic caucuses, with nearly all results counted in a contest marred by technical issues and reporting delays.
The race remained too early to call early Thursday with 97% of precincts reporting. Party officials were scrambling to verify the remaining results three days after Iowans gathered at caucus sites across the state to begin choosing which Democrat will take on President Donald Trump in November.
A new batch of results released just after midnight narrowed the margin between Mr. Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, and Senator Sanders, the progressive senator from Vermont. Mr. Buttigieg has a lead of three state delegate equivalents out of 2,098 counted.
The deadlocked contest gives both Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders a burst of momentum as they seek to pull away from the crowded field. The nearly complete results show them leading Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren, with former Vice President Joe Biden and Sen. Amy Klobuchar trailing behind.
But the results in Iowa were muddied by the stunning breakdown of the caucus reporting process in a state that traditionally kicks off presidential nominating contests. Iowa officials initially attributed a delay in reporting results to technical problems with an app that precinct chairs were supposed to use to record votes, then to backlogs as those volunteers tried to call the party to submit their totals.
Even as the total number of results ticked up throughout the day Wednesday, obstacles remained. Some tally sheets were making their way to party headquarters in Des Moines through the mail, which contributed to the delay.
Much of the political world has already shifted its attention to next-up New Hampshire, which holds the first primary election in the Democrats' 2020 nomination fight on Tuesday. Both Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders are leading contenders there, as well.
The two men are separated by 40 years in age and conflicting ideology.
Senator Sanders, a self-described democratic socialist, has been a progressive powerhouse for decades. Mr. Buttigieg, a former municipal official, represents the more moderate wing of the Democratic Party. Mr. Buttigieg is also the first openly gay candidate to earn presidential primary delegates.
Their strength in Iowa put them in the crosshairs of rivals as the race shifted to New Hampshire. Mr. Biden, who fell far short of expectations in Iowa, cast both Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders as risky choices for Democrats, given the former mayor's relative inexperience and the senator's descriptions of himself as a socialist.
Senator Sanders is making his second run for the White House. He surprised many Democrats in 2016 with his strong challenge to Hillary Clinton, but entered the 2020 contest as a front-runner. He's topped the field in fundraising, despite eschewing high-dollar donors.
Senator Sanders and his supporters raised issues with the primary process after the 2016 election, prompting the Democratic National Committee to make changes that affected the Iowa reporting regulations.
As a result, Iowa released three sets of data from the caucuses: the tally of voter preferences at the start of the caucus; their preferences after supporters of candidates who reached less than 15% made a second choice; and the results of state delegate equivalents.
The final alignment results are used to determine state delegate equivalents, which is the metric the AP has long used to call the winner of the caucus. Democrats pick their nominee based on delegate totals.
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With 97% of precincts reporting, Senator Sanders is leading in the first alignment results and has a narrower edge in the final alignment.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-07--Why secession is the talk of this pro-gun county in Virginia

The question of what is Virginian looks different in the northern counties near Washington , D.C. , which are becoming younger , more racially diverse , and more liberal than the rest of the state .
Northern Virginia “ has actually become the defining part of Virginia , ” says Qian Cai , a demographer at the University of Virginia .
“ I feel a very strong affection toward Virginia , ” says Douglas McCarthy , a member of the Frederick County Board of Supervisors .
“ But because of what ’ s happening in Richmond and Northern Virginia , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do we have if things continue to go down a road that doesn ’ t seem to be very Virginian.
” Few Frederickians actually favor a redrawn border .
But the proposal speaks to the intensity of social and political polarization .
As in many states , residents in parts of rural , conservative Virginia say they seem to inhabit an increasingly different daily reality than that of urban and suburban districts .
That feeling of separation was compounded by last November ’ s Democratic sweep of the state ’ s elected offices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mulling a radical proposal : seceding from Virginia and joining neighboring West Virginia .
A drive between Fairfax and Frederick counties is , in Virginia terms , like a trip back in time .
As the highway pushes west , parking lots fade into pastures , workspaces into woodlands , suburbs into the vast Shenandoah Valley .
Just an hour ’ s drive apart , the two counties feel like different states .
If West Virginia gets its way , they could be .
West Virginia ’ s governor and Senate have invited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Virginia ’ s northern border , to switch state lines .
The invitation comes as many in the largely conservative county feel disaffected with Virginia ’ s first Democratic government in decades , elected in part thanks to demographic shifts in the state ’ s population centers .
Few Frederickians actually favor a redrawn border , but the proposal speaks to the intensity of Virginia ’ s current polarization .
As in many states experiencing rapid urban and suburban growth , residents in parts of rural , conservative Virginia seem to inhabit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fiercely partisan debates over abortion and gun control in Virginia ’ s capital of Richmond , some now wonder whether those two realities are reconcilable – or if the gap in political identities has grown too far to bridge .
“ I feel a very strong affection toward Virginia , ” says Douglas McCarthy , a member of the Frederick County Board of Supervisors and a lifelong county resident .
“ But because of what ’ s happening in Richmond and Northern Virginia , it does make me question what options do we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a road that doesn ’ t seem to be very Virginian.
” Many , though , are now asking what “ Virginian ” even means , or who gets to decide .
In northern Virginia , colloquially known as NoVa , demographics have been changing for decades , as people moved there for work in Washington .
In the 2010s , says Qian Cai , director of the Demographics Research Group at the University of Virginia ’ s Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service , two-thirds of Virginia ’ s population growth happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s projected to contain half of the state ’ s population .
Those moving into the area are likely to be younger , more racially diverse , and more liberal than people in the rest of the state , she says .
This younger , more cosmopolitan Virginia represents a growing power base and is the reason why Democrats now have complete control over state government for the first time in 26 years .
“ It ’ s increasingly harder to say NoVa is not Virginia , ” says Ms. Cai .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of Virginia.
” Meanwhile rural areas such as Frederick , which make up most of the state ’ s territory , have remained mostly the same – as have their conservative values .
In part , this discontinuity has left people like Mr. McCarthy feeling left behind , particularly as state lawmakers take up progressive causes .
And the recent invitation from West Virginia to switch states , effectively to move the state line created in 1863 when West Virginia seceded from the Confederacy , is not the only aspirational rebordering plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Virginia governor , Liberty University President Jerry Falwell Jr. , a prominent conservative voice in the state and nationally , has supported a state-switching referendum in his university ’ s home of Lynchburg – around 100 miles from the border – and elsewhere in rural Virginia .
