csmonitor--2020-11-23--Should Charleston wall itself off from rising sea levels?

Vickie Hicks , who weaves intricate sweetgrass baskets in the historic city market in Charleston , South Carolina , remembers climbing onto the table at her grandmother ’ s booth downtown when the floodwaters rushed by .
Decades later , the seasoned seller of this art form passed down by descendants of West African slaves still works downtown , where merchants regularly set out sandbags and scrutinize daily weather forecasts .
Ms. Hicks says the flooding ’ s only gotten worse .
“ God ’ s taking back his land , ” she said .
Now , the low-lying Atlantic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet to protect the lives and livelihoods of residents like Ms. Hicks from the threats of climate-driven flooding : walling off its peninsula from the ocean .
Although residents recognize the need for action before Charleston is overwhelmed by the unfolding effects of climate change , many are not certain the wall will do enough to address flooding woes that go beyond storm surges .
Some oppose walling off the city from its picturesque waterfront that helps draw millions of visitors each year .
Others fear the wall will damage wetlands and wildlife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left out of flooding solutions .
Though Charleston has remained relatively unscathed this hurricane season , the city of 136,000 has seen higher tides and wetter , more frequent rainstorms in recent years with climate change .
In 2019 , the downtown flooded a record 89 times according to the National Weather Service – mostly from high tides and wind pushing water inland .
And the city could flood up to 180 times per year by 2045 according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration .
There ’ s also the threat each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the city 's peninsula , which is at the confluence of three rivers and mostly less than 20 feet above sea level .
Earlier this year , the Army Corps of Engineers unveiled a proposal for an eight-mile-long wall that would surround the peninsula and reach a height of 12 feet above sea level .
The barrier is reminiscent of fortifications that colonists built around Charleston 350 years ago to keep out invaders , but the Corps says the new wall is designed to keep out storm surge .
The agency 's proposal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonstructural measures , such as raising homes not situated behind the sea wall .
The entire project is estimated to cost $ 1.75 billion .
The Corps has three years and $ 3 million to find a fix for storm surge on the peninsula , though there ’ s no guarantee yet that it will be funded and built .
The Charleston study is part of $ 111 million funded by Congress in 2018 to address flooding and coastal storm issues in 14 states , Puerto Rico , and the United States Virgin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several engineering solutions , along with pumps , surge gates , and levees proposed by the Corps in cities including Miami and Galveston , Texas .
Mark Wilbert , Charleston ’ s chief resilience officer , said the city needs to do something to address current flooding and plan for the future .
`` Why the wall ?
Why now ?
” Mr. Wilbert said .
“ It ’ s about preparedness .
You know , it ’ s about preserving property and preventing lives lost for a future that we know will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ storms , in an area that we know is very vulnerable to that.
” The Corps plan , which requires city approval and cost sharing , has created confusion among some residents who wonder why the city might pursue a solution only for storm surge at the expense of other flooding problems .
The Corps says it 's constrained by its congressional mandate , which doesn ’ t address other sources of flooding the city faces , such as stormwater runoff .
That 's mostly handled by the city .
A call for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responses .
Conservation groups said the proposal needed a more rigorous environmental review , because the wall would cut through water-absorbing wetlands and wildlife habitats .
Resoundingly , residents said they needed more time to make sense of the proposal that would wall off one of the city 's most defining traits – the waterfront , with its oleander-lined promenades , antebellum houses , fountains , and expansive oaks – from the harbor .
Trying to please everyone by expanding the wall 's scope may drive the project 's costs past viability , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as raising flood-prone homes could still provide adequate protection to neighborhoods left out of the plan .
The plan focuses on the peninsula , where the city ’ s economic engines – its historic downtown , tourism hub , and medical district – are located , although some neighborhoods extend beyond that .
The wall stops short of two mostly Black neighborhoods – one a low-income apartment complex and the other a historic community called Rosemont .
The Corps has said both areas are high enough to use other solutions , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners .
But residents of Rosemont , many elderly , are not readily able to move , said Nancy Button , Rosemont Neighborhood Association president .
“ Where are they going to go ?
” she asked .
Naomi Yoder from the environmental policy organization Healthy Gulf questioned whether money for expensive engineering solutions posed by the Corps in coastal cities could be better used to elevate and fortify houses , and to create evacuation corridors for disasters .
“ Is there really a possibility for us to out-engineer the storms ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ builds the wall or not , the process has accelerated the conversation Charleston needs to have about sea level rise , said Winslow Hastie of the Historic Charleston Foundation .
“ There ’ s a benefit to the community coming together and having some soul searching , '' he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Vickie Hicks, who weaves intricate sweetgrass baskets in the historic city market in Charleston, South Carolina, remembers climbing onto the table at her grandmother’s booth downtown when the floodwaters rushed by.
Decades later, the seasoned seller of this art form passed down by descendants of West African slaves still works downtown, where merchants regularly set out sandbags and scrutinize daily weather forecasts. Ms. Hicks says the flooding’s only gotten worse.
“God’s taking back his land,” she said.
Now, the low-lying Atlantic seaport is considering its most drastic measure yet to protect the lives and livelihoods of residents like Ms. Hicks from the threats of climate-driven flooding: walling off its peninsula from the ocean.
Although residents recognize the need for action before Charleston is overwhelmed by the unfolding effects of climate change, many are not certain the wall will do enough to address flooding woes that go beyond storm surges. Some oppose walling off the city from its picturesque waterfront that helps draw millions of visitors each year. Others fear the wall will damage wetlands and wildlife, or that poor neighborhoods will be left out of flooding solutions.
Though Charleston has remained relatively unscathed this hurricane season, the city of 136,000 has seen higher tides and wetter, more frequent rainstorms in recent years with climate change.
In 2019, the downtown flooded a record 89 times according to the National Weather Service – mostly from high tides and wind pushing water inland. And the city could flood up to 180 times per year by 2045 according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.
There’s also the threat each year that hurricane-driven storm surge could inundate the city's peninsula, which is at the confluence of three rivers and mostly less than 20 feet above sea level.
Earlier this year, the Army Corps of Engineers unveiled a proposal for an eight-mile-long wall that would surround the peninsula and reach a height of 12 feet above sea level.
The barrier is reminiscent of fortifications that colonists built around Charleston 350 years ago to keep out invaders, but the Corps says the new wall is designed to keep out storm surge.
The agency's proposal includes a floating breakwater offshore and some nonstructural measures, such as raising homes not situated behind the sea wall. The entire project is estimated to cost $1.75 billion.
The Corps has three years and $3 million to find a fix for storm surge on the peninsula, though there’s no guarantee yet that it will be funded and built.
The Charleston study is part of $111 million funded by Congress in 2018 to address flooding and coastal storm issues in 14 states, Puerto Rico, and the United States Virgin Islands. The wall is one of several engineering solutions, along with pumps, surge gates, and levees proposed by the Corps in cities including Miami and Galveston, Texas.
Mark Wilbert, Charleston’s chief resilience officer, said the city needs to do something to address current flooding and plan for the future.
"Why the wall? Why now?” Mr. Wilbert said. “It’s about preparedness. You know, it’s about preserving property and preventing lives lost for a future that we know will bring more frequent storms, more intense storms, in an area that we know is very vulnerable to that.”
The Corps plan, which requires city approval and cost sharing, has created confusion among some residents who wonder why the city might pursue a solution only for storm surge at the expense of other flooding problems.
The Corps says it's constrained by its congressional mandate, which doesn’t address other sources of flooding the city faces, such as stormwater runoff. That's mostly handled by the city.
A call for public comments this summer elicited hundreds of responses.
Conservation groups said the proposal needed a more rigorous environmental review, because the wall would cut through water-absorbing wetlands and wildlife habitats.
Resoundingly, residents said they needed more time to make sense of the proposal that would wall off one of the city's most defining traits – the waterfront, with its oleander-lined promenades, antebellum houses, fountains, and expansive oaks – from the harbor.
Trying to please everyone by expanding the wall's scope may drive the project's costs past viability, Mr. Wilbert said, noting non-structural measures such as raising flood-prone homes could still provide adequate protection to neighborhoods left out of the plan.
The plan focuses on the peninsula, where the city’s economic engines – its historic downtown, tourism hub, and medical district – are located, although some neighborhoods extend beyond that.
The wall stops short of two mostly Black neighborhoods – one a low-income apartment complex and the other a historic community called Rosemont.
The Corps has said both areas are high enough to use other solutions, such as flood-proofing homes and buying out property owners. But residents of Rosemont, many elderly, are not readily able to move, said Nancy Button, Rosemont Neighborhood Association president.
“Where are they going to go?” she asked.
Naomi Yoder from the environmental policy organization Healthy Gulf questioned whether money for expensive engineering solutions posed by the Corps in coastal cities could be better used to elevate and fortify houses, and to create evacuation corridors for disasters. “Is there really a possibility for us to out-engineer the storms?” Ms. Yoder said.
Whether the city builds the wall or not, the process has accelerated the conversation Charleston needs to have about sea level rise, said Winslow Hastie of the Historic Charleston Foundation.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“There’s a benefit to the community coming together and having some soul searching," he said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-23--Ballot results: Groundswell support for criminal justice reform

Almost six months after the death of George Floyd , criminal justice reform advocates are cheering the election of a handful of progressive prosecutors , the passage of ballot initiatives designed to ease mass incarceration , and the decriminalization of drugs in several states .
Voters also sent Black Lives Matter activists to Congress , restored voting rights to former prisoners , and scored other gains sought by the protests that filled American streets over the summer .
Leaders in the movement want to build on those successes in 2021 .
The aim was to “ build a multiracial coalition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ saw in the streets into electoral might .
