csmonitor--2020-09-01--A Canadian First Nation reclaims the telling of its own story

“ We want parents to be able to read a story at night that isn ’ t a Hollywood version of my culture .
… Ninety percent of the world ’ s problems are caused by ignorance .
But a really cool thing about ignorance is that it ’ s 100 % curable if people will just take the time and energy.
” “ We were very frustrated by the lack of authentic material to point teachers and parents to about Indigenous cultures and about the issues facing Indigenous people in Canada today , ” says Kelly Brownbill , senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ magazine and book publishing efforts .
But one could experience his life as a fisherman by flipping through his children ’ s book , “ Whispers on the Water , ” or reading about him in the pages of a magazine called Canoe Kids .
It ’ s part of a mission to inform people who aren ’ t exposed to Indigenous culture beyond media portrayals , by Indigenous people themselves .
On a sunny August afternoon , Dave Corbiere sets out from the dock at the Aundeck Omni Kaning First Nation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whitefish and pickerel in Lake Huron as his forebears have done for generations .
Dave Corbiere powers his fishing boat to the rocks on the shore of a small island in the North Channel of Lake Huron .
It ’ s upon this foundation that he lays a fish below an eagle ’ s nest , perched tenuously in the branches of a white pine , before he sets out .
It ’ s an offering of thanks to the bird of prey that is considered sacred by the Ojibwe people – for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for leading a life worthy of example .
Then he assesses the water temperatures and currents in search of schools of whitefish and pickerel .
He and his granddaughter Gabriella set out their nets in the evenings and hoist up the catch by hand the following morning – never taking more fish than they will use .
They spend the early part of the day cleaning and packing it for sale .
What they don ’ t sell they will share with elders in their community .
On a sunny August afternoon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trip from the dock at the Aundeck Omni Kaning First Nation on Manitoulin Island , the largest freshwater island in the world .
But one could experience his life as a fisherman by flipping through his children ’ s book , “ Whispers on the Water , ” or reading about him in the pages of a magazine called Canoe Kids .
It ’ s part of a mission to inform people like myself , who aren ’ t exposed to Indigenous culture beyond media portrayals , by Indigenous people themselves .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand our culture .
A lot of people think we are living in teepees , ” says Mr. Corbiere .
“ This helps them understand us better , and understand the prejudice that is there .
If kids get an education young enough , they ’ ll get beyond the prejudice.
” I hesitate at first but then confide that , as I told my elementary-school daughter we were entering a reserve , she used the exact wording he cited : “ Oh cool , are there going to be teepees ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to public school in Canada , where the day begins with an acknowledgement of the traditional lands upon which each school sits – an indication of the place Indigenous culture and history are meant to hold in Canadian education .
He nods at her kindly .
The first edition of Canoe Kids came out in 2016 , before being renamed to 4Canoes in 2019 .
The publication was a direct response to the calls to action put out in 2015 by Canada ’ s Truth and Reconciliation Commission , established to face the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schools over decades .
And with debates over who has the right to tell whose story intensifying , the publishing group , which is almost entirely Indigenous , felt it was paramount that the voices featured on the pages came from Indigenous people .
“ We were very frustrated by the lack of authentic material to point teachers and parents to about Indigenous cultures and about the issues facing Indigenous people in Canada today , ” says Kelly Brownbill , senior editor and cultural advisor to both the magazine and book publishing efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ able to read a story at night that isn ’ t a Hollywood version of my culture .
… Ninety percent of the world ’ s problems are caused by ignorance .
But a really cool thing about ignorance is that it ’ s 100 % curable if people will just take the time and energy.
” Their first edition focused on Manitoulin Island , which means “ spirit island ” in Anishinaabemowin , the Ojibwe language , and has long been a center of Indigenous culture – and tourism , pre-pandemic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ancient stories , to the importance of birch-bark canoes , and pau waus ( powwows ) .
It includes glossy photos and a glossary of key words in Anishinaabemowin .
Kevin Milne , a photojournalist and driver of the project , says part of the idea was to start at Canada ’ s center , then radiate to Indigenous cultures west and east , then south to the U.S. and throughout Latin America and beyond .
The magazine and books have reached over 1 million viewers and today sit in libraries and schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s four pillars is environmental rights ( along with human rights , cultural rights , and equity ) , and that ethos is reflected in stories about the way women and men like Mr. Corbiere live a life of conservation , without necessarily even using the word , says Mr. Milne .
“ Those stories are very important , they allow people who have never met an Indigenous person to connect in a way they might not be able to , ” he says .
“ It ’ s a way to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a different consideration of a land-based culture.
” Another view of the world In his book , Mr. Corbiere writes of the teachings of “ the whispers of the water , ” traditions passed down from his ancestors and that he is now passing down to his granddaughter .
Next to illustrated photos of the pristine waters and land of Manitoulin Island , the text reads : “ He teaches her where the shoals and reefs are , and where the edges drop off to great depths.
” On this afternoon , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that granddaughter , Gabriella , lives in the summer , next to her grandparents , on a rocky outcrop called the Five Islands .
As we chat , a butterfly flits around their screened porch .
“ It ’ s important to give people another world view , that there are different ways of living , ” says Ms. Corbiere , who is 19 .
Plus , she admits it ’ s pretty cool to see the pictures she lives everyday as an illustrated book .
Someone else thinks it ’ s pretty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I flip through the pages after we get back to our hotel for the day – and this time because she ’ s had a real experience , not a Hollywood interpretation .

“We want parents to be able to read a story at night that isn’t a Hollywood version of my culture. … Ninety percent of the world’s problems are caused by ignorance. But a really cool thing about ignorance is that it’s 100% curable if people will just take the time and energy.”
“We were very frustrated by the lack of authentic material to point teachers and parents to about Indigenous cultures and about the issues facing Indigenous people in Canada today,” says Kelly Brownbill, senior editor and cultural advisor to both the magazine and book publishing efforts.
Minority communities often have not been able to present themselves and their stories to the greater society. In Canada, one First Nations group is trying to reclaim their voice through children’s publishing.
But one could experience his life as a fisherman by flipping through his children’s book, “Whispers on the Water,” or reading about him in the pages of a magazine called Canoe Kids. It’s part of a mission to inform people who aren’t exposed to Indigenous culture beyond media portrayals, by Indigenous people themselves.
On a sunny August afternoon, Dave Corbiere sets out from the dock at the Aundeck Omni Kaning First Nation in Manitoulin Island, Ontario, to catch whitefish and pickerel in Lake Huron as his forebears have done for generations.
Dave Corbiere powers his fishing boat to the rocks on the shore of a small island in the North Channel of Lake Huron. It’s upon this foundation that he lays a fish below an eagle’s nest, perched tenuously in the branches of a white pine, before he sets out. It’s an offering of thanks to the bird of prey that is considered sacred by the Ojibwe people – for keeping him safe on the lake and for leading a life worthy of example.
Then he assesses the water temperatures and currents in search of schools of whitefish and pickerel. He and his granddaughter Gabriella set out their nets in the evenings and hoist up the catch by hand the following morning – never taking more fish than they will use. They spend the early part of the day cleaning and packing it for sale. What they don’t sell they will share with elders in their community.
On a sunny August afternoon, my family joins Mr. Corbiere’s trip from the dock at the Aundeck Omni Kaning First Nation on Manitoulin Island, the largest freshwater island in the world.
Karen Norris/Staff
Why We Wrote This Minority communities often have not been able to present themselves and their stories to the greater society. In Canada, one First Nations group is trying to reclaim their voice through children’s publishing.
But one could experience his life as a fisherman by flipping through his children’s book, “Whispers on the Water,” or reading about him in the pages of a magazine called Canoe Kids. It’s part of a mission to inform people like myself, who aren’t exposed to Indigenous culture beyond media portrayals, by Indigenous people themselves.
“The rest of Canada doesn’t understand our culture. A lot of people think we are living in teepees,” says Mr. Corbiere. “This helps them understand us better, and understand the prejudice that is there. If kids get an education young enough, they’ll get beyond the prejudice.”
I hesitate at first but then confide that, as I told my elementary-school daughter we were entering a reserve, she used the exact wording he cited: “Oh cool, are there going to be teepees?” This despite the fact that she goes to public school in Canada, where the day begins with an acknowledgement of the traditional lands upon which each school sits – an indication of the place Indigenous culture and history are meant to hold in Canadian education. He nods at her kindly.
“Ignorance is 100% curable”
The first edition of Canoe Kids came out in 2016, before being renamed to 4Canoes in 2019. The publication was a direct response to the Calls to Action put out in 2015 by Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission, established to face the atrocities endured by Indigenous children in residential schools over decades. And with debates over who has the right to tell whose story intensifying, the publishing group, which is almost entirely Indigenous, felt it was paramount that the voices featured on the pages came from Indigenous people.
“We were very frustrated by the lack of authentic material to point teachers and parents to about Indigenous cultures and about the issues facing Indigenous people in Canada today,” says Kelly Brownbill, senior editor and cultural advisor to both the magazine and book publishing efforts. “We want parents to be able to read a story at night that isn’t a Hollywood version of my culture. … Ninety percent of the world’s problems are caused by ignorance. But a really cool thing about ignorance is that it’s 100% curable if people will just take the time and energy.”
Sara Miller Llana/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption Dave Corbiere and his granddaughter Gabriella fish the waters of Lake Huron's North Channel in much the same way as their forebears did, including leaving a fish out for the eagle, a bird considered sacred by the Ojibwe people, before setting out.
Their first edition focused on Manitoulin Island, which means “spirit island” in Anishinaabemowin, the Ojibwe language, and has long been a center of Indigenous culture – and tourism, pre-pandemic, in Canada. It introduces readers to ancient stories, to the importance of birch-bark canoes, and pau waus (powwows). It includes glossy photos and a glossary of key words in Anishinaabemowin.
Kevin Milne, a photojournalist and driver of the project, says part of the idea was to start at Canada’s center, then radiate to Indigenous cultures west and east, then south to the U.S. and throughout Latin America and beyond. The magazine and books have reached over 1 million viewers and today sit in libraries and schools across Canada.
One of the project’s four pillars is environmental rights (along with human rights, cultural rights, and equity), and that ethos is reflected in stories about the way women and men like Mr. Corbiere live a life of conservation, without necessarily even using the word, says Mr. Milne.
“Those stories are very important, they allow people who have never met an Indigenous person to connect in a way they might not be able to,” he says. “It’s a way to draw those people in, and to have a different consideration of a land-based culture.”
Another view of the world
In his book, Mr. Corbiere writes of the teachings of “the whispers of the water,” traditions passed down from his ancestors and that he is now passing down to his granddaughter. Next to illustrated photos of the pristine waters and land of Manitoulin Island, the text reads: “He teaches her where the shoals and reefs are, and where the edges drop off to great depths.”
On this afternoon, he drives us to the camp where that granddaughter, Gabriella, lives in the summer, next to her grandparents, on a rocky outcrop called the Five Islands. As we chat, a butterfly flits around their screened porch.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“It’s important to give people another world view, that there are different ways of living,” says Ms. Corbiere, who is 19. Plus, she admits it’s pretty cool to see the pictures she lives everyday as an illustrated book.
Someone else thinks it’s pretty cool too, as my daughter and I flip through the pages after we get back to our hotel for the day – and this time because she’s had a real experience, not a Hollywood interpretation.