State Delegate David LaRock , a Republican who represents part of Frederick County , even proposed returning the populous cities of Alexandria and Arlington , which joined Virginia in the 1840s because of their support for slavery , back to Washington D.C .
The proposal , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open a conversation about the state ’ s polarization rather than an attempt to give away two prosperous locales .
Part of what has attracted particular attention to Frederick County ’ s invitation , says Mr. LaRock , is the legal framework already in place for such a change .
During the Civil War , three neighboring Virginia counties – Berkeley , Jefferson , and Frederick – were invited by the newly created West Virginia to rejoin the Union .
While Frederick never acted on their invitation , the first two counties voted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upheld by a 1871 Supreme Court decision , providing a precedent for Frederick to follow suit .
The ad hoc creation of West Virginia ’ s border has left many deeply rooted families , such as Mr. McCarthy ’ s , which straddles both sides , with the impression that state lines are somewhat artificial .
“ The eastern panhandle of West Virginia is not different from Virginia , ” he says .
Mr. McCarthy doesn ’ t yet support secession , but he says he and many of his constituents want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coming out of Richmond , to him , are much more real than a border he crosses without thought nearly every week .
Most Frederickians aren ’ t interested in flipping state lines – especially given West Virginia ’ s worse economy .
Many in Virginia also look down on its poorer neighbor .
But to Blaine Dunn , another member of the county ’ s Board of Supervisors , the proposals show how high the political stakes have become , particularly when it comes to gun ownership .
Rural Virginia maintains a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he says .
To limit people ’ s right to carry is in his opinion a threat to constitutional freedoms , and , even more , an entire way of life .
“ If one side thinks that they are now going to be made felons of , that ’ s more than losing , ” he says .
Mr. Dunn attended the Jan. 20 rally in Richmond , when more than 22,000 activists demonstrated their support for gun rights .
People came from as far as Minnesota , Arkansas , Pennsylvania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they said , their “ brothers and sisters ” in Virginia .
The people he met there , Mr. Dunn says , understand his lifestyle much better than Virginia-born legislators in Richmond .
“ What the governor and the General Assembly are trying to do is something that radically affects people ’ s lives , yet they themselves are exempt from it , ” says Mr. Dunn , referring to politicians such as the governor who rely on police protection for self-defense .
Gun-control legislation , meanwhile , continues to progress through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Delegates on Jan. 30 passed a series of bills that would require universal background checks and create a “ red flag ” provision to temporarily remove weapons from residents considered dangerous .
Mr. McCarthy , Mr. LaRock , and Mr. Dunn all say they feel a responsibility to get along with citizens in the rest of the state , but they also believe that Richmond has crossed a line .
Frederick County was once the stage for many Civil War battles .
It has a precedent for self-determination and a willingness to fight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McCarthy , is an idea .
Like any idea , it ’ s malleable .
“ As other people move into Virginia and they craft Virginia to be what they want it to be , at the same time , there are other people in Virginia that want something different , ” he says .

The question of what is Virginian looks different in the northern counties near Washington, D.C., which are becoming younger, more racially diverse, and more liberal than the rest of the state. Northern Virginia “has actually become the defining part of Virginia,” says Qian Cai, a demographer at the University of Virginia.
“I feel a very strong affection toward Virginia,” says Douglas McCarthy, a member of the Frederick County Board of Supervisors. “But because of what’s happening in Richmond and Northern Virginia, it does make me question what options do we have if things continue to go down a road that doesn’t seem to be very Virginian.”
What does it mean to be Virginian? Unnerved by political turnover, one rural, conservative county is considering leaving the state. The proposal highlights social and political rifts that divide many U.S. states.
Few Frederickians actually favor a redrawn border. But the proposal speaks to the intensity of social and political polarization.
As in many states, residents in parts of rural, conservative Virginia say they seem to inhabit an increasingly different daily reality than that of urban and suburban districts. That feeling of separation was compounded by last November’s Democratic sweep of the state’s elected offices. Now residents in Frederick County are mulling a radical proposal: seceding from Virginia and joining neighboring West Virginia.
A drive between Fairfax and Frederick counties is, in Virginia terms, like a trip back in time. As the highway pushes west, parking lots fade into pastures, workspaces into woodlands, suburbs into the vast Shenandoah Valley. Just an hour’s drive apart, the two counties feel like different states.
If West Virginia gets its way, they could be.
West Virginia’s governor and Senate have invited Frederick, a county of about 90,000 on Virginia’s northern border, to switch state lines. The invitation comes as many in the largely conservative county feel disaffected with Virginia’s first Democratic government in decades, elected in part thanks to demographic shifts in the state’s population centers.
Why We Wrote This What does it mean to be Virginian? Unnerved by political turnover, one rural, conservative county is considering leaving the state. The proposal highlights social and political rifts that divide many U.S. states.
Few Frederickians actually favor a redrawn border, but the proposal speaks to the intensity of Virginia’s current polarization. As in many states experiencing rapid urban and suburban growth, residents in parts of rural, conservative Virginia seem to inhabit an increasingly different daily reality.
Amid fiercely partisan debates over abortion and gun control in Virginia’s capital of Richmond, some now wonder whether those two realities are reconcilable – or if the gap in political identities has grown too far to bridge.
“I feel a very strong affection toward Virginia,” says Douglas McCarthy, a member of the Frederick County Board of Supervisors and a lifelong county resident. “But because of what’s happening in Richmond and Northern Virginia, it does make me question what options do we have if things continue to go down a road that doesn’t seem to be very Virginian.”
Many, though, are now asking what “Virginian” even means, or who gets to decide.
A demographic wave
In northern Virginia, colloquially known as NoVa, demographics have been changing for decades, as people moved there for work in Washington. In the 2010s, says Qian Cai, director of the Demographics Research Group at the University of Virginia’s Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service, two-thirds of Virginia’s population growth happened in the region. By 2040 it’s projected to contain half of the state’s population.
Those moving into the area are likely to be younger, more racially diverse, and more liberal than people in the rest of the state, she says. This younger, more cosmopolitan Virginia represents a growing power base and is the reason why Democrats now have complete control over state government for the first time in 26 years.
“It’s increasingly harder to say NoVa is not Virginia,” says Ms. Cai. “NoVa has actually become the defining part of Virginia.”
