csmonitor--2020-11-12--Georgia runoffs: Control of US Senate hinges on a shifting South

Still , he says , “ The attitude I ’ ve heard from a lot of Republicans in those north Atlanta suburbs is , ‘ We don ’ t like Trump , but just give me some Republican to vote for.
’ That ’ s a dynamic the Democrats are going to have to consider in the runoffs.
” Both of Georgia ’ s U.S. Senate races were toss-ups heading into the general election , according to J .
Miles Coleman at Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball , at the University of Virginia .
Georgia ’ s winding journey to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a center-right state under full Republican control to one with an increasingly diverse and energized electorate .
It ’ s becoming an up-for-grabs crucible of a changing South .
He helped push Democrat Joe Biden to a narrow victory in the presidential race , which will undergo a recount .
And Mr. Leach now relishes his state ’ s unexpected appearance at a historic crossroads of American politics .
“ I did not dislike Donald Trump , ” says independent voter Lawrence Leach , who appreciates what he calls the president ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damaging pandemic , “ finally I couldn ’ t take the disunity.
” Georgia is now the stage for a throwdown fight for the control of the U.S. Senate , as the state prepares to hold two senatorial runoffs on Jan. 5 .
From where he sits in front of his father ’ s Savannah Gardens home , independent voter Lawrence Leach can detail the economic devastation from the coronavirus crisis .
That house on the corner ?
That woman lost her job .
Across the street ?
Her , too .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two of his friends are out of work and struggling to pay the bills .
The pandemic and an economic downturn had an impact on his own bottom line , too , since people can no longer afford his modestly priced lawn-mowing services .
Looking in part for leadership to “ squash the virus , ” Mr. Leach , a computer technician by trade and landscaper by necessity , became one of thousands of Black voters in Atlanta and Savannah to swing the state to a Democrat – Joe Biden – for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ With President-elect Biden ahead by more than 14,000 votes in the state , Georgia ’ s secretary of State announced a hand recount of the presidential votes .
A long-term push by Democrats to turn Georgia blue now sets up a throwdown fight for the control of the U.S. Senate , as the state prepares to hold two senatorial runoffs on Jan. 5 .
“ I did not dislike Donald Trump , ” says Mr. Leach , who appreciates what he calls the president ’ s muscular foreign policy .
“ But finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” As Georgia is suddenly on everyone ’ s mind , he takes a second to bask in his home state ’ s largely unforeseen appearance at a historic crossroads of American politics .
“ Makes me proud , ” he says .
Georgia ’ s winding journey to the main stage reflects the evolution of a center-right state under full Republican control to one with an increasingly diverse and energized electorate .
It ’ s becoming an up-for-grabs crucible of a changing South .
Republicans are seen by many as having an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it won ’ t feature the Trump-Biden matchup that fueled turnout in the general election .
But as the nation focuses its attention – and political dollars – on this state in coming weeks , Georgia offers a glimpse into how demography may be less destiny than opportunity , and how empowered electorates can turn single-party states into dynamos of democracy .
“ I don ’ t like the term ‘ change , ’ because then you almost negate or belittle native Georgians , as if we need to change what Georgia is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political scientist at Clark Atlanta University , who has studied Georgia ’ s political shift for the past 12 years .
“ I prefer to say ‘ enhance ’ what is already here in Georgia .
When you do that , you bring more people into the fold instead of pushing them away .
That ’ s when you see that people in urban areas really care about the people in the rural areas , because they literally have the same concerns – and are both sometimes neglected.
” The runoff races are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that requires at least 50 % of votes to claim victory .
Two Democrats – the Rev .
Raphael Warnock and the documentarian Jon Ossoff – will on Jan. 5 face off against Republican incumbents , who are businesspeople : investment guru Kelly Loeffler and former Dollar General CEO David Perdue .
“ All eyes are on Georgia , ” says Emory University political scientist Andra Gillespie .
With 10 million people and 16 electoral votes , the Peach State is a study in contrasts .
It was once a pioneer in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hints at a possible “ Blue South.
” Singular among the Deep South states , the former 13th Colony was founded on debtors ’ prison reform .
But an early ban on slavery faded quickly , allowing the state to become defined by human bondage and its violent aftermath .
Native son Martin Luther King Jr. provided a bookend with his epic battle for racial inclusion .