csmonitor--2020-09-01--Mediterranean frenemies face off: Greece, Turkey at ‘the abyss’

“ In all likelihood there will not be a deliberate military confrontation , ” says Ian Lesser at the German Marshall Fund of the United States .
“ Policymakers are all aware of the risks .
But ... the risk of something going wrong is there.
” Neither Greece nor Turkey wants to fight a war .
But their warships are sailing at threateningly close quarters .
Turkish forces have recently intervened successfully in Syria and Libya , giving Mr. Erdoğan the self-confidence to pursue a highly nationalistic foreign policy .
European governments have little influence over him , now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joining the European Union seem to have hit a brick wall .
Turkey , led by authoritarian President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan , appears eager to press its long-standing objections to the way maritime borders were drawn 100 years ago , in the wake of the Ottoman Empire ’ s collapse .
Not for the first time , fellow NATO members Turkey and Greece are at each other ’ s throats .
But this time the flare-up between the historic rivals is especially dangerous and unpredictable , observers warn , as the neighbors ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be rich in oil and gas .
Tensions in the eastern Mediterranean are at their highest level in decades after Turkey sent a survey vessel , escorted by warships , to prospect for oil and gas in waters claimed by Greece .
Athens sent its own warships in , and Ankara has responded by staging live-fire gunnery exercises in the area this week .
Why are Greece and Turkey at odds ?
Since the discovery of hydrocarbon deposits beneath the seabed a few years ago , both countries have claimed the right to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dispute .
Turkey has the longest coastline in the Mediterranean and argues that it should enjoy commensurate rights to any gas and oil that is discovered .
But Greece owns a scattering of islands that lie just a few miles off the Turkish coast , so Athens claims that its continental shelf extends into Turkey ’ s coastal waters .
The picture has been further complicated by a deal Turkey made last year with Libya to carve out a large part of the Mediterranean as their self-proclaimed joint area of interest .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a rival accord with Egypt .
Turkey feels hemmed in and contained by maritime demarcations that were drawn up nearly a century ago , after the First World War and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire .
“ Turkey wants to demonstrate to Greece that Turkey will never accept the imposition of what it sees as an unfair partition of the eastern Mediterranean , ” says Sinan Ülgen , chairman of Edam , an Istanbul-based think tank .
“ There is broad consensus over this within Turkey.
” Turkey ’ s authoritarian president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a belligerent note , accusing the Greeks of acting like “ pirates.
” “ Turkey will take what is its right in the Mediterranean , in the Aegean , and in the Black Sea , ” he said in a speech last week .
“ If anyone wants to stand before us and face the consequences , they are welcome to , ” he added .
“ If not , stay out of our way , and we will continue with our work.
” Why is the situation different from previous crises ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ constrained and is acting more self-confidently .
Greece and Turkey , who are NATO allies , nearly went to war in 1996 in a dispute over uninhabited Aegean islets .
Since then they have lived in uneasy détente .
The new flare-up is particularly dangerous and unpredictable because Turkey is bolder now , observers warn .
Ankara “ has used its military with some success in Libya and Syria , ” points out Ian Lesser , executive director of the German Marshall Fund of the United States , a think tank .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than it was in the past … and Turkey is much more assertive and much more conscious of its maritime interests.
” Secondly , under President Erdoğan , Turkey is pursuing a highly nationalistic agenda , recalling the Ottoman era .
“ Turkey is meddling in Libya , Syria , Iraq and the Aegean – all areas that used to belong to the Ottoman Empire , ” says Angelos Chryssogelos , an expert on the eastern Mediterranean at London Metropolitan University .
At the same time , Ankara ’ s relationship with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ point , ” Dr .
Lesser points out .
“ There ’ s a complete breakdown of trust between Turkey and European capitals .
It ’ s become harder and harder to engage Turkey , ” he says .
And with Turkey ’ s long-mooted accession to the European Union seemingly at a dead end , the West has less leverage over Ankara than it did in previous crises .
How likely is war to break out ?
Germany ’ s foreign minister , who is trying to intercede in the dispute , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are staring into “ the abyss.
” “ The situation is very risky , ” said Heiko Maas .
“ Whoever moves closer and closer to the abyss can at some point fall down .
Any spark , however small , could lead to a disaster.
” Complicating the conflict further is the number of countries involved .
“ It is quite different from the past , when you had just Greece and Turkey involved and the Americans trying to calm things down , ” says Dr. Chryssogelos .
France and the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to back up Greece , while Cyprus , Israel , and Egypt also have a stake in prospecting for hydrocarbons in the eastern Mediterranean .
The more warships and fighter planes there are jostling for space in the region , the greater potential there is for an accident that could lead to war , though most observers agree that neither side wants to fight .
“ For Turkey , the idea is not to go to war but to place ships and planes in areas so as to stake a claim … to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible , ” says Dr. Chryssogelos .
“ Erdoğan does not want war , but he is prepared to use military persuasion to back his political posture , ” suggests Mr. Ülgen .
“ There is an environment of hypernationalism.
” “ In all likelihood there will not be a deliberate military confrontation , ” predicts Dr .
Lesser .
“ Policymakers are all aware of the risks .
But with more military exercises and more forces in the region , the risk of something going wrong is there .
”

