csmonitor--2020-11-14--Readers write: Driving around, and mideast diplomacy

I wish to thank the Monitor , Michael S. Hopkins , and Melanie Stetson Freeman for the cover story “ A road trip to normalcy ” in the Sept. 7 Monitor Weekly .
For this reader , feeling both the pinch of age and strictures of the pandemic , it was a truly wondrous trip .
In addition , the article recalled 50-year-old memories of living and camping in our country ’ s incomparable West .
Kudos to the Monitor ( and the RV Maybell ) for supporting the journey .
I usually read my copy of the Monitor from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ balanced and fair covering of the news , but I was upset when I read the article “ A road trip to normalcy.
” Even though the number of cases of COVID-19 was lower in the Western states that Michael S. Hopkins and Melanie Stetson Freeman visited , social distancing and mask-wearing should still be implemented .
The reaction of the owner of the Kampgrounds of America site in Craig , Colorado , when he and Mr. Hopkins discussed face masks – “ Nah .
... Not here .
Not required in our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seems to represent the widespread view that flaunts restrictions designed to prevent the spread of the virus .
I loved the cover story “ A road trip to normalcy.
” It was fun to get to know Maybell , the camper van that actually ruled the trip .
I enjoyed reading that Maybell drove slowly up hills so Michael S. Hopkins and Melanie Stetson Freeman could enjoy the scenery .
Mr. Hopkins did such a clever job of writing that I smiled while reading the whole article .
It was such a wonderful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Temko ’ s commentary article “ What made the Israel-UAE peace deal possible ” in the Sept. 14 Monitor Weekly was sobering and sad – devastating to Palestinian hopes in the Mideast .
The United States has consistently failed as a serious , impartial mediator in the region .
I believe the Trump administration has made things worse by moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem , cutting off funding to the Palestinians , and not demanding an end to illegal Israeli settlements .
Foreign policy should be more than transactional business deals .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wisdom of leaders and countries to see a broader view of fairness .

Driving around
I wish to thank the Monitor, Michael S. Hopkins, and Melanie Stetson Freeman for the cover story “A road trip to normalcy” in the Sept. 7 Monitor Weekly. For this reader, feeling both the pinch of age and strictures of the pandemic, it was a truly wondrous trip. In addition, the article recalled 50-year-old memories of living and camping in our country’s incomparable West. Kudos to the Monitor (and the RV Maybell) for supporting the journey.
Bolling P. Lowrey
Greensboro, North Carolina
Social distancing concerns
I usually read my copy of the Monitor from cover to cover and deeply appreciate the balanced and fair covering of the news, but I was upset when I read the article “A road trip to normalcy.” Even though the number of cases of COVID-19 was lower in the Western states that Michael S. Hopkins and Melanie Stetson Freeman visited, social distancing and mask-wearing should still be implemented.
The reaction of the owner of the Kampgrounds of America site in Craig, Colorado, when he and Mr. Hopkins discussed face masks – “Nah. ... Not here. Not required in our county. Come in!” – seems to represent the widespread view that flaunts restrictions designed to prevent the spread of the virus.
John E. Huegel
New Braunfels, Texas
Ruler of the road
I loved the cover story “A road trip to normalcy.” It was fun to get to know Maybell, the camper van that actually ruled the trip. I enjoyed reading that Maybell drove slowly up hills so Michael S. Hopkins and Melanie Stetson Freeman could enjoy the scenery. Mr. Hopkins did such a clever job of writing that I smiled while reading the whole article. It was such a wonderful change from the COVID-19 articles.
Diana Virgil
Brownsburg, Indiana
Mideast diplomacy
Ned Temko’s commentary article “What made the Israel-UAE peace deal possible” in the Sept. 14 Monitor Weekly was sobering and sad – devastating to Palestinian hopes in the Mideast. The United States has consistently failed as a serious, impartial mediator in the region. I believe the Trump administration has made things worse by moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, cutting off funding to the Palestinians, and not demanding an end to illegal Israeli settlements. Foreign policy should be more than transactional business deals. A complicated part of the world needs the wisdom of leaders and countries to see a broader view of fairness.
Ann Hymes
Laguna Woods, California


csmonitor--2020-11-15--Lessons in the power of democracy

Lessons in the power of democracy

It is safe to say that 250 years ago , the world needed to learn a lot about freedom .
New ideas were already percolating among Enlightenment thinkers .
Yes , a monarchy could maintain order .
But was it the best humans could do ?
Could societies be built on individual liberties , or would that unleash chaos ?
Today , that answer is largely settled .
Democratic experiments from America to New Zealand have proved that functioning societies can be built on individual liberties .
Not only do they not inevitably descend into chaos , but they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human rights .
So what does the world need to learn today ?
Certainly , the global experiment in expanding freedom isn ’ t over – it will never be over .
And there isn ’ t just one answer to the question .
But one idea is coming to the surface for deeper consideration : Call it responsibility .
Across much of the world , the response to the pandemic has been characterized by something less than resounding success .
Europe drove down cases , but they are spiking again .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with worse results .
But one part of the world stands out .
Not only have Japan , South Korea , and Taiwan significantly stopped the spread of the pandemic , but “ bars and restaurants are bustling , subway trains are packed and live concerts and spectator sports have resumed , ” notes a recent Wall Street Journal article .
Why has Asia been more successful ?
In a word : sacrifice .
Francesco Wu , an Italian Chinese restaurant owner who grew up in Italy , tells the Journal : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many liberties – and that ’ s a great thing .
But we are not as used to discipline , to self-sacrifice.
” Governments in Japan and South Korea have not forced citizens to give up liberties .
Rather , they are carrying out the collective will of the people .
Citizens have voluntarily curbed their own individual liberties – have used them – in service to a larger goal .
And it has worked .
This points to larger lessons .
Take the West ’ s face-off with China .
The challenge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before it – is not really the threat of communism .
China is not truly communist anymore .
The challenge is whether collectivism can defeat individualism .
China is showing the power of collective action through its pseudo-communist free-market hybrid .
It can act more decisively and more strategically because it does not need to worry about individual liberties .
But China ’ s collective action is compelled .
Asia ’ s pandemic response shows the power of collective action when it is an expression of genuine unity , gained through mutual responsibility @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seminal books like “ Bowling Alone ” and “ Our Kids , ” sociologist Robert Putnam has demonstrated that the same principle has enriched the United States .
He outlines the tremendous power of social capital – of what happens when people invest in their neighbors and communities .
Expanding those circles is democracy ’ s next challenge .
And that hidden power is always waiting to be unleashed .
As author Marilynne Robinson said in The New York Review , “ the basis of democracy is the willingness to assume well about @ @ @ @

It is safe to say that 250 years ago, the world needed to learn a lot about freedom. New ideas were already percolating among Enlightenment thinkers. Yes, a monarchy could maintain order. But was it the best humans could do? Could societies be built on individual liberties, or would that unleash chaos?
Today, that answer is largely settled. Democratic experiments from America to New Zealand have proved that functioning societies can be built on individual liberties. Not only do they not inevitably descend into chaos, but they are also much better at expanding wealth and human rights.
So what does the world need to learn today? Certainly, the global experiment in expanding freedom isn’t over – it will never be over. And there isn’t just one answer to the question. But one idea is coming to the surface for deeper consideration: Call it responsibility.
Across much of the world, the response to the pandemic has been characterized by something less than resounding success. Europe drove down cases, but they are spiking again. The United States has followed the same trajectory with worse results. But one part of the world stands out. Not only have Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan significantly stopped the spread of the pandemic, but “bars and restaurants are bustling, subway trains are packed and live concerts and spectator sports have resumed,” notes a recent Wall Street Journal article.
Why has Asia been more successful? In a word: sacrifice. Francesco Wu, an Italian Chinese restaurant owner who grew up in Italy, tells the Journal: “Here we are used to having so many liberties – and that’s a great thing. But we are not as used to discipline, to self-sacrifice.”
Governments in Japan and South Korea have not forced citizens to give up liberties. Rather, they are carrying out the collective will of the people. Citizens have voluntarily curbed their own individual liberties – have used them – in service to a larger goal. And it has worked.
This points to larger lessons. Take the West’s face-off with China. The challenge of China – like the Soviet Union before it – is not really the threat of communism. China is not truly communist anymore. The challenge is whether collectivism can defeat individualism. China is showing the power of collective action through its pseudo-communist free-market hybrid. It can act more decisively and more strategically because it does not need to worry about individual liberties.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
But China’s collective action is compelled. Asia’s pandemic response shows the power of collective action when it is an expression of genuine unity, gained through mutual responsibility, love, and self-sacrifice. In seminal books like “Bowling Alone” and “Our Kids,” sociologist Robert Putnam has demonstrated that the same principle has enriched the United States. He outlines the tremendous power of social capital – of what happens when people invest in their neighbors and communities.
Expanding those circles is democracy’s next challenge. And that hidden power is always waiting to be unleashed. As author Marilynne Robinson said in The New York Review, “the basis of democracy is the willingness to assume well about other people.”


csmonitor--2020-11-16--How Turkey’s use of military power furthers Erdoğan’s ambitions