( Mr. Warnock now heads King ’ s former church , Ebenezer Baptist Church , in Atlanta ’ s Old Fourth Ward . )
Georgia ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ artist Future hails from from Atlanta ’ s east side , and country artist Luke Bryan from rural Leesburg .
Global refugees flock to Clarkston , Koreans and Vietnamese to Doraville , and Latinos to , well , just about everywhere .
A triumvirate of historically black colleges anchor Atlanta , a global city led primarily by African Americans .
Some call it “ Wakanda ” after the utopian city in the movie “ Black Panther.
” White voters in Georgia have declined from nearly 8 in 10 in the Clinton years to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Democrats in statewide races went from 10 in 2012 to 5 in 2016 to 1.5 in 2018 , a tide that finally crested this year for Mr. Biden , who is up by less than a percentage point heading into the recount .
Still , state-level politics remain led by largely rural white politicians – Republicans who superseded the Southern Democrats who long held sway .
Republicans control the governorship and both legislative houses , a trifecta that Democrats mistakenly believed they might crack in 2020 .
That fact alone puts a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to build a Democratic trifecta in Washington .
“ While we lost the presidency ... Republican values and positions on policy were actually ratified by the voters , ” says GOP operative Eric Tanenblatt .
“ And if anything I think that in Georgia we ’ re still a center-right state.
” The Democrats in the race , he believes , “ don ’ t match up or align with Georgia values.
” Amid the demographic changes , Mr. Tanenblatt says that in many ways the state lives up to its motto , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ I disagree about Georgia being conservative , because there are many policies in Georgia that liberals agree with , yet the [ policies ] come from conservatives , ” agrees Ms. Greer at Clark Atlanta .
“ If there were more political participation you would have ... a very centered Georgia when it comes both policies and politics – particularly political rhetoric.
” Ms. Gillespie at Emory says the Georgia results can ’ t be explained without a bold mention of Stacey Abrams and her 2018 gubernatorial candidacy .
After narrowly losing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abrams , a Yale-educated lawyer , turned up the volume on her Fair Fight organization , activating about 100,000 new voters .
Her efforts reverberated nationally .
Democrats in the battleground state of Wisconsin , which Mr. Biden won decisively after Mr. Trump ’ s victory there in 2016 , credited Ms. Abrams for her voter protection initiatives .
In remarks to the progressive group Frontline ahead of last week ’ s election , Ms. Abrams compared Democrats chasing Georgia to “ Lucy and the football with Charlie Brown : Why bother because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” The solution was to try harder , she told attendees : “ We will dream bigger than they think our imaginations can contain.
” Defying rules of thumb here , Mr. Biden squeaked through with less than 30 % of the white vote in Georgia .
In counties like Clayton County , which put Mr. Biden over the top early Friday morning , the memory of the late civil rights leader John Lewis , who frequently feuded with President Trump , played a role for at least some voters .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of U.S. politics was 1992 .
That year , too , a presidential race roiled the political stakes .
In the weeks after Bill Clinton clinched Georgia ’ s electoral votes , state Senate Minority Leader Paul Coverdell faced a U.S. Senate runoff .
His eventual victory set the stage for subsequent GOP domination in statewide elections .
“ In 1992 , it ’ s just like what we ’ re experiencing now : You had an incumbent president that got defeated , and there were people very disappointed that we lost the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who ran Mr. Coverdell ’ s campaign .
“ But the one bright hope ... was Paul Coverdell.
” He recalls sending staffers to the post office with black plastic garbage bags to collect all the donation checks that poured into the race .
“ [ President-elect ] Clinton came , saxophone in hand .
We had Charlton Heston .
All eyes were on Georgia .
I would imagine the same is going to happen over the next 60 days here.
” This year , both of Georgia ’ s U.S. Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election , according to J .
Miles Coleman at Sabato ’ s Crystal Ball , at the University of Virginia .
Mr. Warnock and Mr. Ossoff have already campaigned together as a ticket .
On the Republican side , Senators Loeffler and Perdue called for Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to resign over unspecified problems with the election .
Mr. Raffensperger , also a Republican , said “ that isn ’ t going to happen , ” suggesting the candidates focus on their own races .
Neighboring South Carolina may be a cautionary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a massive amount of money to run against Sen. Lindsey Graham , Democrat Jaime Harrison fell far short .
“ One of the lessons this week was that a lot of those kind of wealthier white suburbanites who trended a bit more Democratic in the Trump era , they are not full Democratic voters yet , ” says Mr. Coleman .
