csmonitor--2020-10-13--Lindsey Graham on the ropes? Meet Jaime Harrison, who put him there.

“ We are speaking to those values , that shared experience , and letting folks know that we see them , hear them , and feel the pain and hardships that they have , ” says Mr. Harrison .
“ What I want to do in the Senate is make sure that I can help build and revitalize those communities.
” A Yale grad and the first African American chair of South Carolina ’ s Democratic Party , he hails from Orangeburg , a majority-Black small town and site of the 1968 Orangeburg Massacre , one of the bloodiest events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lived in a trailer as a kid , and recalls eating cereal with water because his grandparents couldn ’ t afford milk .
Yet , amid those circumstances , he developed the vision to see potential in himself and his fellow citizens where others might see only persistent racial inequity .
Rookie Democratic candidate Jaime Harrison , a Black American raised by grandparents who didn ’ t get past eighth grade , has improbably pulled even with GOP titan Lindsey Graham in some polls on promises to address economic and racial inequity in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As Republicans cling to a narrow three-seat majority in the Senate , the race has taken on national implications , with Mr. Harrison attracting more money from July to September than a Senate candidate has ever raised in a single quarter .
“ Excuse me if I pinch myself a little bit , ” said rookie Democratic candidate Jaime Harrison , pausing in his first debate with South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham earlier this month .
“ I ’ m the son of a teen mom , I was raised by grandparents with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I went to Yale – the first in my family [ to attend college ] … and now I ’ m a candidate for the United States Senate.
” Mr. Harrison isn ’ t the only one pinching himself .
The 44-year-old African American has pulled even in some polls with Senator Graham , a GOP titan who has won his last five reelections by double-digits .
Mr. Harrison is now in striking distance of what could be the Democrats ’ biggest Senate upset in years .
And he has not only outraised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the biggest quarterly haul of any Senate candidate in history , pulling in $ 57 million from July to September .
Much of that came from out of state in a race that has taken on national implications , as Republicans cling to a narrow three-seat majority in the Senate .
Like other Democrats who have sought to crack the GOP ’ s dominance in the South , Mr. Harrison pitches bringing hope to Black and white voters alike , promising to tackle challenges that cut across partisan lines .
He has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Carolina town of 13,000 , where he experienced such challenges firsthand , yet developed the vision to see potential where others might see only economic blight and persistent racial inequity .
“ We are speaking to those values , that shared experience , and letting folks know that we see them , hear them , and feel the pain and hardships that they have , ” Mr. Harrison told the Monitor .
“ What I want to do in the Senate is make sure that I can help build and revitalize those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the money pouring into Mr. Harrison ’ s coffers has more to do with national calculations than a compelling biography .
After all , the Republican senator is also an American success story – the son of pool hall owners , the first in his family to go to college , and now the powerful head of the Senate Judiciary Committee , which could usher in a solid conservative majority on the Supreme Court .
“ This is not about Mr. Harrison .
This is about liberals hating my guts because I stood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they tried to destroy his life .
This is about me helping Donald Trump , ” said Senator Graham in his first debate , portraying himself as a bulwark against a progressive takeover of American institutions .
“ This election is about taking me out because I stand in their way.
” The nonpartisan Cook Political Report changed its rating of the race to “ toss-up ” on Oct. 7 .
Part of that may be due to inroads Mr. Harrison has made with independent voters , among whom he holds a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 Quinnipiac poll .
A Morning Consult poll released today , though , has Senator Graham ahead by 6 percentage points .
Mr. Harrison ’ s prodigious national fundraising is “ the secret sauce that ’ s allowing him to break through where other Democrats have not , ” says Republican strategist Matt Moore , who forged a cross-partisan friendship with Mr. Harrison when they served as state chairs of their respective parties from 2013 to 2017 .
Regardless of whether he wins or loses , Mr. Harrison ’ s call to build @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , diverse , and inclusive , ” embodied in his life and now his campaign , offers a way forward not only for his state , but also a country riven by the worst racial tensions in decades .
At first glance , Orangeburg may seem the unlikeliest of places to produce Lindsey Graham ’ s first real Democratic challenger since he was elected to Congress a quarter century ago .
Once home to cotton plantations , it experienced one of the bloodiest incidents of the civil rights era – the 1968 Orangeburg @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Black college students challenging a bowling alley whites-only policy , killing three and injuring 27 others .
Racism , segregation , and poverty persist .
Mr. Harrison lived in a trailer as a kid , and recalls scrounging for change to buy gas and eating cereal with water because his grandparents couldn ’ t afford milk .
Yet amid those circumstances , he showed promise from an early age .
He first made the local news at age 5 when he won a drawing competition with a sketch of an old grist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ took off , ” says his mother , Patricia Stewart , in a phone interview .
“ He was just different .
He would play , but wouldn ’ t play too much before he had to go back inside and read his books.
” He loved comic books like Superman – and also deciphered his grandparents ’ bills for them .
Mr. Harrison ’ s voracious reading helped earn him a Yale scholarship .
There , he quickly developed a diverse set of friends , including freshman roommate David Drewes , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ living with all four years .
Though Mr. Harrison initially struggled academically – getting a C+ his first semester in one course – he persevered .
He was elected president of his residential college and chair of the Yale Black Political Forum .
“ It was just obvious to everyone who met him that he was destined for success , ” says Mr. Drewes , now a partner at a New York law firm who has stayed in close touch .
“ He doesn ’ t have the same sort of self-doubt that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adds , attributing that to the love of Mr. Harrison ’ s grandmother , who hosted Mr. Drewes in Orangeburg one spring break .
“ He really just believes , ‘ Well , I can make a difference – this is what I should do , and I ’ m going to go for it.
’ ” Mr. Harrison ’ s success in the face of significant obstacles – earning a law degree from Georgetown and rising to prominence as a young congressional staffer – earned him respect across the aisle .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think the country needs right now , ” says a GOP colleague who worked with him in Congress and asked not to be identified by name .
“ I ’ m a Republican telling you that about a Democratic candidate.
” When Kinney Zalesne took a few days away from her job as counsel for then-U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno to volunteer as a writing tutor with College Summit , she wasn ’ t expecting it to be such a transformational experience that she would quit her job to work for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who was overseeing the four-day workshop to help low-income students apply to college , created an “ extraordinary ” community among that diverse cross section of America , she says .
“ He brings people together , he deeply respects people , and they feel it in a very genuine way .
And it changes them , ” says Ms. Zalesne , recalling how he cut through the tension with his “ ma ’ ams ” and his grandmother ’ s red velvet cake , which he loves to bake .
Mr. Harrison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ African Americans – first to be executive director for the House Democratic caucus , floor director for a leader of the House ( Democratic whip James Clyburn ) , and chair of South Carolina ’ s Democratic Party .
But he has still been affected by racism .
In a recent op-ed , he said he ’ s felt racism his whole life , since listening to his grandmother ’ s stories of huddling with family while the Ku Klux Klan marched by .
While other parents have to wrestle with telling their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aren ’ t real , he wrote , he wonders how to explain to his sons that America hasn ’ t yet lived up to the Declaration of Independence promise of “ all men are created equal.
” In Congress , often one of the only top staffers of color in crucial policy meetings , he felt the lack of diversity acutely .
With such personal experience and his deep belief in American institutions , Mr. Harrison could help the country navigate its most significant racial reckoning in decades , say those who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ atmosphere in which people are less cognizant of barriers that might otherwise divide them , says Shana Payne , a close friend who has known Mr. Harrison since college .
She calls his approach and character a “ balm ” that the country needs .
“ We ’ re at a time in America where I feel like the curtains have been pulled back on a lot of who we are as a country , ” says Derek Canty , a former colleague and co-founder of College Summit ( now Peer Forward ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to need leaders like Jaime to usher us through these times , to healthy times , to being one country , one state.
” Republicans may disagree ; they criticized Mr. Harrison ’ s judgment in hiring two Black staffers who had tweeted offensive sentiments in the past .
His campaign disavowed the sentiments , but retained the staffers .
South Carolina has one of the most complicated racial legacies in America , given its history ( higher slave ownership per household than any other state except Mississippi ) .
In the modern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drawing out desegregation court battles for nearly 50 years .
Now , if Mr. Harrison wins , he ’ d join Republican Sen. Tim Scott in Washington – making South Carolina the first state whose U.S. senators are both Black .
Mr. Harrison says there ’ s far more cross-racial interaction in communities like Orangeburg than in urban areas , as evidenced on a playground here on a recent day .
“ You look around and the world seems so divided , ” says Markeisha Burgess , watching her kids play with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here you walk around and it feels like we ’ re on the same team.
” Ms. Burgess ’ friend Ashley Hart , who grew up listening to stories of the Orangeburg Massacre , says she has also come to see that her “ white sisters ” have more in common with her than she realized .
“ That , to me , holds a lot of promise , ” says Ms. Hart .