And it worked , ” said Maurice Mitchell , a Movement for Black Lives strategist and national director of the Working Families Party .
The 2020 results were not all victories , however .
Reformers also saw setbacks , including a blow to the movement to defund local police departments .
Rep. James Clyburn , the House majority whip from South Carolina , and other Democrats blamed the defunding rhetoric for the party ’ s surprise loss of seats in the House .
Mr. Clyburn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ larger BLM movement .
Going into Election Day , most Democrats , including former Vice President Joe Biden , rejected the idea of reducing police budgets to answer for systemic racism in the justice system .
The protests sparked by Mr. Floyd ’ s death at the hands of Minneapolis police in May thrust the defunding demand before city councils , including those in Minneapolis , Milwaukee , and New York City .
But when it was discussed in the abstract , voters were n't always supportive , said Alex Vitale , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York and author of “ The End of Policing.
” “ In a whole bunch of places , when people were able to vote on something concrete , it turned out they were in favor of defunding the police , but just not in those terms , ” Mr. Vitale said .
He pointed to a ballot measure in Los Angeles County that reallocates money to services to keep people out of jail .
Measure J , which was approved by nearly 57 % of voters in Los Angeles , requires at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ budget to be earmarked for community investments and alternatives to incarceration , such as addiction treatment and other pretrial services .
Across California , nearly 59 % of voters approved Proposition 17 , which restores voting rights to formerly incarcerated people who have yet to complete parole .
“ When our progressive vision was on the ballot , we won , ” said Patrisse Cullors , co-founder of BLM and executive director of the BLM Global Network Foundation , who is from Los Angeles .
The victories happened against a backdrop of mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to construct : Almost 2.3 million Americans are incarcerated , Black and Latinx people disproportionately so .
And Black people are far more likely to be pulled over , searched , and or killed by police , studies of criminal justice data have repeatedly shown .
With Ferguson protester Cori Bush of St. Louis and progressive activist Mondaire Jones of New York headed to Congress , Ms. Cullors and other movement leaders believe they now have new champions for sweeping legislative justice reforms at the federal level .
The BREATHE Act , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Movement for Black Lives , would erase federal funding for excess military equipment that has been funneled to local police departments , among other aims .
The bill has not yet been introduced on Capitol Hill .
Meanwhile , at the local level , winning prosecutor candidates are set to make good on their pledges to take up or continue progressive policies such as declining to prosecute low-level drug offenses , eliminating cash bail , and holding police accountable for brutality .
Seven of the eight district attorney candidates endorsed by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including Monique Worrell , who ran for Orange-Osceola state ’ s attorney in Florida , and José Garza , who ran for district attorney in Travis County , Texas .
“ There ’ s no question that , in this country , people have spoken overwhelmingly about their desire and the need for us to fix our broken criminal justice system , ” Mr. Garza said .
The district attorney-elect , whose jurisdiction will include Austin , has pledged not to prosecute drug possession or sales of a gram or less .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ major impact on the racial disparity among inmates at the county jail , Mr. Garza believes .
Eli Savit , who was elected prosecutor in Washtenaw County , Michigan , said he was already hard at work on the transition .
In his jurisdiction , Ann Arbor voted to decriminalize psychedelic plants and fungi , including magic mushrooms .
Although Mr. Savit did not know how many magic mushroom cases were currently being pursued , he said those prosecutions “ will go down to zero.
” The era of mass incarceration has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Savit said .
“ Now that we are seeing a reckoning ... getting prosecutors in place to turn the page on mass incarceration is critical.
” In Los Angeles County , George Gascón , a criminal justice reformer who previously served as district attorney in San Francisco and as assistant chief of the Los Angeles Police Department , defeated incumbent DA Jackie Lacey , whose campaign was heavily funded by a union representing state prison guards .
The county has the nation ’ s largest DA ’ s office , covering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents .
Marijuana legalization and decriminalization also won big .
Four states , including New Jersey and Arizona , passed referendums allowing recreational cannabis .
Voters made Oregon the first state in the nation to decriminalize the possession of small amounts of cocaine , heroin , and methamphetamine .
Several cities embraced more police accountability .
Voters in two California cities and two Pennsylvania cities joined those in Seattle ; Portland , Oregon ; and Columbus , Ohio , to approve ballot measures to toughen civilian oversight of law enforcement agencies .
Jim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Police Foundation , which supports the advancement and reform of policing through science and innovation , said the election proved that voters want fundamental changes in public safety .
However , he said , the group has concerns about the use of ballot initiatives “ to advance policy changes that are complex and subject to influence from wealth and populist ideas.
” Mr. Burch said he is encouraged to see the acknowledgment “ that appropriate policing matters ” and added that “ abolishing the police or mass defunding the police is a knee-jerk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and further inequities.
” But don ’ t count on activists to drop their push for defunding police , said Jessica Byrd , who leads the Electoral Justice Project of the Movement for Black Lives .
“ We are not going to go away , under the cloud of unity that so often gaslights us about what parts of our agenda should be seriously considered , ” she said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

Almost six months after the death of George Floyd, criminal justice reform advocates are cheering the election of a handful of progressive prosecutors, the passage of ballot initiatives designed to ease mass incarceration, and the decriminalization of drugs in several states.
Voters also sent Black Lives Matter activists to Congress, restored voting rights to former prisoners, and scored other gains sought by the protests that filled American streets over the summer. Leaders in the movement want to build on those successes in 2021.
The aim was to “build a multiracial coalition that could translate the movement power we saw in the streets into electoral might. And it worked,” said Maurice Mitchell, a Movement for Black Lives strategist and national director of the Working Families Party.
The 2020 results were not all victories, however. Reformers also saw setbacks, including a blow to the movement to defund local police departments. Rep. James Clyburn, the House majority whip from South Carolina, and other Democrats blamed the defunding rhetoric for the party’s surprise loss of seats in the House. Mr. Clyburn warned that the idea could harm the larger BLM movement.
Going into Election Day, most Democrats, including former Vice President Joe Biden, rejected the idea of reducing police budgets to answer for systemic racism in the justice system.
The protests sparked by Mr. Floyd’s death at the hands of Minneapolis police in May thrust the defunding demand before city councils, including those in Minneapolis, Milwaukee, and New York City. But when it was discussed in the abstract, voters weren't always supportive, said Alex Vitale, a sociology professor at Brooklyn College in New York and author of “The End of Policing.”
“In a whole bunch of places, when people were able to vote on something concrete, it turned out they were in favor of defunding the police, but just not in those terms,” Mr. Vitale said. He pointed to a ballot measure in Los Angeles County that reallocates money to services to keep people out of jail.
Measure J, which was approved by nearly 57% of voters in Los Angeles, requires at least 10% of the county’s budget to be earmarked for community investments and alternatives to incarceration, such as addiction treatment and other pretrial services.
Across California, nearly 59% of voters approved Proposition 17, which restores voting rights to formerly incarcerated people who have yet to complete parole.
“When our progressive vision was on the ballot, we won,” said Patrisse Cullors, co-founder of BLM and executive director of the BLM Global Network Foundation, who is from Los Angeles.
The victories happened against a backdrop of mass incarceration and police brutality that took decades to construct: Almost 2.3 million Americans are incarcerated, Black and Latinx people disproportionately so. And Black people are far more likely to be pulled over, searched, and or killed by police, studies of criminal justice data have repeatedly shown.
With Ferguson protester Cori Bush of St. Louis and progressive activist Mondaire Jones of New York headed to Congress, Ms. Cullors and other movement leaders believe they now have new champions for sweeping legislative justice reforms at the federal level.
The BREATHE Act, a bill drafted by the policy table of the Movement for Black Lives, would erase federal funding for excess military equipment that has been funneled to local police departments, among other aims. The bill has not yet been introduced on Capitol Hill.
Meanwhile, at the local level, winning prosecutor candidates are set to make good on their pledges to take up or continue progressive policies such as declining to prosecute low-level drug offenses, eliminating cash bail, and holding police accountable for brutality.
Seven of the eight district attorney candidates endorsed by the Working Families Party easily won their races, including Monique Worrell, who ran for Orange-Osceola state’s attorney in Florida, and José Garza, who ran for district attorney in Travis County, Texas.
“There’s no question that, in this country, people have spoken overwhelmingly about their desire and the need for us to fix our broken criminal justice system,” Mr. Garza said.
The district attorney-elect, whose jurisdiction will include Austin, has pledged not to prosecute drug possession or sales of a gram or less. In Austin, that could have a major impact on the racial disparity among inmates at the county jail, Mr. Garza believes.
Eli Savit, who was elected prosecutor in Washtenaw County, Michigan, said he was already hard at work on the transition. In his jurisdiction, Ann Arbor voted to decriminalize psychedelic plants and fungi, including magic mushrooms.
Although Mr. Savit did not know how many magic mushroom cases were currently being pursued, he said those prosecutions “will go down to zero.”
The era of mass incarceration has been fueled largely by prosecutors around the country, Mr. Savit said. “Now that we are seeing a reckoning ... getting prosecutors in place to turn the page on mass incarceration is critical.”
In Los Angeles County, George Gascón, a criminal justice reformer who previously served as district attorney in San Francisco and as assistant chief of the Los Angeles Police Department, defeated incumbent DA Jackie Lacey, whose campaign was heavily funded by a union representing state prison guards. The county has the nation’s largest DA’s office, covering a jurisdiction with more than 10 million residents.
Marijuana legalization and decriminalization also won big. Four states, including New Jersey and Arizona, passed referendums allowing recreational cannabis. Voters made Oregon the first state in the nation to decriminalize the possession of small amounts of cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine.
Several cities embraced more police accountability. Voters in two California cities and two Pennsylvania cities joined those in Seattle; Portland, Oregon; and Columbus, Ohio, to approve ballot measures to toughen civilian oversight of law enforcement agencies.