“ The attitude I ’ ve heard from a lot of Republicans in those north Atlanta suburbs is , ‘ We don ’ t like Trump , but just give me some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a dynamic the Democrats are going to have to consider in the runoffs.
” Mr. Coleman adds : “ What may help is that Ossoff is running with a Black candidate on his ticket .
That ’ s something that Democrats , especially in the South , have to remember : The heart and soul of the Democratic Party is not white suburban liberals , it is Blacks .
We also learned from the Jaime Harrison race ... that there are two things money can ’ t buy : love and Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country up to voters like Tony Brown , whiling away a few minutes on a bench in Savannah Gardens on Monday .
Reveling his contribution to Mr. Biden ’ s victory , Mr. Brown says he looks forward to voting again on Jan. 5 .

Still, he says, “The attitude I’ve heard from a lot of Republicans in those north Atlanta suburbs is, ‘We don’t like Trump, but just give me some Republican to vote for.’ That’s a dynamic the Democrats are going to have to consider in the runoffs.”
Both of Georgia’s U.S. Senate races were toss-ups heading into the general election, according to J. Miles Coleman at Sabato’s Crystal Ball, at the University of Virginia.
Georgia’s winding journey to the main stage reflects the evolution of a center-right state under full Republican control to one with an increasingly diverse and energized electorate. It’s becoming an up-for-grabs crucible of a changing South.
He helped push Democrat Joe Biden to a narrow victory in the presidential race, which will undergo a recount. And Mr. Leach now relishes his state’s unexpected appearance at a historic crossroads of American politics.
In the heart of the South, Georgia has become a state of striking diversity. Now runoffs in the hands of its shifting electorate will determine control of the U.S. Senate.
“I did not dislike Donald Trump,” says independent voter Lawrence Leach, who appreciates what he calls the president’s muscular foreign policy. But amid a damaging pandemic, “finally I couldn’t take the disunity.”
Georgia is now the stage for a throwdown fight for the control of the U.S. Senate, as the state prepares to hold two senatorial runoffs on Jan. 5.
From where he sits in front of his father’s Savannah Gardens home, independent voter Lawrence Leach can detail the economic devastation from the coronavirus crisis.
That house on the corner? That woman lost her job. Across the street? Her, too. And the next street over? At least two of his friends are out of work and struggling to pay the bills.
The pandemic and an economic downturn had an impact on his own bottom line, too, since people can no longer afford his modestly priced lawn-mowing services.
Why We Wrote This In the heart of the South, Georgia has become a state of striking diversity. Now runoffs in the hands of its shifting electorate will determine control of the U.S. Senate.
Looking in part for leadership to “squash the virus,” Mr. Leach, a computer technician by trade and landscaper by necessity, became one of thousands of Black voters in Atlanta and Savannah to swing the state to a Democrat – Joe Biden – for the first time in nearly 30 years. With President-elect Biden ahead by more than 14,000 votes in the state, Georgia’s secretary of State announced a hand recount of the presidential votes.
A long-term push by Democrats to turn Georgia blue now sets up a throwdown fight for the control of the U.S. Senate, as the state prepares to hold two senatorial runoffs on Jan. 5.
“I did not dislike Donald Trump,” says Mr. Leach, who appreciates what he calls the president’s muscular foreign policy. “But finally I couldn’t take the disunity.”
As Georgia is suddenly on everyone’s mind, he takes a second to bask in his home state’s largely unforeseen appearance at a historic crossroads of American politics.
“Makes me proud,” he says.
Georgia’s winding journey to the main stage reflects the evolution of a center-right state under full Republican control to one with an increasingly diverse and energized electorate. It’s becoming an up-for-grabs crucible of a changing South.
Republicans are seen by many as having an edge in the runoff campaign, since it won’t feature the Trump-Biden matchup that fueled turnout in the general election. But as the nation focuses its attention – and political dollars – on this state in coming weeks, Georgia offers a glimpse into how demography may be less destiny than opportunity, and how empowered electorates can turn single-party states into dynamos of democracy.
“I don’t like the term ‘change,’ because then you almost negate or belittle native Georgians, as if we need to change what Georgia is,” says Tammy Greer, a political scientist at Clark Atlanta University, who has studied Georgia’s political shift for the past 12 years. “I prefer to say ‘enhance’ what is already here in Georgia. When you do that, you bring more people into the fold instead of pushing them away. That’s when you see that people in urban areas really care about the people in the rural areas, because they literally have the same concerns – and are both sometimes neglected.”