“ I think [ Mr. Harrison ] sees Orangeburg as some sort of future – where he wants to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poorer white people , too , ” says Professor Stanley Harrold of South Carolina State University , a longtime Orangeburg resident whose wife taught Mr. Harrison in high school .
“ This is what Jaime is talking about when he talks about a New South , where voting rights are expanded and there is economic progress that benefits more people.
” Mr. Harrison , who in his last job as associate chair of the Democratic National Committee was tasked with developing a strategy for winning the South and rural areas , has proposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like hospital closures and lack of broadband internet ( 38 % of South Carolinians don ’ t have it ) .
It proposes giving small businesses access to university expertise , and offers help for the state ’ s largely white farmers .
But Mr. Harrison ’ s journey toward a hoped-for victory , predicated in part on mobilizing the state ’ s 400,000 unregistered people of color , is arduous .
JC Duncan , a Black 50-something resident , says he has never voted : “ I take what God gives me.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ his yard , who did not give his name , says Mr. Harrison ’ s lobbying background is a deal-breaker .
“ Lindsey [ Graham ] has his issues , too , but I have only two words to say about Harrison : Podesta Group .
Nuh-uh .
No way.
” The Graham campaign has attacked Mr. Harrison ’ s connection with the now-defunct firm , claiming he “ made millions of dollars lobbying for clients that foreclosed on hurricane victims , were fined for Medicaid fraud , and were suspended by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Harrison has countered that he needed high-paying work to pay down his $ 160,000 in student debt and a mortgage for his grandmother , whom he vowed to save from foreclosure after going through the humiliating experience with her as a kid .
He also argues that his lobbying had a positive effect , including benefits to the port of Charleston and the University of South Carolina .
The way Mr. Harrison brings any political issue back to helping South Carolinians gives him traction beyond the Democratic base , including within a National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Middleton , a close friend .
“ Some soldiers , I know their political persuasion , but some of them are saying , ‘ Hey , I want to ask you a question , sir , about this Senate race .
You know Jaime Harrison ?
’ ” says Colonel Middleton .
“ That interest from them is unbelievable .
And that ’ s because of his message.
” Having a weekend picnic at Orangeburg ’ s Edisto Memorial Gardens , not far from the grist mill that propelled young Jaime into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has no doubt Mr. Harrison will win .
“ And we can see where it all started , right here in Orangeburg , ” says Mr. Stephens .
Mr. Moore , the former South Carolina GOP chair who also served as state director for Senator Scott , says the dramatic change South Carolina ’ s economy has undergone in the past 30 years , along with shifting demographics in the suburbs , has opened the way for candidates with compelling biographies .
But David Woodard , a retired political science professor who ran @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , is skeptical of the polls .
When voters actually mark their ballots , he says , there ’ s an unusual loyalty to incumbents born of necessity : Southern states survived in Congress after the civil war by reelecting their representatives until they gained control of key committees .
“ I just don ’ t understand how Lindsey Graham can lose this race , ” says Mr. Woodard , a Republican consultant who helped him win his first congressional race in 1994 .
“ It would be an upset of Titanic @ @ @

Now, amid the nation’s most significant racial reckoning in decades, this young Black Democrat’s unprecedented success challenges conventional political wisdom about conservative South Carolina.
“We are speaking to those values, that shared experience, and letting folks know that we see them, hear them, and feel the pain and hardships that they have,” says Mr. Harrison. “What I want to do in the Senate is make sure that I can help build and revitalize those communities.”
A Yale grad and the first African American chair of South Carolina’s Democratic Party, he hails from Orangeburg, a majority-Black small town and site of the 1968 Orangeburg Massacre, one of the bloodiest events of the civil rights era. He lived in a trailer as a kid, and recalls eating cereal with water because his grandparents couldn’t afford milk. Yet, amid those circumstances, he developed the vision to see potential in himself and his fellow citizens where others might see only persistent racial inequity.
Rookie Democratic candidate Jaime Harrison, a Black American raised by grandparents who didn’t get past eighth grade, has improbably pulled even with GOP titan Lindsey Graham in some polls on promises to address economic and racial inequity in his home state of South Carolina. As Republicans cling to a narrow three-seat majority in the Senate, the race has taken on national implications, with Mr. Harrison attracting more money from July to September than a Senate candidate has ever raised in a single quarter.
“Excuse me if I pinch myself a little bit,” said rookie Democratic candidate Jaime Harrison, pausing in his first debate with South Carolina Sen. Lindsey Graham earlier this month. “I’m the son of a teen mom, I was raised by grandparents with a fourth-grade and an eighth-grade education. I went to Yale – the first in my family [to attend college] … and now I’m a candidate for the United States Senate.”
Mr. Harrison isn’t the only one pinching himself.
The 44-year-old African American has pulled even in some polls with Senator Graham, a GOP titan who has won his last five reelections by double-digits. Mr. Harrison is now in striking distance of what could be the Democrats’ biggest Senate upset in years. And he has not only outraised his opponent, but set a record for the biggest quarterly haul of any Senate candidate in history, pulling in $57 million from July to September. Much of that came from out of state in a race that has taken on national implications, as Republicans cling to a narrow three-seat majority in the Senate.
Why We Wrote This Now, amid the nation’s most significant racial reckoning in decades, this young Black Democrat’s unprecedented success challenges conventional political wisdom about conservative South Carolina.
Like other Democrats who have sought to crack the GOP’s dominance in the South, Mr. Harrison pitches bringing hope to Black and white voters alike, promising to tackle challenges that cut across partisan lines. He has the added credibility of roots in a South Carolina town of 13,000, where he experienced such challenges firsthand, yet developed the vision to see potential where others might see only economic blight and persistent racial inequity.
“We are speaking to those values, that shared experience, and letting folks know that we see them, hear them, and feel the pain and hardships that they have,” Mr. Harrison told the Monitor. “What I want to do in the Senate is make sure that I can help build and revitalize those communities.”
But Senator Graham argues that the money pouring into Mr. Harrison’s coffers has more to do with national calculations than a compelling biography. After all, the Republican senator is also an American success story – the son of pool hall owners, the first in his family to go to college, and now the powerful head of the Senate Judiciary Committee, which could usher in a solid conservative majority on the Supreme Court.
“This is not about Mr. Harrison. This is about liberals hating my guts because I stood up for [Judge Brett] Kavanaugh when they tried to destroy his life. This is about me helping Donald Trump,” said Senator Graham in his first debate, portraying himself as a bulwark against a progressive takeover of American institutions. “This election is about taking me out because I stand in their way.”
The nonpartisan Cook Political Report changed its rating of the race to “toss-up” on Oct. 7. Part of that may be due to inroads Mr. Harrison has made with independent voters, among whom he holds a 15-point advantage, according to a Sept. 30 Quinnipiac poll. A Morning Consult poll released today, though, has Senator Graham ahead by 6 percentage points.
Mr. Harrison’s prodigious national fundraising is “the secret sauce that’s allowing him to break through where other Democrats have not,” says Republican strategist Matt Moore, who forged a cross-partisan friendship with Mr. Harrison when they served as state chairs of their respective parties from 2013 to 2017.
Regardless of whether he wins or loses, Mr. Harrison’s call to build a New South that is “bold, diverse, and inclusive,” embodied in his life and now his campaign, offers a way forward not only for his state, but also a country riven by the worst racial tensions in decades.
Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Picnicking at Edisto Memorial Gardens in Orangeburg, South Carolina, Diron Stephens and Valarie Waymer say that Jaime Harrison's unlikely run for the U.S. Senate has put his small hometown in the political spotlight.
Hurdling obstacles, getting to prominence
At first glance, Orangeburg may seem the unlikeliest of places to produce Lindsey Graham’s first real Democratic challenger since he was elected to Congress a quarter century ago. Once home to cotton plantations, it experienced one of the bloodiest incidents of the civil rights era – the 1968 Orangeburg Massacre, when state police opened fire on Black college students challenging a bowling alley whites-only policy, killing three and injuring 27 others.
Racism, segregation, and poverty persist. Mr. Harrison lived in a trailer as a kid, and recalls scrounging for change to buy gas and eating cereal with water because his grandparents couldn’t afford milk. Yet amid those circumstances, he showed promise from an early age. He first made the local news at age 5 when he won a drawing competition with a sketch of an old grist mill.
“From there, he took off,” says his mother, Patricia Stewart, in a phone interview. “He was just different. He would play, but wouldn’t play too much before he had to go back inside and read his books.” He loved comic books like Superman – and also deciphered his grandparents’ bills for them.
Mr. Harrison’s voracious reading helped earn him a Yale scholarship. There, he quickly developed a diverse set of friends, including freshman roommate David Drewes, a white Long Islander whom he ended up living with all four years. Though Mr. Harrison initially struggled academically – getting a C+ his first semester in one course – he persevered. He was elected president of his residential college and chair of the Yale Black Political Forum.