Jim Burch, president of the nonpartisan National Police Foundation, which supports the advancement and reform of policing through science and innovation, said the election proved that voters want fundamental changes in public safety.
However, he said, the group has concerns about the use of ballot initiatives “to advance policy changes that are complex and subject to influence from wealth and populist ideas.”
Mr. Burch said he is encouraged to see the acknowledgment “that appropriate policing matters” and added that “abolishing the police or mass defunding the police is a knee-jerk reaction that could lead to serious problems and further inequities.”
But don’t count on activists to drop their push for defunding police, said Jessica Byrd, who leads the Electoral Justice Project of the Movement for Black Lives.
“We are not going to go away, under the cloud of unity that so often gaslights us about what parts of our agenda should be seriously considered,” she said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-25--Tigray crisis: Ethiopian stature and regional stability at risk

“ If the government does not secure a swift victory , ” that would open the door to more outside involvement , and “ Ethiopian nationalism will flare up and send the whole region into unknown territory , ” he says .
“ People are already bewildered at the pace of events.
” “ Already the situation was delicate in the Horn : there are plenty of actors willing to get involved , ” says Martin Plaut , Horn of Africa expert at the London-based Institute of Commonwealth Studies .
Ethiopia ’ s ascendance as a regional power and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international acclaim are suddenly at stake .
The war is already affecting Ethiopia ’ s role as a linchpin for security and stability across the Horn as it pulls reinforcements from peacekeeping duties in Somalia .
As Ethiopia prepares to lay siege to its restive Tigray region , what was once billed as a central government policing operation is threatening to become a regional affair whose outcome will be felt across the Horn of Africa .
With a new refugee crisis already brewing , the pressure is on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regional and international actors from using the conflict to further their own agendas .
Ethiopia has long prided itself on its independence – as the one African nation to repel Western colonizers and foreign interference as others became battlegrounds for competing powers .
But as Ethiopia prepares to lay siege to its restive Tigray region , what was once billed as a policing operation by a newly assertive central government is threatening to become a regional affair whose outcome will be felt across the Horn of Africa and beyond .
And , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pressure is on reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to swiftly wrap up the fighting to prevent already-mobilizing regional and international actors from using the conflict to further their own agendas .
Ethiopia ’ s ascendance as a regional power and the very peace accord that won Mr. Abiy international acclaim are suddenly at stake .
The war is already affecting Ethiopia ’ s role as a linchpin for security and stability across the Horn as it pulls reinforcements from peacekeeping duties in Somalia .
“ The duration of this conflict will have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ region , ” says a veteran Ethiopian analyst monitoring the conflict .
“ If the conflict is decisively won in a week and the Tigrayan leadership surrenders , Mr. Abiy is strengthened at home and on the regional stage .
But if this war drags on into an insurgency , it will be very difficult for Abiy Ahmed to contain the spill-over , or who may intervene.
” Martin Plaut , Horn of Africa expert at the London-based Institute of Commonwealth Studies , concurs .
“ Already the situation was delicate in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ willing to get involved , ” he says .
“ If the government does not secure a swift victory , ” that would open the door to more outside involvement , and “ Ethiopian nationalism will flare up and send the whole region into unknown territory.
” “ People are already bewildered at the pace of events , ” he says .
Wednesday evening , after a 72-hour grace period for surrender expired , Ethiopian federal troops prepared to launch what they called a “ no mercy ” siege of Mekele , capital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the ruling Tigray People ’ s Liberation Front ( TPLF ) has defied the central government ’ s authority .
Across the Horn of Africa , the balance of power has shifted in recent years due to revolutions and outside competition for its resources and strategic waterways .
Three weeks into the conflict in Tigray , and regional states are threatening to pierce Ethiopia ’ s once-impenetrable status .
Neighboring Eritrea has already provided Ethiopia with logistics and , allegedly , air power , establishing a northern flank as Ethiopian federal troops @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership alleges direct involvement by the Eritrean air force and troops – claims that are difficult to substantiate amid a communications and internet blackout in the region .
As retribution , the TPLF launched missiles into the Eritrean capital Asmara last week .
Although officially denied by both sides , the closely coordinated operation highlights the growing alliance between Mr. Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki , who signed a finalized peace deal in 2018 ending two decades of cold war .
Mr. Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize as a result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ motivations for Eritrea ’ s support .
Eritrea has a long-standing feud with the TPLF , a onetime ally with whom it later fought the bitter and devastating border wars of 1998-2000 .
The TPLF frustrated Mr. Isaias ’ s regional ambitions to become kingmaker for the Horn of Africa when the Tigrayan group led Ethiopia ’ s government from 1993 to 2018 .
Since the border wars , Mr. Isaias has slowly rebuilt his influence and networks in Djibouti , Somalia , and further afield .
By settling an old score with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reliant on Eritrea ’ s service , Mr. Isaias sees an opportunity to claim what he sees as his rightful mantle as regional leader .
“ They always saw Ethiopia as an obstacle to their role as head of the Horn of Africa , ” says a second Ethiopian analyst .
“ Removing the TPLF is removing an obstacle to realizing that ambition.
” Fighting has set off alarms in neighboring Sudan to the northwest , itself in the midst of a fragile and contentious post-revolution political transition .
Fighting has driven more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far more than the United Nations ’ initial estimates , with an expected 200,000 to be driven into Sudanese territory within months , the largest refugee wave to hit the country in decades .
Due to intense fighting in the border regions , the U.N. said Tuesday it is transporting refugees some 45 miles deeper into Sudanese territory .
Sudan remains concerned Tigrayan fighters may retreat to its porous border region to regroup , resupply , and stage an insurgency campaign against the Ethiopian government .
Such a development could lead to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into Sudan at a time its own security establishment is under strain and distrust is rife among Sudan ’ s military and civilian factions .
Due to a need for increased manpower , Ethiopia last week withdrew 3,000 troops from its 10,000-strong peacekeeping force in Somalia .
The Ethiopian contingent is the largest in the troubled state and has been critical in supporting the Somali government and bolstering the campaign against the Islamist militant group Al-Shabab .
With the African Union coalition already fragile , and partners unwilling to carry the brunt of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there are concerns the African peacekeeping initiative could collapse should further Ethiopian troops be withdrawn .
“ The immediate regional effect of Ethiopia withdrawing troops out of Somalia is it puts the campaign against al-Shabab at risk , ” Mr. Plaut warns .
Closely taking stock is Egypt , which has been blindsided by Ethiopia ’ s meteoric reemergence as a regional power and direct rival to Cairo ’ s hegemony .
Egypt is primarily concerned with Ethiopia ’ s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam , a project to dam the Blue Nile River @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s rapid modernization .
Egypt is concerned that the dam will affect its water supplies and agricultural lands in the Nile Valley downstream , but has until recently found itself in a weak bargaining position as talks over the dam with Ethiopia and Sudan have stalled .
With the Ethiopian conflict , Cairo has become emboldened – some insiders say “ euphoric ” – and is looking to seize the opportunity to bolster its position .
The Egyptian and Eritrean foreign ministers met in Cairo last week to discuss “ the current situation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and this week Egypt and Sudan held joint maneuvers on Sudanese soil , the first such military cooperation in decades .
Hovering above the fray with a watchful eye is the United Arab Emirates , which has extensive economic and military interests across the Horn .
In recent years the wealthy Gulf Arab state has invested political capital and billions of dollars to establish bases , ports , and patrons along the Red Sea coast in Eritrea , Djibouti , and Sudan , and does not wish to see its interests and control @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the conflict , Abu Dhabi was eager to bring Ethiopia into its sphere of influence and cement its hold on East Africa , a push fueled by the recent expansion of its rivals Turkey and Qatar into Sudan and Somalia .
Also alarming is the war ’ s proximity to Eritrea , a close ally and where the UAE has a military base in Assab , from which the Emiratis have projected their military power into Yemen and North Africa , particularly Libya .
Yet after weeks signaling it was supportive of Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UAE called for a cessation of hostilities and a return to dialogue , offering to mediate between the TPLF and Addis Ababa .
The UAE also became the first nation to provide aid to refugees fleeing the conflict , donating $ 4.5 million for U.N. food relief for Ethiopians on the Sudanese border .
“ The Emiratis want to play it both ways , ” says an Ethiopian analyst knowledgeable of UAE involvement in the country .
“ On the one hand there are reports of the use of drones from their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ emerge as mediators .
Whether the conflict ends decisively in Mekele or stretches on , this will enhance their role in the Horn of Africa.
” Mr. Abiy has thus far rebuffed attempts of mediation by the UAE , Sudan , South Africa , and the African Union , expressing confidence that the siege of Mekele will be swift , the TPLF leadership will capitulate , and order will be restored .
Amid reports that TPLF forces are retreating to mountainous hinterlands , regional actors are preparing in case he is wrong .

“If the government does not secure a swift victory,” that would open the door to more outside involvement, and “Ethiopian nationalism will flare up and send the whole region into unknown territory,” he says. “People are already bewildered at the pace of events.”
“Already the situation was delicate in the Horn: there are plenty of actors willing to get involved,” says Martin Plaut, Horn of Africa expert at the London-based Institute of Commonwealth Studies.
Conflict is destabilizing, though often in unintended ways. Ethiopia says it’s engaged in an internal police action with rebellious Tigrayans. Yet its role in Africa means a lot more is on the line.
Ethiopia’s ascendance as a regional power and the very peace accord that won Mr. Abiy international acclaim are suddenly at stake. The war is already affecting Ethiopia’s role as a linchpin for security and stability across the Horn as it pulls reinforcements from peacekeeping duties in Somalia.