“In all likelihood there will not be a deliberate military confrontation,” says Ian Lesser at the German Marshall Fund of the United States. “Policymakers are all aware of the risks. But ... the risk of something going wrong is there.”
Neither Greece nor Turkey wants to fight a war. But their warships are sailing at threateningly close quarters.
Turkish forces have recently intervened successfully in Syria and Libya, giving Mr. Erdoğan the self-confidence to pursue a highly nationalistic foreign policy. European governments have little influence over him, now that Turkey’s long-standing hopes of joining the European Union seem to have hit a brick wall.
Greece and Turkey are NATO allies, but their warships are challenging each other in the Mediterranean. Why has this conflict flared, and can it be contained?
Turkey, led by authoritarian President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, appears eager to press its long-standing objections to the way maritime borders were drawn 100 years ago, in the wake of the Ottoman Empire’s collapse.
Not for the first time, fellow NATO members Turkey and Greece are at each other’s throats. But this time the flare-up between the historic rivals is especially dangerous and unpredictable, observers warn, as the neighbors’ warships patrol disputed Mediterranean waters thought to be rich in oil and gas.
Tensions in the eastern Mediterranean are at their highest level in decades after Turkey sent a survey vessel, escorted by warships, to prospect for oil and gas in waters claimed by Greece.
Athens sent its own warships in, and Ankara has responded by staging live-fire gunnery exercises in the area this week.
Why are Greece and Turkey at odds?
Why We Wrote This Greece and Turkey are NATO allies, but their warships are challenging each other in the Mediterranean. Why has this conflict flared, and can it be contained?
Since the discovery of hydrocarbon deposits beneath the seabed a few years ago, both countries have claimed the right to exploit the resources. But geography complicates the dispute.
Turkey has the longest coastline in the Mediterranean and argues that it should enjoy commensurate rights to any gas and oil that is discovered. But Greece owns a scattering of islands that lie just a few miles off the Turkish coast, so Athens claims that its continental shelf extends into Turkey’s coastal waters.
The picture has been further complicated by a deal Turkey made last year with Libya to carve out a large part of the Mediterranean as their self-proclaimed joint area of interest. Greece reciprocated in early August by concluding a rival accord with Egypt.
Turkey feels hemmed in and contained by maritime demarcations that were drawn up nearly a century ago, after the First World War and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
“Turkey wants to demonstrate to Greece that Turkey will never accept the imposition of what it sees as an unfair partition of the eastern Mediterranean,” says Sinan Ülgen, chairman of Edam, an Istanbul-based think tank. “There is broad consensus over this within Turkey.”
Turkey’s authoritarian president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, is sounding a belligerent note, accusing the Greeks of acting like “pirates.”
“Turkey will take what is its right in the Mediterranean, in the Aegean, and in the Black Sea,” he said in a speech last week.
“If anyone wants to stand before us and face the consequences, they are welcome to,” he added. “If not, stay out of our way, and we will continue with our work.”
Presidential Press Office/Reuters View caption Hide caption Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan attends a ceremony at the mausoleum of modern Turkey's founder Ataturk, on Aug. 30th. Turkish naval forces are currently engaged in a showdown with Greek military vessels in disputed waters in the Mediterranean, said to contain oil and gas.
Why is the situation different from previous crises?
Simply put, because Turkey feels less constrained and is acting more self-confidently.
Greece and Turkey, who are NATO allies, nearly went to war in 1996 in a dispute over uninhabited Aegean islets. Since then they have lived in uneasy détente.
The new flare-up is particularly dangerous and unpredictable because Turkey is bolder now, observers warn. Ankara “has used its military with some success in Libya and Syria,” points out Ian Lesser, executive director of the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a think tank. “Its capacity to project power is greater than it was in the past … and Turkey is much more assertive and much more conscious of its maritime interests.”
Secondly, under President Erdoğan, Turkey is pursuing a highly nationalistic agenda, recalling the Ottoman era.
“Turkey is meddling in Libya, Syria, Iraq and the Aegean – all areas that used to belong to the Ottoman Empire,” says Angelos Chryssogelos, an expert on the eastern Mediterranean at London Metropolitan University.
At the same time, Ankara’s relationship with the West, is “almost at breaking point,” Dr. Lesser points out. “There’s a complete breakdown of trust between Turkey and European capitals. It’s become harder and harder to engage Turkey,” he says. And with Turkey’s long-mooted accession to the European Union seemingly at a dead end, the West has less leverage over Ankara than it did in previous crises.
How likely is war to break out?
Germany’s foreign minister, who is trying to intercede in the dispute, warned last week that the two countries are staring into “the abyss.”
“The situation is very risky,” said Heiko Maas. “Whoever moves closer and closer to the abyss can at some point fall down. Any spark, however small, could lead to a disaster.”
Complicating the conflict further is the number of countries involved. “It is quite different from the past, when you had just Greece and Turkey involved and the Americans trying to calm things down,” says Dr. Chryssogelos.
France and the United Arab Emirates have sent aircraft and warships to back up Greece, while Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt also have a stake in prospecting for hydrocarbons in the eastern Mediterranean.
The more warships and fighter planes there are jostling for space in the region, the greater potential there is for an accident that could lead to war, though most observers agree that neither side wants to fight.
“For Turkey, the idea is not to go to war but to place ships and planes in areas so as to stake a claim … to open up the agenda as much as possible,” says Dr. Chryssogelos.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Erdoğan does not want war, but he is prepared to use military persuasion to back his political posture,” suggests Mr. Ülgen. “There is an environment of hypernationalism.”
“In all likelihood there will not be a deliberate military confrontation,” predicts Dr. Lesser. “Policymakers are all aware of the risks. But with more military exercises and more forces in the region, the risk of something going wrong is there.”


csmonitor--2020-09-01--A peace deal to piece Sudan together

A peace deal to piece Sudan together

The world took note last year when youthful protesters in Sudan forced the ouster of a longtime dictator , Omar al-Bashir .
Yet just as noteworthy was their use of nonviolence and democratic unity – a direct rebuke of Mr. Bashir ’ s divide-and-rule tactics in an African nation splintered by ethnicity , religion , and regionalism .
Now that approach is paying off in Sudan ’ s slow transition to democracy and a possible election in 2022 .
On Monday , most of the rebel groups that fought the Bashir regime inked an agreement that would give them a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and in the capital , Khartoum .
Resource wealth would be more evenly distributed .
The spirit of the protests – building national identity around a culture of peace and inclusion – was baked into the pact .
The peace talks took longer than expected in part because Africa ’ s third-largest country has been in civil conflict for most of the 70 years since independence , leaving millions killed or displaced .
Two rebel groups in fact did not sign the agreement out of demands for even more change , such as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is largely Islamic .
Sudan , a nation of 40 million , is where the Arab world meets sub-Saharan Africa .
The negotiations also needed to be nudged along by foreign powers .
“ This is the time for all Sudanese stakeholders to set aside their differences and to look for the greater good of the country and of all Sudanese , ” commented Josep Borrell , the European Union ’ s envoy for foreign affairs , after the pact was finished .
The pro-democracy protests that began in December 2018 put Sudan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ built on equal citizenship and shared ideals .
The atrocities of the past still need to be addressed .
Rebel groups must be integrated with a reformed military .
And Sudan ’ s entrenched patronage networks must be dismantled .
Much of the nation ’ s wealth , for example , is centered around Khartoum , making the regions highly dependent on the capital ’ s elite .
Yet young Sudanese now know they no longer must accept rulers who stay in power by trying to convince them they have enemies .
Power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embrace the basic dignity of their fellow citizens .

The world took note last year when youthful protesters in Sudan forced the ouster of a longtime dictator, Omar al-Bashir. Yet just as noteworthy was their use of nonviolence and democratic unity – a direct rebuke of Mr. Bashir’s divide-and-rule tactics in an African nation splintered by ethnicity, religion, and regionalism. Now that approach is paying off in Sudan’s slow transition to democracy and a possible election in 2022.
On Monday, most of the rebel groups that fought the Bashir regime inked an agreement that would give them a large slice of power in their regions and in the capital, Khartoum. Resource wealth would be more evenly distributed. The spirit of the protests – building national identity around a culture of peace and inclusion – was baked into the pact.
The peace talks took longer than expected in part because Africa’s third-largest country has been in civil conflict for most of the 70 years since independence, leaving millions killed or displaced. Two rebel groups in fact did not sign the agreement out of demands for even more change, such as ensuring secular government in a country that is largely Islamic. Sudan, a nation of 40 million, is where the Arab world meets sub-Saharan Africa.
The negotiations also needed to be nudged along by foreign powers. “This is the time for all Sudanese stakeholders to set aside their differences and to look for the greater good of the country and of all Sudanese,” commented Josep Borrell, the European Union’s envoy for foreign affairs, after the pact was finished.
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The pro-democracy protests that began in December 2018 put Sudan on a path toward creating an identity built on equal citizenship and shared ideals. The atrocities of the past still need to be addressed. Rebel groups must be integrated with a reformed military. And Sudan’s entrenched patronage networks must be dismantled. Much of the nation’s wealth, for example, is centered around Khartoum, making the regions highly dependent on the capital’s elite.
Yet young Sudanese now know they no longer must accept rulers who stay in power by trying to convince them they have enemies. Power in Sudan has shifted to those who embrace the basic dignity of their fellow citizens.


csmonitor--2020-09-01--Californians consider private firefighters. Is that fair?