“It was just obvious to everyone who met him that he was destined for success,” says Mr. Drewes, now a partner at a New York law firm who has stayed in close touch.
“He doesn’t have the same sort of self-doubt that holds some people back,” he adds, attributing that to the love of Mr. Harrison’s grandmother, who hosted Mr. Drewes in Orangeburg one spring break. “He really just believes, ‘Well, I can make a difference – this is what I should do, and I’m going to go for it.’”
Mr. Harrison’s success in the face of significant obstacles – earning a law degree from Georgetown and rising to prominence as a young congressional staffer – earned him respect across the aisle.
“It’s an American story that I think the country needs right now,” says a GOP colleague who worked with him in Congress and asked not to be identified by name. “I’m a Republican telling you that about a Democratic candidate.”
Patrik Jonsson/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Some Orangeburg, South Carolina, storefronts, like this one where Senate candidate Jaime Harrison called bingo in his teens, may be boarded up, but Mr. Harrison says he sees hope where others see blight. Next door, for example, a bowling alley is being developed as a local museum.
A genuine uniter
When Kinney Zalesne took a few days away from her job as counsel for then-U.S. Attorney General Janet Reno to volunteer as a writing tutor with College Summit, she wasn’t expecting it to be such a transformational experience that she would quit her job to work for the nonprofit instead.
But Jaime Harrison, who was overseeing the four-day workshop to help low-income students apply to college, created an “extraordinary” community among that diverse cross section of America, she says.
“He brings people together, he deeply respects people, and they feel it in a very genuine way. And it changes them,” says Ms. Zalesne, recalling how he cut through the tension with his “ma’ams” and his grandmother’s red velvet cake, which he loves to bake.
Mr. Harrison has notched a lot of firsts for African Americans – first to be executive director for the House Democratic caucus, floor director for a leader of the House (Democratic whip James Clyburn), and chair of South Carolina’s Democratic Party. But he has still been affected by racism.
In a recent op-ed , he said he’s felt racism his whole life, since listening to his grandmother’s stories of huddling with family while the Ku Klux Klan marched by. While other parents have to wrestle with telling their kids the Easter Bunny or Santa Claus aren’t real, he wrote, he wonders how to explain to his sons that America hasn’t yet lived up to the Declaration of Independence promise of “all men are created equal.” In Congress, often one of the only top staffers of color in crucial policy meetings, he felt the lack of diversity acutely.
With such personal experience and his deep belief in American institutions, Mr. Harrison could help the country navigate its most significant racial reckoning in decades, say those who know him well.
He creates an atmosphere in which people are less cognizant of barriers that might otherwise divide them, says Shana Payne, a close friend who has known Mr. Harrison since college. She calls his approach and character a “balm” that the country needs.
“We’re at a time in America where I feel like the curtains have been pulled back on a lot of who we are as a country,” says Derek Canty, a former colleague and co-founder of College Summit (now Peer Forward). “And we’re going to need leaders like Jaime to usher us through these times, to healthy times, to being one country, one state.”
Republicans may disagree; they criticized Mr. Harrison’s judgment in hiring two Black staffers who had tweeted offensive sentiments in the past. His campaign disavowed the sentiments, but retained the staffers.
Vision of a New South
South Carolina has one of the most complicated racial legacies in America, given its history (higher slave ownership per household than any other state except Mississippi). In the modern era, the state resisted integration, drawing out desegregation court battles for nearly 50 years.
Now, if Mr. Harrison wins, he’d join Republican Sen. Tim Scott in Washington – making South Carolina the first state whose U.S. senators are both Black.
Mr. Harrison says there’s far more cross-racial interaction in communities like Orangeburg than in urban areas, as evidenced on a playground here on a recent day.
“You look around and the world seems so divided,” says Markeisha Burgess, watching her kids play with a gaggle of white kids. “Yet here you walk around and it feels like we’re on the same team.”
Ms. Burgess’ friend Ashley Hart, who grew up listening to stories of the Orangeburg Massacre, says she has also come to see that her “white sisters” have more in common with her than she realized. “That, to me, holds a lot of promise,” says Ms. Hart.
“I think [Mr. Harrison] sees Orangeburg as some sort of future – where he wants to not just help African Americans, but poorer white people, too,” says Professor Stanley Harrold of South Carolina State University, a longtime Orangeburg resident whose wife taught Mr. Harrison in high school. “This is what Jaime is talking about when he talks about a New South, where voting rights are expanded and there is economic progress that benefits more people.”
A message informed by experience
Mr. Harrison, who in his last job as associate chair of the Democratic National Committee was tasked with developing a strategy for winning the South and rural areas, has proposed a Rural Hope Agenda that addresses issues like hospital closures and lack of broadband internet (38% of South Carolinians don’t have it). It proposes giving small businesses access to university expertise, and offers help for the state’s largely white farmers.
But Mr. Harrison’s journey toward a hoped-for victory, predicated in part on mobilizing the state’s 400,000 unregistered people of color, is arduous. JC Duncan, a Black 50-something resident, says he has never voted: “I take what God gives me.”
A white Orangeburg resident working on his yard, who did not give his name, says Mr. Harrison’s lobbying background is a deal-breaker. “Lindsey [Graham] has his issues, too, but I have only two words to say about Harrison: Podesta Group. Nuh-uh. No way.”
The Graham campaign has attacked Mr. Harrison’s connection with the now-defunct firm, claiming he “made millions of dollars lobbying for clients that foreclosed on hurricane victims, were fined for Medicaid fraud, and were suspended by the government for misleading their customers.” Mr. Harrison has countered that he needed high-paying work to pay down his $160,000 in student debt and a mortgage for his grandmother, whom he vowed to save from foreclosure after going through the humiliating experience with her as a kid. He also argues that his lobbying had a positive effect, including benefits to the port of Charleston and the University of South Carolina.
The way Mr. Harrison brings any political issue back to helping South Carolinians gives him traction beyond the Democratic base, including within a National Guard unit run by Lt. Col. Clay Middleton, a close friend.
“Some soldiers, I know their political persuasion, but some of them are saying, ‘Hey, I want to ask you a question, sir, about this Senate race. You know Jaime Harrison?’” says Colonel Middleton. “That interest from them is unbelievable. And that’s because of his message.”
Having a weekend picnic at Orangeburg’s Edisto Memorial Gardens, not far from the grist mill that propelled young Jaime into the local news, Dorin Stephens says he has no doubt Mr. Harrison will win. “And we can see where it all started, right here in Orangeburg,” says Mr. Stephens.
Mr. Moore, the former South Carolina GOP chair who also served as state director for Senator Scott, says the dramatic change South Carolina’s economy has undergone in the past 30 years, along with shifting demographics in the suburbs, has opened the way for candidates with compelling biographies.
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But David Woodard, a retired political science professor who ran Clemson University’s polling for 20 years, is skeptical of the polls. When voters actually mark their ballots, he says, there’s an unusual loyalty to incumbents born of necessity: Southern states survived in Congress after the civil war by reelecting their representatives until they gained control of key committees.
“I just don’t understand how Lindsey Graham can lose this race,” says Mr. Woodard, a Republican consultant who helped him win his first congressional race in 1994. “It would be an upset of Titanic proportions.”


csmonitor--2020-10-13--Laws target violent protesters, raise First Amendment concerns

To critics , the laws criminalize protests to stoke partisan fears .
“ The problem that we do have is ... incitement of violence against people on opposite sides of political divides , ” says David Alan Sklansky , author of “ Democracy and the Police.
” “ This law is not helpful in that regard.
” The Freedom Forum Institute has tracked at least 40 pieces of legislation aimed at curbing unruly and violent protest .
The bills come as polls show support for racial justice protests dropping , particularly among white Americans and Republicans .
The Florida bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ property destruction , waive bail for those arrested , enable authorities to charge organizers with racketeering , and waive liability for drivers who claim self-defense when they drive into protests .
It ’ s part of a larger trend by some state lawmakers to , as Mr. DeSantis ’ office says , “ discourage agitators who use [ constitutional ] rights as cover to engage in violence.
” If Florida Gov .
Ron DeSantis gets his way , his state will pass the boldest bill yet to penalize “ disorderly and violent protest.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Free Speech Center in Tennessee , the move is simply part of “ the demonization of the right to assemble in America.
” Peter Capretto is a student of empathy , literally , as a professor at Phillips Theological Seminary in Tulsa , Oklahoma .
But in early 2017 , when Mr. Capretto became among the first people in the Trump era to be struck by a vehicle at a racial justice protest , the young theologian saw his trust in the good faith of others shaken .
After trying to stop a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of protesters , Mr. Capretto and several others were carried 200 feet on the hood of the truck .
Expecting an arrest , Mr. Capretto was stunned when the driver was cleared of wrongdoing , saying he feared for his life .