As Ethiopia prepares to lay siege to its restive Tigray region, what was once billed as a central government policing operation is threatening to become a regional affair whose outcome will be felt across the Horn of Africa. With a new refugee crisis already brewing, the pressure is on Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to swiftly wrap up the fighting to prevent regional and international actors from using the conflict to further their own agendas.
Ethiopia has long prided itself on its independence – as the one African nation to repel Western colonizers and foreign interference as others became battlegrounds for competing powers.
But as Ethiopia prepares to lay siege to its restive Tigray region, what was once billed as a policing operation by a newly assertive central government is threatening to become a regional affair whose outcome will be felt across the Horn of Africa and beyond.
And, with a new refugee crisis already brewing, the pressure is on reformist Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed to swiftly wrap up the fighting to prevent already-mobilizing regional and international actors from using the conflict to further their own agendas.
Why We Wrote This Conflict is destabilizing, though often in unintended ways. Ethiopia says it’s engaged in an internal police action with rebellious Tigrayans. Yet its role in Africa means a lot more is on the line.
Ethiopia’s ascendance as a regional power and the very peace accord that won Mr. Abiy international acclaim are suddenly at stake. The war is already affecting Ethiopia’s role as a linchpin for security and stability across the Horn as it pulls reinforcements from peacekeeping duties in Somalia.
“The duration of this conflict will have profound implications for Ethiopia and the entire region,” says a veteran Ethiopian analyst monitoring the conflict.
“If the conflict is decisively won in a week and the Tigrayan leadership surrenders, Mr. Abiy is strengthened at home and on the regional stage. But if this war drags on into an insurgency, it will be very difficult for Abiy Ahmed to contain the spill-over, or who may intervene.”
Martin Plaut, Horn of Africa expert at the London-based Institute of Commonwealth Studies, concurs. “Already the situation was delicate in the Horn: There are plenty of actors willing to get involved,” he says.
“If the government does not secure a swift victory,” that would open the door to more outside involvement, and “Ethiopian nationalism will flare up and send the whole region into unknown territory.”
“People are already bewildered at the pace of events,” he says.
Wednesday evening, after a 72-hour grace period for surrender expired, Ethiopian federal troops prepared to launch what they called a “no mercy” siege of Mekele, capital of the northern region of Tigray, where the ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has defied the central government’s authority.
Regional involvement
Across the Horn of Africa, the balance of power has shifted in recent years due to revolutions and outside competition for its resources and strategic waterways.
Three weeks into the conflict in Tigray, and regional states are threatening to pierce Ethiopia’s once-impenetrable status.
Tiksa Negeri/Reuters View caption Hide caption People participate in a two minute ceremony to honor the members of Ethiopian National Defense Forces fighting against the Tigray Special Forces, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, Nov. 17, 2020.
Neighboring Eritrea has already provided Ethiopia with logistics and, allegedly, air power, establishing a northern flank as Ethiopian federal troops sweep from the south.
The Tigrayan leadership alleges direct involvement by the Eritrean air force and troops – claims that are difficult to substantiate amid a communications and internet blackout in the region.
As retribution, the TPLF launched missiles into the Eritrean capital Asmara last week.
Although officially denied by both sides, the closely coordinated operation highlights the growing alliance between Mr. Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki, who signed a finalized peace deal in 2018 ending two decades of cold war. Mr. Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize as a result.
Yet observers say there are deeper motivations for Eritrea’s support.
Eritrea has a long-standing feud with the TPLF, a onetime ally with whom it later fought the bitter and devastating border wars of 1998-2000.
The TPLF frustrated Mr. Isaias’s regional ambitions to become kingmaker for the Horn of Africa when the Tigrayan group led Ethiopia’s government from 1993 to 2018.
Since the border wars, Mr. Isaias has slowly rebuilt his influence and networks in Djibouti, Somalia, and further afield.
By settling an old score with the TPLF and making the Ethiopian government reliant on Eritrea’s service, Mr. Isaias sees an opportunity to claim what he sees as his rightful mantle as regional leader.
“They always saw Ethiopia as an obstacle to their role as head of the Horn of Africa,” says a second Ethiopian analyst. “Removing the TPLF is removing an obstacle to realizing that ambition.”
Sudan and Somalia
Fighting has set off alarms in neighboring Sudan to the northwest, itself in the midst of a fragile and contentious post-revolution political transition.
Fighting has driven more than 40,000 Ethiopian refugees into Sudan, far more than the United Nations’ initial estimates, with an expected 200,000 to be driven into Sudanese territory within months, the largest refugee wave to hit the country in decades.
Due to intense fighting in the border regions, the U.N. said Tuesday it is transporting refugees some 45 miles deeper into Sudanese territory.
Sudan remains concerned Tigrayan fighters may retreat to its porous border region to regroup, resupply, and stage an insurgency campaign against the Ethiopian government.
Such a development could lead to a flow of illicit arms and militant activity into Sudan at a time its own security establishment is under strain and distrust is rife among Sudan’s military and civilian factions.
Due to a need for increased manpower, Ethiopia last week withdrew 3,000 troops from its 10,000-strong peacekeeping force in Somalia.
The Ethiopian contingent is the largest in the troubled state and has been critical in supporting the Somali government and bolstering the campaign against the Islamist militant group Al-Shabab.
Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters View caption Hide caption A Sudanese military officer keeps guard as Ethiopians who fled war in the Tigray region receive supplies from the World Food Programme at the Fashaga camp on the Sudan-Ethiopia border, in Al-Qadarif state, Sudan on Nov. 20, 2020.
With the African Union coalition already fragile, and partners unwilling to carry the brunt of the burdens carried by Addis Ababa, there are concerns the African peacekeeping initiative could collapse should further Ethiopian troops be withdrawn.
“The immediate regional effect of Ethiopia withdrawing troops out of Somalia is it puts the campaign against al-Shabab at risk,” Mr. Plaut warns.
Egypt
Closely taking stock is Egypt, which has been blindsided by Ethiopia’s meteoric reemergence as a regional power and direct rival to Cairo’s hegemony.
Egypt is primarily concerned with Ethiopia’s Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a project to dam the Blue Nile River to generate electricity to fuel Ethiopia’s rapid modernization.
Egypt is concerned that the dam will affect its water supplies and agricultural lands in the Nile Valley downstream, but has until recently found itself in a weak bargaining position as talks over the dam with Ethiopia and Sudan have stalled.
With the Ethiopian conflict, Cairo has become emboldened – some insiders say “euphoric” – and is looking to seize the opportunity to bolster its position.
The Egyptian and Eritrean foreign ministers met in Cairo last week to discuss “the current situation in the Horn of Africa,” and this week Egypt and Sudan held joint maneuvers on Sudanese soil, the first such military cooperation in decades.
UAE
Hovering above the fray with a watchful eye is the United Arab Emirates, which has extensive economic and military interests across the Horn.
In recent years the wealthy Gulf Arab state has invested political capital and billions of dollars to establish bases, ports, and patrons along the Red Sea coast in Eritrea, Djibouti, and Sudan, and does not wish to see its interests and control of shipping lanes jeopardized.
Prior to the conflict, Abu Dhabi was eager to bring Ethiopia into its sphere of influence and cement its hold on East Africa, a push fueled by the recent expansion of its rivals Turkey and Qatar into Sudan and Somalia.
Also alarming is the war’s proximity to Eritrea, a close ally and where the UAE has a military base in Assab, from which the Emiratis have projected their military power into Yemen and North Africa, particularly Libya.
Yet after weeks signaling it was supportive of Mr. Abiy’s offensive, this week the UAE called for a cessation of hostilities and a return to dialogue, offering to mediate between the TPLF and Addis Ababa.
The UAE also became the first nation to provide aid to refugees fleeing the conflict, donating $4.5 million for U.N. food relief for Ethiopians on the Sudanese border.
“The Emiratis want to play it both ways,” says an Ethiopian analyst knowledgeable of UAE involvement in the country. “On the one hand there are reports of the use of drones from their base, but they also want to emerge as mediators. Whether the conflict ends decisively in Mekele or stretches on, this will enhance their role in the Horn of Africa.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Mr. Abiy has thus far rebuffed attempts of mediation by the UAE, Sudan, South Africa, and the African Union, expressing confidence that the siege of Mekele will be swift, the TPLF leadership will capitulate, and order will be restored.
Amid reports that TPLF forces are retreating to mountainous hinterlands, regional actors are preparing in case he is wrong.


csmonitor--2020-11-25--Rewriting history? Trump pardons Michael Flynn

President Donald Trump pardoned former national security adviser Michael Flynn on Wednesday , taking direct aim in the final days of his administration at a Russia investigation that he has long insisted was motivated by political bias .
“ It is my Great Honor to announce that General Michael T. Flynn has been granted a Full Pardon , '' Trump tweeted .
“ Congratulations to @ GenFlynn and his wonderful family , I know you will now have a truly fantastic Thanksgiving !
” Flynn is the second Trump associate convicted in the Russia probe to be granted clemency by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of longtime confidant Roger Stone just days before he was to report to prison .
It is part of a broader effort to undo the results of an investigation that for years has shadowed his administration and yielded criminal charges against a half dozen associates .
The action voids the criminal case against Flynn just as a federal judge was weighing , skeptically , whether to grant a Justice Department request to dismiss the prosecution despite Flynn 's own guilty plea to lying to the FBI about his Russia contacts .
The move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ single term , is likely to energize supporters who have taken up the case as a cause celebre and rallied around the retired Army lieutenant general as the victim of what they assert is an unfair prosecution .
Trump himself has repeatedly spoken warmly about Flynn , even though special counsel Robert Mueller 's prosecutors once praised him as a model cooperator in their probe into ties between Russia and the 2016 Trump campaign .