“ Turkey wants to be a regional hegemon , and to get to that it understands it needs to be an active player in conflict zones , ” Ms. Aydıntaşbaş says .
“ President Erdoğan himself feels that ... it ’ s his calling in life to make sure Turkey emerges as a great power.
” “ There is clearly a resurgent Turkey – one that has more self-confidence – [ that ] defines its role in the world as having a military footprint outside of its borders , ” says Aslı Aydıntaşbaş , an expert with the European Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy can be another limiting factor , but the temptation to act is great , not only to improve President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ’ s political standing , but to improve the nation ’ s self-image .
It ’ s been able to do so because around the region , the United States and the Europeans have increasingly absented themselves .
But using that power – decisively , in the case of supporting Azerbaijan against Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh – also means potentially coming into conflict with a great power like Russia .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inserted itself , either with military hard power or strong rhetoric , seems to be ever growing : Syria , Iraq , Libya , Cyprus , even France .
The cease-fire agreement ending six weeks of fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh was greeted in Turkey as a “ sacred success ” for “ brotherly Azerbaijan ” in its fight with Armenia .
But the elation in Ankara was not simply due to its ally ’ s battlefield gains , which reclaimed ground lost to ethnic Armenian separatists in the early 1990s .
For Turkey , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example of its assertive and game-changing use of military hard power , which has so far redrawn geopolitical realities from Libya and Syria to the southern Caucasus .
The moves take advantage of a vacuum left by now-absent U.S. and European actors , analysts say , in order to realize Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ’ s ambitions of regional preeminence – and to enhance his popularity at home .
The result is that Mr. Erdoğan is the latest exemplar of the effectiveness of gunboat diplomacy , even as traditional military players withdraw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one important caveat , though , it is that Turkey ’ s ambitions have also brought it increasingly into competition with another power , Russia .
“ There is clearly a resurgent Turkey – one that has more self-confidence – [ that ] defines its role in the world as having a military footprint outside of its borders , ” says Aslı Aydıntaşbaş , a Turkey expert with the European Council on Foreign Relations ( ECFR ) .
“ Turkey wants to be a regional hegemon , and to get to that it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ player in conflict zones , ” Ms. Aydıntaşbaş says .
“ President Erdoğan himself feels that ... we ’ ve already entered a new age of great power competition , and [ that ] it ’ s his calling in life to make sure Turkey emerges as a great power.
” “ Often all of these things are regarded [ abroad ] as Turkish adventurism , whereas in Turkey they are a source of pride , ” she says .
“ The government does not see these as adventures , [ but ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Turkish empire in a new age.
” In Nagorno-Karabakh , Russia brokered the cease-fire after President Vladimir Putin and Mr. Erdoğan spoke .
Nearly 2,000 Russian troops are to monitor the cease-fire lines .
Turkey ’ s peacekeeping role is still to be determined , but Mr. Erdoğan submitted a bill to parliament today to approve deployment of peacekeeping troops for a year .
Few think Azeri troops could have broken the years-long stalemate with Armenia without Turkey ’ s ironclad support and weaponry .
Ankara ’ s arms sales to Azerbaijan increased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 77 million in September alone – making Azerbaijan the biggest client for Turkish weapons – Reuters reports .
Turkey also reportedly deployed Turkish-trained mercenary fighters from Syria .
The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict is hardly the only arena in the region – and beyond – in which Turkey has exerted influence : • Timely Turkish military intervention in Libya last spring , on behalf of the United Nations-recognized government in Tripoli , is credited with blocking a takeover bid by Khalifa Haftar , a renegade general who had Russian , French , and Saudi support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ played increasingly effective military roles in Syria and Iraq to limit the reach and power of ethnic Kurdish militias it calls “ terrorists ” – even facing off directly with U.S. Special Forces units and , last spring , Russian forces over Syria ’ s northwest enclave of Idlib .
• Turkey is locked in a tense maritime dispute with Greece and Cyprus over newfound energy reserves in the eastern Mediterranean .
• And , further compounding Turkey ’ s fractious relations with Europe – and bolstering Mr. Erdoğan ’ s claim to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the Turkish president in late October rejected government efforts to limit the practice of Islam in France after a spate of Islamist attacks , saying President Emmanuel Macron “ needs treatment on a mental level.
” Such nationalist and pro-Islamic activism plays well for Mr. Erdoğan at home , where a struggling Turkish economy has dented his popularity .
“ There are inherent limits to how far this can go , and the limit is really the Turkish economy , because it is very interdependent with the Western economy , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and head of the Istanbul-based Center for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies ( EDAM ) .
Turkey ’ s assertiveness abroad has been aided by two concurrent changes in the global order , he says : A United States that is “ much more disinterested in this part of the world , ” coupled with the “ continuing ineffectiveness of the EU as a foreign policy actor.
” “ This combination has opened up space for mid-power countries like Turkey to exert themselves more assertively in the regional theater , ” says Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the [ ruling ] AK Party has espoused a narrative of a strong Turkey abroad , and hard power tactics tend to nurture this narrative.
” A report by Al-Monitor news website noted that Mr. Macron “ followed the tried and tired analysis that everything [ Erdoğan ] does abroad must be for ‘ religious ’ reasons .
Others claim that Erdoğan is overreaching politically and militarily ... .
And yet the Turkish juggernaut keeps marching on.
” Turkey ’ s moves have also caught the eye of other intervening powers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the opposite side of frontlines in both Libya and Syria .
Turkey ’ s support for Azerbaijan – a former Soviet Republic – is viewed by Moscow as encroachment in its backyard .
The Russian newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets , for example , stated that Turkey had made “ an unprecedented breakthrough into the political space Moscow always considered exclusively its own.
” The result of the war is “ disastrous ” for Russia , says Ruslan Pukhov , director of a Russian defense think-tank .
“ The harsh reality is that Moscow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has sharply decreased , while the prestige of a successful and pugnacious Turkey , on the contrary , has grown incredibly , ” he told the Financial Times .
Indeed , the Kremlin made clear last week that Turkey is not mentioned in the cease-fire deal and that – despite Azeri statements – any Turkish forces deployed are not official peacekeepers .
Even the fact that Russia is treating Turkey as a player is indicative of how the character and quality of Turkey ’ s regional reach has changed since the Arab Spring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Erdoğan took a “ victory lap ” tour of Tunis , Cairo , and Tripoli , buoyed by the widespread belief that Turkey presented a model of a successful and modern Islamic state for the post-dictator era .
But the credibility of that model soon disappeared , lost in the clouds of tear gas fired against protesters during the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul , and then eroded further by Mr. Erdoğan ’ s own increasing authoritarianism .
“ A decade ago , Turkey presented itself as a model for the region @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” says Ms. Aydıntaşbaş of ECFR .
“ Today it ’ s an actor in the region with hard power instruments .
There is a great interest in the use of hard power , and each and every time that becomes a reality , the lesson for the next international incident is that it works.
” How to use influence ?
Turkey has been on a learning curve of interventions since it first crossed into northern Syria in 2016 .
Ms. Aydıntaşbaş recalls visiting Syrian territory controlled by Turkey back then and finding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about this as an experiment.
” Though Turkey ’ s military footprint has since extended much farther , it is not clear how Turkey will use its influence in a place like Libya .
“ This is not really thought through .
And there is a reason that Western countries are so gun-shy about the use of hard power in the Middle East , precisely because the returns are so little and the costs are so heavy , ” says Ms. Aydıntaşbaş .
“ For Turkey , there is a great appetite , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it helps the president ’ s own standing , and it is now defined as an ultimate destiny for the country , ” she says .
The fact that many Turks favor intervention abroad – even if it is too early to tell if it makes Turkey itself more secure , or improves the economy – is a key reason behind it , says Mr. Ülgen of EDAM .
“ The way you have to analyze the activism in Turkish foreign policy is less from the standpoint of the end result , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for domestic power , ” says Mr. Ülgen .
“ It ’ s really more about whether this foreign policy activism helps President Erdoğan ’ s popularity at home – and it does – at a time when that popularity is under stress because of the economic malaise .
”

