csmonitor--2020-07-16--The creator of ‘Duchess Goldblatt’ finds herself – and Twitter fans

The National Gallery of Art in Washington houses an unlikely attraction : the once-obscure 17th-century “ Portrait of an Elderly Lady ” by Frans Hals .
Before the COVID-19 shutdown ( the museum has since reopened some of its galleries but not apparently the one in which the painting appears ) , eager fans flocked to take selfies in front of the portrait , which depicts an unnamed woman with an impressive ruff around her neck .
Her half-smile hints at a chuckle ready to burst into the open , as if she knows that in about four centuries her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If you ’ re a fan of literature and you ’ re active online , you might know this twinkly woman in another guise .
She ’ s the Twitter avatar of the thoroughly modern “ Duchess Goldblatt , ” a beguiling ( if fictional ) 81-year-old internet personality “ made of spun sugar and justice.
” She adores authors , has a kind word for just about everyone , and lives in the imaginary hamlet of Crooked Path , not far from the Home for Aged and Unpleasant Ex-Husbands .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memoir “ Becoming Duchess Goldblatt , ” this character ’ s creator isn ’ t a famous author moonlighting as a Dutch matriarch or a blogger in disguise .
In fact , the mighty Duchess Goldblatt – great beauty , lover of animals , ringleader of the Solid Goldblatt Dancers – was born of despair .
The memoir ’ s author , we learn , is an anonymous middle-aged writer and editor from New York state .
She created the character in 2012 as she struggled with depression , isolation , and suicidal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over her young son .
On Twitter , the Duchess is anything but isolated .
She ’ s attracted a remarkable online community of “ loons , ” as she affectionately calls them .
( Among them are several famous authors , including Elizabeth McCracken and Alexander Chee . )
Her subjects address her as “ Your Grace , ” eagerly respond to her calls for pet and pie photos , and summon her for comforting words during tough times .
And they devour her wry wit and wisdom , which live in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ Writing isn ’ t hard .
Worming my way into your heart one step at a time is hard .
But it ’ s holy work , and I bought a boat with the overtime.
” But the most compelling parts of “ Becoming Duchess Goldblatt ” come when the author explores her family ’ s past .
She creates wrenchingly intimate portraits of her father , who is generous to a fault , and her brother , who struggles with mental illness .
Back on the Internet , the author @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and inspiring and befriending , so much so that her spirit begins to rub off on her creator .
In one agonizingly tough moment , the memoir ’ s author hears “ sounds passing through sudden rightnesses ” – to borrow words from a Wallace Stevens poem – comforting her .
“ You will bear it , ” she hears her fictional creation say .
“ You have to .
You will.
” The author ’ s spirits lift over time as her creation becomes more popular , pulling her out of her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a select few of the Duchess ’ fans , including a close friendship with country star Lyle Lovett .
And she realizes that the Duchess ’ advice via Twitter deeply comforts her followers .
“ Things may not be okay , but you ’ re okay , and you will be .
I promise , ” she tells one reader .
“ You are a wonderfully kind soul , even if you are fictional , ” he responds .
Not all readers will appreciate the Duchess ’ humor or understand why anyone would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman in the painting doesn ’ t strike everyone as kind .
And some will wonder whether the unnamed author is herself a construction of some kind .
It ’ s true that the author could be leading us astray .
But her story , a kind of reverse “ Frankenstein , ” rings true : When her life was in tatters , she created a character out of spare parts of herself and used it to create the community she craved .
That lesson can never be heard too often .
Like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inspiration we seek may be closer than we think .

The National Gallery of Art in Washington houses an unlikely attraction: the once-obscure 17th-century “Portrait of an Elderly Lady” by Frans Hals. Before the COVID-19 shutdown (the museum has since reopened some of its galleries but not apparently the one in which the painting appears), eager fans flocked to take selfies in front of the portrait, which depicts an unnamed woman with an impressive ruff around her neck. Her half-smile hints at a chuckle ready to burst into the open, as if she knows that in about four centuries her image will appear on mugs and bookmarks.
If you’re a fan of literature and you’re active online, you might know this twinkly woman in another guise. She’s the Twitter avatar of the thoroughly modern “Duchess Goldblatt,” a beguiling (if fictional) 81-year-old internet personality “made of spun sugar and justice.” She adores authors, has a kind word for just about everyone, and lives in the imaginary hamlet of Crooked Path, not far from the Home for Aged and Unpleasant Ex-Husbands.
As we learn in the curiously captivating new memoir “Becoming Duchess Goldblatt,” this character’s creator isn’t a famous author moonlighting as a Dutch matriarch or a blogger in disguise. In fact, the mighty Duchess Goldblatt – great beauty, lover of animals, ringleader of the Solid Goldblatt Dancers – was born of despair.
The memoir’s author, we learn, is an anonymous middle-aged writer and editor from New York state. She created the character in 2012 as she struggled with depression, isolation, and suicidal thoughts following a divorce and custody battle over her young son.
On Twitter, the Duchess is anything but isolated. She’s attracted a remarkable online community of “loons,” as she affectionately calls them. (Among them are several famous authors, including Elizabeth McCracken and Alexander Chee.) Her subjects address her as “Your Grace,” eagerly respond to her calls for pet and pie photos, and summon her for comforting words during tough times. And they devour her wry wit and wisdom, which live in the gray zone between astute and quirky: “Writing isn’t hard. Worming my way into your heart one step at a time is hard. But it’s holy work, and I bought a boat with the overtime.”
But the most compelling parts of “Becoming Duchess Goldblatt” come when the author explores her family’s past. She creates wrenchingly intimate portraits of her father, who is generous to a fault, and her brother, who struggles with mental illness.
Back on the Internet, the author’s saucy creation keeps on soothing and inspiring and befriending, so much so that her spirit begins to rub off on her creator. In one agonizingly tough moment, the memoir’s author hears “sounds passing through sudden rightnesses” – to borrow words from a Wallace Stevens poem – comforting her. “You will bear it,” she hears her fictional creation say. “You have to. You will.”
The author’s spirits lift over time as her creation becomes more popular, pulling her out of her isolation. She develops real-life relationships with a select few of the Duchess’ fans, including a close friendship with country star Lyle Lovett. And she realizes that the Duchess’ advice via Twitter deeply comforts her followers. “Things may not be okay, but you’re okay, and you will be. I promise,” she tells one reader. “You are a wonderfully kind soul, even if you are fictional,” he responds.
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Not all readers will appreciate the Duchess’ humor or understand why anyone would bother to follow her online. The woman in the painting doesn’t strike everyone as kind. And some will wonder whether the unnamed author is herself a construction of some kind.
It’s true that the author could be leading us astray. But her story, a kind of reverse “Frankenstein,” rings true: When her life was in tatters, she created a character out of spare parts of herself and used it to create the community she craved. That lesson can never be heard too often. Like objects in a rearview mirror, the inspiration we seek may be closer than we think.


csmonitor--2020-07-16--In Oklahoma tribal decision, ‘rule of the strong’ falls to rule of law