The runoff races are occurring because Georgia is a rare state that requires at least 50% of votes to claim victory. Two Democrats – the Rev. Raphael Warnock and the documentarian Jon Ossoff – will on Jan. 5 face off against Republican incumbents, who are businesspeople: investment guru Kelly Loeffler and former Dollar General CEO David Perdue.
“All eyes are on Georgia,” says Emory University political scientist Andra Gillespie.
A Peach State evolution
With 10 million people and 16 electoral votes, the Peach State is a study in contrasts. It was once a pioneer in an industrializing New South. Today, it hints at a possible “Blue South.”
Singular among the Deep South states, the former 13th Colony was founded on debtors’ prison reform. But an early ban on slavery faded quickly, allowing the state to become defined by human bondage and its violent aftermath. Native son Martin Luther King Jr. provided a bookend with his epic battle for racial inclusion. (Mr. Warnock now heads King’s former church, Ebenezer Baptist Church, in Atlanta’s Old Fourth Ward.)
Georgia’s modern diversity is striking. Hip-hop artist Future hails from from Atlanta’s east side, and country artist Luke Bryan from rural Leesburg. Global refugees flock to Clarkston, Koreans and Vietnamese to Doraville, and Latinos to, well, just about everywhere. A triumvirate of historically black colleges anchor Atlanta, a global city led primarily by African Americans. Some call it “Wakanda” after the utopian city in the movie “Black Panther.”
White voters in Georgia have declined from nearly 8 in 10 in the Clinton years to 6 in 10 today. Losing margins for Democrats in statewide races went from 10 in 2012 to 5 in 2016 to 1.5 in 2018, a tide that finally crested this year for Mr. Biden, who is up by less than a percentage point heading into the recount.
Brandon Bell/Reuters View caption Hide caption Stacey Abrams, a former Georgia legislator who narrowly lost the governor's race in 2018, speaks ahead of former President Barack Obama at an Atlanta election rally on Nov. 2, 2020. Many credit Ms. Abrams with expanding voter registration and turnout by Black residents of the state.
Still, state-level politics remain led by largely rural white politicians – Republicans who superseded the Southern Democrats who long held sway.
Republicans control the governorship and both legislative houses, a trifecta that Democrats mistakenly believed they might crack in 2020. That fact alone puts a damper on the hope of using Georgia to build a Democratic trifecta in Washington.
“While we lost the presidency ... Republican values and positions on policy were actually ratified by the voters,” says GOP operative Eric Tanenblatt. “And if anything I think that in Georgia we’re still a center-right state.” The Democrats in the race, he believes, “don’t match up or align with Georgia values.”
Amid the demographic changes, Mr. Tanenblatt says that in many ways the state lives up to its motto, “Wisdom, justice, moderation.”
“I disagree about Georgia being conservative, because there are many policies in Georgia that liberals agree with, yet the [policies] come from conservatives,” agrees Ms. Greer at Clark Atlanta. “If there were more political participation you would have ... a very centered Georgia when it comes both policies and politics – particularly political rhetoric.”
Stacey Abrams’ role
Ms. Gillespie at Emory says the Georgia results can’t be explained without a bold mention of Stacey Abrams and her 2018 gubernatorial candidacy.
After narrowly losing her 2018 race without conceding, Ms. Abrams, a Yale-educated lawyer, turned up the volume on her Fair Fight organization, activating about 100,000 new voters. Her efforts reverberated nationally. Democrats in the battleground state of Wisconsin, which Mr. Biden won decisively after Mr. Trump’s victory there in 2016, credited Ms. Abrams for her voter protection initiatives.
In remarks to the progressive group Frontline ahead of last week’s election, Ms. Abrams compared Democrats chasing Georgia to “Lucy and the football with Charlie Brown: Why bother because it’s never going to happen?”
The solution was to try harder, she told attendees: “We will dream bigger than they think our imaginations can contain.”
Defying rules of thumb here, Mr. Biden squeaked through with less than 30% of the white vote in Georgia. In counties like Clayton County, which put Mr. Biden over the top early Friday morning, the memory of the late civil rights leader John Lewis, who frequently feuded with President Trump, played a role for at least some voters.
Echoes of 1992
The last time Georgia stood at the center of U.S. politics was 1992. That year, too, a presidential race roiled the political stakes.