“Turkey wants to be a regional hegemon, and to get to that it understands it needs to be an active player in conflict zones,” Ms. Aydıntaşbaş says. “President Erdoğan himself feels that ... it’s his calling in life to make sure Turkey emerges as a great power.”
“There is clearly a resurgent Turkey – one that has more self-confidence – [that] defines its role in the world as having a military footprint outside of its borders,” says Aslı Aydıntaşbaş, an expert with the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Turkey’s economy can be another limiting factor, but the temptation to act is great, not only to improve President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s political standing, but to improve the nation’s self-image.
What’s behind Turkey’s increasingly assertive use of military hard power? An easy answer is it helps bolster President Erdoğan politically. But another is that he sees restoring Turkey’s regional standing as his calling.
It’s been able to do so because around the region, the United States and the Europeans have increasingly absented themselves. But using that power – decisively, in the case of supporting Azerbaijan against Armenia in Nagorno-Karabakh – also means potentially coming into conflict with a great power like Russia.
The list of conflicts into which Turkey has inserted itself, either with military hard power or strong rhetoric, seems to be ever growing: Syria, Iraq, Libya, Cyprus, even France.
The cease-fire agreement ending six weeks of fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh was greeted in Turkey as a “sacred success” for “brotherly Azerbaijan” in its fight with Armenia.
But the elation in Ankara was not simply due to its ally’s battlefield gains, which reclaimed ground lost to ethnic Armenian separatists in the early 1990s.
For Turkey, the outcome was also the latest successful example of its assertive and game-changing use of military hard power, which has so far redrawn geopolitical realities from Libya and Syria to the southern Caucasus.
Why We Wrote This What’s behind Turkey’s increasingly assertive use of military hard power? An easy answer is it helps bolster President Erdoğan politically. But another is that he sees restoring Turkey’s regional standing as his calling.
The moves take advantage of a vacuum left by now-absent U.S. and European actors, analysts say, in order to realize Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s ambitions of regional preeminence – and to enhance his popularity at home.
The result is that Mr. Erdoğan is the latest exemplar of the effectiveness of gunboat diplomacy, even as traditional military players withdraw from the field. If there is one important caveat, though, it is that Turkey’s ambitions have also brought it increasingly into competition with another power, Russia.
“There is clearly a resurgent Turkey – one that has more self-confidence – [that] defines its role in the world as having a military footprint outside of its borders,” says Aslı Aydıntaşbaş, a Turkey expert with the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).
“Turkey wants to be a regional hegemon, and to get to that it understands it needs to be an active player in conflict zones,” Ms. Aydıntaşbaş says. “President Erdoğan himself feels that ... we’ve already entered a new age of great power competition, and [that] it’s his calling in life to make sure Turkey emerges as a great power.”
“Often all of these things are regarded [abroad] as Turkish adventurism, whereas in Turkey they are a source of pride,” she says. “The government does not see these as adventures, [but] as milestones that are building up a Turkish empire in a new age.”
In Nagorno-Karabakh, Russia brokered the cease-fire after President Vladimir Putin and Mr. Erdoğan spoke. Nearly 2,000 Russian troops are to monitor the cease-fire lines. Turkey’s peacekeeping role is still to be determined, but Mr. Erdoğan submitted a bill to parliament today to approve deployment of peacekeeping troops for a year.
Turkey’s expanded influence
Few think Azeri troops could have broken the years-long stalemate with Armenia without Turkey’s ironclad support and weaponry. Ankara’s arms sales to Azerbaijan increased six-fold this year, rising to $77 million in September alone – making Azerbaijan the biggest client for Turkish weapons – Reuters reports. Turkey also reportedly deployed Turkish-trained mercenary fighters from Syria.
The Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict is hardly the only arena in the region – and beyond – in which Turkey has exerted influence:
Timely Turkish military intervention in Libya last spring, on behalf of the United Nations-recognized government in Tripoli, is credited with blocking a takeover bid by Khalifa Haftar, a renegade general who had Russian, French, and Saudi support.
Since 2016, Turkey has played increasingly effective military roles in Syria and Iraq to limit the reach and power of ethnic Kurdish militias it calls “terrorists” – even facing off directly with U.S. Special Forces units and, last spring, Russian forces over Syria’s northwest enclave of Idlib.
Turkey is locked in a tense maritime dispute with Greece and Cyprus over newfound energy reserves in the eastern Mediterranean.
And, further compounding Turkey’s fractious relations with Europe – and bolstering Mr. Erdoğan’s claim to be a leader for all Sunni Muslims – the Turkish president in late October rejected government efforts to limit the practice of Islam in France after a spate of Islamist attacks, saying President Emmanuel Macron “needs treatment on a mental level.”
Such nationalist and pro-Islamic activism plays well for Mr. Erdoğan at home, where a struggling Turkish economy has dented his popularity.
“There are inherent limits to how far this can go, and the limit is really the Turkish economy, because it is very interdependent with the Western economy,” says Sinan Ülgen, a former Turkish diplomat and head of the Istanbul-based Center for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies (EDAM).
Dmitry Lovetsky/AP View caption Hide caption Smoke rises from a burning house as cars and trucks climb the clogged road from Kalbajar for Armenia, leaving the separatist region of Nagorno-Karabakh Nov. 14, 2020. The territory is to be turned over to Azerbaijan on Sunday as part of territorial concessions in an agreement to end six weeks of intense fighting with Armenian forces.
Turkey’s assertiveness abroad has been aided by two concurrent changes in the global order, he says: A United States that is “much more disinterested in this part of the world,” coupled with the “continuing ineffectiveness of the EU as a foreign policy actor.”
“This combination has opened up space for mid-power countries like Turkey to exert themselves more assertively in the regional theater,” says Mr. Ülgen. “The domestic dimension is that the [ruling] AK Party has espoused a narrative of a strong Turkey abroad, and hard power tactics tend to nurture this narrative.”
A report by Al-Monitor news website noted that Mr. Macron “followed the tried and tired analysis that everything [Erdoğan] does abroad must be for ‘religious’ reasons. Others claim that Erdoğan is overreaching politically and militarily.... And yet the Turkish juggernaut keeps marching on.”
Russia sees encroachment
Turkey’s moves have also caught the eye of other intervening powers, notably Russia, which has seen Turkey on the opposite side of frontlines in both Libya and Syria. Turkey’s support for Azerbaijan – a former Soviet Republic – is viewed by Moscow as encroachment in its backyard.
The Russian newspaper Moskovsky Komsomolets, for example, stated that Turkey had made “an unprecedented breakthrough into the political space Moscow always considered exclusively its own.”
The result of the war is “disastrous” for Russia, says Ruslan Pukhov, director of a Russian defense think-tank. “The harsh reality is that Moscow’s influence in the trans-Caucasus region has sharply decreased, while the prestige of a successful and pugnacious Turkey, on the contrary, has grown incredibly,” he told the Financial Times.
Indeed, the Kremlin made clear last week that Turkey is not mentioned in the cease-fire deal and that – despite Azeri statements – any Turkish forces deployed are not official peacekeepers.
Even the fact that Russia is treating Turkey as a player is indicative of how the character and quality of Turkey’s regional reach has changed since the Arab Spring in 2011. Back then, Mr. Erdoğan took a “victory lap” tour of Tunis, Cairo, and Tripoli, buoyed by the widespread belief that Turkey presented a model of a successful and modern Islamic state for the post-dictator era.
But the credibility of that model soon disappeared, lost in the clouds of tear gas fired against protesters during the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Istanbul, and then eroded further by Mr. Erdoğan’s own increasing authoritarianism.
“A decade ago, Turkey presented itself as a model for the region, with its soft power instruments,” says Ms. Aydıntaşbaş of ECFR. “Today it’s an actor in the region with hard power instruments. There is a great interest in the use of hard power, and each and every time that becomes a reality, the lesson for the next international incident is that it works.”
How to use influence?
Turkey has been on a learning curve of interventions since it first crossed into northern Syria in 2016. Ms. Aydıntaşbaş recalls visiting Syrian territory controlled by Turkey back then and finding local Turkish authorities “very self-consciously talking about this as an experiment.”
Though Turkey’s military footprint has since extended much farther, it is not clear how Turkey will use its influence in a place like Libya.
“This is not really thought through. And there is a reason that Western countries are so gun-shy about the use of hard power in the Middle East, precisely because the returns are so little and the costs are so heavy,” says Ms. Aydıntaşbaş.
“For Turkey, there is a great appetite, because it helps Turkey’s self-image, it helps the president’s own standing, and it is now defined as an ultimate destiny for the country,” she says.
The fact that many Turks favor intervention abroad – even if it is too early to tell if it makes Turkey itself more secure, or improves the economy – is a key reason behind it, says Mr. Ülgen of EDAM.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“The way you have to analyze the activism in Turkish foreign policy is less from the standpoint of the end result, and more in terms of its implications for domestic power,” says Mr. Ülgen.
“It’s really more about whether this foreign policy activism helps President Erdoğan’s popularity at home – and it does – at a time when that popularity is under stress because of the economic malaise.”


csmonitor--2020-11-16--Trump’s lawsuits are foundering. But ‘fraud’ charge could linger.