“ The pressure I feel is to communicate to the public that we know what we ’ re doing , ” says Chuck Hoskin Jr. , principal chief of the Cherokee Nation .
“ We ’ ve done it for a long time.
” One might expect such a dramatic change to prompt chaos and confusion , but in Oklahoma the tribal nations and state and local officials have responded with calm cooperation , pledging to work together – as they have for decades – to adapt to the new reality .
In a moment of national reckoning over racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some say , as both an acknowledgment of that injustice and a concrete step toward addressing it .
“ Unlawful acts , performed long enough and with sufficient vigor , are never enough to amend the law , ” wrote Justice Neil Gorsuch .
“ That would be the rule of the strong , not the rule of law.
” Last week ’ s 5-4 Supreme Court ruling that said half the state of Oklahoma is still tribal land stands in marked contrast .
Kevin Washburn never enjoyed teaching his federal Indian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a history of how the law has failed my people , that the rule of law applies elsewhere in the United States but less so in Indian Country , ” says the former assistant secretary of Indian affairs and member of the Chickasaw Nation .
When he started to read the latest landmark American Indian law ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court , Joel Williams needed a few minutes just to get past the first sentence .
“ On the far end of the Trail of Tears was a promise , ” opened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in McGirt v. Oklahoma , referencing the forced removal , beginning in the 1830s , of Native American tribes from their historical lands in today ’ s U.S. Southeast to west of the Mississippi River .
Estimates vary , but thousands are believed to have died on the roughly 5,000-mile journey , including as many as one-fourth of the Cherokee Nation .
Mr. Williams , a senior staff attorney at the Native American Rights Fund ( NARF ) , is a member of the Cherokee Nation and a descendant of the Cherokees who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Seeing those treaties , promising them a “ permanent home ” in the West , referenced throughout the opinion was “ quite striking.
” “ It ’ s not often that you read a Supreme Court opinion that is so compelling , ” he says .
“ Our communities were being torn apart , ” he adds .
“ There was a hope and promise that we would have these homelands in perpetuity , and that ’ s what Justice Gorsuch is saying in the very first sentence.
” The decision is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the practical consequence that as much as half of the state of Oklahoma may now , legally , be Indian Country .
But in a moment of national reckoning over racial injustice , the decision has added significance , some say , as both an acknowledgment of that injustice and a concrete step toward addressing it .
One might expect such a dramatic change to prompt chaos and confusion , but in Oklahoma the tribal nations and state and local officials have responded with calm cooperation , pledging to work together – as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the new reality .
“ Oklahoma has a pretty solid tradition of state-tribal compacts , ” says Lindsay Robertson , director of the Center for the Study of American Indian Law and Policy at the University of Oklahoma in Norman .
The court ’ s ruling , he adds , “ is like an apology-plus .
We ’ re sorry .
There was a wrong done here , and we ’ re going to make it right to the fullest extent we can.
” The decision was met with jubilation by Native @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the U.S. poet laureate who lives in Tulsa .
“ Justice is sometimes seven generations away , or even more .
And it is inevitable , ” Ms. Harjo , a member of the Muscogee ( Creek ) Nation , wrote in a New York Times Op-Ed , referencing her ancestor Monahwee , who fought to keep their homeland at the Battle of Horsehoe Bend .
“ It is important to stop here , in the moment , and to recognize all that it has taken to arrive at this act of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At last , on the far end of the Trail of Tears , a promise has been kept.
” Specifically , the high court ’ s 5-4 ruling on July 9 held that the historical boundaries of the Muscogee ( Creek ) Nation ’ s reservation in eastern Oklahoma remained in effect because Congress hadn ’ t formally ended them .
As a result , the criminal convictions by the state of two Native men – Jimcy McGirt and Patrick Murphy , who is on death row for murder – are voided , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ court .
An unknown number of other tribal members convicted in state court may also ask for federal retrials .
While the ruling concerned the jurisdiction of the Creek Nation , four other tribes in eastern Oklahoma have similar treaties with Congress .
Their combined reservations span roughly 11 million acres , including portions of the city of Tulsa , whose Muscogee name , Tulasi , means Old Town .
As many as 1.8 million people live in the area , only 10 % to 15 % of whom are Native .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its decision , said Chief Justice John Roberts in dissent .
“ The Court has profoundly destabilized the governance of eastern Oklahoma , ” he wrote , hobbled the state ’ s ability to prosecute serious crimes , and created “ significant uncertainty for the State ’ s continuing authority over any area that touches Indian affairs.
” Oklahoma has more Native residents than any other state besides California , and tribes have developed a strong and cooperative relationship with the state .
They have negotiated compacts around gambling , taxation , hunting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that resolve jurisdictional issues between the two governments .
Tribes also have “ cross-deputization ” agreements that allow state and tribal law enforcement agencies to operate on and off reservation land .
Last week the five tribal nations and the state government were quick to announce that they are already working together on these new changes .
Hours after the McGirt decision came out , a joint statement said they “ have made substantial progress toward an agreement to present to Congress and the U.S. Department of Justice.
” The statement is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely already planning for that possible outcome , says Kevin Washburn , former assistant secretary of Indian affairs at the U.S. Department of the Interior and a member of the Chickasaw Nation in Oklahoma .
“ That ’ s what you expect governments to do , to plan properly , ” he adds .
“ It shows cooperation .
Everybody wants public safety.
” With certain major crimes now subject to federal , not state , prosecution , U.S. attorney offices may have to expand to manage the heavier caseload .
The tribal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having only the law enforcement capacity for a pre-McGirt workload .
Chuck Hoskin Jr. , principal chief of the Cherokee Nation – the largest tribe in the U.S. – says that while he is “ elated ” with the decision , he isn ’ t sure if the tribe should expand its law enforcement and justice system to handle the changes .
“ I have to seriously consider if it ’ s in our best interests , ” he says , to in coming decades “ be building prisons , creating a criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our elders and children and our economic prosperity.
” Professor Washburn , now dean at the University of Iowa College of Law , never enjoyed teaching his federal Indian law course .
The entire semester , he says , was “ basically a history of how the law has failed my people , that the rule of law applies elsewhere in the United States but less so in Indian Country.
” And between 1990 and 2015 the court ruled against tribal interests in 76.5 % of cases , according to Bethany Berger at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But that has changed in recent years , particularly since Justice Gorsuch joined the court .
Last term , he hired the court ’ s first-ever Native American clerk .
He ’ s considered a reliable member of the court ’ s conservative wing , but on Native issues , “ there ’ s just a sense that Justice Gorsuch gets it , ” says Professor Washburn .
His opinion in McGirt combines these two features of his jurisprudence , using textualism – a method , popular with conservatives , of interpreting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – to analyze the history of the Creek Nation ’ s treaties with the U.S .
While Congress has the power to unilaterally break treaties with tribes , he explained , the legislature has never explicitly done that with the Creek .
“ If Congress wishes to break the promise of a reservation , it must say so , ” he wrote .
This analysis trumped the argument from Oklahoma – and , in an amicus brief , the federal government – that a series of hostile federal policies over a century amounted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Creek reservation .
Congress “ broke up the Creek Nation ’ s lands , abolished its courts , circumscribed its governmental authority , applied federal and state law to Indians and non-Indians alike in its territory ... and set a timetable for the dissolution of the tribe , ” the federal government wrote in its brief .
But “ unlawful acts , performed long enough and with sufficient vigor , are never enough to amend the law , ” wrote Justice Gorsuch .
“ That would be the rule of the strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As to the argument that declaring a vast swath of eastern Oklahoma tribal land would create far more problems than it solves , he concluded that “ dire warnings are just that , and not a license for us to disregard the law.
” Many of Oklahoma ’ s arguments “ follow a sadly familiar pattern .
Yes , promises were made , but the price of keeping them has become too great , so now we should just cast a blind eye , ” he wrote .
“ We reject that thinking.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ case in this area of American Indian law reached a similar holding , in a unanimous decision , that “ only the clear intent of Congress can determine when tribal land is diminished.
” If anything , the new ruling brings Oklahoma ’ s tribal nations more in line with the status of most other tribes around the country , says Mr. Williams at NARF .
In most states , if a tribal member commits a serious crime on tribal land , they are prosecuted in federal court .
What made this case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how significant the potential ramifications are .
But that is also what makes the case “ the high-water mark for the court ’ s respect for the rule of law in Indian Country , ” he says .
“ The bottom line is this decision applies the rule of law even when it ’ s difficult to do so because of the ramifications , ” he adds .
“ That ’ s the America we all want to live in , ” he continues .
“ That ’ s what we say is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we often fail to live up to that.
” And at a time when the U.S. is wrestling with racial injustices past and present , Chief Hoskin thinks the decision is “ good for the country.
” “ It doesn ’ t just identify an issue ; it does something about it , ” he says .
“ Maybe it creates more space in communities , in Congress , and in state legislatures to look at these issues and do more than talk about them.
” It ’ s unclear if that will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the leaders now tasked with adapting to this dramatic legal change , Chief Hoskin admits he feels some pressure to show that such a dramatic change can happen without dramatic negative consequences .
And he ’ s feeling confident .
“ The pressure I feel is to communicate to the public that we know what we ’ re doing , ” he says .
“ We ’ ve done it for a long time .
”