Meanwhile rural areas such as Frederick, which make up most of the state’s territory, have remained mostly the same – as have their conservative values. In part, this discontinuity has left people like Mr. McCarthy feeling left behind, particularly as state lawmakers take up progressive causes. And the recent invitation from West Virginia to switch states, effectively to move the state line created in 1863 when West Virginia seceded from the Confederacy, is not the only aspirational rebordering plan in the cards.
Chris Jackson/AP View caption Hide caption West Virginia Gov. Jim Justice shakes hands with West Virginia legislators during the State of the State address in the House Chambers at the state capitol, Jan. 8, 2020, in Charleston, West Virginia.
Joining the West Virginia governor, Liberty University President Jerry Falwell Jr., a prominent conservative voice in the state and nationally, has supported a state-switching referendum in his university’s home of Lynchburg – around 100 miles from the border – and elsewhere in rural Virginia.
State Delegate David LaRock, a Republican who represents part of Frederick County, even proposed returning the populous cities of Alexandria and Arlington, which joined Virginia in the 1840s because of their support for slavery, back to Washington D.C.
The proposal, says Mr. LaRock, was meant to open a conversation about the state’s polarization rather than an attempt to give away two prosperous locales.
Part of what has attracted particular attention to Frederick County’s invitation, says Mr. LaRock, is the legal framework already in place for such a change. During the Civil War, three neighboring Virginia counties – Berkeley, Jefferson, and Frederick – were invited by the newly created West Virginia to rejoin the Union. While Frederick never acted on their invitation, the first two counties voted to leave. Their referendums were later upheld by a 1871 Supreme Court decision, providing a precedent for Frederick to follow suit.
The ad hoc creation of West Virginia’s border has left many deeply rooted families, such as Mr. McCarthy’s, which straddles both sides, with the impression that state lines are somewhat artificial.
“The eastern panhandle of West Virginia is not different from Virginia,” he says.
Gun rights in legislative crosshairs
Mr. McCarthy doesn’t yet support secession, but he says he and many of his constituents want to keep their options open. The changes coming out of Richmond, to him, are much more real than a border he crosses without thought nearly every week.
Most Frederickians aren’t interested in flipping state lines – especially given West Virginia’s worse economy. Many in Virginia also look down on its poorer neighbor. But to Blaine Dunn, another member of the county’s Board of Supervisors, the proposals show how high the political stakes have become, particularly when it comes to gun ownership.
Rural Virginia maintains a culture of “arms and farms,” he says. To limit people’s right to carry is in his opinion a threat to constitutional freedoms, and, even more, an entire way of life.
“If one side thinks that they are now going to be made felons of, that’s more than losing,” he says.
Mr. Dunn attended the Jan. 20 rally in Richmond, when more than 22,000 activists demonstrated their support for gun rights. People came from as far as Minnesota, Arkansas, Pennsylvania, and New York to support, as they said, their “brothers and sisters” in Virginia.
The people he met there, Mr. Dunn says, understand his lifestyle much better than Virginia-born legislators in Richmond. “What the governor and the General Assembly are trying to do is something that radically affects people’s lives, yet they themselves are exempt from it,” says Mr. Dunn, referring to politicians such as the governor who rely on police protection for self-defense.
Gun-control legislation, meanwhile, continues to progress through the General Assembly. The House of Delegates on Jan. 30 passed a series of bills that would require universal background checks and create a “red flag” provision to temporarily remove weapons from residents considered dangerous.
Mr. McCarthy, Mr. LaRock, and Mr. Dunn all say they feel a responsibility to get along with citizens in the rest of the state, but they also believe that Richmond has crossed a line. Frederick County was once the stage for many Civil War battles. It has a precedent for self-determination and a willingness to fight over identity.
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Virginia, says Mr. McCarthy, is an idea. Like any idea, it’s malleable.
“As other people move into Virginia and they craft Virginia to be what they want it to be, at the same time, there are other people in Virginia that want something different,” he says.


csmonitor--2020-02-07--Trump shrinks Utah's national monuments to allow mining

The U.S. government implemented final management plans Thursday for two national monuments in Utah that President Donald Trump downsized more than two years ago .
The changes allow lands previously off-limits to energy development will be open to mining and drilling despite pending lawsuits .
The lands have generated little interest from energy companies in the two years since Mr. Trump cut the size of Bears Ears National Monument by 85 % and Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument by nearly half , said Casey Hammond , acting Assistant Secretary for Land and Minerals Management with the U. S. Department of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a duty to work on the management plans after Mr. Trump signed his proclamations in December 2017 , despite the pending lawsuits by conservation , tribal , and paleontology groups aiming to restore the monuments to their original sizes .
`` If we stopped and waited for every piece of litigation to be resolved we would never be able to do much of anything around here , '' he said .
Conservation groups that have called the decision the largest elimination of protected land in American history criticized the administration on Thursday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe will become moot .
They contend Mr. Trump misused the Antiquities Act to reverse decisions by previous presidents .
A federal judge last year rejected the administration 's bid to dismiss the lawsuits .
In a recent court filing , tribal groups said the Bears Ears lands are `` a living and vital place where ancestors passed from one world to the next , often leaving their mark in petroglyphs or painted handprints , and where modern day tribal members can still visit them . ''
It 's unknown how long it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuits that were filed two years ago .
`` It 's the height of arrogance for Trump to rush through final decisions on what 's left of Bears Ears and Grand Staircase Escalante while we 're fighting his illegal evisceration of these national monuments in court , '' said Randi Spivak , public lands director at the Center for Biological Diversity .
`` Trump is eroding vital protections for these spectacular landscapes .
We wo n't rest until all of these public lands are safeguarded for future generations . ''
The biggest fear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on some of the most pristine stretches of the American Southwest will become ravaged by mining , drilling , and extraction .
They also worry about off-road vehicle use and logging .
Government officials opted to allow off-road vehicles on designated routes in Bears Ears , for instance , rather than choosing broader closures .
President Bill Clinton created the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument in 1996 on lands home to cliffs , canyons , waterfalls , and arches in southern Utah .
President Barack Obama created Bears Ears National Monument in 2016 on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ red rock plateaus , cliffs , and ancient ruins on land considered sacred to tribes .
Market dynamics have limited interest in a large coal reserve found in the now unprotected lands cut from Grand Staircase and uranium on lands cut from Bears Ears .