“ That gives him a relevance that a Jimmy Carter or George H.W .
Bush didn ’ t possess , ” says Henry Olsen of the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington .
Still , President Trump ’ s unsubstantiated claims that Joe Biden won due to “ fraud ” could serve his interests – either as a future candidate or kingmaker – if enough GOP voters are convinced he didn ’ t really lose .
The Trump legal offensive follows many election rule changes that state officials said were necessary to ensuring access to voting during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compromised election integrity amid a record spike in mail-in voting .
Courts have found at least 150 incidents of absentee ballot fraud in recent decades , but most cases have been small scale and at the local level .
None of the cases his campaign has filed so far assert widespread election fraud or involve enough ballots to overturn the results , and many have already failed .
The Department of Homeland Security issued a joint statement Nov. 11 calling the election “ the most secure in history.
” Faced with a growing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Donald Trump tweeted Sunday that his team would file a new wave of “ big cases ” showing the “ unconstitutionality ” of the 2020 election .
Faced with a growing list of legal setbacks and defeats , President Donald Trump tweeted on Sunday evening that his team would soon file a new wave of “ big ” lawsuits showing the “ unconstitutionality ” of the 2020 election .
So far , the Trump lawsuits have mainly involved small-scale claims that would not change the current Electoral College projection of a 306-232 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a dozen of those cases have already proved unsuccessful .
None of them assert widespread election fraud , and lawyers representing the Trump campaign in Arizona and Pennsylvania testified that they were unaware of any such mass fraud in those states .
In addition , the Trump campaign scaled back one of its key cases , in Pennsylvania , over the weekend .
At issue , however , is not only what happens in the courtroom – but also in the court of public opinion .
In an increasingly polarized environment in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with nearly 90 million Twitter followers , legal verdicts alone may not settle the question in the minds of his supporters .
Even if the Trump campaign ’ s lawsuits fail , his unsubstantiated allegations that Mr. Biden won only because of “ fraud ” could serve his political interests – either as a future candidate or kingmaker , with an unparalleled ability to rile up the GOP base .
“ If what he has done is convince Republican voters and activists that ‘ I didn ’ t really lose , ’ that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or George H.W .
Bush didn ’ t possess , ” says Henry Olsen , a senior fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington .
On Nov. 11 , the president ’ s own Department of Homeland Security issued a joint statement by members of two key election infrastructure entities calling the 2020 election “ the most secure in history.
” State election officials from both parties have widely disavowed that there was any noticeable widespread fraud .
But a Politico/Morning Consult poll conducted Nov. 6-9 found that 70 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the election was free and fair .
When asked why , 84 % of them agreed with the statement that “ mail-in voting led to widespread voter fraud ” and 76 % said they thought ballots had been tampered with , according to a detailed breakdown .
The president began raising concerns about the integrity of the election well before Nov. 3 , after many states instituted rule changes that officials said were necessary to ensuring access to voting during the pandemic , including a massive expansion of mail-in voting .
Some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that removed some measures designed to prevent abuse of absentee ballots .
These included waiving eligibility standards for absentee voting , suspending notarization requirements , reducing witness signature requirements , extending deadlines for voter registration , and – in California ’ s case – automatically mailing ballots to registered voters without them requesting one and verifying their current address .
Voting rights advocates cite studies showing that cases of proven electoral fraud are extremely low , though absentee ballot fraud is the most common type and the most difficult to detect “ since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballot or the pressure on voters occurs away from the polling place or any other outside scrutiny , ” according to a 2001 bipartisan commission on federal election reform featuring former presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter as honorary co-chairs .
A compilation by a conservative think tank of some 150 criminal convictions for absentee ballot fraud over the past few decades shows that most cases have been small scale and at the local level – where relatively limited fraud can prove decisive .
In 2009 , Wisconsin residents Louis and Jane Kwiatkowski @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also by absentee ballot in the village where they owned a cabin , helping their preferred candidate win the trustee ’ s race by a two-vote margin .
Angel Perales , a local official in Cudahy , California , admitted to opening mailed ballots in 2007 and 2009 elections to see for whom the ballots had been cast , resealing and submitting those for incumbent candidates and tossing the rest .
And in 2016 , Brandon Dean , who was elected mayor of Brighton , Alabama , at age 24 , was forced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year later after a judge ruled that 46 fraudulent absentee ballots – including 22 sent to Mr. Dean ’ s home address – had been crucial to his victory .
Rarer are known cases of absentee ballot fraud involving state races .
In a highly scrutinized 1993 Philadelphia special election for state senate , a federal judge found evidence of “ massive absentee ballot fraud ” and ousted the Democratic victor after he had already taken his seat , flipping control of the legislative body to the GOP .
Hans von Spakovsky , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Initiative at the conservative Heritage Foundation , started the database from which the examples of absentee ballot fraud cited above were drawn .
But he says the 1,400 incidents of all different types of voter fraud in his database are just the tip of the iceberg – and anyone who disputes that must believe that the only drug dealers in the country are those who have been convicted .
Even in cases where it can be proved that the number of fraudulent ballots exceeded the margin of victory , that doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In a case involving Washington ’ s 2004 gubernatorial race , a judge determined that 1,678 ballots were invalid in a race in which the margin of victory after a hand recount was just 129 .
But the Republican plaintiffs still lost because it couldn ’ t be determined whether the bad ballots – involving felons , dead people , and provisional vote – had been critical to the winner ’ s victory .
Barry Richard , a Democratic lawyer who led George W. Bush ’ s victorious legal team in the 2000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview that there are “ zero ” Trump lawsuits that have a decent chance of standing up in court .
Many prominent Republican experts agree .
But top GOP lawmakers , including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , say the president is well within his rights to pursue the legal route , and that allowing the courts to examine such claims and concerns will build public trust in the election ’ s credibility .
Many Democrats counter that it ’ s allowing Mr. Trump to stoke unfounded suspicions among his base , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s presidency .
Among the evidence presented in the Trump lawsuits are various affidavits , mainly from poll observers .
One comes from a woman identified as an employee “ for decades ” for the city of Detroit who was assigned to help with the 2020 elections , Jessy Jacobs .
In an affidavit which featured prominently in a Nov. 9 Trump campaign press conference , Ms. Jacobs claims , among other things , that she was asked to predate absentee ballots that arrived after the Nov. 3 deadline and to alter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the ballots had been received in time to be valid .
Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson had addressed the backdating claim in a previous statement , saying that it was done to remedy a clerical error , and that Republican poll challengers had declined to challenge that method of resolution .
The Pennsylvania case that legal experts say does involve a legitimate constitutional question – whether the constitutionally mandated authority of state legislatures to determine how elections are conducted was circumvented by other state and local officials , including the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a three-day extension for receipt of mailed ballots – now appears unlikely to move forward .
That ’ s because only some 10,000 votes were reportedly received during the extension period , far less than Mr. Biden ’ s current lead in Pennsylvania of more than 65,000 votes .
In recent days , Mr. Trump has targeted his fire at Dominion Voting Systems , which he alleges deleted millions of votes and “ switched ” hundreds of thousands of votes from him to Mr. Biden .
Dominion has denied such claims , pointing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ There is no evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes , changed votes , or was in any way compromised.
” The statement does not specify what steps were taken to examine concerns about the security and reliability of Dominion ’ s voting machines .
State election officials using the machines , including in Michigan ’ s Antrim County , have explained initial misreporting of some results as due to human error rather than software problems .
Moreover , an audit in Arizona ’ s Maricopa County , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find any discrepancies .
Democrats and even some Republicans who are otherwise sympathetic to Mr. Trump have denounced his claims about Dominion as conspiracy theories , though Democratic senators including Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar did raise concerns about the security of such voting machines with the backers of the three major vendors , including Dominion , in December 2019 .
In 1876 , Democrat Samuel Tilden won the popular vote and was leading in the Electoral College but Republicans cried foul .
Among the concerns were stuffing of ballot boxes , attempts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballots with Republican Abe Lincoln ’ s face on them , and various voter suppression tactics targeting Black citizens in the South , who at the time tended to favor the Republican Party .
The electoral votes of three Southern states plus Oregon were disputed , throwing the country into a constitutional crisis .
Congress appointed a bipartisan commission with members of the House , Senate , and Supreme Court , which decided in favor of Republican Rutherford Hayes by one electoral vote .
The Trump team has reportedly considered a similar scenario @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convince GOP legislatures to send a rival slate of electors in key battleground states .
Under the 12th Amendment , this would force the incoming Congress to settle the dispute – first through the Senate , presided over by Vice President Mike Pence , or if the body could not agree that either candidate received the minimum 271 electoral votes , the House would vote directly , with each state delegation receiving one vote .
The GOP would likely have the upper hand in either scenario , since it appears on track to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House and maintain its majority in the Senate , unless the Georgia runoffs change that .
Key to this scenario would be states missing the Dec. 8 “ Safe Harbor ” deadline to choose electors , which may have been a goal of his campaign ’ s litigation .
“ There ’ s a whole series of ifs and presumptions … but I can see Trump and his inner circle believing that is possible – that the entire Republican apparatus would fall in line and do a partisan-motivated appointment and confirmation of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Olsen .
But Edward Foley , a constitutional law professor at Ohio State University who laid out such a disputed election scenario in a 2019 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal article , says he no longer thinks it ’ s likely .
“ I don ’ t believe Biden ’ s inauguration is in any jeopardy , ” he says .
Maggie MacAlpine , an election security specialist and co-founder of Nordic Innovation Labs in Portsmouth , New Hampshire , has also spent time over the past year gaming out nightmare scenarios @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Boston-based firm Cybereason in August , one of the last prompts in the simulated election crisis told participants that 30 % of conservative Twitter was saying the results weren ’ t valid .
Now , in real life , it ’ s 70 % of Republicans .
One way she says voter confidence could be improved is by implementing a type of postelection audit that is relatively inexpensive and efficient .
Known as a risk-limiting audit , it involves checking a portion of ballots to ensure that the vote tally is correct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk that an incorrect result will be certified .
The wider the margin , the smaller the portion of ballots that needs to be checked .
Thirty-four states as well as the District of Columbia currently use RLAs , which can be carried out as a matter of routine , rather than as a result of anyone casting suspicion on the process .
“ If we make this just a sanitation part of the election , a lot of this doubt can go away , ” says Ms. MacAlpine .