“The pressure I feel is to communicate to the public that we know what we’re doing,” says Chuck Hoskin Jr., principal chief of the Cherokee Nation. “We’ve done it for a long time.”
One might expect such a dramatic change to prompt chaos and confusion, but in Oklahoma the tribal nations and state and local officials have responded with calm cooperation, pledging to work together – as they have for decades – to adapt to the new reality.
In a moment of national reckoning over racial injustice, the decision has added significance, some say, as both an acknowledgment of that injustice and a concrete step toward addressing it.
“Unlawful acts, performed long enough and with sufficient vigor, are never enough to amend the law,” wrote Justice Neil Gorsuch. “That would be the rule of the strong, not the rule of law.”
What would it look like to repair a long-standing racial injustice? It’s a question roiling the U.S., and Native American tribes in Oklahoma say they got a clear example last week from the Supreme Court.
Last week’s 5-4 Supreme Court ruling that said half the state of Oklahoma is still tribal land stands in marked contrast.
Kevin Washburn never enjoyed teaching his federal Indian law course. It was “basically a history of how the law has failed my people, that the rule of law applies elsewhere in the United States but less so in Indian Country,” says the former assistant secretary of Indian affairs and member of the Chickasaw Nation.
When he started to read the latest landmark American Indian law ruling from the U.S. Supreme Court, Joel Williams needed a few minutes just to get past the first sentence.
“On the far end of the Trail of Tears was a promise,” opened Justice Neil Gorsuch for the majority opinion in McGirt v. Oklahoma, referencing the forced removal, beginning in the 1830s, of Native American tribes from their historical lands in today’s U.S. Southeast to west of the Mississippi River. Estimates vary, but thousands are believed to have died on the roughly 5,000-mile journey, including as many as one-fourth of the Cherokee Nation.
Mr. Williams, a senior staff attorney at the Native American Rights Fund (NARF), is a member of the Cherokee Nation and a descendant of the Cherokees who negotiated treaties with the federal government. Seeing those treaties, promising them a “permanent home” in the West, referenced throughout the opinion was “quite striking.”
Why We Wrote This What would it look like to repair a long-standing racial injustice? It’s a question roiling the U.S., and Native American tribes in Oklahoma say they got a clear example last week from the Supreme Court.
“It’s not often that you read a Supreme Court opinion that is so compelling,” he says.
“Our communities were being torn apart,” he adds. “There was a hope and promise that we would have these homelands in perpetuity, and that’s what Justice Gorsuch is saying in the very first sentence.”
The decision is a momentous one, first, because of the practical consequence that as much as half of the state of Oklahoma may now, legally, be Indian Country. But in a moment of national reckoning over racial injustice, the decision has added significance, some say, as both an acknowledgment of that injustice and a concrete step toward addressing it.
One might expect such a dramatic change to prompt chaos and confusion, but in Oklahoma the tribal nations and state and local officials have responded with calm cooperation, pledging to work together – as they have for decades – to adapt to the new reality.
“Oklahoma has a pretty solid tradition of state-tribal compacts,” says Lindsay Robertson, director of the Center for the Study of American Indian Law and Policy at the University of Oklahoma in Norman.
The court’s ruling, he adds, “is like an apology-plus. We’re sorry. There was a wrong done here, and we’re going to make it right to the fullest extent we can.”
The decision was met with jubilation by Native Americans in Oklahoma, including Joy Harjo, the U.S. poet laureate who lives in Tulsa. “Justice is sometimes seven generations away, or even more. And it is inevitable,” Ms. Harjo, a member of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, wrote in a New York Times Op-Ed, referencing her ancestor Monahwee, who fought to keep their homeland at the Battle of Horsehoe Bend.
“It is important to stop here, in the moment, and to recognize all that it has taken to arrive at this act of justice,” she added. “At last, on the far end of the Trail of Tears, a promise has been kept.”
“Everybody wants public safety”
Specifically, the high court’s 5-4 ruling on July 9 held that the historical boundaries of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation’s reservation in eastern Oklahoma remained in effect because Congress hadn’t formally ended them.
As a result, the criminal convictions by the state of two Native men – Jimcy McGirt and Patrick Murphy, who is on death row for murder – are voided, and they must be retried in federal court. An unknown number of other tribal members convicted in state court may also ask for federal retrials.
While the ruling concerned the jurisdiction of the Creek Nation, four other tribes in eastern Oklahoma have similar treaties with Congress. Their combined reservations span roughly 11 million acres, including portions of the city of Tulsa, whose Muscogee name, Tulasi, means Old Town. As many as 1.8 million people live in the area, only 10% to 15% of whom are Native.
The court should have considered these realities in its decision, said Chief Justice John Roberts in dissent.
“The Court has profoundly destabilized the governance of eastern Oklahoma,” he wrote, hobbled the state’s ability to prosecute serious crimes, and created “significant uncertainty for the State’s continuing authority over any area that touches Indian affairs.”
Oklahoma has more Native residents than any other state besides California, and tribes have developed a strong and cooperative relationship with the state.
They have negotiated compacts around gambling, taxation, hunting, and fishing, among other things, that resolve jurisdictional issues between the two governments. Tribes also have “cross-deputization” agreements that allow state and tribal law enforcement agencies to operate on and off reservation land.
Last week the five tribal nations and the state government were quick to announce that they are already working together on these new changes. Hours after the McGirt decision came out, a joint statement said they “have made substantial progress toward an agreement to present to Congress and the U.S. Department of Justice.”
The statement is a sign that the six governments were likely already planning for that possible outcome, says Kevin Washburn, former assistant secretary of Indian affairs at the U.S. Department of the Interior and a member of the Chickasaw Nation in Oklahoma.
“That’s what you expect governments to do, to plan properly,” he adds. “It shows cooperation. Everybody wants public safety.”
With certain major crimes now subject to federal, not state, prosecution, U.S. attorney offices may have to expand to manage the heavier caseload.
The tribal nations themselves are facing similar issues, having only the law enforcement capacity for a pre-McGirt workload. Chuck Hoskin Jr., principal chief of the Cherokee Nation – the largest tribe in the U.S. – says that while he is “elated” with the decision, he isn’t sure if the tribe should expand its law enforcement and justice system to handle the changes.
“I have to seriously consider if it’s in our best interests,” he says, to in coming decades “be building prisons, creating a criminal justice system, and sapping resources from our elders and children and our economic prosperity.”
Ann Hermes/Staff/File View caption Hide caption A flag with the seal of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation flies outside the MCN Supreme Court on June 18, 2018, in Okmulgee, Oklahoma.
Treaties and textualism
Professor Washburn, now dean at the University of Iowa College of Law, never enjoyed teaching his federal Indian law course. The entire semester, he says, was “basically a history of how the law has failed my people, that the rule of law applies elsewhere in the United States but less so in Indian Country.”
And between 1990 and 2015 the court ruled against tribal interests in 76.5% of cases, according to Bethany Berger at the University of Connecticut School of Law. But that has changed in recent years, particularly since Justice Gorsuch joined the court. Last term, he hired the court’s first-ever Native American clerk.
He’s considered a reliable member of the court’s conservative wing, but on Native issues, “there’s just a sense that Justice Gorsuch gets it,” says Professor Washburn.
His opinion in McGirt combines these two features of his jurisprudence, using textualism – a method, popular with conservatives, of interpreting laws by focusing strictly on their text – to analyze the history of the Creek Nation’s treaties with the U.S. While Congress has the power to unilaterally break treaties with tribes, he explained, the legislature has never explicitly done that with the Creek.
“If Congress wishes to break the promise of a reservation, it must say so,” he wrote.
This analysis trumped the argument from Oklahoma – and, in an amicus brief, the federal government – that a series of hostile federal policies over a century amounted to an effective “disestablishment” of the Creek reservation. Congress “broke up the Creek Nation’s lands, abolished its courts, circumscribed its governmental authority, applied federal and state law to Indians and non-Indians alike in its territory ... and set a timetable for the dissolution of the tribe,” the federal government wrote in its brief.
But “unlawful acts, performed long enough and with sufficient vigor, are never enough to amend the law,” wrote Justice Gorsuch. “That would be the rule of the strong, not the rule of law.”
As to the argument that declaring a vast swath of eastern Oklahoma tribal land would create far more problems than it solves, he concluded that “dire warnings are just that, and not a license for us to disregard the law.”
Many of Oklahoma’s arguments “follow a sadly familiar pattern. Yes, promises were made, but the price of keeping them has become too great, so now we should just cast a blind eye,” he wrote. “We reject that thinking.”
The court’s most recent case in this area of American Indian law reached a similar holding, in a unanimous decision, that “only the clear intent of Congress can determine when tribal land is diminished.”
If anything, the new ruling brings Oklahoma’s tribal nations more in line with the status of most other tribes around the country, says Mr. Williams at NARF. In most states, if a tribal member commits a serious crime on tribal land, they are prosecuted in federal court.
What made this case unusual, says Professor Washburn, is how significant the potential ramifications are. But that is also what makes the case “the high-water mark for the court’s respect for the rule of law in Indian Country,” he says.
“The bottom line is this decision applies the rule of law even when it’s difficult to do so because of the ramifications,” he adds.
“That’s the America we all want to live in,” he continues. “That’s what we say is great about the United States, but we often fail to live up to that.”
And at a time when the U.S. is wrestling with racial injustices past and present, Chief Hoskin thinks the decision is “good for the country.”
“It doesn’t just identify an issue; it does something about it,” he says. “Maybe it creates more space in communities, in Congress, and in state legislatures to look at these issues and do more than talk about them.”
It’s unclear if that will be the case, but as one of the leaders now tasked with adapting to this dramatic legal change, Chief Hoskin admits he feels some pressure to show that such a dramatic change can happen without dramatic negative consequences. And he’s feeling confident.
“The pressure I feel is to communicate to the public that we know what we’re doing,” he says. “We’ve done it for a long time.”
Staff writer Simon Montlake contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-07-16--Do animals have culture? According to Carl Safina, absolutely.