House Judiciary Committee Chair Jerry Nadler said the pardon was undeserved and unprincipled .
“ The President ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in which Trump and Flynn are victims and the Constitution is subject to the whims of the president , '' the Democratic congressman said in a statement .
“ Americans soundly rejected this nonsense when they voted out President Trump .
” The pardon is the final step in a case defined by twists and turns over the last year after the Justice Department abruptly move to dismiss the case , insisting that Flynn should have never been interviewed by the FBI in the first place , only to have U.S. District Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a former judge to argue against the federal government 's position .
In the months since , a three-judge panel 's decision ordering Sullivan to dismiss the case was overturned by the full appeals court , which sent the matter back to Sullivan .
At a hearing in September , Flynn lawyer Sidney Powell told the judge that she had discussed the Flynn case with Trump but also said she did not want a pardon — presumably because she wanted him to be vindicated in the courts .
Powell emerged separately in recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump 's efforts to overturn the results of his election loss to President-elect Joe Biden , but the Trump legal team ultimately distanced itself from her after she advanced a series of uncorroborated conspiracy claims .
The pardon spares Flynn the possibility of any prison sentence , which Sullivan could potentially have imposed had he ultimately decided to reject the Justice Department 's dismissal request .
That request was made in May after a review of the case by a federal prosecutor from St. Louis who had been specially appointed by Attorney General @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the FBI interview by saying he had not discussed with the then-Russian ambassador , Sergey Kislyak , sanctions that had just been imposed on Russia for election interference by the outgoing Obama administration .
During that conversation , Flynn urged Kislyak for Russia to be “ even-keeled ” in response to the punitive measures , and assured him “ we can have a better conversation ” about relations between the two countries after Trump became president .
The conversation alarmed the FBI , which at the time was investigating whether the Trump campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election 's outcome .
In addition , White House officials were stating publicly that Flynn and Kislyak had not discussed sanctions .
But last May , the Justice Department abruptly reversed its position in the case .
It said the FBI had no basis to interview Flynn about Kislyak , then the Russian ambassador to the United States , and that any statements he may have made were not relevant to the FBI 's broader counterintelligence probe .
It cited internal FBI notes showing that agents had planned to close out their investigation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ousted from his position in February 2017 after news broke that he had indeed discussed sanctions with Kislyak and that former Obama administration officials had warned the White House that he could be vulnerable to blackmail .
Flynn , of Middletown , Rhode Island , was among the first of the president 's aides to admit guilt in Mueller 's investigation and cooperated extensively for months .
He provided such extensive cooperation that prosecutors did not recommend any prison time and suggested that they would be fine with probation .
But on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , after a stern rebuke about his behavior from Sullivan , Flynn asked for the hearing to be cut short so that he could continue cooperating and earn credit toward a more lenient sentence .
After that , though , he hired new attorneys — including Powell , a conservative commentator and outspoken critic of Mueller 's investigation — who took a far more confrontational stance to the government .
The lawyers accused prosecutors of withholding documents and evidence they said was favorable to the case and repeatedly noted that one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the FBI for having sent derogatory text messages about Trump during the 2016 campaign .

President Donald Trump pardoned former national security adviser Michael Flynn on Wednesday, taking direct aim in the final days of his administration at a Russia investigation that he has long insisted was motivated by political bias.
“It is my Great Honor to announce that General Michael T. Flynn has been granted a Full Pardon,” Mr. Trump tweeted. “Congratulations to @GenFlynn and his wonderful family, I know you will now have a truly fantastic Thanksgiving!”
Mr. Flynn is the second Trump associate convicted in the Russia probe to be granted clemency by the president. Mr. Trump commuted the sentence of longtime confidant Roger Stone just days before he was to report to prison. It is part of a broader effort to undo the results of an investigation that for years has shadowed his administration and yielded criminal charges against a half dozen associates.
The action voids the criminal case against Mr. Flynn just as a federal judge was weighing, skeptically, whether to grant a Justice Department request to dismiss the prosecution despite Mr. Flynn’s own guilty plea to lying to the FBI about his Russia contacts.
The move, coming as Mr. Trump winds down his single term, is likely to energize supporters who have taken up the case as a cause celebre and rallied around the retired Army lieutenant general as the victim of what they assert is an unfair prosecution. Mr. Trump himself has repeatedly spoken warmly about Mr. Flynn, even though special counsel Robert Mueller’s prosecutors once praised him as a model cooperator in their probe into ties between Russia and the 2016 Trump campaign.
House Judiciary Committee Chair Jerry Nadler said the pardon was undeserved and unprincipled.
“The President’s enablers have constructed an elaborate narrative in which Trump and Flynn are victims and the Constitution is subject to the whims of the president,” the Democratic congressman said in a statement. “Americans soundly rejected this nonsense when they voted out President Trump. ”
The pardon is the final step in a case defined by twists and turns over the last year after the Justice Department abruptly move to dismiss the case, insisting that Mr. Flynn should have never been interviewed by the FBI in the first place, only to have United States District Judge Emmet Sullivan refuse the request and appoint a former judge to argue against the federal government’s position.
In the months since, a three-judge panel’s decision ordering Judge Sullivan to dismiss the case was overturned by the full appeals court, which sent the matter back to Sullivan. At a hearing in September, Flynn lawyer Sidney Powell told the judge that she had discussed the Flynn case with Mr. Trump but also said she did not want a pardon – presumably because she wanted him to be vindicated in the courts.
Ms. Powell emerged separately in recent weeks as a public face of Mr. Trump’s efforts to overturn the results of his election loss to President-elect Joe Biden, but the Trump legal team ultimately distanced itself from her after she advanced a series of uncorroborated conspiracy claims.
The pardon spares Mr. Flynn the possibility of any prison sentence, which Judge Sullivan could potentially have imposed had he ultimately decided to reject the Justice Department’s dismissal request. That request was made in May after a review of the case by a federal prosecutor from St. Louis who had been specially appointed by Attorney General William Barr.
Mr. Flynn acknowledged lying during the FBI interview by saying he had not discussed with the then-Russian ambassador, Sergey Kislyak, sanctions that had just been imposed on Russia for election interference by the outgoing Obama administration. During that conversation, Mr. Flynn urged Mr. Kislyak for Russia to be “even-keeled” in response to the punitive measures, and assured him “we can have a better conversation” about relations between the two countries after Mr. Trump became president.
The conversation alarmed the FBI, which at the time was investigating whether the Trump campaign and Russia had coordinated to sway the election’s outcome. In addition, White House officials were stating publicly that Mr. Flynn and Mr. Kislyak had not discussed sanctions.
But last May, the Justice Department abruptly reversed its position in the case. It said the FBI had no basis to interview Mr. Flynn about Mr. Kislyak, then the Russian ambassador to the U.S., and that any statements he may have made were not relevant to the FBI’s broader counterintelligence probe. It cited internal FBI notes showing that agents had planned to close out their investigation into Mr. Flynn weeks earlier.
Mr. Flynn was ousted from his position in February 2017 after news broke that he had indeed discussed sanctions with Mr. Kislyak and that former Obama administration officials had warned the White House that he could be vulnerable to blackmail.
Mr. Flynn, of Middletown, Rhode Island, was among the first of the president’s aides to admit guilt in Mr. Mueller’s investigation and cooperated extensively for months. He provided such extensive cooperation that prosecutors did not recommend any prison time and suggested that they would be fine with probation.
But on the morning he was to have been sentenced, after a stern rebuke about his behavior from Judge Sullivan, Mr. Flynn asked for the hearing to be cut short so that he could continue cooperating and earn credit toward a more lenient sentence.
After that, though, he hired new attorneys – including Ms. Powell, a conservative commentator and outspoken critic of Mr. Mueller’s investigation – who took a far more confrontational stance to the government.
The lawyers accused prosecutors of withholding documents and evidence they said was favorable to the case and repeatedly noted that one of the two agents who interviewed Mr. Flynn was fired from the FBI for having sent derogatory text messages about Mr. Trump during the 2016 campaign.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-11-25--Footsoldiers of democracy, election officials became targets of rage

The past few weeks have thrust previously obscure election officials into the spotlight in ways few could have imagined .
Working long hours to finalize vote counts amid unprecedented scrutiny and new levels of partisan distrust , they ’ ve endured criticism and death threats , along with grateful praise .
And while it ’ s not over yet , the fact that the nation seems to have made it through this latest test is in some ways testament to the strength of its decentralized system – with scores of largely unknown officials , from county clerks to city commissioners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ front lines of American democracy .
“ It 's gratifying to see so many people have a passionate interest in the political process and democracy this year , ” says Mr. Lawrence .
“ But it 's disheartening that some in the community circulate misinformation in an attempt to mislead people.
” Typically , voter certification meetings in Pennsylvania ’ s Delaware County last 20 minutes and are unremarkable , sparsely attended affairs .
Monday ’ s event was unlike anything Gerald Lawrence has experienced in his more than 15 years on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it took nearly three hours , with scores of voters submitting questions about the results and allegations of fraud .
Gerald Lawrence takes copious notes as public comments submitted to the Delaware County Board of Elections in Pennsylvania are read out loud .
Some are congratulatory , thanking Mr. Lawrence and his colleagues for running a safe and secure election during a pandemic .
The vast majority , however , are not .
A voter named Richard tells the board he believes there was serious fraud .
Greg and Renee claim their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Delaware County deserves a free and fair election , and I , for one , have zero confidence that this was the case , ” asserts a voter named Robert .
“ Please do not certify this election.
” Mr. Lawrence patiently addresses the accusations one by one , trying his best to assure his constituents that claims of widespread fraud simply aren ’ t valid .
Typically , these certification meetings last 20 minutes and are unremarkable , sparsely attended affairs .