“That gives him a relevance that a Jimmy Carter or George H.W. Bush didn’t possess,” says Henry Olsen of the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington.
Still, President Trump’s unsubstantiated claims that Joe Biden won due to “fraud” could serve his interests – either as a future candidate or kingmaker – if enough GOP voters are convinced he didn’t really lose.
The Trump legal offensive follows many election rule changes that state officials said were necessary to ensuring access to voting during the pandemic, but which the president claims compromised election integrity amid a record spike in mail-in voting. Courts have found at least 150 incidents of absentee ballot fraud in recent decades, but most cases have been small scale and at the local level.
How does a democracy investigate concerns about election fraud and irregularities without fanning the flames of misinformation? That’s the test America faces right now.
None of the cases his campaign has filed so far assert widespread election fraud or involve enough ballots to overturn the results, and many have already failed. The Department of Homeland Security issued a joint statement Nov. 11 calling the election “the most secure in history.”
Faced with a growing list of legal setbacks and defeats, President Donald Trump tweeted Sunday that his team would file a new wave of “big cases” showing the “unconstitutionality” of the 2020 election.
Faced with a growing list of legal setbacks and defeats, President Donald Trump tweeted on Sunday evening that his team would soon file a new wave of “big” lawsuits showing the “unconstitutionality” of the 2020 election.
So far, the Trump lawsuits have mainly involved small-scale claims that would not change the current Electoral College projection of a 306-232 win for Joe Biden. At least a dozen of those cases have already proved unsuccessful. None of them assert widespread election fraud, and lawyers representing the Trump campaign in Arizona and Pennsylvania testified that they were unaware of any such mass fraud in those states. In addition, the Trump campaign scaled back one of its key cases, in Pennsylvania, over the weekend.
At issue, however, is not only what happens in the courtroom – but also in the court of public opinion. In an increasingly polarized environment in which President Trump wields a digital bully pulpit with nearly 90 million Twitter followers, legal verdicts alone may not settle the question in the minds of his supporters. Even if the Trump campaign’s lawsuits fail, his unsubstantiated allegations that Mr. Biden won only because of “fraud” could serve his political interests – either as a future candidate or kingmaker, with an unparalleled ability to rile up the GOP base.
Why We Wrote This How does a democracy investigate concerns about election fraud and irregularities without fanning the flames of misinformation? That’s the test America faces right now.
“If what he has done is convince Republican voters and activists that ‘I didn’t really lose,’ that gives him a relevance that Jimmy Carter or George H.W. Bush didn’t possess,” says Henry Olsen, a senior fellow at the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington.
On Nov. 11, the president’s own Department of Homeland Security issued a joint statement by members of two key election infrastructure entities calling the 2020 election “the most secure in history.” State election officials from both parties have widely disavowed that there was any noticeable widespread fraud.
But a Politico/Morning Consult poll conducted Nov. 6-9 found that 70% of Republicans didn’t believe that the election was free and fair. When asked why, 84% of them agreed with the statement that “mail-in voting led to widespread voter fraud” and 76% said they thought ballots had been tampered with, according to a detailed breakdown.
Concerns around absentee ballots
The president began raising concerns about the integrity of the election well before Nov. 3, after many states instituted rule changes that officials said were necessary to ensuring access to voting during the pandemic, including a massive expansion of mail-in voting.
Some conservatives have questioned various modifications and exemptions that removed some measures designed to prevent abuse of absentee ballots. These included waiving eligibility standards for absentee voting, suspending notarization requirements, reducing witness signature requirements, extending deadlines for voter registration, and – in California’s case – automatically mailing ballots to registered voters without them requesting one and verifying their current address.
Voting rights advocates cite studies showing that cases of proven electoral fraud are extremely low, though absentee ballot fraud is the most common type and the most difficult to detect “since the misuse of a voter’s ballot or the pressure on voters occurs away from the polling place or any other outside scrutiny,” according to a 2001 bipartisan commission on federal election reform featuring former presidents Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter as honorary co-chairs.
A compilation by a conservative think tank of some 150 criminal convictions for absentee ballot fraud over the past few decades shows that most cases have been small scale and at the local level – where relatively limited fraud can prove decisive.
In 2009, Wisconsin residents Louis and Jane Kwiatkowski voted not only in their hometown but also by absentee ballot in the village where they owned a cabin, helping their preferred candidate win the trustee’s race by a two-vote margin. Angel Perales, a local official in Cudahy, California, admitted to opening mailed ballots in 2007 and 2009 elections to see for whom the ballots had been cast, resealing and submitting those for incumbent candidates and tossing the rest. And in 2016, Brandon Dean, who was elected mayor of Brighton, Alabama, at age 24, was forced to vacate his office less than a year later after a judge ruled that 46 fraudulent absentee ballots – including 22 sent to Mr. Dean’s home address – had been crucial to his victory.
Rarer are known cases of absentee ballot fraud involving state races. In a highly scrutinized 1993 Philadelphia special election for state senate, a federal judge found evidence of “massive absentee ballot fraud” and ousted the Democratic victor after he had already taken his seat, flipping control of the legislative body to the GOP.
Hans von Spakovsky, the manager of the Election Law Reform Initiative at the conservative Heritage Foundation, started the database from which the examples of absentee ballot fraud cited above were drawn. But he says the 1,400 incidents of all different types of voter fraud in his database are just the tip of the iceberg – and anyone who disputes that must believe that the only drug dealers in the country are those who have been convicted.
Even in cases where it can be proved that the number of fraudulent ballots exceeded the margin of victory, that doesn’t guarantee the results will be overturned. In a case involving Washington’s 2004 gubernatorial race, a judge determined that 1,678 ballots were invalid in a race in which the margin of victory after a hand recount was just 129. But the Republican plaintiffs still lost because it couldn’t be determined whether the bad ballots – involving felons, dead people, and provisional vote – had been critical to the winner’s victory.
John Bazemore/AP View caption Hide caption Supporters of President Donald Trump hold signs during a rally outside the Georgia State Capitol, Nov. 13, 2020, in Atlanta.
“Zero” Trump lawsuits will stand up
Barry Richard, a Democratic lawyer who led George W. Bush’s victorious legal team in the 2000 Florida election litigation, says in an interview that there are “zero” Trump lawsuits that have a decent chance of standing up in court. Many prominent Republican experts agree.
But top GOP lawmakers, including Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, say the president is well within his rights to pursue the legal route, and that allowing the courts to examine such claims and concerns will build public trust in the election’s credibility. Many Democrats counter that it’s allowing Mr. Trump to stoke unfounded suspicions among his base, in ways that will likely undermine Mr. Biden’s presidency.
Among the evidence presented in the Trump lawsuits are various affidavits, mainly from poll observers. One comes from a woman identified as an employee “for decades” for the city of Detroit who was assigned to help with the 2020 elections, Jessy Jacobs. In an affidavit which featured prominently in a Nov. 9 Trump campaign press conference, Ms. Jacobs claims, among other things, that she was asked to predate absentee ballots that arrived after the Nov. 3 deadline and to alter the qualified voter file to falsely show that the ballots had been received in time to be valid. Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson had addressed the backdating claim in a previous statement, saying that it was done to remedy a clerical error, and that Republican poll challengers had declined to challenge that method of resolution.
The Pennsylvania case that legal experts say does involve a legitimate constitutional question – whether the constitutionally mandated authority of state legislatures to determine how elections are conducted was circumvented by other state and local officials, including the state Supreme Court’s decision to allow a three-day extension for receipt of mailed ballots – now appears unlikely to move forward. That’s because only some 10,000 votes were reportedly received during the extension period, far less than Mr. Biden’s current lead in Pennsylvania of more than 65,000 votes.
In recent days, Mr. Trump has targeted his fire at Dominion Voting Systems, which he alleges deleted millions of votes and “switched” hundreds of thousands of votes from him to Mr. Biden. Dominion has denied such claims, pointing to the DHS statement’s conclusion: “There is no evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes, changed votes, or was in any way compromised.” The statement does not specify what steps were taken to examine concerns about the security and reliability of Dominion’s voting machines.
State election officials using the machines, including in Michigan’s Antrim County, have explained initial misreporting of some results as due to human error rather than software problems. Moreover, an audit in Arizona’s Maricopa County, which also uses the machines, did not find any discrepancies.
Democrats and even some Republicans who are otherwise sympathetic to Mr. Trump have denounced his claims about Dominion as conspiracy theories, though Democratic senators including Elizabeth Warren and Amy Klobuchar did raise concerns about the security of such voting machines with the backers of the three major vendors, including Dominion, in December 2019.
Compromise of 1877
In 1876, Democrat Samuel Tilden won the popular vote and was leading in the Electoral College but Republicans cried foul. Among the concerns were stuffing of ballot boxes, attempts to trick illiterate voters by stamping Democratic ballots with Republican Abe Lincoln’s face on them, and various voter suppression tactics targeting Black citizens in the South, who at the time tended to favor the Republican Party. The electoral votes of three Southern states plus Oregon were disputed, throwing the country into a constitutional crisis. Congress appointed a bipartisan commission with members of the House, Senate, and Supreme Court, which decided in favor of Republican Rutherford Hayes by one electoral vote.
The Trump team has reportedly considered a similar scenario, in which they would try to convince GOP legislatures to send a rival slate of electors in key battleground states. Under the 12th Amendment, this would force the incoming Congress to settle the dispute – first through the Senate, presided over by Vice President Mike Pence, or if the body could not agree that either candidate received the minimum 271 electoral votes, the House would vote directly, with each state delegation receiving one vote. The GOP would likely have the upper hand in either scenario, since it appears on track to control at least 26 delegations in the House and maintain its majority in the Senate, unless the Georgia runoffs change that. Key to this scenario would be states missing the Dec. 8 “Safe Harbor” deadline to choose electors, which may have been a goal of his campaign’s litigation.
“There’s a whole series of ifs and presumptions … but I can see Trump and his inner circle believing that is possible – that the entire Republican apparatus would fall in line and do a partisan-motivated appointment and confirmation of a rival slate of electors,” says Mr. Olsen.
But Edward Foley, a constitutional law professor at Ohio State University who laid out such a disputed election scenario in a 2019 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal article, says he no longer thinks it’s likely. “I don’t believe Biden’s inauguration is in any jeopardy,” he says.
Maggie MacAlpine, an election security specialist and co-founder of Nordic Innovation Labs in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, has also spent time over the past year gaming out nightmare scenarios. In a virtual tabletop exercise run by Boston-based firm Cybereason in August, one of the last prompts in the simulated election crisis told participants that 30% of conservative Twitter was saying the results weren’t valid. Now, in real life, it’s 70% of Republicans.
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One way she says voter confidence could be improved is by implementing a type of postelection audit that is relatively inexpensive and efficient. Known as a risk-limiting audit, it involves checking a portion of ballots to ensure that the vote tally is correct, using statistical methods to reduce the risk that an incorrect result will be certified. The wider the margin, the smaller the portion of ballots that needs to be checked. Thirty-four states as well as the District of Columbia currently use RLAs, which can be carried out as a matter of routine, rather than as a result of anyone casting suspicion on the process.
“If we make this just a sanitation part of the election, a lot of this doubt can go away,” says Ms. MacAlpine.