Ecologist Carl Safina ’ s latest book focuses on the scarlet macaw , the sperm whale , and the chimpanzee , but his concerns range far more widely than a trio of animals .
In “ Becoming Wild : How Animal Cultures Raise Families , Create Beauty , and Achieve Peace , ” he writes about culture , the structures of societies , and what makes us who and what we are .
Safina ’ s three animals are cannily chosen for their variety : an enormous seagoing mammal , an exotic bird , and one of humanity ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these animals in their natural settings ; in addition to fascinating dispatches from the ethological front lines , large chunks of “ Becoming Wild ” also double as first-rate nature writing .
We meet chimpanzees , about which Safina warns against thinking about in purely human terms .
“ We see in them partially formed prehumans caught between being and becoming , a harbinger of humankind , ” Safina writes , noting , “ Chimpanzees are not our ancestors ; the last species ancestral to chimpanzees and humans is extinct .
Chimps are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , not half-baked humans.
” It ’ s a theme sounded throughout the book .
The main reason for this caution is also one of the central endeavors of “ Becoming Wild ” : deconstructing the idea of human exceptionalism .
For centuries , scientists and philosophers have pinned that exceptionalism on one thing after another : Humans are the only animals that have language , humans are the only animals that make tools , etc .
These have all boiled down to the same notion , that only humans have culture .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have known for centuries : Nothing could be further from the truth .
Human beings have only recently begun to recognize the animal cultures around them .
“ Humans use language so much that it swamps our own ability to recognize subtle and not-subtle nonverbal signals that we ourselves continually display and respond to , ” Safina writes .
“ The world is awash in layers and waves of communication.
” “ Becoming Wild ” teems with communication of all kinds , with complex , empathetic creatures solving the problems of their worlds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ readers , have toolmaking skills equal to anything possessed by apes .
“ New Caledonia crows make hooked tools , something even chimpanzees don ’ t do , ” he writes .
“ Apes don ’ t have much , if anything , over macaws and ravens.
” Juvenile macaws spend years learning tool-fashioning from their parents .
Sperm whale clans include each other in sonic webs extending over half the planet , webs full of syntax and vocabulary and even regional dialects .
Chimpanzees mirror all the interpersonal complexity of humans .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of unending wonder .
“ Over the towering kapok tree shines one bright planet , the indelible sight of Venus above the Amazon , ” he writes at one point .
Marveling at the sheer beauty of macaws , he asks , “ How could such profligate colors exist ?
Why would birds evolve such beauty ?
” He also returns to the idea that humans are not the center of the universe .
He recognizes that this makes some people uncomfortable .
Among its many virtues , “ Becoming Wild ” eases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Safina ’ s incredibly moving 2015 book , “ Beyond Words : What Animals Think and Feel , ” and puts more faces on its common-sense revelations .
One of those faces has a bright red cap of feathers ; another is as long as your living room ; and the third has expressions very like your own .
All have cultures .
All have societies .
All are kin .

Ecologist Carl Safina’s latest book focuses on the scarlet macaw, the sperm whale, and the chimpanzee, but his concerns range far more widely than a trio of animals. In “Becoming Wild: How Animal Cultures Raise Families, Create Beauty, and Achieve Peace,” he writes about culture, the structures of societies, and what makes us who and what we are.
Safina’s three animals are cannily chosen for their variety: an enormous seagoing mammal, an exotic bird, and one of humanity’s closest genetic relatives. Safina has observed these animals in their natural settings; in addition to fascinating dispatches from the ethological front lines, large chunks of “Becoming Wild” also double as first-rate nature writing.
We meet chimpanzees, about which Safina warns against thinking about in purely human terms. “We see in them partially formed prehumans caught between being and becoming, a harbinger of humankind,” Safina writes, noting, “Chimpanzees are not our ancestors; the last species ancestral to chimpanzees and humans is extinct. Chimps are our contemporaries. They are complete chimpanzees, not half-baked humans.” It’s a theme sounded throughout the book.
The main reason for this caution is also one of the central endeavors of “Becoming Wild”: deconstructing the idea of human exceptionalism. For centuries, scientists and philosophers have pinned that exceptionalism on one thing after another: Humans are the only animals that have language, humans are the only animals that make tools, etc. These have all boiled down to the same notion, that only humans have culture.
Safina’s book shows what naturalists have known for centuries: Nothing could be further from the truth. Human beings have only recently begun to recognize the animal cultures around them. “Humans use language so much that it swamps our own ability to recognize subtle and not-subtle nonverbal signals that we ourselves continually display and respond to,” Safina writes. “The world is awash in layers and waves of communication.”
“Becoming Wild” teems with communication of all kinds, with complex, empathetic creatures solving the problems of their worlds. Some birds, Safina reminds his readers, have toolmaking skills equal to anything possessed by apes. “New Caledonia crows make hooked tools, something even chimpanzees don’t do,” he writes. “Apes don’t have much, if anything, over macaws and ravens.” Juvenile macaws spend years learning tool-fashioning from their parents. Sperm whale clans include each other in sonic webs extending over half the planet, webs full of syntax and vocabulary and even regional dialects. Chimpanzees mirror all the interpersonal complexity of humans.
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Safina imparts a naturalist’s sense of unending wonder. “Over the towering kapok tree shines one bright planet, the indelible sight of Venus above the Amazon,” he writes at one point. Marveling at the sheer beauty of macaws, he asks, “How could such profligate colors exist? Why would birds evolve such beauty?”
He also returns to the idea that humans are not the center of the universe. He recognizes that this makes some people uncomfortable. Among its many virtues, “Becoming Wild” eases such discomfort. It takes the concerns of Safina’s incredibly moving 2015 book, “Beyond Words: What Animals Think and Feel,” and puts more faces on its common-sense revelations. One of those faces has a bright red cap of feathers; another is as long as your living room; and the third has expressions very like your own. All have cultures. All have societies. All are kin.


csmonitor--2020-07-16--‘Magdalena’ meanders enjoyably down Colombia’s largest river

You can ’ t read Wade Davis without thinking of Joseph Conrad ’ s fictional narrator , Charles Marlow , as the two men share the same fascination for adventure into terra incognita .
“ Now when I was a little chap I had a passion for maps .
I would look for hours at South America , or Africa , or Australia , and lose myself in all the glories of exploration , ” reminisces Marlow in Conrad ’ s “ Heart of Darkness.
” But that ’ s where their commonality ends .
Where Marlow describes the wild @ @ @ @ @ @ @ planet in terms that denigrate them as savage , primitive , and superstitious , Davis does the opposite – extolling the virtues of these outlier regions and cultures as vital realms chock-full of exotic biota , majestic geography , extraordinary art , and empirical wisdom , all of which is essential for the health of the planet .
This is the central theme of many of Davis ’ s works , including “ The Serpent and the Rainbow : A Harvard Scientist 's Astonishing Journey into the Secret Societies of Haitian Voodoo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ One River : Explorations and Discoveries in the Amazon Rain Forest , ” and “ The Wayfinders : Why Ancient Wisdom Matters in the Modern World.
” In his most recent effort , “ Magdalena : River of Dreams , ” Davis takes his reader on an epic journey down the remote reaches of the Río Magdalena , Colombia ’ s Mississippi .
He does this not only by traveling on and along the river – through the Alto , Medio , and Bajo provinces – but also through stories , “ living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ selected to reveal and celebrate the true wonder of a country that has long been overlooked and misunderstood.
” However , it would be a gross understatement to call this book a river journey .
It is far more than that .
“ Magdalena ” is a devotee ’ s pilgrimage .
Davis first visited Colombia when he was 14 , spending the summer with a Colombian family in the mountains above the city of Cali .
He fell in love with the nation and its people , finding them “ charged with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life , and a quiet acceptance of the frailty of the human spirit.
” Six years later he returned on a one-way ticket “ and no plans save a promise not to return to the United States until Richard Nixon was no longer president.
” It was his travels throughout Colombia during this period that inevitably led him to Richard Evans Schultes , the famed explorer and ethnobotanist , and a Colombia devotee himself .
Davis would go on to study under Schultes at Harvard ( and later wrote about him in “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years ago , Davis was invited back to Colombia to help promote an illustrated book series called “ Savia Botánica.
” It was during discussions about this series that he offhandedly proposed a journey down the Río Magdalena .
The project was immediately embraced , and off he set .
Led intermittently by a handful of talented and passionate Colombians in a kind of expeditionary tag-team of journalists , professors , artists , Davis makes his way from one end of the river to the other .
Like the very nature of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and forth and side to side , allowing the serendipity of the moment to fill in the adventure with compelling human interest stories and representative anecdotes , and of course histories .
Davis is a tireless raconteur , and he includes details and descriptions of many of the key moments and figures in Colombia 's history , such as Sebastián de Belalcázar , Alexander von Humboldt , Simón Bolívar , Jorge Eliécer Gaitán , and Gabriel García Márquez , to name but a few .
He writes in a style and from a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A word of warning : Davis does not spare his readers from the abject truth .
There are stories about pogroms of native populations , slaughter of innocent townspeople , horrific environmental devastation , catastrophic natural disasters , and more .
The history both near and far of Colombia is often heart-wrenching and violent .
But of course , as he writes , in Colombia , “ a butterfly is just a flower that has learned how to fly .
That ’ s why [ there are ] so many.
” This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sometimes sordid history , and the Río Magdalena lies at its heart .
There are still many wonders to behold , including river manatees , amazing creatures which still exist in the ciénegas and sloughs in the Bajo Magdalena region .
Local communities believe that Colombia ’ s very existence is inextricably linked to the health and well-being of these fascinating creatures .
In reality , the Río Magdalena is not well .
Its “ drainage as a whole has lost close to 80 percent of its forest cover , ” writes Davis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flush waste directly into the waterway , and avers that fish stocks have “ collapsed by 50 percent in thirty years.
” So what is to be done ?
Davis ’ proposal aligns with the viewpoint of a Colombian fisherman he interviews , who says his country must “ clean and bring life back to the Río Magdalena .
All of it .
That ’ s what [ Colombians ] want .
And that ’ s what the country needs.
” Davis ’ desire to revitalize the river of his dreams is rendered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vivid portrait of his hopes and fears for the region .