“ I wish that I could placate my own anxiety by telling myself that if we are generous 100 % of the time , we will cure all social ills , ” he says .
From Whitefish , Montana , to Satellite Beach , Florida , millions of Americans have spilled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equality .
But polls also suggest a split , with many Americans – and a majority of Republicans – concerned about the protests .
With some cities seeing violence amid the unrest , a number of state legislators are proposing laws that , they say , would protect citizens against violent protesters .
But to critics like Ken Paulson , a First Amendment expert in Murfreesboro , Tennessee , such proposed laws are part of “ the demonization of the right to assemble in America.
” The Freedom Forum Institute , a First @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least 40 pieces of legislation aimed at curbing unruly and violent protest .
Lawmakers in eight states have attempted to waive civil liability for drivers who drive their vehicles into crowds , claiming self-defense .
Statistics from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project offer insight into the prevalence of violent protests .
Between May 26 and Aug. 22 , some 2,400 locations in the United States reported peaceful protests ; fewer than 220 reported “ violent demonstrations , ” which include acts targeting people , property , businesses , and “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” according to the group .
Yet a significant minority of Americans are worried about violence associated with the protests .
Some 42 % of respondents to a September Morning Consult poll say most protesters associated with the Black Lives Matter movement are trying to incite violence or destroy property .
To the Freedom Forum Institute , protests are by definition disruptive .
“ We have a society designed for change , and that doesn ’ t happen easily , and sometimes it ’ s messy , ” says Gene Policinski , chief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ But the net result is that the founders had confidence that , if we would talk to each other without the government restraining us , we would arrive at the best possible solution for the greatest number of people .
We tamper with that process at our peril.
” Last month , Florida Gov .
Ron DeSantis took the boldest step yet to curb “ disorderly and violent protest.
” He announced a bill that would increase penalties for protest violence and property destruction , waive bail for those arrested , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and waive liability for drivers who claim self-defense when they drive into protests .
The bill builds on efforts since 2017 to limit liability for drivers after protesters began blocking interstates .
“ These measures are not meant to discourage peaceful assembly or freedom of speech , ” says Cody McCloud , Mr. DeSantis ’ press secretary , in a statement to the Monitor .
“ These measures are meant to discourage agitators who use these rights as cover to engage in violence and disrupt Florida ’ s communities.
” But even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organizers should a protest get out of control will almost certainly chill speech , says Mr. Policinski of the Freedom Forum .
Such laws , he and others note , could have suppressed much of the civil rights movement , which often involved protests on roads , sidewalks , and bridges .
“ Who will organize a rally where there ’ s potential that you could lose your liberty and everything you own ” if someone who attends breaks the law ?
asks Mr. Policinski .
Moreover , the messaging that it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ road if you feel afraid could be “ understood by lots of people as encouragement ” to commit violence , says David Alan Sklansky , author of “ Democracy and the Police.
” “ We don ’ t have a problem in this country of people getting injured because they are too unwilling to drive out of a crowd of protesters , ” says Mr. Sklansky , a professor at Stanford Law School .
“ The problem that we do have is ... incitement of violence against people on opposite sides of political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in that regard.
” A researcher at the University of Chicago has found 104 instances this summer in which cars were used to ram into or move protesters in roadways , according to a report in USA Today .
At least 43 of those were found to be malicious , and a total of 39 drivers have been charged .
So far , only a few anti-protest bills have been signed into law , and all are far more modest than the Florida bill .
But they come as the country has seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests , according to a new Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll .
In June , 54 % of Americans approved of the protests .
That dropped to 39 % by September .
White Americans and Republicans spearheaded the shift .
In some cases , measures to rein in protesters have faced a backlash .
In Whitefish , complaints about protesters blocking sidewalks led to an ordinance that would increase permitting requirements and limit the use of bullhorns .
The ordinance did not fare well in a public hearing .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Ben Davis , a city councilor who joined the rest of the council in voting down the ordinance .
“ Yes , there ’ s a line where your right to free speech infringes on other people ’ s rights , and that ’ s the boundary that the government has to make sure is respected .
But the government as a whole needs to have a certain amount of deference ” toward protesters .
Most communities have acted with that deference , says Mr. Paulson , a former editor-in-chief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Free Speech Center in Murfreesboro .
“ In the overwhelming majority of America ’ s communities , the local government has been restrained and thoughtful in their actions , ” he says .
“ Those who want to paint protesters as violent and evil looters ... undermine what is actually working pretty well across America.
” Courts , too , are wrestling with implications .
In Mckesson v. Doe , the 5th U.S .
Circuit Court of Appeals reversed a lower court ruling , leaving Black Lives Matter organizer DeRay Mckesson open to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hit by a rock during a protest .
The case is now at the Supreme Court .
In Tennessee , Mr. Capretto was asked to testify to a state House committee about a driver protection bill in 2017 .
The bill died in committee .
“ It ’ s like they realized , ‘ Dear God , if we pass this , the implications of this are horrifying in a way that we could not rein in , ’ ” he says .
Months later , a car plowed into a group of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a woman named Heather Heyer and injuring others .
“ I thought they were attacking me , ” the driver , James Alex Fields Jr. , told police .
Mr. Fields was sentenced to life in prison plus 419 years .
From Mr. Capretto ’ s vantage point , “ the big sort of very transformative component of this for me was understanding on a far more visceral level how true the claims have been from Black and brown and Indigenous Americans for centuries : that white Americans are not there to protect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and more of these bills have been turning up nationally , and they ’ re getting more open and aggressive in their language .
”

To critics, the laws criminalize protests to stoke partisan fears. “The problem that we do have is ... incitement of violence against people on opposite sides of political divides,” says David Alan Sklansky, author of “Democracy and the Police.” “This law is not helpful in that regard.”
The Freedom Forum Institute has tracked at least 40 pieces of legislation aimed at curbing unruly and violent protest. The bills come as polls show support for racial justice protests dropping, particularly among white Americans and Republicans.
Lawmakers worried about civil unrest are proposing an array of laws, such as protecting drivers who injure protesters in self-defense. Critics say the laws would undermine “the right to assemble in America.”
The Florida bill would increase penalties for protest violence and property destruction, waive bail for those arrested, enable authorities to charge organizers with racketeering, and waive liability for drivers who claim self-defense when they drive into protests. It’s part of a larger trend by some state lawmakers to, as Mr. DeSantis’ office says, “discourage agitators who use [constitutional] rights as cover to engage in violence.”
If Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis gets his way, his state will pass the boldest bill yet to penalize “disorderly and violent protest.” But for Ken Paulson of the Free Speech Center in Tennessee, the move is simply part of “the demonization of the right to assemble in America.”
Peter Capretto is a student of empathy, literally, as a professor at Phillips Theological Seminary in Tulsa, Oklahoma. But in early 2017, when Mr. Capretto became among the first people in the Trump era to be struck by a vehicle at a racial justice protest, the young theologian saw his trust in the good faith of others shaken.
After trying to stop a driver from careering into a crosswalk full of protesters, Mr. Capretto and several others were carried 200 feet on the hood of the truck. Expecting an arrest, Mr. Capretto was stunned when the driver was cleared of wrongdoing, saying he feared for his life.
“I wish that I could placate my own anxiety by telling myself that if we are generous 100% of the time, we will cure all social ills,” he says.
Why We Wrote This Lawmakers worried about civil unrest are proposing an array of laws, such as protecting drivers who injure protesters in self-defense. Critics say the laws would undermine “the right to assemble in America.”
From Whitefish, Montana, to Satellite Beach, Florida, millions of Americans have spilled into the streets to protest for racial equality. But polls also suggest a split, with many Americans – and a majority of Republicans – concerned about the protests.
With some cities seeing violence amid the unrest, a number of state legislators are proposing laws that, they say, would protect citizens against violent protesters. But to critics like Ken Paulson, a First Amendment expert in Murfreesboro, Tennessee, such proposed laws are part of “the demonization of the right to assemble in America.”
Violent protest: The data and perceptions
The Freedom Forum Institute, a First Amendment advocacy group, has tracked at least 40 pieces of legislation aimed at curbing unruly and violent protest. Lawmakers in eight states have attempted to waive civil liability for drivers who drive their vehicles into crowds, claiming self-defense.
Statistics from the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project offer insight into the prevalence of violent protests. Between May 26 and Aug. 22, some 2,400 locations in the United States reported peaceful protests; fewer than 220 reported “violent demonstrations,” which include acts targeting people, property, businesses, and “other rioting groups or armed actors,” according to the group.
Jim Bourg/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption A woman helps Joseph Culver of Charlottesville, Virginia, light a candle at a vigil for victims of a car that plowed into protesters in Charlottesville, Aug. 12, 2017. The driver, James Alex Fields Jr., told police that he thought protesters were attacking him, but he was sentenced to life in prison plus 419 years.