csmonitor--2020-11-16--Giving thanks for the 10 best books of November 2020

November ’ s cornucopia of books overflows with rich offerings , including a novel about heroism in the Warsaw ghetto and Martin Amis ’ autobiographical novel .
Among the nonfiction titles , Robert D. Putnam ( of “ Bowling Alone ” fame ) provides a hopeful perspective on this moment in American culture , and a biography of Henry Adams illuminates a period of great change in the U.S. Before becoming a mystery novelist , Hideo Yokoyama worked as an investigative reporter in Gunma prefecture on Japan ’ s Honshu island .
His book , translated by Jonathan Lloyd-Davies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intriguing story describing the complex relationships and bureaucratic tensions within the police force .
`` Prefecture D '' is an excellent introduction to the political and social undercurrents that govern Japanese society .
Like all good mysteries , each novella holds the reader in suspense until the surprising end .
This deeply impactful novel is based on the true story of Irena Sendler , a member of the Polish resistance who rescued 2,500 Jewish children from the Warsaw ghetto .
James D. Shipman ’ s heart-pounding historical thriller is a tribute to those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
3 .
Before the Coffee Gets Cold by Toshikazu Kawaguchi At a Tokyo cafe , a ghost occupies a certain table – except when she visits the restroom , allowing tenacious customers to take her seat and venture into the past .
The rules are many , but a few dare : an abandoned lover , a regretful sister , a forgotten wife , a mother and daughter .
This international bestseller makes its delightful , timely U.S. debut , translated by Geoffrey Trousselot .
Martin Amis delivers a big , thumping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sex , literature , global politics , parenting , writing , aging , and mortality .
Tender tributes to his family , and to three seminal literary influences – Philip Larkin , Saul Bellow , and Christopher Hitchens – form the core of this protean inside story .
Read the review here .
5 .
The Best of Me by David Sedaris David Sedaris ’ anthology features 46 of his best essays and stories curated from nine earlier books .
It ’ s an excellent opportunity to view the arc of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ writer over 25 years .
Stories about his family , his longtime partner , his predilection for the ghoulish , and his take on foreign languages and cultures show off his ability to combine hilarity with heart .
Read the review here .
6 .
Our Last Season by Harvey Araton Sports journalist Harvey Araton gives a touching and heartfelt history of his decadeslong friendship with a New York Knicks superfan in this memoir .
Michelle Musler started out as a source for his stories , but she and the author eventually became @ @ @ @ @ @ @ final season of basketball together before her death in 2018 .
Read the review here .
A leading public intellectual reviews the last 125 years of American history and finds that the polarized and divisive Gilded Age was followed by a long period of increasing equality and cooperation .
America is , once again , in the midst of a deeply individualistic and divisive era , but he concludes that we may be poised to move in a more generous and promising direction .
Read the review here .
8 .
A Wealth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Martin Witty and wise , the cartoons gathered in this delightful collection result from the partnership of New Yorker cartoonist Harry Bliss and actor-writer Steve Martin .
Animal lovers will rejoice at the numerous loquacious critters featured in the cartoons .
Human foibles are also the target of the duo ’ s gentle but pointed humor .
In the tumultuous Afar region of Ethiopia , a team of fossil hunters discovers prehistoric clues that threaten the scientific establishment ’ s understanding of how humans evolved .
What happens next – to the paleontologists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that make up the mysterious ancestor dubbed Ardi – is a riveting story of academic , political , and personal intrigue .
10 .
The Last American Aristocrat by David S. Brown David S. Brown observes that writer and intellectual Henry Adams , who lived from 1838 to 1918 , bridged America ’ s transition from the Colonial to the modern era .
His excellent biography of this flawed but fascinating thinker , descended from two U.S. presidents , illuminates an extraordinary life and the period of great change it spanned .

“There is no Frigate like a Book / To take us Lands away,” Emily Dickinson’s poem begins. This is especially true this month, when our 10 picks include a Japanese crime novel, a book of cartoons by Steve Martin and Harry Bliss, and a true story of intrigue involving fossil hunters in Africa.
November’s cornucopia of books overflows with rich offerings, including a novel about heroism in the Warsaw ghetto and Martin Amis’ autobiographical novel. Among the nonfiction titles, Robert D. Putnam (of “Bowling Alone” fame) provides a hopeful perspective on this moment in American culture, and a biography of Henry Adams illuminates a period of great change in the U.S.
1. Prefecture D by Hideo Yokoyama
Before becoming a mystery novelist, Hideo Yokoyama worked as an investigative reporter in Gunma prefecture on Japan’s Honshu island. His book, translated by Jonathan Lloyd-Davies, is actually four novellas, each an intriguing story describing the complex relationships and bureaucratic tensions within the police force. "Prefecture D" is an excellent introduction to the political and social undercurrents that govern Japanese society. Like all good mysteries, each novella holds the reader in suspense until the surprising end.
2. Irena’s War by James D. Shipman
Why We Wrote This “There is no Frigate like a Book / To take us Lands away,” Emily Dickinson’s poem begins. This is especially true this month, when our 10 picks include a Japanese crime novel, a book of cartoons by Steve Martin and Harry Bliss, and a true story of intrigue involving fossil hunters in Africa.
This deeply impactful novel is based on the true story of Irena Sendler, a member of the Polish resistance who rescued 2,500 Jewish children from the Warsaw ghetto. James D. Shipman’s heart-pounding historical thriller is a tribute to those who risked their lives to help others.
3. Before the Coffee Gets Cold by Toshikazu Kawaguchi
At a Tokyo cafe, a ghost occupies a certain table – except when she visits the restroom, allowing tenacious customers to take her seat and venture into the past. The rules are many, but a few dare: an abandoned lover, a regretful sister, a forgotten wife, a mother and daughter. This international bestseller makes its delightful, timely U.S. debut, translated by Geoffrey Trousselot.
4. Inside Story by Martin Amis
Martin Amis delivers a big, thumping autobiographical novel bursting with reflections on love, sex, literature, global politics, parenting, writing, aging, and mortality. Tender tributes to his family, and to three seminal literary influences – Philip Larkin, Saul Bellow, and Christopher Hitchens – form the core of this protean inside story. Read the review here.
5. The Best of Me by David Sedaris
David Sedaris’ anthology features 46 of his best essays and stories curated from nine earlier books. It’s an excellent opportunity to view the arc of this American humorist’s development as a writer over 25 years. Stories about his family, his longtime partner, his predilection for the ghoulish, and his take on foreign languages and cultures show off his ability to combine hilarity with heart. Read the review here.
6. Our Last Season by Harvey Araton
Sports journalist Harvey Araton gives a touching and heartfelt history of his decadeslong friendship with a New York Knicks superfan in this memoir. Michelle Musler started out as a source for his stories, but she and the author eventually became as close as family, sharing one final season of basketball together before her death in 2018. Read the review here.
7. The Upswing by Robert D. Putnam
Simon & Schuster View caption Hide caption “The Upswing: How America Came Together a Century Ago and How We Can Do It Again” by Robert D. Putnam with Shaylyn Romney Garrett, Simon & Schuster, 480 pp.
A leading public intellectual reviews the last 125 years of American history and finds that the polarized and divisive Gilded Age was followed by a long period of increasing equality and cooperation. America is, once again, in the midst of a deeply individualistic and divisive era, but he concludes that we may be poised to move in a more generous and promising direction. Read the review here.
8. A Wealth of Pigeons by Harry Bliss and Steve Martin
Witty and wise, the cartoons gathered in this delightful collection result from the partnership of New Yorker cartoonist Harry Bliss and actor-writer Steve Martin. Animal lovers will rejoice at the numerous loquacious critters featured in the cartoons. Human foibles are also the target of the duo’s gentle but pointed humor.
9. Fossil Men by Kermit Pattison
HarperCollins Publishers View caption Hide caption “Fossil Men: The Quest for the Oldest Skeleton and the Origins of Humankind” by Kermit Pattison, William Morrow, 544 pp.
In the tumultuous Afar region of Ethiopia, a team of fossil hunters discovers prehistoric clues that threaten the scientific establishment’s understanding of how humans evolved. What happens next – to the paleontologists, the region, and the bones that make up the mysterious ancestor dubbed Ardi – is a riveting story of academic, political, and personal intrigue.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
10. The Last American Aristocrat by David S. Brown
David S. Brown observes that writer and intellectual Henry Adams, who lived from 1838 to 1918, bridged America’s transition from the Colonial to the modern era. His excellent biography of this flawed but fascinating thinker, descended from two U.S. presidents, illuminates an extraordinary life and the period of great change it spanned.