You can’t read Wade Davis without thinking of Joseph Conrad’s fictional narrator, Charles Marlow, as the two men share the same fascination for adventure into terra incognita. “Now when I was a little chap I had a passion for maps. I would look for hours at South America, or Africa, or Australia, and lose myself in all the glories of exploration,” reminisces Marlow in Conrad’s “Heart of Darkness.”
But that’s where their commonality ends. Where Marlow describes the wild and remote places and peoples of the planet in terms that denigrate them as savage, primitive, and superstitious, Davis does the opposite – extolling the virtues of these outlier regions and cultures as vital realms chock-full of exotic biota, majestic geography, extraordinary art, and empirical wisdom, all of which is essential for the health of the planet.
This is the central theme of many of Davis’s works, including “The Serpent and the Rainbow: A Harvard Scientist's Astonishing Journey into the Secret Societies of Haitian Voodoo, Zombies, and Magic,” “One River: Explorations and Discoveries in the Amazon Rain Forest,” and “The Wayfinders: Why Ancient Wisdom Matters in the Modern World.” In his most recent effort, “Magdalena: River of Dreams,” Davis takes his reader on an epic journey down the remote reaches of the Río Magdalena, Colombia’s Mississippi.
He does this not only by traveling on and along the river – through the Alto, Medio, and Bajo provinces – but also through stories, “living narratives strung together with historical accounts deliberately selected to reveal and celebrate the true wonder of a country that has long been overlooked and misunderstood.” However, it would be a gross understatement to call this book a river journey. It is far more than that. “Magdalena” is a devotee’s pilgrimage.
Davis first visited Colombia when he was 14, spending the summer with a Colombian family in the mountains above the city of Cali. He fell in love with the nation and its people, finding them “charged with a strange intensity, a passion for life, and a quiet acceptance of the frailty of the human spirit.” Six years later he returned on a one-way ticket “and no plans save a promise not to return to the United States until Richard Nixon was no longer president.”
It was his travels throughout Colombia during this period that inevitably led him to Richard Evans Schultes, the famed explorer and ethnobotanist, and a Colombia devotee himself. Davis would go on to study under Schultes at Harvard (and later wrote about him in “One River”). A few years ago, Davis was invited back to Colombia to help promote an illustrated book series called “Savia Botánica.” It was during discussions about this series that he offhandedly proposed a journey down the Río Magdalena. The project was immediately embraced, and off he set.
Led intermittently by a handful of talented and passionate Colombians in a kind of expeditionary tag-team of journalists, professors, artists, Davis makes his way from one end of the river to the other. Like the very nature of the journey itself, the narrative swings back and forth and side to side, allowing the serendipity of the moment to fill in the adventure with compelling human interest stories and representative anecdotes, and of course histories. Davis is a tireless raconteur, and he includes details and descriptions of many of the key moments and figures in Colombia's history, such as Sebastián de Belalcázar, Alexander von Humboldt, Simón Bolívar, Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, and Gabriel García Márquez, to name but a few. He writes in a style and from a perspective that is both haunting and self-deprecating.
A word of warning: Davis does not spare his readers from the abject truth. There are stories about pogroms of native populations, slaughter of innocent townspeople, horrific environmental devastation, catastrophic natural disasters, and more. The history both near and far of Colombia is often heart-wrenching and violent.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
But of course, as he writes, in Colombia, “a butterfly is just a flower that has learned how to fly. That’s why [there are] so many.” This is a magical land, despite its sometimes sordid history, and the Río Magdalena lies at its heart. There are still many wonders to behold, including river manatees, amazing creatures which still exist in the ciénegas and sloughs in the Bajo Magdalena region. Local communities believe that Colombia’s very existence is inextricably linked to the health and well-being of these fascinating creatures.
In reality, the Río Magdalena is not well. Its “drainage as a whole has lost close to 80 percent of its forest cover,” writes Davis. He notes that 32 million Colombians flush waste directly into the waterway, and avers that fish stocks have “collapsed by 50 percent in thirty years.” So what is to be done? Davis’ proposal aligns with the viewpoint of a Colombian fisherman he interviews, who says his country must “clean and bring life back to the Río Magdalena. All of it. That’s what [Colombians] want. And that’s what the country needs.” Davis’ desire to revitalize the river of his dreams is rendered poignantly in “Magdalena” – a vivid portrait of his hopes and fears for the region.


csmonitor--2020-07-16--‘Break the silence’: In Tunisia, rappers keep revolution alive

Mohamed Kekli , who goes by the name Trappa , spent several years learning the hip-hop industry in the United States .
“ What I learned in the U.S. is that hip-hop can change minds , ” he says .
“ In Tunisia we are trying to keep our unfinished revolution alive to address social issues .
It ’ s not that you rid yourself of a dictator and everything is fine.
” “ We still do not have decent schools or proper hospitals ; some regions do not even have access to drinkable water , ” says DJ Costa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tunisia ’ s transformation .
“ The main causes of poverty , disenfranchisement , and discrimination have not changed in any tangible way since the revolution , ” he says .
“ We are staying on message to keep progress alive.
” From hip-hop studios to outdoor festivals and the streets , in Tunisia you ’ re never far from rap .
It 's not only the dominant music , but the political language of the people .
A decade after serving as the soundtrack to Tunisia ’ s revolution , rappers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they rebuild their society .
Their new focus has a familiar refrain : poverty , inequality , police brutality , and racism .
“ Break the silence , stop the violence , ” DJ Costa says as he bops his head left and right to the beat , sweat beading on his brow .
“ Break the silence , stop the violence , ” he leans into the microphone and utters : “ Police.
” But this is not an American studio .
A decade after serving as the soundtrack to Tunisia ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tunisians ’ hopes and anxieties as they continue to rebuild their society .
Freed from a dictator , Tunisia ’ s rappers have moved on from toppling oppressors to exploring how music can be used to empower the marginalized in the young democracy .
Their new focus has an all-too familiar refrain : poverty , inequality , police brutality , and racism .
“ We still do not have decent schools or proper hospitals ; some regions do not even have access to drinkable water , ” says Mehdi Akkari , known as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has spanned Tunisia ’ s transformation .
“ The main causes of poverty , disenfranchisement , and discrimination have not changed in any tangible way since the revolution , ” he says .
“ We are staying on message to keep progress alive.
” From hip-hop studios to outdoor festivals and the streets , in Tunisia you ’ re never far from rap , which has become not only the dominant music in the North African country , but the political language of the people .
Here in its graffiti- and paint-splattered studio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tunis cafe , artists , DJs , rappers , dancers , and musicians come to collaborate , explore , and use recording equipment for free .
Mohamed Kekli , who goes by the name Trappa , was inspired to form the collective in 2013 after spending several years learning the hip-hop industry in Chicago and Connecticut .
He was particularly impressed by the use of hip-hop to get out the vote in the 2004 presidential election and tackle community violence , he says in an interview late last year .
“ What I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can change minds , ” Trappa says as a group of clarinet players walks in to record at the Debo studio .
“ In Tunisia we are trying to keep our unfinished revolution alive to address social issues .
It ’ s not that you rid yourself of a dictator and everything is fine.
” With different musical flourishes , styles , and a diverse array of topics , the dozens of Tunisian rappers and hip-hop artists share the same mission : to keep pressure on post-revolution politicians .
Despite different political parties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rappers are quick to remind them little has been done to address poverty and soaring inequality , or even to reform the feared security services .
Songs chide squabbling MPs and criticize government ministers for their response to a deadly building collapse in a rural town and the government ’ s indifference to the plight of the homeless .
With many rappers themselves unemployed or skirting the poverty line , their connection to the people ’ s plight is real ; authenticity and anguish pumps through their lyrics .
DJ Costa rummages for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other unemployed rappers sit for hours in cafes .
So strong is the political commentary in their songs , Tunisians can listen to a track and immediately remember the year and month of the song from the topical lyrics .
DJ Costa , Balti , and others rappers have rap about harraqa , or migrating to Europe by boat , highlighting the dangers , the factors pushing young men to risk their lives , those who never live to reach land , and the families they leave behind .
Another frequent topic has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Islamic State group , which recruited thousands of young vulnerable Tunisians facing economic despair and social marginalization .
It is a topic close to many rappers who lived in marginalized neighborhoods where ISIS recruiters once prowled ; Mr. Akkari ’ s brother Yusuf was recruited by ISIS to travel to Syria and was later killed in an airstrike on Kobani , scene of a pivotal battle between Kurdish fighters and ISIS .
“ I tried to reach him and young Tunisians through my music , ” Mr. Akkari says .
“ Now I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ya Lili , Tunisia ’ s biggest rap hit yet , overtook Arab airwaves in 2018 .
It ’ s a song by rapper Balti about domestic violence and a young boy ’ s feelings of helplessness and being trapped .
Since the revolution , Hamza Ben Achour , a Black Tunisian , has used rap to address Tunisia ’ s underlying racism against dark-skinned citizens and those of sub-Saharan African heritage , challenging Tunisian society ’ s “ denial.
” His song , Manash racist , or “ I ’ m not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Ben Achour and a white Tunisian rapper ; the white rapper insists there is no racism in the country , while Mr. Ben Achour lists issues faced by Black Tunisians one by one , concluding with , “ I have not gotten my rights.
” At the end , they shake hands and hug .
“ Tunisian rappers are part of the society and face the same daily economic and social issues as the rest of the country .
Even as the music has become professional , they have not abandoned these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a Tunisian sociologist .
“ The spirit of the music remains underground , ” he says , “ and that has given a popular legitimacy to the music that resonates today.
” Tunisian rap and hip-hop ’ s focus on social justice dates back to its introduction to the country .
Rap became popular in Tunisia in the late 1990s with the smuggling of cassettes and CDs of French rappers such as I AM and American artists like Tupac Shakur , Biggie Smalls , and Snoop Dogg .
What made Tunisians latch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ brutality , poverty , persecution , and substance abuse – real-life issues facing Tunisians under the dictatorship of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali , but never discussed or reported in the news .
“ Hip-hop came talking about different messages – social issues we faced but never expressed in music , ” says Trappa .
“ People in Tunisia connected with it , and the music got bigger and bigger.
” Aspiring young rappers would use multiple cassette recorders , recording their lyrics on one tape , then adding the beat on the other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the internet censored , rappers would then distribute their cassettes to friends and neighbors .
To escape the watchful eye of the police , some would leave a batch of cassettes in a bag at a drop-off point at a deserted lot like contraband or a ransom pickup .
The secret to the enduring success of Tunisian rap , they say , is its use of local dialects to reach a large sub-section of Tunisian society – particularly the working class and rural citizens who do not understand the classical Arabic used in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were singing to people who didn ’ t understand the news on TV or read a newspaper .
We were telling them the country ’ s story in under three minutes , ” Mr. Akkari says from his makeshift home studio .
“ We are expressing our feeling as a people.
” Rappers also used different names to fill in for Mr. Ben Ali , ministers , mayors , and the police , using slang familiar to average Tunisians but alien to the political elite that ruled them , occasionally running afoul of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , then , when Tunisians rose up in 2010 , that rappers released songs on a near-daily basis calling for the overthrow of Mr. Ben Ali , becoming the revolution ’ s soundtrack .
Today dozens of young women and men rappers and hip-hop artists are exploring the boundaries of music free of censorship , intertwining Tunisian musical heritage with 21st century beats , complete with slick YouTube music videos garnering millions of views .
Yet they insist on focusing on local causes rather than “ going commercial ” or “ selling out.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the younger generation of rappers that came of age during the revolution , says as Tunisia continues to find its footing , rappers have another message under their calls for political action : Don ’ t give up hope .
“ Many Tunisians have doubts over the direction of the country , but I want to tell Tunisians to remain positive about our revolution , ” says Mr. Guitoni , who raps under the name Guito ’ n .
“ We have overcome a lot the last nine years and learned a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cloudy now , but we have brighter days ahead .
”