Monday ’ s event was unlike anything Mr. Lawrence has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the board .
Streamed live on YouTube , it took nearly three hours .
“ It ’ s gratifying to see so many people have a passionate interest in the political process and democracy this year , ” says Mr. Lawrence .
“ But it ’ s disheartening that some in the community circulate misinformation in an attempt to mislead people.
” The past few weeks have thrust previously obscure election officials into the spotlight in ways few could have imagined .
Working long hours to finalize vote counts amid unprecedented scrutiny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ ve endured criticism and death threats , along with grateful praise .
And while it ’ s not over yet , the fact that the nation seems to have made it through this latest test is in some ways testament to the strength of its decentralized system – with scores of largely unknown officials , from county clerks to city commissioners , emerging as unsung heroes on the front lines of American democracy .
Michigan and Pennsylvania ’ s certification of their results this week dealt a serious blow to President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election , and the president announced on Twitter Monday night that his administration will begin a formal transition process with President-elect Joe Biden ’ s team .
Still , Mr. Trump has not formally conceded – and later tweeted that he is “ moving full speed ahead ” with legal cases against “ the most corrupt election in American political history.
” The president has not produced any concrete evidence of widespread voter fraud .
A letter penned by 59 of the country ’ s top election security experts stated there is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ results in any state were compromised .
But Mr. Trump ’ s unsubstantiated allegations have impacted local officials in every battleground state .
After the Trump campaign filed for a partial recount in Wisconsin , reports from a Milwaukee conference hall depicted a chaotic scene , with pro-Trump observers and tabulators clashing in heated disputes .
In Michigan ’ s Wayne County , hundreds of voters participated in a virtual public comment session , condemning the County Board of Canvassers after its two Republican members initially declined to certify the results .
Arizona @ @ @ @ @ @ @ threats of violence , as has Georgia ’ s Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger , a self-described conservative Republican .
“ I ’ d like to remind voters that the people who administer elections – from the poll workers at the precinct , to the county and state-level officials – they are people , ” says Forrest Lehman , director of elections in Lycoming County , Pennsylvania .
“ They are not taking sides .
They are trying to run a free and fair election , and follow the laws .
People should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a level of distrust and disrespect that seems to be so prevalent right now.
” Many election officials note that claims of fraud impugn not just them , but the entire network of employees and volunteers who make elections happen .
In Delaware County , outside Philadelphia , five community members in each of the county ’ s 428 precincts monitor the election , and they all take an oath before doing so .
“ So what you are saying is that those 2,000 people don ’ t have good character and did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Lawrence , the county board member .
“ All the people who work so hard to make sure that democracy happens.
” In a meeting last week , Pennsylvania ’ s Bucks County Commissioner Robert Harvie recalled an exchange he had with an employee early in the morning the day after the election .
She had been working for almost 24 hours straight .
“ She said , ‘ You know , every American should have to come and take part in this process at one point , just to see everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happen , ’ ” says Commissioner Harvie .
“ And I think she ’ s right.
” Local officials interviewed by the Monitor say they ’ ve been especially dismayed by how many voters seem to automatically assume malfeasance when something goes wrong .
“ We have people reporting every single minor [ problem ] they may have encountered at the polls , ” says Mr. Lehman in Lycoming County .
“ And there are no reasonable explanations for those circumstances anymore – everything is a plot.
” Clerical errors are seen as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Voters have called asking him to make sure their votes were counted , which Mr. Lehman explains is impossible , given that the votes themselves are anonymous .
Some of these calls have verged on the violent , with the callers making threats .
“ A number of people out there are armed with partial information and looking for things that they perceive to be strange or abnormal that really aren ’ t , ” says J. Manly Parks , the Bureau of Elections solicitor for Delaware County .
During Delaware County ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his fellow commissioners listened to several public complaints about alleged fraud involving Dominion Voting Systems , a voting technology company that the president and his allies have claimed switched votes from Mr. Trump to Mr. Biden , in what experts describe as an unfounded conspiracy theory .
But Delaware County doesn ’ t use Dominion technology , says Mr. Lawrence .
It never has .
The U.S. election system is so decentralized that it can be confusing – election laws differ from state to state , and operations can vary between counties and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sometimes messy nature of the system can paradoxically help ensure security .
“ The decentralized election system has pluses and minuses , and [ security ] is one of the pluses , ” says Adav Noti , senior director for litigation at the Campaign Legal Center , and former associate general counsel for the Federal Election Commission .
“ In 2016 , when the Russians were trying to mess with the election , it would have been really difficult for them to do it on the election administration side because there are more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” says Mr. Noti .
“ And it makes it hard for any one administration or officeholder to influence the election as well.
” In 1887 , following the disputed election between Samuel Tilden and Rutherford Hayes , Congress passed the Electoral Count Act – a federal law establishing how and when electoral votes would be counted by Congress .
To ensure that states have time to resolve any disputes and certify their results , the act established a “ Safe Harbor ” deadline of six days before the Electoral College delegations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states certify their results before the Safe Harbor deadline , Congress , essentially , can ’ t touch them .
In 2020 , states ’ electors will cast their ballots ( virtually ) on December 14 , which makes the Safe Harbor deadline December 8 .
Most states , however , have set certification deadlines ahead of this date .
In the days and weeks leading up to certification , election officials typically receive and count overseas military ballots , which many states allow to arrive after Election Day , as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ verified for one reason or another .
“ People just assume that we have the election and that ’ s that , ” says Kevin Barnhardt , a member of the Board of Commissioners in Berks County , Pennsylvania , northwest of Philadelphia .
“ Unless you are an election nerd , you didn ’ t know that we had all of these processes and rules after the election .
It was all just magnified this year.
” In fact , it ’ s a sign of local officials ’ competence , say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t know about Safe Harbor deadlines or certification laws before this year .
“ These deadlines take place every time .
And the fact that we ’ ve never talked about them before just shows how smoothly it ’ s gone in years past , ” says Casey Burgat , legislative affairs program director at George Washington University .
“ It ’ s like referees in a sports game .
If you don ’ t think about them , that means they are doing a good job.
” Even before Election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enormous challenges for those tasked with running elections .
Due to precautions surrounding COVID-19 , more than a dozen states expanded absentee or mail-in voting eligibility , and at least another five states plus the District of Columbia decided to send absentee ballot applications to all voters .
This year , 43 states plus the district permitted early in-person voting , with almost half of them providing weekend voting .
Turnout wound up hitting a 50-year high , with the early vote alone representing almost three-quarters of 2016 ’ s total vote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections was difficult .
Many of the people manning the U.S. electoral system are volunteers or short-term employees who are paid a daily stipend .
A congressional report from 2018 found that more than 630,000 poll workers were needed to help voters across 200,000 polling places , with almost two-thirds of jurisdictions reporting that it was difficult to recruit enough workers .
Concerns about staffing grew exponentially in 2020 , since at least 58 % of 2018 ’ s poll workers were over the age of 60 – the population recommended by health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Some officials now fear that the aggressive criticism leveled at election employees may dissuade people from coming forward to staff future elections .
“ For these people who are upset now because they think democracy is being stolen , where is that going to leave democracy when the county election operations are hollowed out because we all leave ?
” says Mr. Lehman , in Lycoming County .
“ What will happen to elections after that ?
” Yet others see reason to be hopeful , noting that contested elections in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the political process .
Berks County typically has a turnover of 100 to 200 poll workers between elections , but Mr. Barnhardt says they ’ ve already had more than 500 people inquire about working the polls in future elections .
“ All of this spurred a new interest in the political process like never before , ” he says .
“ And that ’ s a good thing .
”

The unsung heroes of the postelection period may be the previously unknown local officials who have been charged with seeing the democratic process through. Many never imagined this level of pressure – or scrutiny.
The past few weeks have thrust previously obscure election officials into the spotlight in ways few could have imagined. Working long hours to finalize vote counts amid unprecedented scrutiny and new levels of partisan distrust, they’ve endured criticism and death threats, along with grateful praise. And while it’s not over yet, the fact that the nation seems to have made it through this latest test is in some ways testament to the strength of its decentralized system – with scores of largely unknown officials, from county clerks to city commissioners, emerging as unsung heroes on the front lines of American democracy.
“It's gratifying to see so many people have a passionate interest in the political process and democracy this year,” says Mr. Lawrence. “But it's disheartening that some in the community circulate misinformation in an attempt to mislead people.”
Typically, voter certification meetings in Pennsylvania’s Delaware County last 20 minutes and are unremarkable, sparsely attended affairs. Monday’s event was unlike anything Gerald Lawrence has experienced in his more than 15 years on the election board. Streamed live on YouTube, it took nearly three hours, with scores of voters submitting questions about the results and allegations of fraud.
Gerald Lawrence takes copious notes as public comments submitted to the Delaware County Board of Elections in Pennsylvania are read out loud.
Some are congratulatory, thanking Mr. Lawrence and his colleagues for running a safe and secure election during a pandemic.
The vast majority, however, are not.
Why We Wrote This The unsung heroes of the postelection period may be the previously unknown local officials who have been charged with seeing the democratic process through. Many never imagined this level of pressure – or scrutiny.
A voter named Richard tells the board he believes there was serious fraud. Greg and Renee claim their votes weren’t counted. “Delaware County deserves a free and fair election, and I, for one, have zero confidence that this was the case,” asserts a voter named Robert. “Please do not certify this election.”
Mr. Lawrence patiently addresses the accusations one by one, trying his best to assure his constituents that claims of widespread fraud simply aren’t valid.
Typically, these certification meetings last 20 minutes and are unremarkable, sparsely attended affairs. Monday’s event was unlike anything Mr. Lawrence has experienced in his more than 15 years on the board. Streamed live on YouTube, it took nearly three hours.