Yet a significant minority of Americans are worried about violence associated with the protests. Some 42% of respondents to a September Morning Consult poll say most protesters associated with the Black Lives Matter movement are trying to incite violence or destroy property.
To the Freedom Forum Institute, protests are by definition disruptive.
“We have a society designed for change, and that doesn’t happen easily, and sometimes it’s messy,” says Gene Policinski, chief operating officer of the institute in Washington. “But the net result is that the founders had confidence that, if we would talk to each other without the government restraining us, we would arrive at the best possible solution for the greatest number of people. We tamper with that process at our peril.”
Florida’s move
Last month, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis took the boldest step yet to curb “disorderly and violent protest.” He announced a bill that would increase penalties for protest violence and property destruction, waive bail for those arrested, enable authorities to charge organizers with racketeering, and waive liability for drivers who claim self-defense when they drive into protests. The bill builds on efforts since 2017 to limit liability for drivers after protesters began blocking interstates.
“These measures are not meant to discourage peaceful assembly or freedom of speech,” says Cody McCloud, Mr. DeSantis’ press secretary, in a statement to the Monitor. “These measures are meant to discourage agitators who use these rights as cover to engage in violence and disrupt Florida’s communities.”
But even raising the possibility of racketeering charges for organizers should a protest get out of control will almost certainly chill speech, says Mr. Policinski of the Freedom Forum. Such laws, he and others note, could have suppressed much of the civil rights movement, which often involved protests on roads, sidewalks, and bridges.
“Who will organize a rally where there’s potential that you could lose your liberty and everything you own” if someone who attends breaks the law? asks Mr. Policinski.
Moreover, the messaging that it’s OK to hit protesters blocking a road if you feel afraid could be “understood by lots of people as encouragement” to commit violence, says David Alan Sklansky, author of “Democracy and the Police.”
“We don’t have a problem in this country of people getting injured because they are too unwilling to drive out of a crowd of protesters,” says Mr. Sklansky, a professor at Stanford Law School. “The problem that we do have is ... incitement of violence against people on opposite sides of political divides. This law is not helpful in that regard.”
A researcher at the University of Chicago has found 104 instances this summer in which cars were used to ram into or move protesters in roadways, according to a report in USA Today. At least 43 of those were found to be malicious, and a total of 39 drivers have been charged.
So far, only a few anti-protest bills have been signed into law, and all are far more modest than the Florida bill. But they come as the country has seen a shift away from support for the protests, according to a new Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll. In June, 54% of Americans approved of the protests. That dropped to 39% by September. White Americans and Republicans spearheaded the shift.
Backlash in Montana
In some cases, measures to rein in protesters have faced a backlash. In Whitefish, complaints about protesters blocking sidewalks led to an ordinance that would increase permitting requirements and limit the use of bullhorns. The ordinance did not fare well in a public hearing.
“Protesting is as American as apple pie,” says Ben Davis, a city councilor who joined the rest of the council in voting down the ordinance. “Yes, there’s a line where your right to free speech infringes on other people’s rights, and that’s the boundary that the government has to make sure is respected. But the government as a whole needs to have a certain amount of deference” toward protesters.
Most communities have acted with that deference, says Mr. Paulson, a former editor-in-chief of USA Today who now directs the Free Speech Center in Murfreesboro. “In the overwhelming majority of America’s communities, the local government has been restrained and thoughtful in their actions,” he says. “Those who want to paint protesters as violent and evil looters ... undermine what is actually working pretty well across America.”
Courts, too, are wrestling with implications.
In Mckesson v. Doe, the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed a lower court ruling, leaving Black Lives Matter organizer DeRay Mckesson open to liability for the injuries of an officer hit by a rock during a protest. The case is now at the Supreme Court.
Capretto’s view
In Tennessee, Mr. Capretto was asked to testify to a state House committee about a driver protection bill in 2017. The bill died in committee. “It’s like they realized, ‘Dear God, if we pass this, the implications of this are horrifying in a way that we could not rein in,’” he says.
Months later, a car plowed into a group of protesters in Charlottesville, Virginia, killing a woman named Heather Heyer and injuring others. “I thought they were attacking me,” the driver, James Alex Fields Jr., told police. Mr. Fields was sentenced to life in prison plus 419 years.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
From Mr. Capretto’s vantage point, “the big sort of very transformative component of this for me was understanding on a far more visceral level how true the claims have been from Black and brown and Indigenous Americans for centuries: that white Americans are not there to protect them.”
He adds, “More and more of these bills have been turning up nationally, and they’re getting more open and aggressive in their language.”


csmonitor--2020-10-13--It takes a city to protect trees

It takes a city to protect trees

There are roughly 300 billion trees in the United States , according to the U.S. Forest Service .
The breadth and intensity of wildfires this summer mainly across the Western states – 45,195 fires , 7,928,100 acres burned as of Oct. 8 – provide a stark measure of the increasing impact of climate change .
But there is another , more hopeful effect of climate change recorded in trees : a new vigor in civic engagement and concern for the well-being of communities , especially cities .
Take , for example , the Boston neighborhood of Roxbury .
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
More than 90 % of its residents are people of color .
It is also one of the poorer and least vegetated areas of the city .
More asphalt and fewer trees mean higher temperatures .
When the city announced a plan to widen a main thoroughfare through the neighborhood , locals saw it as an act of environmental racism .
The blueprints marked 124 mature red oaks and lindens for removal , to be replaced ultimately by 204 new trees .
But saplings won ’ t provide shade for decades .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreed last month to review and revise the plans – this time with resident input .
Similar discussions are taking place in cities across the U.S. as urban planners , residents , and activists strive to find a balance between population growth and conservation of the natural environment .
As of 2018 , according to Forest Service data , the total urban forest included 5.5 billion trees providing 127 million acres of leaf area .
By 2060 that urban land will increase by nearly 100 million acres , the Forest Service says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ The current urban forest produces an estimated $ 18.3 billion in value through air pollution removal , carbon sequestration , and reduced energy use in buildings .
Trees also contribute to safer neighborhoods .
Federal crime statistics show that public housing communities with greater amounts of vegetation and more open landscapes experience less than half the crimes of their less-planted counterparts .
“ One of the things we have found is when we build community around trees , it gives [ people ] a voice .
They ’ re a little less powerless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. News and World Report .
In cultures around the world , the relationship among trees , community , and individual spirituality is a common experience .
On any given Sunday morning , countless church congregations gather beneath trees to worship in open urban fields across Africa .
In Rwanda and Sierra Leone , community tribunals convened in the shade of trees to find reconciliation between victims and perpetrators of genocide and war crimes .
Churches curate many of Ethiopia ’ s largest remaining mature forests .
As temperatures rise and weather patterns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rethinking how forests will need to adapt .
By the end of the century , for example , New England ’ s forests may need to look more like those currently in mid-Atlantic states .
New York City biologists are already planting trees from Arizona .
In Massachusetts , which has 60 % forest coverage , 80 % of that forest is privately owned .
That gives town planners and backyard gardeners a primary role in preparing for a changing future .
“ We are seeing landowners becoming more aware of climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role their land can play in mitigating climate change , ” Paul Catanzaro , a forestry expert at the University of Massachusetts , Amherst , told The Boston Globe .
Planting a tree has always been an act of selflessness , beauty , and optimism .
As the climate changes , humanity is finding new seasons of living in balance .

There are roughly 300 billion trees in the United States, according to the U.S. Forest Service. The breadth and intensity of wildfires this summer mainly across the Western states – 45,195 fires, 7,928,100 acres burned as of Oct. 8 – provide a stark measure of the increasing impact of climate change.
But there is another, more hopeful effect of climate change recorded in trees: a new vigor in civic engagement and concern for the well-being of communities, especially cities.
Take, for example, the Boston neighborhood of Roxbury. It is more densely inhabited than the Boston-area average. More than 90% of its residents are people of color. It is also one of the poorer and least vegetated areas of the city. More asphalt and fewer trees mean higher temperatures. When the city announced a plan to widen a main thoroughfare through the neighborhood, locals saw it as an act of environmental racism. The blueprints marked 124 mature red oaks and lindens for removal, to be replaced ultimately by 204 new trees. But saplings won’t provide shade for decades. Faced with sustained opposition, the city agreed last month to review and revise the plans – this time with resident input.
Similar discussions are taking place in cities across the U.S. as urban planners, residents, and activists strive to find a balance between population growth and conservation of the natural environment. As of 2018, according to Forest Service data, the total urban forest included 5.5 billion trees providing 127 million acres of leaf area. By 2060 that urban land will increase by nearly 100 million acres, the Forest Service says. Greening those spaces has measurable benefits. The current urban forest produces an estimated $18.3 billion in value through air pollution removal, carbon sequestration, and reduced energy use in buildings.
Trees also contribute to safer neighborhoods. Federal crime statistics show that public housing communities with greater amounts of vegetation and more open landscapes experience less than half the crimes of their less-planted counterparts.