Over the past week , Jess Wills has been fielding calls from wealthy northern California residents seeking to hire his team of private firefighters to protect their property from the hundreds of wildfires engulfing the state .
Since mid-August , northern California has been hit with more than 14,000 lightning strikes , sparking fires that have so far destroyed at least 1,700 homes and other structures .
The coronavirus pandemic has sidelined some of the roughly 2,000 prison inmates who form the backbone of California ’ s wildfire protection force , with inmates released or forced to quarantine , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say they have been forced to triage their work , leaving some structures to burn .
Meanwhile , private firefighters have been stepping into the gap – for those who can afford it .
“ It ’ s a certain demographic of owners who have the capital to hire us , ” said Mr. Wills , who runs Firestorm Wildland Fire Suppression Inc .
He has sent four engine crews to defend private property in the last week – and is now having to turn away new clients .
“ Wealthy people already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have their private jets .
Now , someone with money says 'OK I am going to hire my own private fire department , ' ” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in a phone interview .
Wildfires around the world are surging in number , size , strength , and destruction , driven partly by global warming , while ever more people and their homes lie in the path of danger , research says .
California governor Gavin Newsom has blamed climate change for the 1.4 million acres of the state burned so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than this time last year .
But some worry about the emergence of a two-tiered system of disaster response , where the wealthy can purchase special access to emergency services .
“ More and more , those who have the capital to secure private support during a disaster do so , ” said Char Miller , a professor of environmental history at Pomona College in southern California .
“ I understand why one might do this .
But what bothers me is the inequities – what kinds of people will get help – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Income and wealth inequality is particularly acute in the state , according to the Public Policy Institute of California , with 20 % of all net worth concentrated in the 30 wealthiest zip codes , home to just 2 % of Californians .
Today ’ s private firefighters resemble the fire brigades of the 18th and 19th centuries who worked for insurance firms , said Timothy Ingalsbee , founder of the group Firefighters United for Safety , Ethics , and Ecology .
“ They would go and protect only those houses that paid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s started to happen again.
” A significant amount of wildfire-fighting work has been privatized over the last two decades , according to Deborah Miley , president of the National Wildfire Suppression Association , a group for private firefighters .
Private firms currently account for “ 40 % of all wildfire suppression resources available on the ground nationally , ” she said .
Most contractors , including Firestorm , get the bulk of their work through government contracts and work in tandem with public firefighters , Ms. Miley added .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for private fire crews to protect private property during recent wildifire seasons , industry groups told the Thomson Reuters Foundation .
“ We live in a capitalist society , ” said Ryan Bella , the owner of firefighting firm Bella Wildfire & Forestry , in Weimar , California .
“ Anyone who wants to pay to protect their property should be able to.
” Clients can hire his firm to protect their property for $ 300 to $ 5,000 per hour , depending on the size of the job .
“ There are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out there – every year more and more , ” he said .
Dina Hoffman , whose property in the Santa Cruz mountains was nearly destroyed by fires this week , is wary of the trend .
“ We are underfunding our public services , ” she said , adding that her family , friends , and neighbors defended their homes by defying evacuation orders and digging their own firebreaks .
“ People who don ’ t have a $ 10 million house should still have the same chance to not lose their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lynette Round , a spokeswoman with the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection , said “ it was unprecedented that we had that many lightning strikes starting so many fires at once.
” “ In these situations , you have to direct the resources you have to the places where they will save lives , ” she said by phone , noting that the state had already assigned more than 800 seasonal fire fighters to bolster its efforts this summer .
Mr. Ingalsbee said he is alarmed by the rise of “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which include bespoke fire emergency response .
“ It ’ s for wealthy homes – the insurance company doesn ’ t want to pay for loss – so it ’ s cheaper for them to hire a crew and an engine , ” he explained .
“ But they don ’ t defend the whole neighborhood or city block , that ’ s not their mission.
” The wildfire protection unit of insurer American International Group Inc. , for example , dispatches a crew to insured homes within three miles of an active @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PURE Insurance , which markets itself for “ high net worth families , ” also offers a wildfire mitigation program .
“ [ We ] monitor active wildfires and provide emergency response services , ” the company says on its website .
“ If a wildfire ’ s projected path threatens your home , our partners may be dispatched.
” Neither insurance firm responded to requests for comment .
Theresa Gerigk , director of private client services at insurance broker Risk Strategies , says she has been fielding an influx of requests from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protection .
“ With public resources spread so thin , people want to use their own resources , ” she said .
But Mr. Miller of Pomona College worries that if wealthy people are able to find a way to shield themselves from the consequences of wildfires , it could hamper the public response to underlying problems such as climate change or poor forest management .
“ Those who will be able to afford to defend themselves will , ” he said .
“ And the underlying inequities won ’ t be addressed.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ future where access to firefighting resources is increasingly determined by income , or insurance policies .
“ It comes at the expenses of the public sphere , ” he said .
“ And I don ’ t think it ’ s good for our communities.
” This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation .

Over the past week, Jess Wills has been fielding calls from wealthy northern California residents seeking to hire his team of private firefighters to protect their property from the hundreds of wildfires engulfing the state.
Since mid-August, northern California has been hit with more than 14,000 lightning strikes, sparking fires that have so far destroyed at least 1,700 homes and other structures.
The coronavirus pandemic has sidelined some of the roughly 2,000 prison inmates who form the backbone of California’s wildfire protection force, with inmates released or forced to quarantine, according to a department spokeswoman.
Firefighting officials say they have been forced to triage their work, leaving some structures to burn. Meanwhile, private firefighters have been stepping into the gap – for those who can afford it.
“It’s a certain demographic of owners who have the capital to hire us,” said Mr. Wills, who runs Firestorm Wildland Fire Suppression Inc.
He has sent four engine crews to defend private property in the last week – and is now having to turn away new clients.
“Wealthy people already have their private schools, and they have their private jets. Now, someone with money says 'OK I am going to hire my own private fire department,'” he told the Thomson Reuters Foundation in a phone interview.
Wildfires around the world are surging in number, size, strength, and destruction, driven partly by global warming, while ever more people and their homes lie in the path of danger, research says.
California governor Gavin Newsom has blamed climate change for the 1.4 million acres of the state burned so far in 2020, 25 times more than this time last year.
But some worry about the emergence of a two-tiered system of disaster response, where the wealthy can purchase special access to emergency services.
“More and more, those who have the capital to secure private support during a disaster do so,” said Char Miller, a professor of environmental history at Pomona College in southern California.
“I understand why one might do this. But what bothers me is the inequities – what kinds of people will get help – when public resources are stretched thin.”
Income and wealth inequality is particularly acute in the state, according to the Public Policy Institute of California, with 20% of all net worth concentrated in the 30 wealthiest zip codes, home to just 2% of Californians.
Private firefighters
Today’s private firefighters resemble the fire brigades of the 18th and 19th centuries who worked for insurance firms, said Timothy Ingalsbee, founder of the group Firefighters United for Safety, Ethics, and Ecology.
“They would go and protect only those houses that paid them,” he said. “It’s started to happen again.”
A significant amount of wildfire-fighting work has been privatized over the last two decades, according to Deborah Miley, president of the National Wildfire Suppression Association, a group for private firefighters.
Private firms currently account for “40% of all wildfire suppression resources available on the ground nationally,” she said.
Most contractors, including Firestorm, get the bulk of their work through government contracts and work in tandem with public firefighters, Ms. Miley added.
But California has seen an uptick in demand for private fire crews to protect private property during recent wildifire seasons, industry groups told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
“We live in a capitalist society,” said Ryan Bella, the owner of firefighting firm Bella Wildfire & Forestry, in Weimar, California. “Anyone who wants to pay to protect their property should be able to.”
Clients can hire his firm to protect their property for $300 to $5,000 per hour, depending on the size of the job.
“There are a lot more private crews like mine out there – every year more and more,” he said. Dina Hoffman, whose property in the Santa Cruz mountains was nearly destroyed by fires this week, is wary of the trend.
“We are underfunding our public services,” she said, adding that her family, friends, and neighbors defended their homes by defying evacuation orders and digging their own firebreaks.
“People who don’t have a $10 million house should still have the same chance to not lose their house,” Ms. Hoffman said.
Lynette Round, a spokeswoman with the California Department of Forestry and Fire Protection, said “it was unprecedented that we had that many lightning strikes starting so many fires at once.”
“In these situations, you have to direct the resources you have to the places where they will save lives,” she said by phone, noting that the state had already assigned more than 800 seasonal fire fighters to bolster its efforts this summer.
‘Cadillac fire insurance’
Mr. Ingalsbee said he is alarmed by the rise of “Cadillac” insurance plans for wealthy people which include bespoke fire emergency response.
“It’s for wealthy homes – the insurance company doesn’t want to pay for loss – so it’s cheaper for them to hire a crew and an engine,” he explained. “But they don’t defend the whole neighborhood or city block, that’s not their mission.”
Major insurance providers offer firefighting services in plans marketed to high net worth individuals.
The wildfire protection unit of insurer American International Group Inc., for example, dispatches a crew to insured homes within three miles of an active fire, to spray fire retardant.
PURE Insurance, which markets itself for “high net worth families,” also offers a wildfire mitigation program.
“[We] monitor active wildfires and provide emergency response services,” the company says on its website. “If a wildfire’s projected path threatens your home, our partners may be dispatched.”
Neither insurance firm responded to requests for comment.
Haves and have nots
Theresa Gerigk, director of private client services at insurance broker Risk Strategies, says she has been fielding an influx of requests from wealthy California homeowners who want individualized wildfire protection.
“With public resources spread so thin, people want to use their own resources,” she said.
But Mr. Miller of Pomona College worries that if wealthy people are able to find a way to shield themselves from the consequences of wildfires, it could hamper the public response to underlying problems such as climate change or poor forest management.
“Those who will be able to afford to defend themselves will,” he said. “And the underlying inequities won’t be addressed.”
Mr. Ingalsbee is concerned about a future where access to firefighting resources is increasingly determined by income, or insurance policies.
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“It comes at the expenses of the public sphere,” he said. “And I don’t think it’s good for our communities.”
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation.