“It’s gratifying to see so many people have a passionate interest in the political process and democracy this year,” says Mr. Lawrence. “But it’s disheartening that some in the community circulate misinformation in an attempt to mislead people.”
The past few weeks have thrust previously obscure election officials into the spotlight in ways few could have imagined. Working long hours to finalize vote counts amid unprecedented scrutiny and new levels of partisan distrust, they’ve endured criticism and death threats, along with grateful praise. And while it’s not over yet, the fact that the nation seems to have made it through this latest test is in some ways testament to the strength of its decentralized system – with scores of largely unknown officials, from county clerks to city commissioners, emerging as unsung heroes on the front lines of American democracy.
Laurence Kesterson/AP View caption Hide caption Garrett Dietz, Philadelphia's supervisor of elections, reports the election results to the Philadelphia City Commissioners while formally announcing the results of the computation of the ballots for the general election, at the Pennsylvania Convention Center, Nov. 17, 2020, in Philadelphia.
Michigan and Pennsylvania’s certification of their results this week dealt a serious blow to President Donald Trump’s efforts to overturn the election, and the president announced on Twitter Monday night that his administration will begin a formal transition process with President-elect Joe Biden’s team. Still, Mr. Trump has not formally conceded – and later tweeted that he is “moving full speed ahead” with legal cases against “the most corrupt election in American political history.”
The president has not produced any concrete evidence of widespread voter fraud. A letter penned by 59 of the country’s top election security experts stated there is “no credible evidence” that the results in any state were compromised.
But Mr. Trump’s unsubstantiated allegations have impacted local officials in every battleground state. After the Trump campaign filed for a partial recount in Wisconsin, reports from a Milwaukee conference hall depicted a chaotic scene, with pro-Trump observers and tabulators clashing in heated disputes. In Michigan’s Wayne County, hundreds of voters participated in a virtual public comment session, condemning the County Board of Canvassers after its two Republican members initially declined to certify the results. Arizona Secretary of State Katie Hobbs has received threats of violence, as has Georgia’s Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a self-described conservative Republican.
“I’d like to remind voters that the people who administer elections – from the poll workers at the precinct, to the county and state-level officials – they are people,” says Forrest Lehman, director of elections in Lycoming County, Pennsylvania. “They are not taking sides. They are trying to run a free and fair election, and follow the laws. People should not be so quick to engage in a level of distrust and disrespect that seems to be so prevalent right now.”
Robin Buckson/Detroit News/AP View caption Hide caption Wayne County Board of Canvassers, from left, Republican member William Hartmann, Republican chairperson Monica Palmer, Democratic vice chair Jonathan Kinloch, and Democratic member Allen Wilson discuss a motion to certify election results during a board meeting in Detroit on Nov. 17, 2020. The two Republicans initially declined to certify the results, then voted in favor, but later said they wanted to rescind their votes.
"Everything is a plot"
Many election officials note that claims of fraud impugn not just them, but the entire network of employees and volunteers who make elections happen.
In Delaware County, outside Philadelphia, five community members in each of the county’s 428 precincts monitor the election, and they all take an oath before doing so.
“So what you are saying is that those 2,000 people don’t have good character and did not act with integrity,” says Mr. Lawrence, the county board member. “All the people who work so hard to make sure that democracy happens.”
In a meeting last week, Pennsylvania’s Bucks County Commissioner Robert Harvie recalled an exchange he had with an employee early in the morning the day after the election. She had been working for almost 24 hours straight.
“She said, ‘You know, every American should have to come and take part in this process at one point, just to see everything that goes on to make an election happen,’” says Commissioner Harvie. “And I think she’s right.”
Local officials interviewed by the Monitor say they’ve been especially dismayed by how many voters seem to automatically assume malfeasance when something goes wrong.
“We have people reporting every single minor [problem] they may have encountered at the polls,” says Mr. Lehman in Lycoming County. “And there are no reasonable explanations for those circumstances anymore – everything is a plot.”
Clerical errors are seen as a sign of something “nefarious.” Voters have called asking him to make sure their votes were counted, which Mr. Lehman explains is impossible, given that the votes themselves are anonymous. Some of these calls have verged on the violent, with the callers making threats.
“A number of people out there are armed with partial information and looking for things that they perceive to be strange or abnormal that really aren’t,” says J. Manly Parks, the Bureau of Elections solicitor for Delaware County.
During Delaware County’s certification meeting, Mr. Lawrence and his fellow commissioners listened to several public complaints about alleged fraud involving Dominion Voting Systems, a voting technology company that the president and his allies have claimed switched votes from Mr. Trump to Mr. Biden, in what experts describe as an unfounded conspiracy theory.
But Delaware County doesn’t use Dominion technology, says Mr. Lawrence. It never has.
Benefits to a decentralized system
The U.S. election system is so decentralized that it can be confusing – election laws differ from state to state, and operations can vary between counties and even towns. But that diffuse, sometimes messy nature of the system can paradoxically help ensure security.
“The decentralized election system has pluses and minuses, and [security] is one of the pluses,” says Adav Noti, senior director for litigation at the Campaign Legal Center, and former associate general counsel for the Federal Election Commission.
“In 2016, when the Russians were trying to mess with the election, it would have been really difficult for them to do it on the election administration side because there are more than 10,000 election agencies in the country,” says Mr. Noti. “And it makes it hard for any one administration or officeholder to influence the election as well.”
In 1887, following the disputed election between Samuel Tilden and Rutherford Hayes, Congress passed the Electoral Count Act – a federal law establishing how and when electoral votes would be counted by Congress. To ensure that states have time to resolve any disputes and certify their results, the act established a “Safe Harbor” deadline of six days before the Electoral College delegations meet to cast their votes. If states certify their results before the Safe Harbor deadline, Congress, essentially, can’t touch them.
In 2020, states’ electors will cast their ballots (virtually) on December 14, which makes the Safe Harbor deadline December 8. Most states, however, have set certification deadlines ahead of this date.
In the days and weeks leading up to certification, election officials typically receive and count overseas military ballots, which many states allow to arrive after Election Day, as well as provisional ballots, which need to be verified for one reason or another.
“People just assume that we have the election and that’s that,” says Kevin Barnhardt, a member of the Board of Commissioners in Berks County, Pennsylvania, northwest of Philadelphia. “Unless you are an election nerd, you didn’t know that we had all of these processes and rules after the election. It was all just magnified this year.”
In fact, it’s a sign of local officials’ competence, say experts, that much of America likely didn’t know about Safe Harbor deadlines or certification laws before this year.
“These deadlines take place every time. And the fact that we’ve never talked about them before just shows how smoothly it’s gone in years past,” says Casey Burgat, legislative affairs program director at George Washington University. “It’s like referees in a sports game. If you don’t think about them, that means they are doing a good job.”
A uniquely challenging year
Even before Election Day, 2020 presented a slate of enormous challenges for those tasked with running elections.
Due to precautions surrounding COVID-19, more than a dozen states expanded absentee or mail-in voting eligibility, and at least another five states plus the District of Columbia decided to send absentee ballot applications to all voters. This year, 43 states plus the district permitted early in-person voting, with almost half of them providing weekend voting.
Turnout wound up hitting a 50-year high, with the early vote alone representing almost three-quarters of 2016’s total vote.
Long before COVID-19 hit, adequately staffing elections was difficult. Many of the people manning the U.S. electoral system are volunteers or short-term employees who are paid a daily stipend. A congressional report from 2018 found that more than 630,000 poll workers were needed to help voters across 200,000 polling places, with almost two-thirds of jurisdictions reporting that it was difficult to recruit enough workers.
Concerns about staffing grew exponentially in 2020, since at least 58% of 2018’s poll workers were over the age of 60 – the population recommended by health experts to take COVID-19 precautions most seriously.
Some officials now fear that the aggressive criticism leveled at election employees may dissuade people from coming forward to staff future elections.
“For these people who are upset now because they think democracy is being stolen, where is that going to leave democracy when the county election operations are hollowed out because we all leave?” says Mr. Lehman, in Lycoming County. “What will happen to elections after that?”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Yet others see reason to be hopeful, noting that contested elections in the past have sometimes brought more Americans into the political process. Berks County typically has a turnover of 100 to 200 poll workers between elections, but Mr. Barnhardt says they’ve already had more than 500 people inquire about working the polls in future elections.
“All of this spurred a new interest in the political process like never before,” he says. “And that’s a good thing.”


csmonitor--2020-11-25--In his wake, Trump leaves vulnerabilities of democracy exposed

One way to restore broad trust in elections might be nationwide voting standards and procedures .
But citizens must also stand for the democratic rights of their opponents , says Myrna Pérez of the Brennan Center for Justice .
“ Voters need to tell our politicians ... [ that ] we even want people who may not agree with us to have a free , fair , and accessible vote.
” The court cases have been the weakest link , with judges tossing virtually all of them .
But they have meshed with the president ’ s portrayal of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent Economist/YouGov poll found that 84 % of self-identified members of the GOP believe that President-elect Joe Biden did not legitimately win the election .
He has made direct appeals to the nation that he was the winner , filed court cases to challenge the results , lobbied to delay the certification of vote totals , and pushed state legislators to ignore vote totals and seat pro-Trump electors .
The extraordinary actions of the last three weeks could leave lasting marks on United States governance .
With a four-pronged strategy , President Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unwieldy electoral system – and tested them to see what , if anything , might give .
President Donald Trump ’ s attempts to subvert an election he falsely claims to have won appear to be falling apart .
The United States has likely avoided the sort of post-vote struggle for power that characterizes countries with less stable , shallowly rooted democracies .
But the extraordinary actions of the last three weeks could leave lasting marks on U.S. governance .