In the weeks after Bill Clinton clinched Georgia’s electoral votes, state Senate Minority Leader Paul Coverdell faced a U.S. Senate runoff. His eventual victory set the stage for subsequent GOP domination in statewide elections.
“In 1992, it’s just like what we’re experiencing now: You had an incumbent president that got defeated, and there were people very disappointed that we lost the White House,” says Mr. Tanenblatt, who ran Mr. Coverdell’s campaign. “But the one bright hope ... was Paul Coverdell.”
He recalls sending staffers to the post office with black plastic garbage bags to collect all the donation checks that poured into the race.
“[President-elect] Clinton came, saxophone in hand. We had Charlton Heston. All eyes were on Georgia. I would imagine the same is going to happen over the next 60 days here.”
This year, both of Georgia’s U.S. Senate races were toss-ups heading into the general election, according to J. Miles Coleman at Sabato’s Crystal Ball, at the University of Virginia.
Mr. Warnock and Mr. Ossoff have already campaigned together as a ticket.
John Amis/AP View caption Hide caption Georgia Democratic candidate for U.S. Senate Jon Ossoff rallies supporters for a runoff against Republican incumbent Sen. David Perdue, in Atlanta's Grant Park on Nov. 6, 2020.
On the Republican side, Senators Loeffler and Perdue called for Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger to resign over unspecified problems with the election. Mr. Raffensperger, also a Republican, said “that isn’t going to happen,” suggesting the candidates focus on their own races.
Neighboring South Carolina may be a cautionary tale for Democrats. Despite hauling in a massive amount of money to run against Sen. Lindsey Graham, Democrat Jaime Harrison fell far short.
“One of the lessons this week was that a lot of those kind of wealthier white suburbanites who trended a bit more Democratic in the Trump era, they are not full Democratic voters yet,” says Mr. Coleman. “The attitude I’ve heard from a lot of Republicans in those north Atlanta suburbs is, ‘We don’t like Trump, but just give me some Republican to vote for.’ That’s a dynamic the Democrats are going to have to consider in the runoffs.”
Mr. Coleman adds: “What may help is that Ossoff is running with a Black candidate on his ticket. That’s something that Democrats, especially in the South, have to remember: The heart and soul of the Democratic Party is not white suburban liberals, it is Blacks. We also learned from the Jaime Harrison race ... that there are two things money can’t buy: love and Senate races.”
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That leaves the governing direction of the country up to voters like Tony Brown, whiling away a few minutes on a bench in Savannah Gardens on Monday. Reveling his contribution to Mr. Biden’s victory, Mr. Brown says he looks forward to voting again on Jan. 5.
“The battle ain’t over,” he says.


csmonitor--2020-11-12--On college campuses, one surprising relief from pandemic stress: friends

“ You ’ re going to get through this , ” Ms. Kane tells her friend at another New York university .
“ We all are.
” Informal peer support is making a big difference as well .
From roommates quarantined together to friends spread out across colleges , students are supporting each other .
Students themselves are stepping up , too .
Rachel Bradley , a senior at Cornell University , leads Cornell Minds Matter , a student mental health group .
She also works as a peer counselor In response , campus mental health centers nationwide have invested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , from expanded telehealth access to wellness apps .
Such perseverance is becoming all the more necessary , especially for people Ms. Kane ’ s age .
Even before the pandemic , research among younger adults showed a rise in anxiety , depression , suicidal ideation – and a corresponding jump in demand for college mental health services , says Laura Horne , program director at Active Minds .
As with millions of students , the pandemic has radically disrupted college life for Olivia Kane , a freshman at Niagara University in New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – rehearsing with a transparent mask in theater class and practicing dance moves remotely over Zoom .
Olivia Kane sat in her parked car , wondering what to do .
She had just come from an abruptly canceled speech class , after her professor announced that two students had tested positive for COVID-19 and the class may have been exposed .
Go to the health center , the professor said , and go home .
But Ms. Kane didn ’ t know if she could .
A commuter student , she lives with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considered high risk for the virus .
What if she brought it back to him ?
After an hour undecided at the wheel , she drove home and quarantined in her brother ’ s room .
She exited days later symptom-free , but shell-shocked .
That experience crystallized the semester for Ms. Kane , a freshman theater major at Niagara University in New York .
For her , as for millions of other students , the coronavirus has radically disrupted college life .
Still , she carries on – rehearsing with a transparent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moves remotely over Zoom .