But an economic analysis by the U.S. government estimates coal production could lead to $ 208 million in annual revenues and $ 16.6 million in royalties on lands cut from Grand Staircase .
Oil and gas wells in that area could produce $ 4.1 million in annual revenues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comes as energy market forces shift , Mr. Hammond said the lands cut remain under federal control and governed by `` time-tested laws '' and subject to environmental regulations .
He rebuffed the oft-repeated claim from conservation groups that there would be a `` free-for-all '' for mineral development .
`` Any suggestion that these lands and resources will be adversely impacted by the mere act of being excluded from the monuments is simply not true , '' Mr. Hammond said .
Mr. Trump cut the size monuments following review of 27 national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He recommended shrinking two other monuments as well , but Mr. Trump has yet to take action .
Mr. Trump said he scaled back the size of the monuments to reverse misuse of the Antiquities Act by previous Democratic presidents that he said led to oversized monuments that hinder energy development , grazing , and other uses .
The move earned cheers from Republican leaders in Utah including former U.S. Sen. Orrin Hatch and current Gov .
Gary Herbert .
U.S. Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah also offered praise to the Trump administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one day after he earned the ire of the GOP and Mr. Trump by voting to convict the president in the impeachment trial .
`` I appreciate the work that the president and Secretary Bernhardt have done with our state to develop plans that will allow more of our land to be used for recreation , grazing , and management practices , '' Senator Romney said in a statement .
The Bureau of Land Management posted online the voluminous and detailed management plans for the monuments , which are being sliced into non-contiguous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the original boundaries .
The agency also created a `` Myth vs Fact '' web page about Bears Ears , in which it clarifies that no extraction or commercial logging is allowed within the changed boundaries .
The agency says it received about 250,500 comments about the plans , most of which were dismissed because they dealt with the size reduction , legality of that move , or timing of the planning effort .
Of the comments , the agency said four included valid protests that led to changes in the final @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Associated Press .

The U.S. government implemented final management plans Thursday for two national monuments in Utah that President Donald Trump downsized more than two years ago. The changes allow lands previously off-limits to energy development will be open to mining and drilling despite pending lawsuits.
The lands have generated little interest from energy companies in the two years since Mr. Trump cut the size of Bears Ears National Monument by 85% and Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument by nearly half, said Casey Hammond, acting Assistant Secretary for Land and Minerals Management with the U. S. Department of the Interior.
Mr. Hammond said the department had a duty to work on the management plans after Mr. Trump signed his proclamations in December 2017, despite the pending lawsuits by conservation, tribal, and paleontology groups aiming to restore the monuments to their original sizes.
"If we stopped and waited for every piece of litigation to be resolved we would never be able to do much of anything around here," he said.
Conservation groups that have called the decision the largest elimination of protected land in American history criticized the administration on Thursday for spending time on management plans they believe will become moot. They contend Mr. Trump misused the Antiquities Act to reverse decisions by previous presidents.
A federal judge last year rejected the administration's bid to dismiss the lawsuits. In a recent court filing, tribal groups said the Bears Ears lands are "a living and vital place where ancestors passed from one world to the next, often leaving their mark in petroglyphs or painted handprints, and where modern day tribal members can still visit them."
It's unknown how long it will take before a judge rules on lawsuits that were filed two years ago.
"It's the height of arrogance for Trump to rush through final decisions on what's left of Bears Ears and Grand Staircase Escalante while we're fighting his illegal evisceration of these national monuments in court," said Randi Spivak, public lands director at the Center for Biological Diversity. "Trump is eroding vital protections for these spectacular landscapes. We won't rest until all of these public lands are safeguarded for future generations."
The biggest fear by conservationists is that the excluded lands on some of the most pristine stretches of the American Southwest will become ravaged by mining, drilling, and extraction. They also worry about off-road vehicle use and logging. Government officials opted to allow off-road vehicles on designated routes in Bears Ears, for instance, rather than choosing broader closures.
President Bill Clinton created the Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument in 1996 on lands home to cliffs, canyons, waterfalls, and arches in southern Utah. President Barack Obama created Bears Ears National Monument in 2016 on a scenic swath of southern Utah with red rock plateaus, cliffs, and ancient ruins on land considered sacred to tribes.
Market dynamics have limited interest in a large coal reserve found in the now unprotected lands cut from Grand Staircase and uranium on lands cut from Bears Ears.
But an economic analysis by the U.S. government estimates coal production could lead to $208 million in annual revenues and $16.6 million in royalties on lands cut from Grand Staircase. Oil and gas wells in that area could produce $4.1 million in annual revenues, the analysis says.
If interest comes as energy market forces shift, Mr. Hammond said the lands cut remain under federal control and governed by "time-tested laws" and subject to environmental regulations. He rebuffed the oft-repeated claim from conservation groups that there would be a "free-for-all" for mineral development.
"Any suggestion that these lands and resources will be adversely impacted by the mere act of being excluded from the monuments is simply not true," Mr. Hammond said.
Mr. Trump cut the size monuments following review of 27 national monuments by then-Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke. He recommended shrinking two other monuments as well, but Mr. Trump has yet to take action.
Mr. Trump said he scaled back the size of the monuments to reverse misuse of the Antiquities Act by previous Democratic presidents that he said led to oversized monuments that hinder energy development, grazing, and other uses. The move earned cheers from Republican leaders in Utah including former U.S. Sen. Orrin Hatch and current Gov. Gary Herbert.
U.S. Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah also offered praise to the Trump administration for moving ahead with the plans, one day after he earned the ire of the GOP and Mr. Trump by voting to convict the president in the impeachment trial.
"I appreciate the work that the president and Secretary Bernhardt have done with our state to develop plans that will allow more of our land to be used for recreation, grazing, and management practices," Senator Romney said in a statement.
The Bureau of Land Management posted online the voluminous and detailed management plans for the monuments, which are being sliced into non-contiguous sections rather than one large swath as in the original boundaries. The agency also created a "Myth vs Fact" web page about Bears Ears, in which it clarifies that no extraction or commercial logging is allowed within the changed boundaries.
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The agency says it received about 250,500 comments about the plans, most of which were dismissed because they dealt with the size reduction, legality of that move, or timing of the planning effort. Of the comments, the agency said four included valid protests that led to changes in the final plan.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-09--As US deficit soars to $1 trillion, Trump offers new budget

Confronted with the threat of trillion-dollar-plus deficits for more than a decade , President Donald Trump is offering a $ 4.8 trillion budget plan for the upcoming fiscal year that revisits spending cuts previously rejected by Congress while leaving Social Security and Medicare benefits untouched .