csmonitor--2020-09-01--Michael Flynn court case lives on, rules US federal court

A federal appeals court in Washington declined Monday to order the dismissal of the Michael Flynn prosecution , permitting a judge to scrutinize the Justice Department ’ s request to dismiss its case against President Donald Trump ’ s former national security adviser .
The decision keeps the case at least temporarily alive and rebuffs efforts by both Mr. Flynn ’ s lawyers and the Justice Department to force the prosecution to be dropped without further inquiry from the judge , who has for months declined to dismiss it .
The ruling is the latest development in a criminal case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the last year and prompted a separation of powers tussle involving a veteran federal judge and the Trump administration .
In a separate ruling Monday , a three-judge panel of the same appeals court again threw out a lawsuit by House Democrats to compel former White House counsel Don McGahn to appear before a congressional committee .
The Flynn conflict arose in May when the Justice Department moved to dismiss the prosecution despite Mr. Flynn ’ s own guilty plea to lying to the FBI about his contacts with the Russian ambassador @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. District Judge Emmet Sullivan , who had upbraided Mr. Flynn for his behavior at a 2018 court appearance , signaled his skepticism at the government ’ s unusual motion .
He refused to dismiss the case and instead scheduled a hearing and appointed a retired federal judge to argue against the Justice Department ’ s position .
That former judge , John Gleeson , challenged the motives behind the department ’ s dismissal request and called it a “ gross abuse ” of prosecutorial power .
Mr. Flynn ’ s lawyers sought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeals court order that would have required the case ’ s immediate dismissal .
They argued that Judge Sullivan had overstepped his bounds by scrutinizing a dismissal request that both sides , the defense and the Justice Department , were in agreement about and that the case was effectively moot once prosecutors decided to abandon it .
At issue before the court was whether Judge Sullivan could be forced to grant the Justice Department ’ s dismissal request without even holding a hearing into the basis for the motion .
“ We have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ negative , ” the court wrote in an unsigned opinion for the eight judges in the majority .
The judges also rejected defense efforts to have the case reassigned to a different judge .
In a concurring opinion , U.S. District Judge Thomas Griffith wrote that the court ’ s opinion did not concern the merits of the Justice Department ’ s prosecution of Mr. Flynn or even its decision to abandon the case .
Rather , he said the question before the judges was a much more simple one .
“ Today @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a court of appeals should stay its hand and allow the district court to finish its work rather than hear a challenge to a decision not yet made , ” Judge Griffith said .
“ That is a policy the federal courts have followed since the beginning of the Republic.
” He said it was very possible that Judge Sullivan could wind up granting the Justice Department ’ s dismissal request and that it would in fact be “ highly unusual if it did not , given the Executive ’ s constitutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the district court ’ s limited discretion ” in cases prosecutors want dropped .
Two judges , Neomi Rao and Karen LeCraft Henderson , each wrote dissenting opinions arguing that Judge Sullivan had usurped his authority by keeping alive a case the Justice Department sought to have dismissed .
Both judges were part of a 2-1 ruling in June that ordered Judge Sullivan to dismiss the case .
“ In Flynn ’ s case , the prosecution no longer has a prosecutor , ” Judge Rao wrote .
“ Yet the case continues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the internal deliberations of the Department .
The majority gestures at the potential harms of such a judicial intrusion into the Executive Branch , but takes a wait-and-see approach , hoping and hinting that the district judge will not take the actions he clearly states he will take .
Mr. Flynn was questioned by the FBI just days after Mr. Trump ’ s inauguration about his conversations with the then-Russian ambassador to the U.S. pertaining to sanctions that had just been imposed by the Obama administration for Russian election interference .
The private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who were already investigating whether the Trump campaign had coordinated with Russia to sway the presidential election in Mr. Trump ’ s favor .
Officials were also concerned by the White House ’ s public insistence that Mr. Flynn and the diplomat had not discussed sanctions .
Mr. Flynn ’ s guilty plea to lying to the FBI became a signature prosecution in special counsel Robert Mueller ’ s investigation into ties between the 2016 Trump campaign and Russia .
He also agreed to cooperate with the authorities in hopes of receiving a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ awaited sentencing , Attorney General William Barr appointed a U.S. attorney from St. Louis to investigate the handling of the Flynn case and later endorsed that prosecutor ’ s recommendation that the case be dismissed .
In May , the Justice Department said it had concluded that the FBI had an insufficient basis to question Mr. Flynn about his conversations with the diplomat , which Mr. Barr has said were appropriate for an incoming national security adviser to have had , and that statements made during the interview were not material to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trump campaign .
Law enforcement officials who were involved in the investigation vehemently disagreed with that conclusion .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Mark Sherman contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

A federal appeals court in Washington declined Monday to order the dismissal of the Michael Flynn prosecution, permitting a judge to scrutinize the Justice Department’s request to dismiss its case against President Donald Trump’s former national security adviser.
The decision keeps the case at least temporarily alive and rebuffs efforts by both Mr. Flynn’s lawyers and the Justice Department to force the prosecution to be dropped without further inquiry from the judge, who has for months declined to dismiss it. The ruling is the latest development in a criminal case that has taken unusual twists and turns over the last year and prompted a separation of powers tussle involving a veteran federal judge and the Trump administration.
In a separate ruling Monday, a three-judge panel of the same appeals court again threw out a lawsuit by House Democrats to compel former White House counsel Don McGahn to appear before a congressional committee.
The Flynn conflict arose in May when the Justice Department moved to dismiss the prosecution despite Mr. Flynn’s own guilty plea to lying to the FBI about his contacts with the Russian ambassador during the presidential transition period.
But U.S. District Judge Emmet Sullivan, who had upbraided Mr. Flynn for his behavior at a 2018 court appearance, signaled his skepticism at the government’s unusual motion. He refused to dismiss the case and instead scheduled a hearing and appointed a retired federal judge to argue against the Justice Department’s position. That former judge, John Gleeson, challenged the motives behind the department’s dismissal request and called it a “gross abuse” of prosecutorial power.
Mr. Flynn’s lawyers sought to bypass Judge Sullivan and obtain an appeals court order that would have required the case’s immediate dismissal. They argued that Judge Sullivan had overstepped his bounds by scrutinizing a dismissal request that both sides, the defense and the Justice Department, were in agreement about and that the case was effectively moot once prosecutors decided to abandon it.
At issue before the court was whether Judge Sullivan could be forced to grant the Justice Department’s dismissal request without even holding a hearing into the basis for the motion.
“We have no trouble answering that question in the negative,” the court wrote in an unsigned opinion for the eight judges in the majority.
The judges also rejected defense efforts to have the case reassigned to a different judge.
In a concurring opinion, U.S. District Judge Thomas Griffith wrote that the court’s opinion did not concern the merits of the Justice Department’s prosecution of Mr. Flynn or even its decision to abandon the case. Rather, he said the question before the judges was a much more simple one.
“Today we reach the unexceptional yet important conclusion that a court of appeals should stay its hand and allow the district court to finish its work rather than hear a challenge to a decision not yet made,” Judge Griffith said. “That is a policy the federal courts have followed since the beginning of the Republic.”
He said it was very possible that Judge Sullivan could wind up granting the Justice Department’s dismissal request and that it would in fact be “highly unusual if it did not, given the Executive’s constitutional prerogative to direct and control prosecutions and the district court’s limited discretion” in cases prosecutors want dropped.
Two judges, Neomi Rao and Karen LeCraft Henderson, each wrote dissenting opinions arguing that Judge Sullivan had usurped his authority by keeping alive a case the Justice Department sought to have dismissed. Both judges were part of a 2-1 ruling in June that ordered Judge Sullivan to dismiss the case.
“In Flynn’s case, the prosecution no longer has a prosecutor,” Judge Rao wrote. “Yet the case continues with district court proceedings aimed at uncovering the internal deliberations of the Department. The majority gestures at the potential harms of such a judicial intrusion into the Executive Branch, but takes a wait-and-see approach, hoping and hinting that the district judge will not take the actions he clearly states he will take.
Mr. Flynn was questioned by the FBI just days after Mr. Trump’s inauguration about his conversations with the then-Russian ambassador to the U.S. pertaining to sanctions that had just been imposed by the Obama administration for Russian election interference.
The private conversation alarmed law enforcement and intelligence officials who were already investigating whether the Trump campaign had coordinated with Russia to sway the presidential election in Mr. Trump’s favor. Officials were also concerned by the White House’s public insistence that Mr. Flynn and the diplomat had not discussed sanctions.
Mr. Flynn’s guilty plea to lying to the FBI became a signature prosecution in special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into ties between the 2016 Trump campaign and Russia. He also agreed to cooperate with the authorities in hopes of receiving a lighter sentence.
But as Mr. Flynn awaited sentencing, Attorney General William Barr appointed a U.S. attorney from St. Louis to investigate the handling of the Flynn case and later endorsed that prosecutor’s recommendation that the case be dismissed.
In May, the Justice Department said it had concluded that the FBI had an insufficient basis to question Mr. Flynn about his conversations with the diplomat, which Mr. Barr has said were appropriate for an incoming national security adviser to have had, and that statements made during the interview were not material to the FBI’s underlying counterintelligence investigation into the Trump campaign.
Law enforcement officials who were involved in the investigation vehemently disagreed with that conclusion.
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Mark Sherman contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-09-01--Aaron Danielson, shot in Portland, mourned by friends and family