csmonitor--2020-11-16--No tourists, but many migrants: Canary Islands face a new reality

“ The Canarian population still has a relatively positive attitude about immigration , ” says Vicente Manuel Zapata , a professor of human geography at the Universidad de La Laguna in Tenerife .
“ It has always been a part of our national fabric.
” And with locals already facing hunger and an unemployment rate of 25 % , the newly arrived migrants ’ treatment has stirred some resentment – in addition to stereotypical fears .
So the government is banking on a boom in volunteerism to combat mistrust and bridge understanding between communities .
The pandemic has forced the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accommodating the surge of people , in hopes of protecting migrants as well as the local population from COVID-19 .
With just 20 % of hotels in the Canary Islands currently open , at just 6 % occupancy , the government has turned to the badly hit tourism sector to step in and help with the crisis .
Hundreds of migrants , recently arrived in the Canary Islands , are being housed in hotels left vacant by the COVID-19 pandemic .
Since January , more than 17,000 people have arrived across the archipelago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Morocco , in the largest wave of migration the archipelago has seen since 2006 , when over 30,000 people sought refuge here .
It ’ s the low season , but the Tenerife Ving hotel would still normally be packed with German and Scandinavian tourists escaping gray autumn skies .
Instead , the heads poking out from the hotel ’ s goldfinch yellow balconies are young men from Senegal and Gambia , who have recently arrived in this tourist town on the island of Tenerife after treacherous journeys on wooden fishing boats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quarantine to protect the community from COVID-19 .
“ They won ’ t let us out , ” a young Senegalese man calls out in French over his balcony .
He ’ s been inside for more than a week and will stay for at least one more before being placed elsewhere or left to his own devices .
“ I ’ m not really sure what ’ s going on or what ’ s going to happen next.
” The more than 100 men staying at the Tenerife Ving are just some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Canary Islands in hotels left vacant by the COVID-19 pandemic .
Since January , more than 17,000 people have arrived in the Canary Islands , mainly from Senegal , Mauritania , and Morocco , in the largest wave of migration the archipelago has seen since 2006 , when over 30,000 people sought refuge here .
Nearly 10,000 people have arrived in the last month alone .
The pandemic has forced the regional government to look for ways of accommodating the surge of people , in hopes of protecting migrants as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just 20 % of hotels in the Canary Islands currently open , at just 6 % occupancy , the government has turned to the badly hit tourism sector to step in and help with the crisis .
And with locals already facing hunger and an unemployment rate of 25 % , the newly arrived migrants ’ treatment has stirred some resentment – in addition to stereotypical fears of terrorism and worries about COVID-19 contagion .
The government is banking on a boom in volunteerism – largely due to the high unemployment rate – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities .
“ The current context has amplified xenophobic and racist attitudes , and the propagation of hate speech , ” says Vicente Manuel Zapata , a professor of human geography at the Universidad de La Laguna in Tenerife .
“ But we can ’ t say this is a general phenomenon .
The Canarian population still has a relatively positive attitude about immigration .
...
It has always been a part of our national fabric.
” At the locked door of the Tenerife Ving – one of the few hotels housing migrants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ windows – security guards stand watch .
Passersby who try to talk to the men peeking out of their windows are quickly shooed away .
It ’ s all in line with the current government directive , which is to keep the number and names of participating establishments private .
It ’ s not out of secrecy , say volunteers , but as a way to protect the migrants .
“ These men have crossed an ocean .
They ’ re in a new place with a new language and everything is different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Red Cross volunteer .
“ They ’ re still in shock.
” Ms. María has been volunteering at two hotels in Puerto de la Cruz after being put on furlough from her job at a boat tour company during Tenerife ’ s first COVID-19 wave .
She now spends eight hours a day , five days a week serving food , leading improvised exercise classes , and chatting with the young men .
She says volunteering has shown her how fortunate she is .
Aid workers aren ’ t the only ones creating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also extending to hotel staff .
In the south of the island , near Los Cristianos – at the heart of the 2006 crisis – the Granada Park hotel was housing around 300 migrants at the start of November with more arrivals expected in the coming weeks .
The hotel has finally reopened , having being shuttered since March 21 due to the pandemic , and hotel owners say the situation is a win-win .
Granada Park is able to pay employees their full salary – alleviating pressure on the government – while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide food and translators , with hotel staff maintaining their regular jobs of cleaning rooms and serving meals – to a new clientele .
“ We haven ’ t had any of our staff members complain about the situation and we ’ re very proud of that , ” says Javier Cabrera Amador , a consultant for Granada Park .
“ On the contrary , they ’ re creating friendships with these young men since they ’ re seeing each other on such a regular basis.
” But operations still vary enormously across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on-site , while other hotels have left the entire operation to aid organizations like the Red Cross .
Certain hotels are hosting migrants for two-week quarantine periods , where no one is allowed to come or go .
Others are acting as makeshift social housing centers , giving migrants a nightly curfew but allowing them to stay for a handful of months as they apply for asylum or refugee status , or set their sights on France , Germany , or the Spanish mainland .
“ No one can give you any precise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay in the hotels , ” says José María Santana Suárez , who leads advocacy and social participation efforts at the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid in Gran Canaria , “ because everything is being improvised.
” For some locals , putting up migrants in luxury hotels is too much to bear when they ’ re stuck lining up at food banks to put dinner on the table or applying for unemployment benefits .
While the government has stamped out rumors that migrants living in the country illegally receive a daily living stipend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thread on an island chain known in recent years for its integration efforts .
At the end of October , more than 1,000 people protested in the port city of Arguineguín in Gran Canaria – where around 1,700 migrants are currently stranded , waiting for PCR tests and left in unhygienic conditions – against what the demonstrators see as a migrant “ invasion.
” In Puerto de la Cruz , migrants are gradually finishing their quarantine period and moving about town .
Curiosity , as well as xenophobia , is mounting .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we ’ re a small island so we need more laws to monitor who is coming in , ” says Martin Barreto , the owner of Puerto Bakery and Coffee .
“ There will be more COVID-19 cases and more terrorists coming in , just like in France , if things aren ’ t controlled.
” Aid workers , however , are holding out hope that volunteerism will help counter some of the fear that the current migration wave is bringing .
Groups like Médicos del Mundo Canarias and the Red Cross note @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months , but say they still need more hands .
“ Volunteering fulfills me enormously , ” says Ms. María .
“ I don ’ t care what [ these men ’ s ] religion is or the color of their skin .
They ’ re human beings and they deserve the same respect as everyone else .
”