Such perseverance is becoming all the more necessary , especially for people Ms. Kane ’ s age .
More than ever , experts say , this moment demands a commitment to resilience and to that sense of camaraderie born out of collective trauma .
“ A really positive thing since the pandemic is that we can all relate to some degree of what it ’ s like for people who struggle every day due to mental health challenges ” such as depression , anxiety , and distress , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Active Minds .
Younger adults make up an almost paradoxical demographic when it comes to the effects of COVID-19 .
They ’ re among the least vulnerable to its physical risks and among the most vulnerable to its mental ones .
And since March , they ’ ve been at the fore of concerning trends in mental health , which experts say have now evolved into a national crisis .
Even before the pandemic , research among younger adults showed a rise in anxiety , depression , suicidal ideation – and a corresponding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ services , says Ms. Horne .
But that jump has since become a leap .
Since March , per Active Minds ’ research , some 80 % of young people say their mental health has worsened .
In a midsummer Centers for Disease Control survey , more than 62 % of 16- to 24-year-olds reported anxiety or depression .
Around a quarter said they had seriously considered suicide in the last month .
Such startling numbers are the end of a complex function .
The pandemic has inflicted physical harm nationwide .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has limited in-person contact with mental health providers and forced arduous adaptations to virtual platforms .
In effect , mental and physical health have become something of a zero-sum game .
And the longer that game lasts , the more difficult its effects are to treat , says John Blackshear , dean of students in Student Affairs at Duke University and a clinical psychologist .
Like many other colleges early this year , says Dr. Blackshear , Duke thought the pandemic would be an acute crisis , enormously disruptive but isolated in time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elastic , and students ’ stress persists , mental health staff are being stretched like never before .
In response , universities nationwide have invested in a range of student support services : • Increased publicity of available mental health resources , helping drive student awareness to record-high rates They ’ ve also tried to smooth the transition to virtual learning .
A sense of continuity during online education , says Dr. Blackshear , helps limit the logistical stressors of college during the pandemic and keep students from feeling overwhelmed .
Students step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ level , this semester of discontent has been a crucible for students , as well , while they adjust to adulthood in the context of chaos .
That ’ s where one of the most encouraging trends of this year fits , says Ms. Horne .
Students are relying on friends for support more than ever – friends like Rachel Bradley .
Ms. Bradley , a senior at Cornell University , leads Cornell Minds Matter , a student mental health group .
She and other students have spent the semester hosting campus events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Motivated by her own experience in therapy , Ms. Bradley also works as a peer counselor for students who need the relief of a listening ear .
Peer support works informally too .
At least it has for Julia Cheng , a freshman at James Madison University in Harrisonburg , Virginia .
Early in the semester , insufficient safety protocols and student parties led to a campus coronavirus outbreak .
But as JMU sent students home , Ms. Cheng applied for special permission to stay , since she lives with a grandparent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ did too .
College hasn ’ t been what Ms. Cheng expected , but the friendship made possible by countless hours in quarantine together has kept her happy and helped her adjust .
The semester , she says , has even been good for her mental health .
Others were less fortunate .
Declan Downey , another JMU freshman , returned home when campus closed , disappointed in the lack of student accountability and with little to do .
“ It was pretty much just school , sleep , and work , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students to return , and while Mr. Downey enjoys being back on campus , he still feels a sense of loss .
Friends help , but at a certain point mental health professionals may be better equipped to meet student needs , he says .
Along with promoting de-stressing outlets , reliable routines , and clinical support if necessary , mental health professionals recognize the need for a stronger sense of camaraderie in this lengthening crisis .
“ Connectedness and a sense of belonging [ are ] so crucial in any kind of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a therapist with the American College Health Association .
The ideal is for students to practice self-care and stay aware of their needs in the moment , says Ms. Himmel .
Maybe , though , self-care , when so many people face the same challenges , involves staying aware of others as well .
When she ’ s not watching “ The Office ” or listening to 60s music to relax , she calls a friend from high school – also a freshman theater student but at a different college in New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give to her is , obviously , stay strong , ” Ms. Kane says .
“ You ’ re going to get through this , ” she tells her friend .
“ We all are .
”

“You’re going to get through this,” Ms. Kane tells her friend at another New York university. “We all are.”
Informal peer support is making a big difference as well. From roommates quarantined together to friends spread out across colleges, students are supporting each other.