“One of the things we have found is when we build community around trees, it gives [people] a voice. They’re a little less powerless,” Seattle environmentalist Jim Davis told U.S. News and World Report.
In cultures around the world, the relationship among trees, community, and individual spirituality is a common experience. On any given Sunday morning, countless church congregations gather beneath trees to worship in open urban fields across Africa. In Rwanda and Sierra Leone, community tribunals convened in the shade of trees to find reconciliation between victims and perpetrators of genocide and war crimes. Churches curate many of Ethiopia’s largest remaining mature forests.
As temperatures rise and weather patterns shift, arborists around the world are rethinking how forests will need to adapt. By the end of the century, for example, New England’s forests may need to look more like those currently in mid-Atlantic states. New York City biologists are already planting trees from Arizona. In Massachusetts, which has 60% forest coverage, 80% of that forest is privately owned. That gives town planners and backyard gardeners a primary role in preparing for a changing future.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“We are seeing landowners becoming more aware of climate change impacts and, more importantly, the role their land can play in mitigating climate change,” Paul Catanzaro, a forestry expert at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, told The Boston Globe.
Planting a tree has always been an act of selflessness, beauty, and optimism. As the climate changes, humanity is finding new seasons of living in balance.


csmonitor--2020-10-13--What happens to classroom rules when school is at home?

Toys that look like weapons .
Barefoot students .
Disruptive imagery in the background .
Pets roaming the room .
All a clear violation of rules inside most American classrooms .
But that was when most American students were actually inside schools .
How do standards like these translate when everyone is logging on from home ?
Schools are struggling to figure it out this fall – yet another adaptation demanded of educators during the coronavirus pandemic .
In the learn-from-home world , teachers and experts can easily imagine the friction of extending regular classroom discipline into young people ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have posters visible in the background backing social or political movements that others disagree with or find racist ?
Can they wear clothes at home that are banned from classrooms ?
How can a teacher respond when a student says or does something that the instructor deems rude , offensive , or threatening ?
Weeks into the fall semester , a growing number of school officials are navigating those grey areas .
In Colorado , Maryland , and Pennsylvania , school administrators asked police to investigate separate incidents of toy guns , BB @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on video feeds from students ’ homes .
The actions raised complaints that they had overreacted to something that didn ’ t threaten either those students or their classmates .
There ’ s more .
A Florida school district promised an investigation of an apparent high school student shouting racial slurs over a virtual class session .
A Texas teacher was put on leave after parents noticed her virtual classroom is decorated with ( virtual ) posters backing LGBTQ rights and the Black Lives Matter movement .
“ So many of our legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the notion that there ’ s a limited expectation of privacy when you ’ re at school , and certainly the expectation of privacy in your own home is much more expansive , ” says Miranda Johnson , director of the Education Law and Policy Institute at Loyola University .
“ I think , under the circumstances , we have to be really mindful of the ways in which discipline is extending into the home environment , ” she says .
She recommends that school leaders evaluate whether a student ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does , look for a way to address it one on one .
“ The ultimate goal should be to avoid punitive or exclusionary consequences , because students have already had their education disrupted in so many different ways , ” Ms. Johnson says .
It ’ s not easy when the lines are so blurred .
Standards that were never in doubt inside school classrooms have prompted pushback in some communities .
On social media , parents and teachers have mocked lists of rules about wearing shoes , keeping pets out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during virtual lessons .
It is , they say , school going too far and reaching into private spaces .
Angela McByrd , a statistics teacher at Mansueto High School in Chicago , says she ’ s been horrified by lengthy rule lists shared by other teachers in Facebook groups for educators .
Mansueto is part of the Noble Charter Schools network , known for its demerit-based system enforcing a strict dress code and other rules .
Ms. McByrd said teachers began pushing back against that approach before the pandemic and demanded more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this fall .
When her classes began this month , Ms. McByrd told her high schoolers that they were expected to participate in class activities but she wouldn ’ t require video cameras to be on .
She had to reassure some students repeatedly that there was no need to wear their usual uniforms .
Schools around the country relying on virtual learning are taking various approaches to rules and discipline .
Some have created new policies ; others have decided existing rules for student conduct would be enforced , including dress codes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many schools will turn to suspensions or expulsions first , neglecting built-in features that allow teachers to turn off a disruptive student ’ s microphone or camera while still allowing him or her access to the lesson .
“ Students have a right to attend school , and they also have a right to express themselves freely , ” says Johanna Miller , director of the New York Civil Liberties Union ’ s Education Policy Center .
“ And those rights can come into tension with each other .
...
But there are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saying to that child : ‘ Because you distracted people , you can no longer be part of this class.
’ ” Reliance on suspensions or expulsions could be particularly damaging for students who are Black and Latino and historically face more frequent discipline for violating school rules , says Andrew Hairston , director of the School-to-Prison Pipeline Project at Texas Appleseed .
The group has joined other advocacy groups calling on Texas to ban on expulsions or suspensions during the pandemic .
“ If we as adults expect our employers and our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic ... to be able to use the restroom , drink water , and rest , we should be extending that grace for the young people , ” Mr. Hairston said .
Ultimately , the uneasy line-blurring between school and home – and melding those different rules in a manner that ’ s appropriate for extraordinary times – is temporary .
Few students or educators expect a different approach to classroom rules when in-person learning again becomes the norm .
Until then , however , those who teach students and mete out discipline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constantly shifting educational landscape .
“ I know some schools are saying , ‘ Oh , we want to present students with some sense of normalcy , ’ ” says Ms. McByrd , the statistics teacher in Chicago .
“ But it ’ s so easy for people to forget that the times that we ’ re in right now are not normal .
And this is a chance for us to try to do things differently than we ’ ve done in the past.
” This story was reported by The Associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Toys that look like weapons. Barefoot students. Disruptive imagery in the background. Pets roaming the room. All a clear violation of rules inside most American classrooms. But that was when most American students were actually inside schools.
How do standards like these translate when everyone is logging on from home? Schools are struggling to figure it out this fall – yet another adaptation demanded of educators during the coronavirus pandemic.
In the learn-from-home world, teachers and experts can easily imagine the friction of extending regular classroom discipline into young people’s previously private spaces.
Can students have posters visible in the background backing social or political movements that others disagree with or find racist? Can they wear clothes at home that are banned from classrooms? How can a teacher respond when a student says or does something that the instructor deems rude, offensive, or threatening?
Weeks into the fall semester, a growing number of school officials are navigating those grey areas.
In Colorado, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, school administrators asked police to investigate separate incidents of toy guns, BB guns, and a suspected rifle visible on video feeds from students’ homes. The actions raised complaints that they had overreacted to something that didn’t threaten either those students or their classmates.
There’s more. A Florida school district promised an investigation of an apparent high school student shouting racial slurs over a virtual class session. A Texas teacher was put on leave after parents noticed her virtual classroom is decorated with (virtual) posters backing LGBTQ rights and the Black Lives Matter movement.
“So many of our legal standards for speech at school are based on the notion that there’s a limited expectation of privacy when you’re at school, and certainly the expectation of privacy in your own home is much more expansive,” says Miranda Johnson, director of the Education Law and Policy Institute at Loyola University.
“I think, under the circumstances, we have to be really mindful of the ways in which discipline is extending into the home environment,” she says.
She recommends that school leaders evaluate whether a student’s action disrupts learning – and if it does, look for a way to address it one on one.
“The ultimate goal should be to avoid punitive or exclusionary consequences, because students have already had their education disrupted in so many different ways,” Ms. Johnson says.
It’s not easy when the lines are so blurred. Standards that were never in doubt inside school classrooms have prompted pushback in some communities. On social media, parents and teachers have mocked lists of rules about wearing shoes, keeping pets out of view, or banning food and drink during virtual lessons. It is, they say, school going too far and reaching into private spaces.
Angela McByrd, a statistics teacher at Mansueto High School in Chicago, says she’s been horrified by lengthy rule lists shared by other teachers in Facebook groups for educators.
Mansueto is part of the Noble Charter Schools network, known for its demerit-based system enforcing a strict dress code and other rules. Ms. McByrd said teachers began pushing back against that approach before the pandemic and demanded more leniency as they prepared for virtual learning this fall.
When her classes began this month, Ms. McByrd told her high schoolers that they were expected to participate in class activities but she wouldn’t require video cameras to be on. She had to reassure some students repeatedly that there was no need to wear their usual uniforms.
Schools around the country relying on virtual learning are taking various approaches to rules and discipline. Some have created new policies; others have decided existing rules for student conduct would be enforced, including dress codes.
Advocates, though, worry that many schools will turn to suspensions or expulsions first, neglecting built-in features that allow teachers to turn off a disruptive student’s microphone or camera while still allowing him or her access to the lesson.