“The Canarian population still has a relatively positive attitude about immigration,” says Vicente Manuel Zapata, a professor of human geography at the Universidad de La Laguna in Tenerife. “It has always been a part of our national fabric.”
And with locals already facing hunger and an unemployment rate of 25%, the newly arrived migrants’ treatment has stirred some resentment – in addition to stereotypical fears. So the government is banking on a boom in volunteerism to combat mistrust and bridge understanding between communities.
Even amid the pandemic, immigration remains an issue for Europe, particularly in the south. How do nations handle care for refugees when residents’ worries about COVID-19 and unemployment are already high?
The pandemic has forced the regional government to look for ways of accommodating the surge of people, in hopes of protecting migrants as well as the local population from COVID-19. With just 20% of hotels in the Canary Islands currently open, at just 6% occupancy, the government has turned to the badly hit tourism sector to step in and help with the crisis.
Hundreds of migrants, recently arrived in the Canary Islands, are being housed in hotels left vacant by the COVID-19 pandemic. Since January, more than 17,000 people have arrived across the archipelago, mainly from Senegal, Mauritania, and Morocco, in the largest wave of migration the archipelago has seen since 2006, when over 30,000 people sought refuge here.
It’s the low season, but the Tenerife Ving hotel would still normally be packed with German and Scandinavian tourists escaping gray autumn skies.
Instead, the heads poking out from the hotel’s goldfinch yellow balconies are young men from Senegal and Gambia, who have recently arrived in this tourist town on the island of Tenerife after treacherous journeys on wooden fishing boats called cayucos. They’re in quarantine to protect the community from COVID-19.
“They won’t let us out,” a young Senegalese man calls out in French over his balcony. He’s been inside for more than a week and will stay for at least one more before being placed elsewhere or left to his own devices. “I’m not really sure what’s going on or what’s going to happen next.”
Why We Wrote This Even amid the pandemic, immigration remains an issue for Europe, particularly in the south. How do nations handle care for refugees when residents’ worries about COVID-19 and unemployment are already high?
The more than 100 men staying at the Tenerife Ving are just some of hundreds of migrants being housed across the Canary Islands in hotels left vacant by the COVID-19 pandemic. Since January, more than 17,000 people have arrived in the Canary Islands, mainly from Senegal, Mauritania, and Morocco, in the largest wave of migration the archipelago has seen since 2006, when over 30,000 people sought refuge here. Nearly 10,000 people have arrived in the last month alone.
The pandemic has forced the regional government to look for ways of accommodating the surge of people, in hopes of protecting migrants as well as the local population from COVID-19. With just 20% of hotels in the Canary Islands currently open, at just 6% occupancy, the government has turned to the badly hit tourism sector to step in and help with the crisis.
Colette Davidson View caption Hide caption The Tenerife Ving hotel in Puerto de la Cruz would normally be full of tourists this time of year. But now it is being operated by the Red Cross to quarantine dozens of recently arrived migrants, mostly from Senegal and Gambia.
And with locals already facing hunger and an unemployment rate of 25%, the newly arrived migrants’ treatment has stirred some resentment – in addition to stereotypical fears of terrorism and worries about COVID-19 contagion. The government is banking on a boom in volunteerism – largely due to the high unemployment rate – to combat mistrust and bridge understanding between communities.
“The current context has amplified xenophobic and racist attitudes, and the propagation of hate speech,” says Vicente Manuel Zapata, a professor of human geography at the Universidad de La Laguna in Tenerife. “But we can’t say this is a general phenomenon. The Canarian population still has a relatively positive attitude about immigration. ... It has always been a part of our national fabric.”
“Everything is being improvised”
At the locked door of the Tenerife Ving – one of the few hotels housing migrants that hasn’t boarded up its windows – security guards stand watch. Passersby who try to talk to the men peeking out of their windows are quickly shooed away.
It’s all in line with the current government directive, which is to keep the number and names of participating establishments private. It’s not out of secrecy, say volunteers, but as a way to protect the migrants.
“These men have crossed an ocean. They’re in a new place with a new language and everything is different,” says Rosa María, a Red Cross volunteer. “They’re still in shock.”
Ms. María has been volunteering at two hotels in Puerto de la Cruz after being put on furlough from her job at a boat tour company during Tenerife’s first COVID-19 wave. She now spends eight hours a day, five days a week serving food, leading improvised exercise classes, and chatting with the young men. She says volunteering has shown her how fortunate she is.
Aid workers aren’t the only ones creating relationships with migrants; it’s also extending to hotel staff. In the south of the island, near Los Cristianos – at the heart of the 2006 crisis – the Granada Park hotel was housing around 300 migrants at the start of November with more arrivals expected in the coming weeks.
The hotel has finally reopened, having being shuttered since March 21 due to the pandemic, and hotel owners say the situation is a win-win. Granada Park is able to pay employees their full salary – alleviating pressure on the government – while providing humanitarian aid. Red Cross volunteers provide food and translators, with hotel staff maintaining their regular jobs of cleaning rooms and serving meals – to a new clientele.
“We haven’t had any of our staff members complain about the situation and we’re very proud of that,” says Javier Cabrera Amador, a consultant for Granada Park. “On the contrary, they’re creating friendships with these young men since they’re seeing each other on such a regular basis.”
But operations still vary enormously across the islands. Some staff members are on-site, while other hotels have left the entire operation to aid organizations like the Red Cross. Certain hotels are hosting migrants for two-week quarantine periods, where no one is allowed to come or go. Others are acting as makeshift social housing centers, giving migrants a nightly curfew but allowing them to stay for a handful of months as they apply for asylum or refugee status, or set their sights on France, Germany, or the Spanish mainland.
“No one can give you any precise information on how long these migrants will stay in the hotels,” says José María Santana Suárez, who leads advocacy and social participation efforts at the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid in Gran Canaria, “because everything is being improvised.”
Disquiet in the Canaries
For some locals, putting up migrants in luxury hotels is too much to bear when they’re stuck lining up at food banks to put dinner on the table or applying for unemployment benefits. While the government has stamped out rumors that migrants living in the country illegally receive a daily living stipend, it has brought out an intolerant thread on an island chain known in recent years for its integration efforts.
At the end of October, more than 1,000 people protested in the port city of Arguineguín in Gran Canaria – where around 1,700 migrants are currently stranded, waiting for PCR tests and left in unhygienic conditions – against what the demonstrators see as a migrant “invasion.” In Puerto de la Cruz, migrants are gradually finishing their quarantine period and moving about town. Curiosity, as well as xenophobia, is mounting.
“I’m not racist, but we’re a small island so we need more laws to monitor who is coming in,” says Martin Barreto, the owner of Puerto Bakery and Coffee. “There will be more COVID-19 cases and more terrorists coming in, just like in France, if things aren’t controlled.”
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Aid workers, however, are holding out hope that volunteerism will help counter some of the fear that the current migration wave is bringing. Groups like Médicos del Mundo Canarias and the Red Cross note a steady stream of volunteers in recent months, but say they still need more hands.
“Volunteering fulfills me enormously,” says Ms. María. “I don’t care what [these men’s] religion is or the color of their skin. They’re human beings and they deserve the same respect as everyone else.”


csmonitor--2020-11-16--Peru’s cry for honest governance

Peru’s cry for honest governance

In the past decade countries around the globe have been shaken by youth-led protests for democracy and economic justice .
Now it is Peru ’ s turn , and what happens there has the potential to be pivotal for a region struggling to replace entrenched corruption with rule of law .
A week ago Peru ’ s Congress ousted President Martín Vizcarra over corruption allegations .
The speaker of the one-chamber legislature , Manuel Merino , led the ouster and was then appointed interim president .
He lasted five days .
Protesters clashed with security forces in Lima , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had to step down .
Hundreds of Peruvian and international legal scholars have signed a statement calling the move against Mr. Vizcarra a “ parliamentary coup.
” Protesters carried signs reading , “ You messed with the wrong generation.
” Abigail Calluque , a student protester , told Al-Jazeera , “ [ Politicians ] do whatever they want and we ’ ve always stayed quiet .
No more.
” At the heart of Peru ’ s political crisis is the constitution itself .
It gives Congress the power to dismiss a president and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since the adoption of the constitution in 1993 , those powers have been applied under questionable legal pretexts , sowing instability and , most of all , exacerbating corruption .
Peru ranks as the third most corrupt country in Latin America .
Yet , according to a Transparency International poll last year , 78 % of Peruvians believe ordinary citizens can make a difference in the fight against corruption .
Mr. Vizcarra came to power in 2018 vowing to uproot corruption .
After his reform agenda met stiff headwinds in Congress , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by suspending the president on the grounds of “ permanent moral incapacity ” and swore in the vice president .
Mr. Vizcarra refused to back down , and a day later his newly elevated vice president resigned .
Mr. Vizcarra called for new congressional elections .
That ballot , last January , resulted in a significant defeat for Mr. Vizcarra ’ s party , leaving him exposed politically .
In October he was accused of taking bribes during his tenure as a regional governor .
He denied the allegations .
An El Comercio-Ipsos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Mr. Vizcarra should remain in office and the corruption allegations pursued only after his term ended .
Few failed to note that more than half of the legislators who voted to oust Mr. Vizcarra are themselves under criminal investigation for corruption .
For Peruvians already battered by the health and economic consequences of the pandemic – the country has one of the highest COVID-19 death rates in the world – the political crisis may signal more hardship .
In six months , however , voters will have an opportunity to take their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new president and Congress .
In the meantime , Peru ’ s leaders may want to draw a lesson from neighboring Chile , which has had sustained protests over economic inequality .
Last month the people won out .
They approved a referendum to draft a new constitution .
Peruvians are tired of living under poor governance .
Their desire for equality under rule of law has been awakened .
It can not be deferred too long .

In the past decade countries around the globe have been shaken by youth-led protests for democracy and economic justice. Now it is Peru’s turn, and what happens there has the potential to be pivotal for a region struggling to replace entrenched corruption with rule of law.
A week ago Peru’s Congress ousted President Martín Vizcarra over corruption allegations. The speaker of the one-chamber legislature, Manuel Merino, led the ouster and was then appointed interim president. He lasted five days. Protesters clashed with security forces in Lima, the capital, and by Sunday Mr. Merino had to step down.
Hundreds of Peruvian and international legal scholars have signed a statement calling the move against Mr. Vizcarra a “parliamentary coup.” Protesters carried signs reading, “You messed with the wrong generation.” Abigail Calluque, a student protester, told Al-Jazeera, “[Politicians] do whatever they want and we’ve always stayed quiet. No more.”
At the heart of Peru’s political crisis is the constitution itself. It gives Congress the power to dismiss a president and the president the power to dissolve Congress. Since the adoption of the constitution in 1993, those powers have been applied under questionable legal pretexts, sowing instability and, most of all, exacerbating corruption.
Peru ranks as the third most corrupt country in Latin America. Yet, according to a Transparency International poll last year, 78% of Peruvians believe ordinary citizens can make a difference in the fight against corruption. Mr. Vizcarra came to power in 2018 vowing to uproot corruption. After his reform agenda met stiff headwinds in Congress, he dissolved the legislature. Lawmakers responded by suspending the president on the grounds of “permanent moral incapacity” and swore in the vice president. Mr. Vizcarra refused to back down, and a day later his newly elevated vice president resigned. Mr. Vizcarra called for new congressional elections.
That ballot, last January, resulted in a significant defeat for Mr. Vizcarra’s party, leaving him exposed politically. In October he was accused of taking bribes during his tenure as a regional governor. He denied the allegations. An El Comercio-Ipsos poll last month found that 78% said Mr. Vizcarra should remain in office and the corruption allegations pursued only after his term ended. Few failed to note that more than half of the legislators who voted to oust Mr. Vizcarra are themselves under criminal investigation for corruption.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
For Peruvians already battered by the health and economic consequences of the pandemic – the country has one of the highest COVID-19 death rates in the world – the political crisis may signal more hardship. In six months, however, voters will have an opportunity to take their grievances to the polls and elect a new president and Congress. In the meantime, Peru’s leaders may want to draw a lesson from neighboring Chile, which has had sustained protests over economic inequality. Last month the people won out. They approved a referendum to draft a new constitution.
Peruvians are tired of living under poor governance. Their desire for equality under rule of law has been awakened. It cannot be deferred too long.