Students themselves are stepping up, too. Rachel Bradley, a senior at Cornell University, leads Cornell Minds Matter, a student mental health group. She also works as a peer counselor
In response, campus mental health centers nationwide have invested in a variety of student support services, from expanded telehealth access to wellness apps.
Across college campuses, students and mental health providers alike are feeling stretched by the pandemic. Yet both groups are coming up with solutions – from telehealth and apps to good, old-fashioned camaraderie.
Such perseverance is becoming all the more necessary, especially for people Ms. Kane’s age. Even before the pandemic, research among younger adults showed a rise in anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation – and a corresponding jump in demand for college mental health services, says Laura Horne, program director at Active Minds .
As with millions of students, the pandemic has radically disrupted college life for Olivia Kane, a freshman at Niagara University in New York. Still, she carries on – rehearsing with a transparent mask in theater class and practicing dance moves remotely over Zoom.
Olivia Kane sat in her parked car, wondering what to do. She had just come from an abruptly canceled speech class, after her professor announced that two students had tested positive for COVID-19 and the class may have been exposed. Go to the health center, the professor said, and go home.
But Ms. Kane didn’t know if she could. A commuter student, she lives with her family, and her dad is considered high risk for the virus. What if she brought it back to him?
After an hour undecided at the wheel, she drove home and quarantined in her brother’s room. She exited days later symptom-free, but shell-shocked.
Why We Wrote This Across college campuses, students and mental health providers alike are feeling stretched by the pandemic. Yet both groups are coming up with solutions – from telehealth and apps to good, old-fashioned camaraderie.
That experience crystallized the semester for Ms. Kane, a freshman theater major at Niagara University in New York. For her, as for millions of other students, the coronavirus has radically disrupted college life. Still, she carries on – rehearsing with a transparent mask in theater class and practicing dance moves remotely over Zoom.
Such perseverance is becoming all the more necessary, especially for people Ms. Kane’s age. More than ever, experts say, this moment demands a commitment to resilience and to that sense of camaraderie born out of collective trauma.
“A really positive thing since the pandemic is that we can all relate to some degree of what it’s like for people who struggle every day due to mental health challenges” such as depression, anxiety, and distress, says Laura Horne, program director at Active Minds.
Younger adults make up an almost paradoxical demographic when it comes to the effects of COVID-19. They’re among the least vulnerable to its physical risks and among the most vulnerable to its mental ones. And since March, they’ve been at the fore of concerning trends in mental health, which experts say have now evolved into a national crisis.
Courtesy of Olivia Kane View caption Hide caption Olivia Kane is a freshman theater major at Niagara University in New York. College during the pandemic hasn’t been what she thought, but like millions of other students across the country, she’s persevering.
Campuses respond to worsening trends
Even before the pandemic, research among younger adults showed a rise in anxiety, depression, suicidal ideation – and a corresponding jump in demand for college mental health services, says Ms. Horne.
But that jump has since become a leap. Since March, per Active Minds’ research, some 80% of young people say their mental health has worsened. In a midsummer Centers for Disease Control and Prevention survey, more than 62% of 16- to 24-year-olds reported anxiety or depression. Around a quarter said they had seriously considered suicide in the last month.
Such startling numbers are the end of a complex function. The pandemic has inflicted physical harm nationwide. In turn, that threat of physical harm has limited in-person contact with mental health providers and forced arduous adaptations to virtual platforms. In effect, mental and physical health have become something of a zero-sum game.
And the longer that game lasts, the more difficult its effects are to treat, says John Blackshear, dean of students in Student Affairs at Duke University and a clinical psychologist.
Like many other colleges early this year, says Dr. Blackshear, Duke thought the pandemic would be an acute crisis, enormously disruptive but isolated in time. But as the pandemic proves more elastic, and students’ stress persists, mental health staff are being stretched like never before.
In response, universities nationwide have invested in a range of student support services:
Expanded telehealth access, allowing for virtual counseling
Wellness app licenses for therapeutic activities like meditation
Increased publicity of available mental health resources, helping drive student awareness to record-high rates
They’ve also tried to smooth the transition to virtual learning. A sense of continuity during online education, says Dr. Blackshear, helps limit the logistical stressors of college during the pandemic and keep students from feeling overwhelmed.
Students step up for each other
At the individual level, this semester of discontent has been a crucible for students, as well, while they adjust to adulthood in the context of chaos.