A supporter of a right-wing group who was shot dead on a Portland , Oregon , street was mourned by both friends and President Donald Trump as a victim of mob violence while an online fundraising effort raised tens of thousands of dollars in his memory .
Just hours before he was shot in the chest Saturday night , Aaron “ Jay ” Danielson and a friend were seen heading downtown to protect a flag-waving caravan of Trump supporters .
They wore hats with the insignia of Patriot Prayer , a group that has clashed with left-wing protesters in Portland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knives and paintball guns .
“ Paint is a defensive mechanism .
Paint is not bullets , ” Mr. Trump said during his White House briefing Monday , adding that someone connected with violent protests “ shot a young gentleman and killed him .
Not with paint but with a bullet.
” In cellphone video of the shooting , both Mr. Danielson and his assailant were seen on a darkened street .
At least three shots rang out in a smoky haze , followed by images of Mr. Danielson crumpled on the ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slaps him in the face and rolls him over , yelling “ Jay !
Jay !
” “ He was a good man and he was just killed senselessly for no reason other than he believed something different than they do , ” Mr. Pappas told supporters during a rally Sunday .
“ He was Christian .
He was conservative.
” Added Patriot Prayer founder Joey Gibson on his Facebook page : “ We love Jay and he had such a huge heart .
God bless him and the life he lived.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t discuss politics much but of the weeks-long protests in Portland : “ He didn ’ t think it was right .
...
He was there for peace.
” Ms. Banks said Mr. Danielson was a good person who loved nature and animals .
“ If you ask anybody , the one thing they ’ ll remember him by is his goofy , beautiful smile , ” she said .
“ He cared about what you believed in and not the color of your skin.
” A GoFundMe site late Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 900 donors for “ legal/lawyer fees , and towards fulfilling all other incurred costs in this time of need.
” Mr. Danielson , a burly , bearded man , helped run a company in Portland called North West Specialty Moving that focused on transporting heavy items such as marble statues , hot tubs , and gun safes .
The company ’ s address , which is the same address listed for Mr. Danielson for two parking violations in 2019 , is a modest blue bungalow in a residential neighborhood in southwest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s long-time business partner , said they ’ d been friends for 20 years .
“ We have lived and worked together day in and day out , ” he told reporters .
“ We are like brothers , brothers that chose one another.
” Mr. Danielson is associated with another company , Oregon Pro Arms LLC , which according to state records is focused primarily on moving gun safes .
Just hours before the shooting on Saturday , Mr. Pappas stood in a mall parking lot in suburban Clackamas talking to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The man next to him who appeared to be Mr. Danielson didn ’ t say much , except to make a reference to a journalist who had been attacked last year in Portland .
“ We ’ re all about independent journalism , ” the man said .
Mr. Pappas at one point interjected , referring to the Trump caravan , “ I ’ m here to stop people from assaulting these people.
” Critics have said that instead of keeping the peace , Patriot Prayer has helped incite violence .
`` Over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has hosted and promoted rallies in progressive cities like Portland , frequently engaging in violence against their political opponents .
Patriot Prayer rallies regularly include the Proud Boys , a hate group , and various antigovernment extremist groups , '' according to the Southern Poverty Law Center .
Portland police have yet to make an arrest in the case .
On Monday , they asked for witnesses and those who had taken video of the scene to contact them .
A small memorial to Mr. Danielson took shape Monday on a sidewalk in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collapsed .
It included four yellow daises tied to a tree , a small American flag flapping in the wind , and a sympathy card with a Bible verse and handwritten note .
“ Jay went to Jesus , where will you go ?
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Aron Ranen contributed to this report .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Andrew Selskey, Gillian Flaccus, and Bernard Condon

A supporter of a right-wing group who was shot dead on a Portland, Oregon, street was mourned by both friends and President Donald Trump as a victim of mob violence while an online fundraising effort raised tens of thousands of dollars in his memory.
Just hours before he was shot in the chest Saturday night, Aaron “Jay” Danielson and a friend were seen heading downtown to protect a flag-waving caravan of Trump supporters. They wore hats with the insignia of Patriot Prayer, a group that has clashed with left-wing protesters in Portland for years, and appeared armed with knives and paintball guns.
“Paint is a defensive mechanism. Paint is not bullets,” Mr. Trump said during his White House briefing Monday, adding that someone connected with violent protests “shot a young gentleman and killed him. Not with paint but with a bullet.”
In cellphone video of the shooting, both Mr. Danielson and his assailant were seen on a darkened street. At least three shots rang out in a smoky haze, followed by images of Mr. Danielson crumpled on the ground as the friend, Chandler Pappas, slaps him in the face and rolls him over, yelling “Jay! Jay!”
“He was a good man and he was just killed senselessly for no reason other than he believed something different than they do,” Mr. Pappas told supporters during a rally Sunday. “He was Christian. He was conservative.”
Added Patriot Prayer founder Joey Gibson on his Facebook page: “We love Jay and he had such a huge heart. God bless him and the life he lived.”
Ex-girlfriend Christine Banks said Monday Mr. Danielson didn’t discuss politics much but of the weeks-long protests in Portland: “He didn’t think it was right. ... He was there for peace.”
Ms. Banks said Mr. Danielson was a good person who loved nature and animals.
“If you ask anybody, the one thing they’ll remember him by is his goofy, beautiful smile,” she said. “He cared about what you believed in and not the color of your skin.”
A GoFundMe site late Monday said it had raised $33,000 from more than 900 donors for “legal/lawyer fees, and towards fulfilling all other incurred costs in this time of need.”
Mr. Danielson, a burly, bearded man, helped run a company in Portland called North West Specialty Moving that focused on transporting heavy items such as marble statues, hot tubs, and gun safes. The company’s address, which is the same address listed for Mr. Danielson for two parking violations in 2019, is a modest blue bungalow in a residential neighborhood in southwest Portland.
Luke Carrillo, Mr. Danielson’s long-time business partner, said they’d been friends for 20 years.
“We have lived and worked together day in and day out,” he told reporters. “We are like brothers, brothers that chose one another.”
Mr. Danielson is associated with another company, Oregon Pro Arms LLC, which according to state records is focused primarily on moving gun safes.
Just hours before the shooting on Saturday, Mr. Pappas stood in a mall parking lot in suburban Clackamas talking to a reporter from the Portland Tribune.
The man next to him who appeared to be Mr. Danielson didn’t say much, except to make a reference to a journalist who had been attacked last year in Portland.
“We’re all about independent journalism,” the man said.
Mr. Pappas at one point interjected, referring to the Trump caravan, “I’m here to stop people from assaulting these people.”
Critics have said that instead of keeping the peace, Patriot Prayer has helped incite violence.
"Over the past three years, the group has hosted and promoted rallies in progressive cities like Portland, frequently engaging in violence against their political opponents. Patriot Prayer rallies regularly include the Proud Boys, a hate group, and various antigovernment extremist groups," according to the Southern Poverty Law Center.
Portland police have yet to make an arrest in the case. On Monday, they asked for witnesses and those who had taken video of the scene to contact them.
A small memorial to Mr. Danielson took shape Monday on a sidewalk in front of the parking structure where he collapsed. It included four yellow daises tied to a tree, a small American flag flapping in the wind, and a sympathy card with a Bible verse and handwritten note.
“Jay went to Jesus, where will you go?”
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This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Aron Ranen contributed to this report.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-09-01--Schools scramble to help rural students get online for fall