Sometimes art is life. Rappers in Tunisia have moved on from the toppling of a dictator to exploring how music can empower the marginalized in society. Rap has become the political language of the people.
Mohamed Kekli, who goes by the name Trappa, spent several years learning the hip-hop industry in the United States. “What I learned in the U.S. is that hip-hop can change minds,” he says. “In Tunisia we are trying to keep our unfinished revolution alive to address social issues. It’s not that you rid yourself of a dictator and everything is fine.”
“We still do not have decent schools or proper hospitals; some regions do not even have access to drinkable water,” says DJ Costa, whose two-decade rap career has spanned Tunisia’s transformation. “The main causes of poverty, disenfranchisement, and discrimination have not changed in any tangible way since the revolution,” he says. “We are staying on message to keep progress alive.”
From hip-hop studios to outdoor festivals and the streets, in Tunisia you’re never far from rap. It's not only the dominant music, but the political language of the people. A decade after serving as the soundtrack to Tunisia’s revolution, rappers are expressing Tunisians’ hopes and anxieties as they rebuild their society. Their new focus has a familiar refrain: poverty, inequality, police brutality, and racism.
“Break the silence, stop the violence,” DJ Costa says as he bops his head left and right to the beat, sweat beading on his brow. “Break the silence, stop the violence,” he leans into the microphone and utters: “Police.”
But this is not an American studio.
A decade after serving as the soundtrack to Tunisia’s revolution, rappers today are expressing Tunisians’ hopes and anxieties as they continue to rebuild their society.
Why We Wrote This Sometimes art is life. Rappers in Tunisia have moved on from the toppling of a dictator to exploring how music can empower the marginalized in society. Rap has become the political language of the people.
Freed from a dictator, Tunisia’s rappers have moved on from toppling oppressors to exploring how music can be used to empower the marginalized in the young democracy. Their new focus has an all-too familiar refrain: poverty, inequality, police brutality, and racism.
“We still do not have decent schools or proper hospitals; some regions do not even have access to drinkable water,” says Mehdi Akkari, known as DJ Costa, whose two-decade rap career has spanned Tunisia’s transformation.
“The main causes of poverty, disenfranchisement, and discrimination have not changed in any tangible way since the revolution,” he says. “We are staying on message to keep progress alive.”
Lessons from America
From hip-hop studios to outdoor festivals and the streets, in Tunisia you’re never far from rap, which has become not only the dominant music in the North African country, but the political language of the people.
The Debo Collective serves as rap’s public library.
Here in its graffiti- and paint-splattered studio on the third floor above a central Tunis cafe, artists, DJs, rappers, dancers, and musicians come to collaborate, explore, and use recording equipment for free.
Mohamed Kekli, who goes by the name Trappa, was inspired to form the collective in 2013 after spending several years learning the hip-hop industry in Chicago and Connecticut. He was particularly impressed by the use of hip-hop to get out the vote in the 2004 presidential election and tackle community violence, he says in an interview late last year.
“What I learned in the U.S. is that hip-hop can change minds,” Trappa says as a group of clarinet players walks in to record at the Debo studio. “In Tunisia we are trying to keep our unfinished revolution alive to address social issues. It’s not that you rid yourself of a dictator and everything is fine.”
With different musical flourishes, styles, and a diverse array of topics, the dozens of Tunisian rappers and hip-hop artists share the same mission: to keep pressure on post-revolution politicians.
Despite different political parties peacefully transferring power since 2011, Tunisian rappers are quick to remind them little has been done to address poverty and soaring inequality, or even to reform the feared security services.
Songs chide squabbling MPs and criticize government ministers for their response to a deadly building collapse in a rural town and the government’s indifference to the plight of the homeless.
Connected to reality
With many rappers themselves unemployed or skirting the poverty line, their connection to the people’s plight is real; authenticity and anguish pumps through their lyrics. DJ Costa rummages for used automobile parts and odd jobs; other unemployed rappers sit for hours in cafes.
So strong is the political commentary in their songs, Tunisians can listen to a track and immediately remember the year and month of the song from the topical lyrics.
DJ Costa, Balti, and others rappers have rap about harraqa, or migrating to Europe by boat, highlighting the dangers, the factors pushing young men to risk their lives, those who never live to reach land, and the families they leave behind.
Another frequent topic has been the dangers of extremism and the Islamic State group, which recruited thousands of young vulnerable Tunisians facing economic despair and social marginalization.
It is a topic close to many rappers who lived in marginalized neighborhoods where ISIS recruiters once prowled; Mr. Akkari’s brother Yusuf was recruited by ISIS to travel to Syria and was later killed in an airstrike on Kobani, scene of a pivotal battle between Kurdish fighters and ISIS.
“I tried to reach him and young Tunisians through my music,” Mr. Akkari says. “Now I sing so it never happens again.”
Ya Lili, Tunisia’s biggest rap hit yet, overtook Arab airwaves in 2018. It’s a song by rapper Balti about domestic violence and a young boy’s feelings of helplessness and being trapped.
Since the revolution, Hamza Ben Achour, a Black Tunisian, has used rap to address Tunisia’s underlying racism against dark-skinned citizens and those of sub-Saharan African heritage, challenging Tunisian society’s “denial.”
His song, Manash racist, or “I’m not racist,” depicts a debate-turned-rap-off between Mr. Ben Achour and a white Tunisian rapper; the white rapper insists there is no racism in the country, while Mr. Ben Achour lists issues faced by Black Tunisians one by one, concluding with, “I have not gotten my rights.”
At the end, they shake hands and hug.
“Tunisian rappers are part of the society and face the same daily economic and social issues as the rest of the country. Even as the music has become professional, they have not abandoned these social causes,” says Mohamed Jouili, a Tunisian sociologist.
“The spirit of the music remains underground,” he says, “and that has given a popular legitimacy to the music that resonates today.”
Revolutionary history
Tunisian rap and hip-hop’s focus on social justice dates back to its introduction to the country.
Rap became popular in Tunisia in the late 1990s with the smuggling of cassettes and CDs of French rappers such as I AM and American artists like Tupac Shakur, Biggie Smalls, and Snoop Dogg.
What made Tunisians latch on to rap were lyrics against police brutality, poverty, persecution, and substance abuse – real-life issues facing Tunisians under the dictatorship of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, but never discussed or reported in the news.
“Hip-hop came talking about different messages – social issues we faced but never expressed in music,” says Trappa. “People in Tunisia connected with it, and the music got bigger and bigger.”
Aspiring young rappers would use multiple cassette recorders, recording their lyrics on one tape, then adding the beat on the other to make a crude mix.
With the internet censored, rappers would then distribute their cassettes to friends and neighbors. To escape the watchful eye of the police, some would leave a batch of cassettes in a bag at a drop-off point at a deserted lot like contraband or a ransom pickup.
The secret to the enduring success of Tunisian rap, they say, is its use of local dialects to reach a large sub-section of Tunisian society – particularly the working class and rural citizens who do not understand the classical Arabic used in newspapers and by newscasters.
“We were singing to people who didn’t understand the news on TV or read a newspaper. We were telling them the country’s story in under three minutes,” Mr. Akkari says from his makeshift home studio. “We are expressing our feeling as a people.”
Rappers also used different names to fill in for Mr. Ben Ali, ministers, mayors, and the police, using slang familiar to average Tunisians but alien to the political elite that ruled them, occasionally running afoul of the regime.
It was only natural, then, when Tunisians rose up in 2010, that rappers released songs on a near-daily basis calling for the overthrow of Mr. Ben Ali, becoming the revolution’s soundtrack.
Rapping forward
Today dozens of young women and men rappers and hip-hop artists are exploring the boundaries of music free of censorship, intertwining Tunisian musical heritage with 21st century beats, complete with slick YouTube music videos garnering millions of views.
Yet they insist on focusing on local causes rather than “going commercial” or “selling out.”
Mohamed Guitoni, 28, part of the younger generation of rappers that came of age during the revolution, says as Tunisia continues to find its footing, rappers have another message under their calls for political action: Don’t give up hope.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Many Tunisians have doubts over the direction of the country, but I want to tell Tunisians to remain positive about our revolution,” says Mr. Guitoni, who raps under the name Guito’n.
“We have overcome a lot the last nine years and learned a lot about ourselves. It may be cloudy now, but we have brighter days ahead.”