“Students have a right to attend school, and they also have a right to express themselves freely,” says Johanna Miller, director of the New York Civil Liberties Union’s Education Policy Center. “And those rights can come into tension with each other. ... But there are other ways to deal with things without saying to that child: ‘Because you distracted people, you can no longer be part of this class.’”
Reliance on suspensions or expulsions could be particularly damaging for students who are Black and Latino and historically face more frequent discipline for violating school rules, says Andrew Hairston, director of the School-to-Prison Pipeline Project at Texas Appleseed. The group has joined other advocacy groups calling on Texas to ban on expulsions or suspensions during the pandemic.
“If we as adults expect our employers and our friends to give us breaks during this pandemic ... to be able to use the restroom, drink water, and rest, we should be extending that grace for the young people,” Mr. Hairston said.
Ultimately, the uneasy line-blurring between school and home – and melding those different rules in a manner that’s appropriate for extraordinary times – is temporary. Few students or educators expect a different approach to classroom rules when in-person learning again becomes the norm.
Until then, however, those who teach students and mete out discipline will have to navigate an uncertain, constantly shifting educational landscape.
“I know some schools are saying, ‘Oh, we want to present students with some sense of normalcy,’” says Ms. McByrd, the statistics teacher in Chicago. “But it’s so easy for people to forget that the times that we’re in right now are not normal. And this is a chance for us to try to do things differently than we’ve done in the past.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-13--The pandemic shrank the economy. Whose prospects are looking up?

The International Monetary Fund ( IMF ) foresees a steep fall in international growth this year as the global economy struggles to recover from the pandemic-induced recession , its worst collapse in nearly a century .
The IMF estimated Tuesday that the global economy will shrink 4.4 % for 2020 .
That would be the worst annual plunge since the Great Depression of the 1930s .
By comparison , the international economy contracted by a far smaller 0.1 % after the devastating 2008 financial crisis .
The monetary fund 's forecast for 2020 in its latest World Economic Outlook report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ points from its previous forecast in June .
The IMF attributed the slightly less dire forecast to faster-than-expected rebounds in some countries , notably China , and to government rescue aid that was enacted by the United States and other major industrial countries .
But the 189-nation lending agency cautioned that many developing countries , notably India , are faring worse than expected , in large part because of a resurgent virus .
Many nations face the threat of economic reversals if government support is withdrawn too quickly , the IMF warned .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ back , the ascent will be long , uneven and uncertain , '' Gita Gopinath , the IMF 's chief economist , wrote in the new outlook .
`` Recovery is not assured while the pandemic continues to spread . ''
While forecasting a global contraction this year after 2.8 % growth last year , the IMF predicts a rebound to global growth of 5.2 % next year , 0.2 percentage points lower than in its June forecast .
For the U.S. , the IMF forecasts an economic contraction of 4.3 % this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in its June forecast .
The less-pessimistic outlook reflects a stronger-than-expected bounce from the $ 3 trillion in relief aid that Congress enacted earlier this year .
For next year , the IMF envisions 3.1 % growth in the U.S. , 1.4 percentage points less than in its June outlook and in line with the view of private forecasters .
Last year , the U.S. economy grew 2.2 % .
China , the world 's second-largest economy , is expected to grow 1.9 % this year , a sharp slowdown from the 6.1 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expand 8.2 % in 2021 .
The IMF said that while a swift recovery in China had surprised forecasters , the global rebound remains vulnerable to setbacks .
It noted that `` prospects have worsened significantly in some developing countries where where infections are rising rapidly '' and that in India and in poorer nations in Africa and Asia , the pandemic has continued to spread and in some areas even accelerate .
`` Preventing further policy setbacks , '' the IMF said , `` will require that policy support is not prematurely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a variety of economic aid programs , including small business loans to prevent layoffs and a $ 600-a-week unemployment benefit , have expired .
Congress has so far failed to reach a compromise agreement to provide further financial assistance to individuals and businesses .
The scale of disruptions in hard-hit economic sectors of the U.S. economy , notably restaurants , retail stores , and airlines , suggests that without an available vaccine and effective drugs to combat the virus , many areas of the economy `` face a particularly difficult path back to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ IMF said .
Even as China has rebounded much faster than many expected , India , another populous country in Asia , is enduring difficulties .
India 's economy is expected to contract 10.3 % this year – 5.8 percentage points deeper than the decline the IMF had forecast in June .
The monetary fund predicted that the euro area , which covers the 19 European nations that use the euro currency , would contract 8.3 % this year but rebound 5.2 % next year .
The IMF produced the updated outlook for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 189-nation lending institution and its sister institution , the World Bank .
Those meetings are expected to be dominated by discussions of how to provide more aid to the world 's poorest countries in the form of medical aid and debt relief .
One idea being considered is to extend for six months a debt-payment freeze for the poorest nations that took effect May 1 but is due to expire at the end of the year .
Many aid groups are pressing for rich nations to go further and forgive part of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Poor countries have been hurt the most by the pandemic .
The World Bank has estimated that the pandemic has thrown between 88 million and 114 million people into extreme poverty , which is defined as living on less than $ 1.90 a day .
That would mark the largest increase in extreme poverty on data going back to 1990 .
And it would end a period of more than two decades in which the rate of extreme poverty had declined .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Editor ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) foresees a steep fall in international growth this year as the global economy struggles to recover from the pandemic-induced recession, its worst collapse in nearly a century.
The IMF estimated Tuesday that the global economy will shrink 4.4% for 2020. That would be the worst annual plunge since the Great Depression of the 1930s. By comparison, the international economy contracted by a far smaller 0.1% after the devastating 2008 financial crisis.
The monetary fund's forecast for 2020 in its latest World Economic Outlook report does represent an upgrade of 0.8 percentage points from its previous forecast in June. The IMF attributed the slightly less dire forecast to faster-than-expected rebounds in some countries, notably China, and to government rescue aid that was enacted by the United States and other major industrial countries.
But the 189-nation lending agency cautioned that many developing countries, notably India, are faring worse than expected, in large part because of a resurgent virus. Many nations face the threat of economic reversals if government support is withdrawn too quickly, the IMF warned.
"While the global economy is coming back, the ascent will be long, uneven and uncertain," Gita Gopinath, the IMF's chief economist, wrote in the new outlook. "Recovery is not assured while the pandemic continues to spread."
While forecasting a global contraction this year after 2.8% growth last year, the IMF predicts a rebound to global growth of 5.2% next year, 0.2 percentage points lower than in its June forecast.
For the U.S., the IMF forecasts an economic contraction of 4.3% this year, 3.7 percentage points better than in its June forecast. The less-pessimistic outlook reflects a stronger-than-expected bounce from the $3 trillion in relief aid that Congress enacted earlier this year.
For next year, the IMF envisions 3.1% growth in the U.S., 1.4 percentage points less than in its June outlook and in line with the view of private forecasters. Last year, the U.S. economy grew 2.2%.
China, the world's second-largest economy, is expected to grow 1.9% this year, a sharp slowdown from the 6.1% gain in 2019, and then expand 8.2% in 2021.
The IMF said that while a swift recovery in China had surprised forecasters, the global rebound remains vulnerable to setbacks. It noted that "prospects have worsened significantly in some developing countries where where infections are rising rapidly" and that in India and in poorer nations in Africa and Asia, the pandemic has continued to spread and in some areas even accelerate.
"Preventing further policy setbacks," the IMF said, "will require that policy support is not prematurely withdrawn."
In the U.S., a variety of economic aid programs, including small business loans to prevent layoffs and a $600-a-week unemployment benefit, have expired. Congress has so far failed to reach a compromise agreement to provide further financial assistance to individuals and businesses.
The scale of disruptions in hard-hit economic sectors of the U.S. economy, notably restaurants, retail stores, and airlines, suggests that without an available vaccine and effective drugs to combat the virus, many areas of the economy "face a particularly difficult path back to any semblance of normalcy," the IMF said.
Even as China has rebounded much faster than many expected, India, another populous country in Asia, is enduring difficulties. India's economy is expected to contract 10.3% this year – 5.8 percentage points deeper than the decline the IMF had forecast in June.
The monetary fund predicted that the euro area, which covers the 19 European nations that use the euro currency, would contract 8.3% this year but rebound 5.2% next year.
The IMF produced the updated outlook for this week's virtual meetings of the 189-nation lending institution and its sister institution, the World Bank. Those meetings are expected to be dominated by discussions of how to provide more aid to the world's poorest countries in the form of medical aid and debt relief.
One idea being considered is to extend for six months a debt-payment freeze for the poorest nations that took effect May 1 but is due to expire at the end of the year. Many aid groups are pressing for rich nations to go further and forgive part of the debt rather than just halt repayments.