With coronavirus sweeping through their rural district , the children of Francis Marion School in Perry County , Alabama , started school online this week .
But for many , logging on for class was out of the question .
Only about half of the school ’ s 600-odd students have reliable internet at home and 1 in 5 has no connection at all , said principal Cathy Trimble .
“ Our district can not afford to get devices for our students .
And then the biggest thing is connectivity .
No broadband , ” she told the Thomson Reuters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the poorest in the state , and Francis Marion School ranks near the bottom of Alabama schools on test scores .
Ninety-nine percent of its students are Black .
As the pandemic forces schools across the country to switch to virtual learning , a technology gap that has existed for decades has suddenly become visible and of urgent concern .
Some 16 million children , or 30 % of all U.S. public school students , lack either an internet connection or a device at home adequate for distance learning , according to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One in 3 Black , Latino , and Native American students lacks a broadband connection , compared to 1 in 5 white students , according to an analysis by four educational advocacy groups in July .
Many cities and states have equipped buses with wifi and brought them to areas where internet connectivity is weak or non-existent .
While donors , states , and phone companies have stepped up with plans to connect more students for free or at discounted rates during the pandemic , the programs are temporary and do not reach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ There ’ s no big federal imperative or mandate to ensure that every school kid has access to technology , ” said Nicol Turner Lee , a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution , a Washington-based think-tank .
“ I think what schools are doing in the interim ... is a critical move .
But it in no way addresses the Herculean effort that is going to be needed to cover all of America , ” she said .
Before the pandemic , most schools did not know how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since then they have scrambled to connect as many as possible , but devices are backordered , funding is limited , and time is running out .
On the Friday before classes were due to start , Ms. Trimble had fewer than 100 hotspots for an estimated 300 children who might need one , she said .
Some parents had already returned them because they were not picking up a signal where they lived .
At least 18 million Americans , or 6 % of the population , live in areas where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to the Federal Communications Commission .
Many more have access to the internet , but can not afford to pay for it .
In Marion County , South Carolina , both poverty and a lack of coverage keep more than half the population offline , said Miko Pickett , a former IT professional who runs a local foundation called Neighbors Helping Neighbors .
“ We are a broadband desert , ” she said .
The majority of Marion County ’ s residents are Black , and a quarter of the population lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. Census data .
When students were first sent home in March , residents and local charities rushed to find solutions .
“ I was on LinkedIn and everything , begging people for laptops .
It was horrible , ” said Ms. Pickett , who shared her own Wi-Fi hotspot with neighbors so their children could do homework .
South Carolina has earmarked $ 50 million from its federal coronavirus relief funds to expand internet access , and Marion County schools are expecting laptops and hotspots to arrive next month .
Students struggling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carolina county received a boost in late March with the arrival of six buses equipped with Wi-Fi , some of the hundreds the state has rolled out since schools were closed by the coronavirus outbreak .
With routers mounted inside , the buses broadcast enough bandwidth in an area the size of a small parking lot for parents to drive up and children to access the internet from inside their cars .
But many students will be playing catch-up to those who transitioned seamlessly to digital learning earlier this year , said Ms. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that for children who were already far behind , they will be farther behind , ” said Phyllis Martin , CEO of the Tri-County Cradle to Career Collaborative ( TCCC ) , which works to boost educational equity in South Carolina .
In the three counties where TCCC works , the racial gaps in educational attainment are already vast .
In 2018 , just 20 % of Black students attained the expected level of reading by 8th grade , compared to 60 % of white students .
Lack of technology could widen that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ south , in Beaufort County , retired bookstore owner Esther Shaver-Harnett bought 100 hotspots for school children in her community because no one else was doing it .
“ I ’ ve started raising hell , not money yet , ” she said of her quest to get poor students in coastal South Carolina online .
Beaufort County includes islands such as Hilton Head that are vacation spots for the wealthy , but also has poor , largely Black areas that community members say have been overlooked .
Educators and advocates say that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it will be shining a light on wide disparities in internet access and getting the issue on legislators ’ agendas .
“ The biggest thing that ’ s happened for our country is to realize that there is a gap , ” said Mark Chauhan , technology services officer for the Beaufort County School District .
Both Democrats and Republicans in Congress have petitioned for the right to use coronavirus relief funding to expand permanent broadband infrastructure in rural areas , rather than spending it on short-term solutions such as mobile hotspots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2 trillion economic stimulus package signed into law by President Donald Trump in March – stipulates that the money be spent on broadband projects that will be finished by December , effectively limiting it to quick fixes .
For Ms. Trimble , the principal in Perry County , Alabama , time is of the essence .
“ Who is standing up for us ?
” said Ms. Trimble , who spent all summer trying to get broken iPads that had been donated five years ago in working condition for her students .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ playing field .
We want to at least be in the game.
” This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation .

With coronavirus sweeping through their rural district, the children of Francis Marion School in Perry County, Alabama, started school online this week. But for many, logging on for class was out of the question.
Only about half of the school’s 600-odd students have reliable internet at home and 1 in 5 has no connection at all, said principal Cathy Trimble.
“Our district cannot afford to get devices for our students. And then the biggest thing is connectivity. No broadband,” she told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Perry County is one of the poorest in the state, and Francis Marion School ranks near the bottom of Alabama schools on test scores. Ninety-nine percent of its students are Black.
As the pandemic forces schools across the country to switch to virtual learning, a technology gap that has existed for decades has suddenly become visible and of urgent concern.
Some 16 million children, or 30% of all U.S. public school students, lack either an internet connection or a device at home adequate for distance learning, according to a recent study by Boston Consulting Group.
One in 3 Black, Latino, and Native American students lacks a broadband connection, compared to 1 in 5 white students, according to an analysis by four educational advocacy groups in July. Many cities and states have equipped buses with wifi and brought them to areas where internet connectivity is weak or non-existent.
While donors, states, and phone companies have stepped up with plans to connect more students for free or at discounted rates during the pandemic, the programs are temporary and do not reach everyone, educators and analysts said.
“There’s no big federal imperative or mandate to ensure that every school kid has access to technology,” said Nicol Turner Lee, a senior fellow in governance studies at the Brookings Institution, a Washington-based think-tank.
“I think what schools are doing in the interim... is a critical move. But it in no way addresses the Herculean effort that is going to be needed to cover all of America,” she said.
Before the pandemic, most schools did not know how many of their students lacked home internet. Since then they have scrambled to connect as many as possible, but devices are backordered, funding is limited, and time is running out.
On the Friday before classes were due to start, Ms. Trimble had fewer than 100 hotspots for an estimated 300 children who might need one, she said. Some parents had already returned them because they were not picking up a signal where they lived.
‘Broadband desert’
At least 18 million Americans, or 6% of the population, live in areas where fixed broadband service is not available, according to the Federal Communications Commission.
Many more have access to the internet, but cannot afford to pay for it.
In Marion County, South Carolina, both poverty and a lack of coverage keep more than half the population offline, said Miko Pickett, a former IT professional who runs a local foundation called Neighbors Helping Neighbors.
“We are a broadband desert,” she said.
The majority of Marion County’s residents are Black, and a quarter of the population lives below the poverty line, according to U.S. Census data.
When students were first sent home in March, residents and local charities rushed to find solutions.
“I was on LinkedIn and everything, begging people for laptops. It was horrible,” said Ms. Pickett, who shared her own Wi-Fi hotspot with neighbors so their children could do homework.
South Carolina has earmarked $50 million from its federal coronavirus relief funds to expand internet access, and Marion County schools are expecting laptops and hotspots to arrive next month.
Students struggling to get online in a rural South Carolina county received a boost in late March with the arrival of six buses equipped with Wi-Fi, some of the hundreds the state has rolled out since schools were closed by the coronavirus outbreak.
With routers mounted inside, the buses broadcast enough bandwidth in an area the size of a small parking lot for parents to drive up and children to access the internet from inside their cars.
But many students will be playing catch-up to those who transitioned seamlessly to digital learning earlier this year, said Ms. Pickett.
“We’re worried that for children who were already far behind, they will be farther behind,” said Phyllis Martin, CEO of the Tri-County Cradle to Career Collaborative (TCCC), which works to boost educational equity in South Carolina.
In the three counties where TCCC works, the racial gaps in educational attainment are already vast.
In 2018, just 20% of Black students attained the expected level of reading by 8th grade, compared to 60% of white students. Lack of technology could widen that gap, Ms. Martin said.
‘Not a level playing field’
Farther south, in Beaufort County, retired bookstore owner Esther Shaver-Harnett bought 100 hotspots for school children in her community because no one else was doing it.
“I’ve started raising hell, not money yet,” she said of her quest to get poor students in coastal South Carolina online.
Beaufort County includes islands such as Hilton Head that are vacation spots for the wealthy, but also has poor, largely Black areas that community members say have been overlooked.
Educators and advocates say that if anything good comes from the pandemic, it will be shining a light on wide disparities in internet access and getting the issue on legislators’ agendas.
“The biggest thing that’s happened for our country is to realize that there is a gap,” said Mark Chauhan, technology services officer for the Beaufort County School District.
Both Democrats and Republicans in Congress have petitioned for the right to use coronavirus relief funding to expand permanent broadband infrastructure in rural areas, rather than spending it on short-term solutions such as mobile hotspots.
The CARES Act – the $2 trillion economic stimulus package signed into law by President Donald Trump in March – stipulates that the money be spent on broadband projects that will be finished by December, effectively limiting it to quick fixes.
For Ms. Trimble, the principal in Perry County, Alabama, time is of the essence.
“Who is standing up for us?” said Ms. Trimble, who spent all summer trying to get broken iPads that had been donated five years ago in working condition for her students.
“We’re not on a level playing field. We want to at least be in the game.”
This story was reported by the Thomson Reuters Foundation.