csmonitor--2020-07-16--Aid for US economy is expiring – at just the wrong moment

“ A one-time check helps for that one time , but that ’ s it , ” says Orson Aguilar , economic policy director of UnidosUS , a Latino advocacy organization .
The next economic package has to include ongoing benefits , such as for unemployment , he says .
What will it take to bring back the economy ?
Policy experts say the key is beating the pandemic .
But since that doesn ’ t look like a quick task , they also say new rounds of federal support are vital .
The rising risk is that legions of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slump , and will close their doors or downsize .
In Massachusetts , the nut company Fastachi is pushing for online sales after closing three of its four retail shops .
But now , COVID-19 caseloads have been rising across the U.S. , prompting consumer wariness and renewed business restrictions by states .
And some key elements of federal aid are starting to expire .
A $ 600-per-week supplement to unemployment benefits ends on July 31 .
Back in May , a surge of federal relief money helped the U.S. economy to partially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope was that business reopenings could spur an ongoing revival .
When the coronavirus hit this spring , Souren and Susan Etyemezian made a sweeping decision to close three of their specialty nut stores – all in high-end locations around Boston – and consolidate around their store in middle-income Watertown .
It ’ s a sign of the topsy-turvy nature of the coronavirus recession .
The closed Fastachi nut store in posh Wellesley is stripped nearly bare ; even the counter is gone , leaving electrical wires sticking out from the base .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 shops are either empty or advertising for tenants .
In this downturn , it ’ s rich people who have cut back spending the most , according to new research .
But the threat to businesses and jobs is nationwide , affecting communities of all income levels .
And now , the U.S. economy is reaching a critical juncture .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .
Emergency relief programs , passed by Congress this spring , are about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spending still further .
And with coronavirus caseloads rising rather than falling across much of the nation , the rising risk is that legions of businesses can ’ t wait out the slump , and close their doors permanently .
The urgent question is : What will it take to bring back the economy ?
Beating the pandemic is , increasingly , the obvious necessity .
Yet , since that doesn ’ t look like a quick task , policy experts say new rounds of federal support are also vital , especially as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and as $ 600-per-week supplemental support for jobless Americans is poised to end on July 31 .
“ A one-time check helps for that one time , but that ’ s it , ” says Orson Aguilar , economic policy director of UnidosUS , a Latino advocacy organization .
“ I don ’ t think anybody is wedded to $ 600 , ” he adds .
“ It could be $ 400 or $ 500.
” But the economic package has to include ongoing benefits , such as unemployment , he says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ at 14.5 % in June , is second only to African Americans ( 15.4 % ) among major ethnic and racial groups .
As Congress reconvenes to consider a new round of relief and stimulus , policymakers don ’ t have a lot of time to wait around to see whether the forces of recovery will outweigh the forces of recession , researchers say .
If the federal government doesn ’ t step in soon , the recovery could give way to a new downturn .
The goal of relief , as in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to help millions of people whose incomes have been decimated , and also to prop up the wider economy so as many employers as possible can survive the pandemic .
A month or two ago , many Americans thought it wouldn ’ t take that long .
The White House and its allies pushed the idea that states should reopen early because the United States faced a trade-off between combatting the coronavirus and revving the economy .
But researchers at Harvard University and elsewhere have found that reopening orders by governors had little @ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially in hard-hit wealthy places , cut back spending because they wanted to avoid high-traffic , high-contact shopping .
As of July 8 , consumer spending in low-income ZIP codes was down an average 1.9 % from the January level before the pandemic ; in high-income ZIP codes , it was down 10.8 % .
That doesn ’ t mean residents of Wellesley , where the average household income exceeds $ 275,000 , are bearing the brunt of the downturn .
It ’ s the town ’ s small-business owners and , especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the end , people are paying attention to the risk of COVID , ” says Michael Stepner , an economist and Harvard post-doctoral fellow who co-authored the new research .
“ Those reopenings are ultimately going to be driven by improvements in public health , and that ’ s the only sustainable way for the economy to recover.
” As states struggle to contain the COVID-19 pandemic , the onus falls on Congress to provide a new round of relief .
The bipartisan $ 2 trillion CARES Act , which in April @ @ @ @ @ @ @ loans available to businesses , helped spark an economic rebound in May , but not to pre-pandemic levels .
“ Absent those programs , things would have been quite a bit worse , ” says Vadim Elenev , an economist at Johns Hopkins University ’ s business school who studies financial crises .
But federal rescue efforts have cost much more than an ideally targeted program , he says , citing his own research with other economists .
Yet crafting cheaper , more targeted programs – such as to help small businesses stay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Experts say it would involve government picking and choosing which industries , and perhaps which businesses , need federal support .
For example , many say the government shouldn ’ t be wasting money on businesses that would go bankrupt anyway .
So should the government help Wellesley Town Taxi ?
Having already lost its local business to ride-hailing companies like Uber , the company remade itself into an airport limo service .
But when the pandemic slammed the airline business , demand for airport rides evaporated .
For now , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relief out speedily , says Dan Sichel , a professor of economics at Wellesley College and former Federal Reserve economist .
“ The more one tries to get things targeted , the more difficult it is to get those checks out quickly , ” he says .
Getting money to needy individuals is much easier than aid to businesses – and has proved more effective .
But here again , big decisions loom for Congress over targeting and total dollars .
The Democratic-controlled House has already passed a $ 3 trillion package that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ middle-income families with children would receive .
And the Trump administration has signaled support for another round of checks , but it ’ s unclear if the Republican-controlled Senate will go along with such a generous package when it reconvenes next week .
Another battle is shaping up over extending special unemployment benefits .
With an extra $ 600 a week for the unemployed , researchers found that two-thirds of recipients were earning more from unemployment than when they were working , which has drawn widespread criticism .
“ The $ 600 weekly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of businesses to have a hard time getting their employees to return to work , ” writes Rachel Greszler , a research fellow at The Heritage Foundation .
Yet many economists see a strong case for some level of expanded benefits , given that the 11.1 % unemployment rate as of June remains higher than at any time since the Great Depression .
Whatever Congress does , economic relief is at best a partial plan for reviving the economy .
Flattening the pandemic is key , and the survival of businesses hangs in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local governments allow businesses to open , the social-distancing restrictions can make it difficult for stores to reopen .
That ’ s one reason the White family closed its popular small bakery and café in Wellesley , which had been in operation less than a year .
“ With social distancing , we didn ’ t want to open , ” says Brian White , manager of White ’ s Bakery and Café .
Fear of the pandemic could suppress demand for some businesses for months to come .
“ It looks like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” says Christopher Stanton , an economist at Harvard Business School who studies entrepreneurship .
Using surveys from Alignable , an online network for small business owners , he says half of small businesses have fully reopened , with the same products and services as before the crisis .
But another third have reopened with fewer or different products and services , and 15 % remain temporarily closed .
When the latter two groups were asked in a survey in late June when they expected to fully reopen , 60 % said September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his wife are now pushing to boost online sales for their Fastachi nut company to help make up for the reduced store sales .
“ We didn ’ t feel retail is going to come back as it used to be at least for two years , ” he says .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our coronavirus coverage is free .
No paywall .