Trump ’ s fiscal 2021 budget plan , to be released Monday , isn ’ t likely to generate a serious Washington dialogue about what to do about entrenched fiscal problems that have deficits surging despite a healthy economy .
Most expect such discussions to be delayed until after the November election .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aides and a copy of summary tables , sees a $ 1.08 trillion budget deficit for the ongoing budget year and a $ 966 billion deficit gap in the 2021 fiscal year starting Oct. 1 .
The budget 's most significant policy prescriptions — an immediate 5 % cut to non-defense agency budgets passed by Congress and $ 700 billion in cuts to Medicaid over a decade — are nonstarters on Capitol Hill .
But the Trump budget is a blueprint written as if Trump could enact it without congressional approval .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ claims of future cuts to domestic programs to show that it is possible to bend the deficit curve in the right direction .
The budget would reduce the deficit to $ 261 billion within a decade if enacted in its entirety and promises balance after 15 years .
But Trump 's budget blueprint also assumes 2.8 % economic growth this year and growth averaging 3 % over the long term .
The reality is that no one — Trump , the Democratic-controlled House or the GOP-held Senate — has any interest in tackling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government to borrow 22 cents of every dollar it spends .
Trump ’ s reelection campaign , meanwhile , is focused on the economy and the historically low jobless rate while ignoring the government ’ s budget .
On Capitol Hill , Democrats controlling the House have seen their number of deficit-conscious “ Blue Dogs ” shrink while the roster of lawmakers favoring costly “ Medicare for All ” and “ Green New Deal ” proposals has swelled .
Tea party Republicans have abandoned the cause that defined , at least in part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a decade ago .
Trump has succumbed to the Washington temptation to deliver spending increases and tax cuts first and then deal — or not — with their impact on the deficit .
Trump and key administration figures such as Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin had promised that Trump ’ s signature cuts to corporate and individual tax rates would pay for themselves ; instead the deficit spiked by more than $ 300 billion over 2017 to 2019 , falling just short of $ 1 trillion .
Trump has also signed two broader budget @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get rid of spending cuts left over from a failed 2011 budget accord .
The result has been eye-popping spending levels for defense — to about $ 750 billion this year — and comparable gains for domestic programs favored by Democrats .
Trump 's budget violates last year 's spending accord with an immediate $ 37 billion cut to non-defense programs appropriated by Congress each year , including a $ 2.4 billion , 27 % cut to the Environmental Protection Agency and a 13 % cut to the Department of Transportation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ win a 13 % budget boost .
The White House hasn ’ t done much to draw attention to this year ’ s budget release , though Trump has revealed initiatives of interest to key 2020 battleground states , such as an increase to $ 250 million to restore Florida ’ s Everglades and a move to finally abandon a multibillion-dollar , never used , nuclear waste dump that ’ s political poison in Nevada .
The White House also leaked word of a $ 25 billion proposal for `` Revitalizing Rural America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other traditional infrastructure projects such as roads and bridges .
The Trump budget also promises a $ 3 billion increase — to $ 25 billion — for NASA in hopes of returning astronauts to the moon and on to Mars .
It contains a beefed-up , 10-year , $ 1 trillion infrastructure proposal , a modest parental leave plan , and a 10-year , $ 130 billion set-aside for tackling the high cost of prescription drugs this year .
Trump 's U.S.-Mexico border wall would receive a $ 2 billion appropriation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than the $ 8 billion requested last year .
Trump has enough wall money on hand to build 1,000 miles of wall , most of it obtained by exploiting his budget transfer powers .
Trump took to Twitter on Saturday to promise voters that his budget “ will not be touching your Social Security or Medicare ” in keeping with his longstanding 2016 campaign promise .
Trump had made a bit of a stir last month at a meeting of global economic elites in Davos , Switzerland , when he told a CNBC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he would consider curbs to popular benefit programs like Medicare and Social Security .
“ At the right time , we will take a look at that , ” Trump said .
“ You know , that ’ s actually the easiest of all things.
” After Saturday ’ s tweet , an administration official said , “ Every current beneficiary will keep their benefits as the President has always promised.
” Trump has proposed modest adjustments to eligibility for Social Security disability benefits and he ’ s proposed cuts to Medicare providers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cost driver of Medicare and Social Security is the ongoing retirement surge of the baby boom-generation and health care costs that continue to outpace inflation .
With Medicare and Social Security largely off the table , Trump has instead focused on Medicaid , which provides care to more than 70 million poor and disabled people .
President Barack Obama successfully expanded Medicaid when passing the Affordable Care Act a decade ago , but Trump has endorsed GOP plans — they failed spectacularly in the Senate two years ago — to dramatically curb the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would allow states that want more flexibility in Medicaid to accept their federal share as a lump sum ; for states staying in traditional Medicaid , a 3 % cap on cost growth would apply .
Trump would also revive a plan , rejected by lawmakers in the past , to cut food stamp costs by providing much of the benefit as food shipments instead of cash .
“ This destructive and irrational President is giving us a destructive and irrational budget , '' said House Budget Committee Chairman John Yarmuth , D-Ky. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Medicaid , SNAP , Social Security , and other assistance programs that help Americans make ends meet –- all while extending his tax cuts for millionaires and wealthy corporations . ''

Confronted with the threat of trillion-dollar-plus deficits for more than a decade, President Donald Trump is offering a $4.8 trillion budget plan for the upcoming fiscal year that revisits spending cuts previously rejected by Congress while leaving Social Security and Medicare benefits untouched.
Mr. Trump’s fiscal 2021 budget plan, to be released Monday, isn’t likely to generate a serious Washington dialogue about what to do about entrenched fiscal problems that have deficits surging despite a healthy economy. Most expect such discussions to be delayed until after the November election.
The new budget, according to senior administration aides and a copy of summary tables, sees a $1.08 trillion budget deficit for the ongoing budget year and a $966 billion deficit gap in the 2021 fiscal year starting Oct. 1.