Poor countries have been hurt the most by the pandemic. The World Bank has estimated that the pandemic has thrown between 88 million and 114 million people into extreme poverty, which is defined as living on less than $1.90 a day. That would mark the largest increase in extreme poverty on data going back to 1990. And it would end a period of more than two decades in which the rate of extreme poverty had declined.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-13--As coronavirus cases rise, Europe avoids total lockdowns

Governments across Europe are ratcheting up restrictions in an effort to contain the spread of the coronavirus as the continent recorded its highest weekly number of new infections since the start of the pandemic .
The World Health Organization ( WHO ) said Tuesday there were more than 700,000 new COVID-19 cases reported in Europe last week , a jump of 34 % compared to the previous week , with Britain , France , Russia , and Spain accounting for more than half of new infections recorded in the region .
The increasing case numbers are partly the result of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health agency noted that deaths were also up 16 % in the region last week compared to the previous week .
Doctors are also warning that while many new cases are currently in younger people , who tend to have milder symptoms , the virus could again start spreading widely in older populations , likely resulting in more serious illnesses .
In response to the latest numbers , Italy and France are restricting parties and putting limits on restaurants and bars , while Slovenia is considering similar measures .
Britain unveiled a new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impose based on how severe the outbreak is in certain areas .
Those moves reflect a new approach to containing the virus among governments wary of hurting already fragile economies .
Even as infections surge , officials are eager to avoid the total lockdowns they imposed in the spring that resulted in massive job losses .
Instead , they are relying on a patchwork of regional or targeted restrictions , though they have sometimes caused confusion and frustration by those affected .
WHO spokesman Tarik Jasarevic told reporters Tuesday in Geneva that lockdowns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Italian Premier Giuseppe Conte ordered bans on pickup sports games among friends and parties in closed spaces .
Private gatherings at homes with more than six people who do n't live together are also discouraged .
Like other European countries , Italy is also limiting nightlife .
The annual Giro d'Italia cycling competition was thrown into chaos Tuesday after several top riders withdrew from the cycling race following a series of positive tests for the coronavirus .
Italy made wearing masks mandatory outdoors last week , a requirement already in place in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a handful of other Asian countries .
Elsewhere in Europe , such mandates are in effect in many places in Poland and hot spot cities like Paris , Brussels , and Pristina , Kosovo , and are being introduced in several German cities .
French President Emmanuel Macron held a meeting Tuesday with his national defense council focusing on the virus .
The latest figures have shown a rapid increase of infections , especially in big cities .
Paris , Marseille , and seven other large French cities have been placed under maximum @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of bars , gyms , and swimming pools .
Public parties are banned and restaurants have to ensure a minimum 3-foot distance between tables , with groups of diners limited to six people .
Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki urged the country 's citizens to observe social distancing , wear masks , and disinfect hands and spaces used as he himself went into quarantine following contact with someone who later tested positive for COVID-19 .
Mr. Morawiecki said in a video message that his government was working as usual and that he did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a nation of about 38 million , has seen a sharp spike in new daily registered infections , with 5,068 cases and 63 deaths reported Tuesday .
In the summer , the new daily cases were around 600 , but the numbers started rising quickly after the end of vacation .
Some doctors are warning that the chronically underfunded health care system may give in if the current rate of new cases continues .
Officials in Slovenia said they are also eyeing closures of bars , restaurants , and gyms , months after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to declare the outbreak over .
Now , as case numbers rise , government spokesman Jelko Kacin said Slovenian authorities are also considering banning religious ceremonies and weddings .
Chancellor Angela Merkel has summoned the governors of Germany 's 16 states to meet in person Wednesday for the first time since mid-June .
In Britain , which has suffered the deadliest outbreak in Europe , officials defended their new system as striking the right balance .
Under the plan unveiled Monday night , the northern city of Liverpool is in the highest-risk category @ @ @ @ @ @ @ betting shops have been shut .
`` The prime minister has to balance protecting people 's lives and the [ National Health Service ] from the virus while also prioritizing things that matter to us as a society , like education and keeping as many people in employment as possible , '' Communities Secretary Robert Jenrick told the BBC on Tuesday .
Britain 's number of confirmed COVID-19 cases has more than tripled in the last three weeks , with infection rates rising across all age groups and regions .
The highest infection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Travel restrictions have been among the most damaging to economies .
In an effort to avoid keeping people and goods from moving throughout the European Union , member countries approved a travel system Tuesday .
The countries agreed to not restrict people traveling between so-called green areas – where virus infection numbers are low – but EU governments will continue to set their own restrictions , such as quarantines or mandatory testing upon arrival , for people coming from orange or red zones .
Under the criteria adopted Tuesday , most of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ orange .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writers from around Europe contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Governments across Europe are ratcheting up restrictions in an effort to contain the spread of the coronavirus as the continent recorded its highest weekly number of new infections since the start of the pandemic.
The World Health Organization (WHO) said Tuesday there were more than 700,000 new COVID-19 cases reported in Europe last week, a jump of 34% compared to the previous week, with Britain, France, Russia, and Spain accounting for more than half of new infections recorded in the region.
The increasing case numbers are partly the result of more testing, but the United Nations health agency noted that deaths were also up 16% in the region last week compared to the previous week. Doctors are also warning that while many new cases are currently in younger people, who tend to have milder symptoms, the virus could again start spreading widely in older populations, likely resulting in more serious illnesses.
In response to the latest numbers, Italy and France are restricting parties and putting limits on restaurants and bars, while Slovenia is considering similar measures. Britain unveiled a new three-tiered system for deciding what restrictions to impose based on how severe the outbreak is in certain areas.
Those moves reflect a new approach to containing the virus among governments wary of hurting already fragile economies. Even as infections surge, officials are eager to avoid the total lockdowns they imposed in the spring that resulted in massive job losses. Instead, they are relying on a patchwork of regional or targeted restrictions, though they have sometimes caused confusion and frustration by those affected.
WHO spokesman Tarik Jasarevic told reporters Tuesday in Geneva that lockdowns should be a "last resort."
Italian Premier Giuseppe Conte ordered bans on pickup sports games among friends and parties in closed spaces. Private gatherings at homes with more than six people who don't live together are also discouraged. Like other European countries, Italy is also limiting nightlife.
The annual Giro d'Italia cycling competition was thrown into chaos Tuesday after several top riders withdrew from the cycling race following a series of positive tests for the coronavirus.
Italy made wearing masks mandatory outdoors last week, a requirement already in place in Spain, Turkey, India, and a handful of other Asian countries. Elsewhere in Europe, such mandates are in effect in many places in Poland and hot spot cities like Paris, Brussels, and Pristina, Kosovo, and are being introduced in several German cities.
French President Emmanuel Macron held a meeting Tuesday with his national defense council focusing on the virus. The latest figures have shown a rapid increase of infections, especially in big cities.
Paris, Marseille, and seven other large French cities have been placed under maximum virus alert, resulting in the closure of bars, gyms, and swimming pools. Public parties are banned and restaurants have to ensure a minimum 3-foot distance between tables, with groups of diners limited to six people.
Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki urged the country's citizens to observe social distancing, wear masks, and disinfect hands and spaces used as he himself went into quarantine following contact with someone who later tested positive for COVID-19.
Mr. Morawiecki said in a video message that his government was working as usual and that he didn't have any symptoms.
Poland, a nation of about 38 million, has seen a sharp spike in new daily registered infections, with 5,068 cases and 63 deaths reported Tuesday. In the summer, the new daily cases were around 600, but the numbers started rising quickly after the end of vacation.
Some doctors are warning that the chronically underfunded health care system may give in if the current rate of new cases continues.
Officials in Slovenia said they are also eyeing closures of bars, restaurants, and gyms, months after becoming one of the first European countries to declare the outbreak over. Now, as case numbers rise, government spokesman Jelko Kacin said Slovenian authorities are also considering banning religious ceremonies and weddings.
Chancellor Angela Merkel has summoned the governors of Germany's 16 states to meet in person Wednesday for the first time since mid-June.
In Britain, which has suffered the deadliest outbreak in Europe, officials defended their new system as striking the right balance. Under the plan unveiled Monday night, the northern city of Liverpool is in the highest-risk category and its pubs, gyms, and betting shops have been shut.
"The prime minister has to balance protecting people's lives and the [National Health Service] from the virus while also prioritizing things that matter to us as a society, like education and keeping as many people in employment as possible," Communities Secretary Robert Jenrick told the BBC on Tuesday.
Britain's number of confirmed COVID-19 cases has more than tripled in the last three weeks, with infection rates rising across all age groups and regions. The highest infection rates are in the northeast and northwest.
Travel restrictions have been among the most damaging to economies. In an effort to avoid keeping people and goods from moving throughout the European Union, member countries approved a travel system Tuesday.
The countries agreed to not restrict people traveling between so-called green areas – where virus infection numbers are low – but EU governments will continue to set their own restrictions, such as quarantines or mandatory testing upon arrival, for people coming from orange or red zones.
Under the criteria adopted Tuesday, most of EU regions would be either red or orange.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers from around Europe contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.