Mr. Trump has identified many cracks and holes in America ’ s unwieldy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them to see what , if anything , might give .
The result has laid out a path for how others could push further in the future .
The way the nation chooses its leader depends at many points on norms and traditions , as well as the goodwill of election workers and local and state officials .
Recent weeks have highlighted how a candidate could conceivably manipulate or improperly influence events and key people – particularly if the candidate begins sowing doubts before the ballot , as Mr. Trump tried to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are the ways we resolve political differences peacefully , and he tried very hard to set up a false choice : one in which either he won or the system was broken , ” says Myrna Pérez , director of the Brennan Center for Justice ’ s Voting Rights and Elections Program .
“ That really undermines the American system ... in which people choose their elected leaders – not the other way around.
” Mr. Trump has refused to concede to President-elect Joe Biden and continues to insist that he has a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tweeted , “ 2020 is a long way from over !
” Many Republicans back the president ’ s resistance .
A recent Economist/YouGov poll found that 84 % of self-identified members of the GOP believe that Mr. Biden did not legitimately win the election .
But this week marked a turning point in the official transition of power , as the General Services Administration announced Monday that it would begin coordinating with the incoming Biden administration team .
Mr. Biden is now receiving the classified President ’ s Daily Brief of sensitive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 270 Electoral College votes – the margin needed for victory – have now certified a Biden victory .
Mr. Trump ’ s post-vote strategy to prevent the nation from reaching this point consisted of four things : • Direct appeals to the nation that he was the 2020 winner , which began with a White House appearance in the wee hours after the polls closed and continued on Twitter .
• Court cases meant to stop vote counts or throw out duly cast ballots .
• Lobbying state and county officials to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Of these , the court cases have been the weakest link by far .
While Trump lawyers and surrogates and right-leaning media have publicized what they claim to be evidence of voter fraud , those cases have largely dissolved upon close attention or constitute too few votes to make any difference .
Judges have tossed virtually all the cases filed by the Trump legal team .
“ Republican-appointed judges , Democratic-appointed judges , state and federal judges – they ’ ve all done their job and they ’ re acting as guardrails , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Loyola Law School and host of the “ Passing Judgment ” podcast .
Yet the court cases have still had an effect .
They have meshed with the president ’ s communications strategy to portray the 2020 election as “ stolen.
” “ The lawsuits themselves aren ’ t posing a legal obstacle .
The dangerous thing is that there ’ s probably at least 40 to 50 million Americans who are buying falsehoods , lies , discredited conspiracy theories , ” says Professor Levinson .
The president also broke norms by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in some key states .
He brought Michigan state Republican leaders to the White House while some of his surrogates on television were suggesting that those Republicans seat pro-Trump electors in the state , overruling Mr. Biden ’ s Michigan win .
Mr. Trump and his allies also attacked Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger prior to the state ’ s vote certification – despite the fact that Mr. Raffensperger voted for him .
These precedents might encourage future losers , particularly in close elections , to decline to concede , file multiple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and delegitimize the seating of their opponent , all in a hardball attempt to gain power .
“ The goal was to undermine not only the election outcome , but our democratic processes , ” says Ms. Pérez .
One way to counter this might be more nationwide voting standards and procedures .
That could reassure voters that their election systems reflect broad best practices .
Easier registration , with standardized voter databases , would keep voters from being purged from polls and help allay notional worries about fraud , writes Zeynep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social scientist , in The New York Times .
Standardized and more common sharing of voter information between states could have the same effect .
Required audits after elections – such as Georgia now has – could check for irregularities without the drama involved in asking for recounts or suing states to act .
Voting officials – the unsung heroes of this election cycle – need more resources to do their jobs , adds Ms. Pérez of the Brennan Center .
Improved civics education could fill in the gaps in voters ’ knowledge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of when fraud claims are implausible .
Finally , citizens themselves need to stand for democracy .
“ Voters need to tell our politicians in one very clear voice that we want free , fair , and accessible elections , ” says Ms. Pérez .
“ We even want people who may not agree with us to have a free , fair , and accessible vote .
”

One way to restore broad trust in elections might be nationwide voting standards and procedures. But citizens must also stand for the democratic rights of their opponents, says Myrna Pérez of the Brennan Center for Justice. “Voters need to tell our politicians ... [that] we even want people who may not agree with us to have a free, fair, and accessible vote.”
The court cases have been the weakest link, with judges tossing virtually all of them. But they have meshed with the president’s portrayal of the 2020 election as “stolen.” A recent Economist/YouGov poll found that 84% of self-identified members of the GOP believe that President-elect Joe Biden did not legitimately win the election.
The presidential transition is officially underway, but President Trump’s attempts to discredit the election pointed to cracks in the system that need strengthening.
He has made direct appeals to the nation that he was the winner, filed court cases to challenge the results, lobbied to delay the certification of vote totals, and pushed state legislators to ignore vote totals and seat pro-Trump electors.
The extraordinary actions of the last three weeks could leave lasting marks on United States governance. With a four-pronged strategy, President Donald Trump identified cracks in America’s unwieldy electoral system – and tested them to see what, if anything, might give.
President Donald Trump’s attempts to subvert an election he falsely claims to have won appear to be falling apart. The United States has likely avoided the sort of post-vote struggle for power that characterizes countries with less stable, shallowly rooted democracies.
But the extraordinary actions of the last three weeks could leave lasting marks on U.S. governance. Mr. Trump has identified many cracks and holes in America’s unwieldy, decentralized electoral system – and tested them to see what, if anything, might give.
The result has laid out a path for how others could push further in the future. The way the nation chooses its leader depends at many points on norms and traditions, as well as the goodwill of election workers and local and state officials. Recent weeks have highlighted how a candidate could conceivably manipulate or improperly influence events and key people – particularly if the candidate begins sowing doubts before the ballot, as Mr. Trump tried to do by attacking mail-in voting.
Why We Wrote This The presidential transition is officially underway, but President Trump’s attempts to discredit the election pointed to cracks in the system that need strengthening.
“Elections are the ways we resolve political differences peacefully, and he tried very hard to set up a false choice: one in which either he won or the system was broken,” says Myrna Pérez, director of the Brennan Center for Justice’s Voting Rights and Elections Program. “That really undermines the American system ... in which people choose their elected leaders – not the other way around.”
Trump’s four-pronged approach
Mr. Trump has refused to concede to President-elect Joe Biden and continues to insist that he has a path to reelection. On Wednesday he tweeted, “2020 is a long way from over!”
Many Republicans back the president’s resistance. A recent Economist/YouGov poll found that 84% of self-identified members of the GOP believe that Mr. Biden did not legitimately win the election.
But this week marked a turning point in the official transition of power, as the General Services Administration announced Monday that it would begin coordinating with the incoming Biden administration team. Mr. Biden is now receiving the classified President’s Daily Brief of sensitive intelligence information.
States with a total of 270 Electoral College votes – the margin needed for victory – have now certified a Biden victory.
Mr. Trump’s post-vote strategy to prevent the nation from reaching this point consisted of four things:
Direct appeals to the nation that he was the 2020 winner, which began with a White House appearance in the wee hours after the polls closed and continued on Twitter.
Court cases meant to stop vote counts or throw out duly cast ballots.
Lobbying state and county officials to delay the certification of vote totals.
Lobbying state legislators to ignore vote totals and seat pro-Trump electors.
Of these, the court cases have been the weakest link by far. While Trump lawyers and surrogates and right-leaning media have publicized what they claim to be evidence of voter fraud, those cases have largely dissolved upon close attention or constitute too few votes to make any difference. Judges have tossed virtually all the cases filed by the Trump legal team.
“Republican-appointed judges, Democratic-appointed judges, state and federal judges – they’ve all done their job and they’re acting as guardrails,” says Jessica Levinson, a professor at Loyola Law School and host of the “Passing Judgment” podcast.
Yet the court cases have still had an effect. They have meshed with the president’s communications strategy to portray the 2020 election as “stolen.”
“The lawsuits themselves aren’t posing a legal obstacle. The dangerous thing is that there’s probably at least 40 to 50 million Americans who are buying falsehoods, lies, discredited conspiracy theories,” says Professor Levinson.
The president also broke norms by trying to interfere with the election process in some key states. He brought Michigan state Republican leaders to the White House while some of his surrogates on television were suggesting that those Republicans seat pro-Trump electors in the state, overruling Mr. Biden’s Michigan win. Mr. Trump and his allies also attacked Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger prior to the state’s vote certification – despite the fact that Mr. Raffensperger voted for him.
These precedents might encourage future losers, particularly in close elections, to decline to concede, file multiple lawsuits, push to overturn state results, and delegitimize the seating of their opponent, all in a hardball attempt to gain power.
“The goal was to undermine not only the election outcome, but our democratic processes,” says Ms. Pérez.
Strengthening trust in elections
One way to counter this might be more nationwide voting standards and procedures. That could reassure voters that their election systems reflect broad best practices.
Easier registration, with standardized voter databases, would keep voters from being purged from rolls and help allay notional worries about fraud, writes Zeynep Tufekci, a University of North Carolina social scientist, in The New York Times.
Standardized and more common sharing of voter information between states could have the same effect. Required audits after elections – such as Georgia now has – could check for irregularities without the drama involved in asking for recounts or suing states to act.
Voting officials – the unsung heroes of this election cycle – need more resources to do their jobs, adds Ms. Pérez of the Brennan Center. Improved civics education could fill in the gaps in voters’ knowledge, so they have a better idea of when fraud claims are implausible.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Finally, citizens themselves need to stand for democracy.
“Voters need to tell our politicians in one very clear voice that we want free, fair, and accessible elections,” says Ms. Pérez. “We even want people who may not agree with us to have a free, fair, and accessible vote.”