The budget's most significant policy prescriptions – an immediate 5% cut to non-defense agency budgets passed by Congress and $700 billion in cuts to Medicaid over a decade – are nonstarters on Capitol Hill. But the Trump budget is a blueprint written as if Mr. Trump could enact it without congressional approval. It relies on rosy economic projections and unlikely claims of future cuts to domestic programs to show that it is possible to bend the deficit curve in the right direction.
The budget would reduce the deficit to $261 billion within a decade if enacted in its entirety and promises balance after 15 years. But Mr. Trump's budget blueprint also assumes 2.8% economic growth this year and growth averaging 3% over the long term.
The reality is that no one – Mr. Trump, the Democratic-controlled House, or the GOP-held Senate – has any interest in tackling a chronic budget gap that forces the government to borrow 22 cents of every dollar it spends.
Mr. Trump’s reelection campaign, meanwhile, is focused on the economy and the historically low jobless rate while ignoring the government’s budget.
On Capitol Hill, Democrats controlling the House have seen their number of deficit-conscious "Blue Dogs" shrink while the roster of lawmakers favoring costly "Medicare for All" and "Green New Deal" proposals has swelled. Tea party Republicans have abandoned the cause that defined, at least in part, their successful takeover of the House a decade ago.
Mr. Trump has succumbed to the Washington temptation to deliver spending increases and tax cuts first and then deal – or not – with their impact on the deficit. Mr. Trump and key administration figures such as Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin had promised that Mr. Trump’s signature cuts to corporate and individual tax rates would pay for themselves; instead the deficit spiked by more than $300 billion over 2017 to 2019, falling just short of $1 trillion.
Mr. Trump has also signed two broader budget deals worked out by Democrats and Republicans to get rid of spending cuts left over from a failed 2011 budget accord. The result has been eye-popping spending levels for defense – to about $750 billion this year – and comparable gains for domestic programs favored by Democrats.
Mr. Trump's budget violates last year's spending accord with an immediate $37 billion cut to non-defense programs appropriated by Congress each year, including a $2.4 billion, 27% cut to the Environmental Protection Agency, and a 13% cut to the Department of Transportation. The Department of Veterans Affairs would win a 13% budget boost.
The White House hasn’t done much to draw attention to this year’s budget release, though Mr. Trump has revealed initiatives of interest to key 2020 battleground states, such as an increase to $250 million to restore Florida’s Everglades and a move to finally abandon a multibillion-dollar, never used, nuclear waste dump that’s political poison in Nevada. The White House also leaked word of a $25 billion proposal for "Revitalizing Rural America" with grants for broadband Internet access and other traditional infrastructure projects such as roads and bridges.
The Trump budget also promises a $3 billion increase – to $25 billion – for NASA in hopes of returning astronauts to the moon and on to Mars. It contains a beefed-up, 10-year, $1 trillion infrastructure proposal, a modest parental leave plan, and a 10-year, $130 billion set-aside for tackling the high cost of prescription drugs this year.
Mr. Trump's U.S.-Mexico border wall would receive a $2 billion appropriation, more than provided by Congress but less than the $8 billion requested last year. Mr. Trump has enough wall money on hand to build 1,000 miles of wall, most of it obtained by exploiting his budget transfer powers.
Mr. Trump took to Twitter on Saturday to promise voters that his budget "will not be touching your Social Security or Medicare" in keeping with his longstanding 2016 campaign promise.
Mr. Trump had made a bit of a stir last month at a meeting of global economic elites in Davos, Switzerland, when he told a CNBC interviewer that "at some point" he would consider curbs to popular benefit programs like Medicare and Social Security.
"At the right time, we will take a look at that," Trump said. "You know, that’s actually the easiest of all things." After Saturday’s tweet, an administration official said, "Every current beneficiary will keep their benefits as the President has always promised."
Mr. Trump has proposed modest adjustments to eligibility for Social Security disability benefits and he’s proposed cuts to Medicare providers such as hospitals, but the real cost driver of Medicare and Social Security is the ongoing retirement surge of the baby boom-generation and health care costs that continue to outpace inflation.
With Medicare and Social Security largely off the table, Mr. Trump has instead focused on Medicaid, which provides care to more than 70 million poor and disabled people. President Barack Obama successfully expanded Medicaid when passing the Affordable Care Act a decade ago, but Mr. Trump has endorsed GOP plans – they failed spectacularly in the Senate two years ago – to dramatically curb the program.
Mr. Trump's latest Medicaid proposal would allow states that want more flexibility in Medicaid to accept their federal share as a lump sum; for states staying in traditional Medicaid, a 3% cap on cost growth would apply. Mr. Trump would also revive a plan, rejected by lawmakers in the past, to cut food stamp costs by providing much of the benefit as food shipments instead of cash.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
"This destructive and irrational President is giving us a destructive and irrational budget," said House Budget Committee Chairman John Yarmuth, D-Ky. "The budget reportedly includes destructive changes to Medicaid, SNAP, Social Security, and other assistance programs that help Americans make ends meet – all while extending his tax cuts for millionaires and wealthy corporations."
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-02-10--Trump, impeachment, and the politics of revenge

And the notion that the U.S. government and its officials should be open to fierce criticism dates from the Founding Fathers .
After President George Washington suggested that critics of the government should be reined in , “ James Madison said … in our system , it is not the government that acts as censor over the people , but the other way around , ” says Chris Edelson , a political scientist at American University .
Like Richard Nixon and other chief executives before him , Mr. Trump may see retribution as a deterrent to future enemies and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shows the line between strength and politically damaging vindictiveness is a fine one .
At the Prayer Breakfast Thursday , President Trump had heard conservative thinker Arthur Brooks stress the idea of love for one ’ s enemies .
“ Arthur , I don ’ t know if I agree with you , ” the president said .
President Donald Trump ’ s retribution against those he may believe share blame for his impeachment predicament began in earnest Friday , as he fired two of the most prominent impeachment witnesses : Lt. Col. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Ambassador to the European Union Gordon Sondland .
The president was raging in his office , under pressure from external events and angry at his perceived enemies .
Revenge was on his mind .
“ Don ’ t worry about divisiveness – having drawn the sword , don ’ t take it out – stick it in hard , ” President Richard Nixon told aides in the tense spring of 1970 .
“ Hit them in the gut.
” Half a century later , President Donald Trump is perhaps feeling those same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he is pummeling prominent opponents with the powers of his office , firing some who testified in the House against his wishes , and lashing out at others he believes have betrayed him , such as Republican Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah , who voted for President Trump ’ s removal from office .