csmonitor--2020-09-02--What I was told I could grow up to be

What I was told I could grow up to be

Mom and Dad were born years before women could be trusted with the vote .
By the time I arrived , there was nothing remarkable about a woman hanging up her apron , putting on her low heels , and strolling to the polls .
I was the fourth and emphatically final child .
My folks were old .
Steady .
Patient .
And probably tired .
They charitably described me as “ a handful ” and went about civilizing me , but they made no attempt to rein in my imagination .
As a result , I kept company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ animals .
I called them The Guys .
The reason for that was , except for one neglected hand-me-down , Mrs. Teddy Bear , they were all guys .
After all , girls didn ’ t do anything interesting .
Funkhauser the dog ran a grocery store , Bugle the horse did light hauling , and Gronk the brontosaurus was an accomplished poet .
Mrs. Teddy Bear was Mr. Teddy Bear ’ s wife , and that was it .
That ’ s how it was .
These days parents like to tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to be , a charge so confounding that many end up spinning in place , looking for their “ passion.
” Still , it ’ s a hopeful proposition and might even be true .
My parents merely observed that I was unlikely to be prevented from doing whatever it was I wanted to do , which is a little different .
Of course , back then , I had no idea what I wanted to do .
The choices were thin .
It was assumed I ’ d go to college @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mommy .
I could be a secretary .
I could be a nurse or a teacher .
If anyone asked , I said I wanted to be a writer .
Even I knew that wasn ’ t a real job .
Mostly , I didn ’ t think about it .
The future was likely to show up whether I planned for it or not .
But just as I was coming of age , and before I might have rattled into one of the acceptable slots for the ladies , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tectonic entrance .
Suddenly a world of possibility opened up .
The notion that women were fully human got traction .
It took some time to throw off the old constraints : We were free to ditch our bras , but were still expected to cook the beans and rice for the Revolution .
I didn ’ t learn to cook .
Or maybe I learned to not cook .
By the time I graduated college with a science degree , I still didn ’ t know what I wanted to do , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being a wife was a career .
Or even a likelihood .
Marriage was a trap .
You no longer needed a husband to get a checking account .
I worked in a lab .
I wandered .
And one day , after seeing a notice in the paper , I remembered there was something I ’ d wanted to do , once .
It sounded like fun .
I took the test to be a mail carrier .
The new Postal Service was by law an inclusive outfit .
If you got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in .
If I ’ d been a different sort of person – and not “ a handful ” – I might have worried I ’ d disappoint my dad , who paid for my science education .
But he was all on board .
He valued education for its own sake , and was a mathematician who ’ d always wished he worked in a fire tower in the woods somewhere .
It was the older woman conducting my fitness entry exam who was the first to disapprove .
This wasn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said .
I ’ d drop my uterus , she said , if I lifted a heavy sack .
And I shouldn ’ t take a man ’ s job away from him .
He has a family to support .
Despite that poor hypothetical man ’ s family , I became one of perhaps a dozen female carriers in the whole city of Portland , Oregon .
Some of the men I worked with griped that they ’ d have to watch their language , but they didn ’ t .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ d have to be really good because their previous female carrier was a dud .
If you were going to be a lazy carrier , you were better off being a man , so you could blend in .
Out on the street , I was a novelty .
I didn ’ t go a single day without hearing some friendly fellow holler “ Well , I guess we can ’ t call you the mailman , can we !
We ’ ll have to call you the person-person !
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of minds at once .
My existence was noteworthy .
It ’ s hard to imagine now .
Thirty-two years later I retired into a very different world .
Being a retired mail carrier is even more fun than being a mail carrier .
And finally , I get to be a writer .
It ’ s still not really a job .

Mom and Dad were born years before women could be trusted with the vote. By the time I arrived, there was nothing remarkable about a woman hanging up her apron, putting on her low heels, and strolling to the polls.
I was the fourth and emphatically final child. My folks were old. Steady. Patient. And probably tired. They charitably described me as “a handful” and went about civilizing me, but they made no attempt to rein in my imagination. As a result, I kept company with more than 40 fully employed stuffed animals. I called them The Guys.
The reason for that was, except for one neglected hand-me-down, Mrs. Teddy Bear, they were all guys. After all, girls didn’t do anything interesting. Funkhauser the dog ran a grocery store, Bugle the horse did light hauling, and Gronk the brontosaurus was an accomplished poet. Mrs. Teddy Bear was Mr. Teddy Bear’s wife, and that was it.
That’s how it was. These days parents like to tell their children they can be whatever they want to be, a charge so confounding that many end up spinning in place, looking for their “passion.” Still, it’s a hopeful proposition and might even be true.
My parents merely observed that I was unlikely to be prevented from doing whatever it was I wanted to do, which is a little different.
Of course, back then, I had no idea what I wanted to do. The choices were thin. It was assumed I’d go to college, and after that I could be a mommy. I could be a secretary. I could be a nurse or a teacher. If anyone asked, I said I wanted to be a writer. Even I knew that wasn’t a real job. Mostly, I didn’t think about it. The future was likely to show up whether I planned for it or not.
But just as I was coming of age, and before I might have rattled into one of the acceptable slots for the ladies, the women’s liberation movement made its tectonic entrance. Suddenly a world of possibility opened up. The notion that women were fully human got traction. It took some time to throw off the old constraints: We were free to ditch our bras, but were still expected to cook the beans and rice for the Revolution. I didn’t learn to cook. Or maybe I learned to not cook.
By the time I graduated college with a science degree, I still didn’t know what I wanted to do, but no one in my cohort thought being a wife was a career. Or even a likelihood. Marriage was a trap. You no longer needed a husband to get a checking account.
I worked in a lab. I wandered. And one day, after seeing a notice in the paper, I remembered there was something I’d wanted to do, once. It sounded like fun. I took the test to be a mail carrier.
The new Postal Service was by law an inclusive outfit. If you got a good enough score, you were in. If I’d been a different sort of person – and not “a handful” – I might have worried I’d disappoint my dad, who paid for my science education. But he was all on board. He valued education for its own sake, and was a mathematician who’d always wished he worked in a fire tower in the woods somewhere.
It was the older woman conducting my fitness entry exam who was the first to disapprove. This wasn’t a job for a girl, she said. I’d drop my uterus, she said, if I lifted a heavy sack. And I shouldn’t take a man’s job away from him. He has a family to support.
Despite that poor hypothetical man’s family, I became one of perhaps a dozen female carriers in the whole city of Portland, Oregon. Some of the men I worked with griped that they’d have to watch their language, but they didn’t. One took me aside to tell me I’d have to be really good because their previous female carrier was a dud. If you were going to be a lazy carrier, you were better off being a man, so you could blend in.
Out on the street, I was a novelty. I didn’t go a single day without hearing some friendly fellow holler “Well, I guess we can’t call you the mailman, can we! We’ll have to call you the person-person!” That particular quip somehow sprang spontaneously into thousands of minds at once. My existence was noteworthy. It’s hard to imagine now.
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Thirty-two years later I retired into a very different world. Being a retired mail carrier is even more fun than being a mail carrier. And finally, I get to be a writer.
It’s still not really a job.