“A one-time check helps for that one time, but that’s it,” says Orson Aguilar, economic policy director of UnidosUS, a Latino advocacy organization. The next economic package has to include ongoing benefits, such as for unemployment, he says.
What will it take to bring back the economy? Policy experts say the key is beating the pandemic. But since that doesn’t look like a quick task, they also say new rounds of federal support are vital.
The rising risk is that legions of businesses can’t wait out the slump, and will close their doors or downsize. In Massachusetts, the nut company Fastachi is pushing for online sales after closing three of its four retail shops.
No one likes the idea of an economy propped up by emergency support. But, with a rise in coronavirus cases hindering efforts at reopening and revival, pressure is rising on Congress for a new round of aid.
But now, COVID-19 caseloads have been rising across the U.S., prompting consumer wariness and renewed business restrictions by states. And some key elements of federal aid are starting to expire. A $600-per-week supplement to unemployment benefits ends on July 31.
Back in May, a surge of federal relief money helped the U.S. economy to partially recover from its coronavirus plunge. The hope was that business reopenings could spur an ongoing revival.
When the coronavirus hit this spring, Souren and Susan Etyemezian made a sweeping decision to close three of their specialty nut stores – all in high-end locations around Boston – and consolidate around their store in middle-income Watertown.
It’s a sign of the topsy-turvy nature of the coronavirus recession. The closed Fastachi nut store in posh Wellesley is stripped nearly bare; even the counter is gone, leaving electrical wires sticking out from the base. At a nearby intersection, 4 of 10 shops are either empty or advertising for tenants.
In this downturn, it’s rich people who have cut back spending the most, according to new research. But the threat to businesses and jobs is nationwide, affecting communities of all income levels. And now, the U.S. economy is reaching a critical juncture.
Why We Wrote This No one likes the idea of an economy propped up by emergency support. But, with a rise in coronavirus cases hindering efforts at reopening and revival, pressure is rising on Congress for a new round of aid.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.
Emergency relief programs, passed by Congress this spring, are about to phase out, potentially undercutting consumer spending still further. And with coronavirus caseloads rising rather than falling across much of the nation, the rising risk is that legions of businesses can’t wait out the slump, and close their doors permanently. The urgent question is: What will it take to bring back the economy?
Beating the pandemic is, increasingly, the obvious necessity. Yet, since that doesn’t look like a quick task, policy experts say new rounds of federal support are also vital, especially as the boost from one-time stimulus checks fades and as $600-per-week supplemental support for jobless Americans is poised to end on July 31.
“A one-time check helps for that one time, but that’s it,” says Orson Aguilar, economic policy director of UnidosUS, a Latino advocacy organization.
“I don’t think anybody is wedded to $600,” he adds. “It could be $400 or $500.” But the economic package has to include ongoing benefits, such as unemployment, he says.
Hispanics have an unemployment rate that, at 14.5% in June, is second only to African Americans (15.4%) among major ethnic and racial groups.
Inaction carries big risks
As Congress reconvenes to consider a new round of relief and stimulus, policymakers don’t have a lot of time to wait around to see whether the forces of recovery will outweigh the forces of recession, researchers say. If the federal government doesn’t step in soon, the recovery could give way to a new downturn.
The goal of relief, as in the spring, would be twofold: to help millions of people whose incomes have been decimated, and also to prop up the wider economy so as many employers as possible can survive the pandemic.
A month or two ago, many Americans thought it wouldn’t take that long. The White House and its allies pushed the idea that states should reopen early because the United States faced a trade-off between combatting the coronavirus and revving the economy.
But researchers at Harvard University and elsewhere have found that reopening orders by governors had little impact on employment and that consumers, especially in hard-hit wealthy places, cut back spending because they wanted to avoid high-traffic, high-contact shopping. As of July 8, consumer spending in low-income ZIP codes was down an average 1.9% from the January level before the pandemic; in high-income ZIP codes, it was down 10.8%.
That doesn’t mean residents of Wellesley, where the average household income exceeds $275,000, are bearing the brunt of the downturn. It’s the town’s small-business owners and, especially, their employees who are.
“In the end, people are paying attention to the risk of COVID,” says Michael Stepner, an economist and Harvard post-doctoral fellow who co-authored the new research. “Those reopenings are ultimately going to be driven by improvements in public health, and that’s the only sustainable way for the economy to recover.”
As states struggle to contain the COVID-19 pandemic, the onus falls on Congress to provide a new round of relief.
Tom Brenner/Reuters View caption Hide caption A sign indicating proper social distancing measures is displayed ahead of an April 23, 2020, vote in the House of Representatives on coronavirus economic relief. Key provisions of federal aid are expiring in the summer, including a $600-per-week expansion of benefits for unemployed people.
Speed versus precision
The bipartisan $2 trillion CARES Act, which in April sent relief checks to families and made loans available to businesses, helped spark an economic rebound in May, but not to pre-pandemic levels.
“Absent those programs, things would have been quite a bit worse,” says Vadim Elenev, an economist at Johns Hopkins University’s business school who studies financial crises. But federal rescue efforts have cost much more than an ideally targeted program, he says, citing his own research with other economists.
Yet crafting cheaper, more targeted programs – such as to help small businesses stay afloat and avoid layoffs – is hard. Experts say it would involve government picking and choosing which industries, and perhaps which businesses, need federal support.
For example, many say the government shouldn’t be wasting money on businesses that would go bankrupt anyway. So should the government help Wellesley Town Taxi? Having already lost its local business to ride-hailing companies like Uber, the company remade itself into an airport limo service. But when the pandemic slammed the airline business, demand for airport rides evaporated.
For now, the most important thing is to get the relief out speedily, says Dan Sichel, a professor of economics at Wellesley College and former Federal Reserve economist.
“The more one tries to get things targeted, the more difficult it is to get those checks out quickly,” he says.
Partisan divide in Congress
Getting money to needy individuals is much easier than aid to businesses – and has proved more effective. But here again, big decisions loom for Congress over targeting and total dollars.
The Democratic-controlled House has already passed a $3 trillion package that would expand relief-check amounts that low- and middle-income families with children would receive. And the Trump administration has signaled support for another round of checks, but it’s unclear if the Republican-controlled Senate will go along with such a generous package when it reconvenes next week.
Another battle is shaping up over extending special unemployment benefits. With an extra $600 a week for the unemployed, researchers found that two-thirds of recipients were earning more from unemployment than when they were working, which has drawn widespread criticism.
“The $600 weekly unemployment bonus has caused a not-insignificant number of businesses to have a hard time getting their employees to return to work,” writes Rachel Greszler, a research fellow at The Heritage Foundation.
Yet many economists see a strong case for some level of expanded benefits, given that the 11.1% unemployment rate as of June remains higher than at any time since the Great Depression.
Whatever Congress does, economic relief is at best a partial plan for reviving the economy. Flattening the pandemic is key, and the survival of businesses hangs in the balance.
The toll on businesses
Even if state and local governments allow businesses to open, the social-distancing restrictions can make it difficult for stores to reopen. That’s one reason the White family closed its popular small bakery and café in Wellesley, which had been in operation less than a year. “With social distancing, we didn’t want to open,” says Brian White, manager of White’s Bakery and Café.
Fear of the pandemic could suppress demand for some businesses for months to come. “It looks like reopening dates have been pushed out,” says Christopher Stanton, an economist at Harvard Business School who studies entrepreneurship.
Using surveys from Alignable, an online network for small business owners, he says half of small businesses have fully reopened, with the same products and services as before the crisis. But another third have reopened with fewer or different products and services, and 15% remain temporarily closed. When the latter two groups were asked in a survey in late June when they expected to fully reopen, 60% said September or later.
Souren Etyemezian says he and his wife are now pushing to boost online sales for their Fastachi nut company to help make up for the reduced store sales.
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“We didn’t feel retail is going to come back as it used to be at least for two years,” he says.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our coronavirus coverage is free. No paywall.