Like other chief executives before him , President Trump may see retribution as a deterrent to future enemies and a sign of political strength .
But history shows the line between strength and politically damaging vindictiveness is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. government and its officials should be open to fierce criticism dates from the Founding Fathers .
After President George Washington suggested that critics of the government should be reined in , “ James Madison said ... in our system , it is not the government that acts as censor over the people , but the other way around , ” says Chris Edelson , a fellow at the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University , in an email .
President Trump ’ s retribution against those he may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ began in earnest last Friday , leading Democrats to dub it the “ Friday Night Massacre , ” echoing the famous “ Saturday Night Massacre ” of Oct. 20 , 1973 , which ended with President Nixon dismissing Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox .
On Friday , President Trump fired two of the most prominent impeachment witnesses within hours of each other .
Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman was removed from his post at the National Security Council , along with his twin brother , also an Army officer who worked at the NSC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the European Union and a Republican who donated $ 1 million to the Trump inaugural committee , was informed of Mr. Trump ’ s intention to recall him .
Both Colonel Vindman and Ambassador Sondland were already planning to move on from their positions within months , if not weeks .
But President Trump apparently chose to make a public point by forcing them out early .
The moves came a day after the president had celebrated the end of impeachment with a raw , vindictive hour-long address in the White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Prayer Breakfast at which he questioned the religious faith of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senator Romney .
At the Prayer Breakfast , President Trump followed conservative thinker Arthur Brooks , who , echoing the Sermon on the Mount , had stressed the need to love our enemies .
“ Arthur , I don ’ t know if I agree with you , ” the president said as he rose to speak .
Following the firings some Trump supporters said it was only natural that the president should move aside officials he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entirely within his power , they pointed out .
White House spokeswoman Stephanie Grisham said Thursday that Mr. Trump was glad impeachment was now over and “ maybe people should pay for that.
” The president himself claimed that Colonel Vindman was “ insubordinate ” and had received a poor report from his superior at the NSC .
Colonel Vindman ’ s lawyers disputed those allegations .
And some former members of the armed forces say they are not happy about the way he was treated , including the president ’ s use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ ‘ Lt .
Col. ’ Vindman , ” as if the Purple Heart recipient ’ s rank were arbitrary or he were an imposter .
For instance , the public manner in which Colonel Vindman lost his post bothers Joe Baringer , a former Army staff sergeant who deployed early in the Afghanistan War that began in 2001 and took part in the U.S. invasion of Iraq two years later .
“ You can understand the need to reassign someone if you ’ re claiming you ’ ve lost confidence in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s nothing unusual , ” says Mr. Baringer , who lives in Seminole , Florida , and works as a data developer for an insurance distributor .
“ But the way they decided to go about it was wrong , ” he adds , “ and my fear is it will erode confidence in whistleblower protections and make people think twice about coming forward.
” Joe Fuentes , a former staff sergeant with the Marine Reserves and an Afghanistan War veteran , holds similar concerns about Colonel Vindman ’ s dismissal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s career .
“ You wonder about the chilling effect that could have on recruiting people into national security jobs , ” says Mr. Fuentes , who is pursuing a master ’ s degree in public policy at Columbia University in New York .
“ If you ’ re looking to hire people who only have the same perspective as you , that ’ s going to discourage some people from applying for those jobs , ” he says .
“ And without those different perspectives , you could end up with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with our adversaries.
” As for Ambassador Sondland , a number of GOP senators warned President Trump against firing him , saying such overt retaliation would look bad and was unnecessary , considering Mr. Sondland ’ s plans to leave .
But the president went ahead anyway .
President Trump has also turned up the dial on Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia .
Senator Manchin votes with Republicans more than any other Senate Democrat , and some thought he might vote for Mr. Trump ’ s acquittal .
He didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regular target of the Trump Twitter account .
The president has labeled him a “ puppet ” and Joe “ Munchkin.
” And more impeachment-related dismissals may be in the offing , White House counselor Kellyanne Conway said Monday on Fox News .
Presidential enemy lists aren ’ t new of course – President Nixon compiled a famous one .
In September 1972 , with Watergate news dripping into the public domain , presidential attorney John Dean told his boss he ’ d been keeping notes on people who had acted as Nixon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The administration had not yet used the FBI , the Justice Department , and the Internal Revenue Service as instruments of reprisal , “ but things are going to change , ” President Nixon told Mr. Dean .
During the John F. Kennedy presidency , Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy was the administration enforcer .
Even President Jimmy Carter had a mean streak that leaned toward reprisals , according to his White House counsel , Lloyd Cutler .
This was perhaps a holdover from President Carter ’ s days as governor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ There were some petty revenges that were taken , ” Mr. Cutler said in an oral history at the University of Virginia ’ s Miller Center .
As for the Founding Fathers , in general their concern was that government as a whole not respond to criticism with tyranny .
Before the revolution , the English law that governed the American colonies recognized “ seditious libel ” – criticism of government or officials such as royal governors – as a crime , points out American University ’ s Dr. Edelson .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ words , even if the royal governor were a crook , you could be prosecuted for saying so .
Under the U.S. Constitution , freedom of speech is protected , including the freedom to criticize government actions and officials .
That legal heritage today has led to laws protecting whistleblowers .
“ In our system , it is not the government that acts as censor over the people , but the other way around , ” says Dr. Edelson .

And the notion that the U.S. government and its officials should be open to fierce criticism dates from the Founding Fathers. After President George Washington suggested that critics of the government should be reined in, “James Madison said … in our system, it is not the government that acts as censor over the people, but the other way around,” says Chris Edelson, a political scientist at American University.
Like Richard Nixon and other chief executives before him, Mr. Trump may see retribution as a deterrent to future enemies and a sign of political strength. But history shows the line between strength and politically damaging vindictiveness is a fine one.
How do you define political strength? It could come with a heavy hand, or some might argue revenge against opponents is justified at times. This story looks at the complex factors that can come into play.
At the Prayer Breakfast Thursday, President Trump had heard conservative thinker Arthur Brooks stress the idea of love for one’s enemies. “Arthur, I don’t know if I agree with you,” the president said.
President Donald Trump’s retribution against those he may believe share blame for his impeachment predicament began in earnest Friday, as he fired two of the most prominent impeachment witnesses: Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman of the National Security Council and Ambassador to the European Union Gordon Sondland.
The president was raging in his office, under pressure from external events and angry at his perceived enemies.
Revenge was on his mind.
“Don’t worry about divisiveness – having drawn the sword, don’t take it out – stick it in hard,” President Richard Nixon told aides in the tense spring of 1970. “Hit them in the gut.”
Why We Wrote This How do you define political strength? It could come with a heavy hand, or some might argue revenge against opponents is justified at times. This story looks at the complex factors that can come into play.
Half a century later, President Donald Trump is perhaps feeling those same emotions. With his impeachment drama over, he is pummeling prominent opponents with the powers of his office, firing some who testified in the House against his wishes, and lashing out at others he believes have betrayed him, such as Republican Sen. Mitt Romney of Utah, who voted for President Trump’s removal from office.
Like other chief executives before him, President Trump may see retribution as a deterrent to future enemies and a sign of political strength. But history shows the line between strength and politically damaging vindictiveness is a fine one. And the notion that the U.S. government and its officials should be open to fierce criticism dates from the Founding Fathers.
After President George Washington suggested that critics of the government should be reined in, “James Madison said ... in our system, it is not the government that acts as censor over the people, but the other way around,” says Chris Edelson, a fellow at the Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies at American University, in an email.
President Trump’s retribution against those he may believe share blame for his impeachment predicament began in earnest last Friday, leading Democrats to dub it the “Friday Night Massacre,” echoing the famous “Saturday Night Massacre” of Oct. 20, 1973, which ended with President Nixon dismissing Watergate special prosecutor Archibald Cox.
On Friday, President Trump fired two of the most prominent impeachment witnesses within hours of each other. Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman was removed from his post at the National Security Council, along with his twin brother, also an Army officer who worked at the NSC. Then Gordon Sondland, the ambassador to the European Union and a Republican who donated $1 million to the Trump inaugural committee, was informed of Mr. Trump’s intention to recall him.
Both Colonel Vindman and Ambassador Sondland were already planning to move on from their positions within months, if not weeks. But President Trump apparently chose to make a public point by forcing them out early. The moves came a day after the president had celebrated the end of impeachment with a raw, vindictive hour-long address in the White House East Room and an appearance at the National Prayer Breakfast at which he questioned the religious faith of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Senator Romney.
At the Prayer Breakfast, President Trump followed conservative thinker Arthur Brooks, who, echoing the Sermon on the Mount, had stressed the need to love our enemies.
“Arthur, I don’t know if I agree with you,” the president said as he rose to speak.
“The chilling effect that could have”
Following the firings some Trump supporters said it was only natural that the president should move aside officials he no longer trusted. The dismissals were entirely within his power, they pointed out. White House spokeswoman Stephanie Grisham said Thursday that Mr. Trump was glad impeachment was now over and “maybe people should pay for that.” The president himself claimed that Colonel Vindman was “insubordinate” and had received a poor report from his superior at the NSC.
Colonel Vindman’s lawyers disputed those allegations. And some former members of the armed forces say they are not happy about the way he was treated, including the president’s use of quote marks to describe him as “‘Lt. Col.’ Vindman,” as if the Purple Heart recipient’s rank were arbitrary or he were an imposter.
For instance, the public manner in which Colonel Vindman lost his post bothers Joe Baringer, a former Army staff sergeant who deployed early in the Afghanistan War that began in 2001 and took part in the U.S. invasion of Iraq two years later.
“You can understand the need to reassign someone if you’re claiming you’ve lost confidence in their ability to fully support the mission. That’s nothing unusual,” says Mr. Baringer, who lives in Seminole, Florida, and works as a data developer for an insurance distributor.
“But the way they decided to go about it was wrong,” he adds, “and my fear is it will erode confidence in whistleblower protections and make people think twice about coming forward.”
Joe Fuentes, a former staff sergeant with the Marine Reserves and an Afghanistan War veteran, holds similar concerns about Colonel Vindman’s dismissal and the collateral damage to his brother’s career.
“You wonder about the chilling effect that could have on recruiting people into national security jobs,” says Mr. Fuentes, who is pursuing a master’s degree in public policy at Columbia University in New York.
“If you’re looking to hire people who only have the same perspective as you, that’s going to discourage some people from applying for those jobs,” he says. “And without those different perspectives, you could end up with overly simplistic solutions applied to our interactions with our adversaries.”
Trump turns up the heat
As for Ambassador Sondland, a number of GOP senators warned President Trump against firing him, saying such overt retaliation would look bad and was unnecessary, considering Mr. Sondland’s plans to leave. But the president went ahead anyway.
President Trump has also turned up the dial on Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin of West Virginia. Senator Manchin votes with Republicans more than any other Senate Democrat, and some thought he might vote for Mr. Trump’s acquittal. He didn’t, and has since become a regular target of the Trump Twitter account. The president has labeled him a “puppet” and Joe “Munchkin.”
And more impeachment-related dismissals may be in the offing, White House counselor Kellyanne Conway said Monday on Fox News.
Presidential enemy lists aren’t new of course – President Nixon compiled a famous one. In September 1972, with Watergate news dripping into the public domain, presidential attorney John Dean told his boss he’d been keeping notes on people who had acted as Nixon adversaries.
Good, the president said. The administration had not yet used the FBI, the Justice Department, and the Internal Revenue Service as instruments of reprisal, “but things are going to change,” President Nixon told Mr. Dean.
During the John F. Kennedy presidency, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy was the administration enforcer. Even President Jimmy Carter had a mean streak that leaned toward reprisals, according to his White House counsel, Lloyd Cutler.
This was perhaps a holdover from President Carter’s days as governor of Georgia, where political payback was common.
“There were some petty revenges that were taken,” Mr. Cutler said in an oral history at the University of Virginia’s Miller Center.
Roots in America’s colonial past
As for the Founding Fathers, in general their concern was that government as a whole not respond to criticism with tyranny. Before the revolution, the English law that governed the American colonies recognized “seditious libel” – criticism of government or officials such as royal governors – as a crime, points out American University’s Dr. Edelson.
Truth was no defense. In other words, even if the royal governor were a crook, you could be prosecuted for saying so.
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Under the U.S. Constitution, freedom of speech is protected, including the freedom to criticize government actions and officials. That legal heritage today has led to laws protecting whistleblowers.
“In our system, it is not the government that acts as censor over the people, but the other way around,” says Dr. Edelson.