That’s where one of the most encouraging trends of this year fits, says Ms. Horne. Students are relying on friends for support more than ever – friends like Rachel Bradley.
Ms. Bradley, a senior at Cornell University, leads Cornell Minds Matter, a student mental health group. She and other students have spent the semester hosting campus events and performing small acts of encouragement. Motivated by her own experience in therapy, Ms. Bradley also works as a peer counselor for students who need the relief of a listening ear.
Peer support works informally too. At least it has for Julia Cheng, a freshman at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia.
Early in the semester, insufficient safety protocols and student parties led to a campus coronavirus outbreak. But as JMU sent students home, Ms. Cheng applied for special permission to stay, since she lives with a grandparent. For the same reason, her roommate did too.
College hasn’t been what Ms. Cheng expected, but the friendship made possible by countless hours in quarantine together has kept her happy and helped her adjust. The semester, she says, has even been good for her mental health.
Others were less fortunate.
Declan Downey, another JMU freshman, returned home when campus closed, disappointed in the lack of student accountability and with little to do.
“It was pretty much just school, sleep, and work,” he says.
JMU has since allowed students to return, and while Mr. Downey enjoys being back on campus, he still feels a sense of loss. Friends help, but at a certain point mental health professionals may be better equipped to meet student needs, he says.
Camaraderie in common struggles
Along with promoting de-stressing outlets, reliable routines, and clinical support if necessary, mental health professionals recognize the need for a stronger sense of camaraderie in this lengthening crisis.
“Connectedness and a sense of belonging [are] so crucial in any kind of crisis situation,” says Joy Himmel, a therapist with the American College Health Association.
The ideal is for students to practice self-care and stay aware of their needs in the moment, says Ms. Himmel. Maybe, though, self-care, when so many people face the same challenges, involves staying aware of others as well.
Ms. Kane, at Niagara University, thinks so.
When she’s not watching “The Office” or listening to 60s music to relax, she calls a friend from high school – also a freshman theater student but at a different college in New York.
“The advice I … give to her is, obviously, stay strong,” Ms. Kane says. “You’re going to get through this,” she tells her friend. “We all are.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-11-12--In Nagorno-Karabakh ‘peace,’ a bitter conflict remains unresolved

Azerbaijan ’ s military success , aided by Turkey , suggests that the question of legal and moral rights in Nagorno-Karabakh will be overridden by the exercise of force .
A quarter century ago , Armenia had the upper hand in that domain .
Now the tables have turned , and maps of the northern Caucasus will have to be redrawn .
For the time being , though , the Russia-mediated deal just freezes the front lines – Azerbaijan had regained considerable amounts of territory , including Nagorno-Karabakh ’ s traditional capital , Shusha .
It does nothing to resolve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal and moral right to the territory .
Most people in Armenia are calling it a surrender , and there is no doubt that Azerbaijan has taken an important step toward recovering the ethnically Armenian region of Nagorno-Karabakh that it lost more than 25 years ago in an earlier war .
When Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced early on Tuesday morning that he had signed a peace deal with Azerbaijan to end their two countries ’ six-week war , he acknowledged that “ this is not a victory.
” Just before 2 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday , Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan took to his medium of choice , Facebook , to make the most difficult announcement of his career .
He had signed an agreement to end the six-week war with Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh , he explained , and the terms had been “ extremely painful.
” Under the Russia-brokered deal , Armenia has ceded all the territory Azeri troops had captured during the fighting , and more .
The agreement , however , is a stopgap , not a settlement , freezing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Armenia and Azerbaijan are now perhaps as far away from peace as they have ever been .
“ I ’ m as worried as much by what is not explained [ in the cease-fire accord ] as by what is , ” says Richard Giragosian , director of the Yerevan-based Regional Studies Center .
“ With no progress on the status of Karabakh , we are in a sense still stuck at square one.
” Mr. Pashinyan said he had made his decision after “ an in-depth analysis of the military situation.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ gains last week .
The deal , widely viewed as a surrender , was greeted with angry disappointment in Yerevan , where official reports from the front had disguised the gravity of the situation .
Soon after Mr. Pashinyan ’ s announcement , livid crowds of protesters descended on the capital ’ s Republic Square and broke into the prime minister ’ s official residence .
Half a dozen men emerged on the second-floor balcony and led the crowd in chants of “ Nikol betrayed us.
” Demonstrators quickly moved on to Armenia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police stood by .
“ We are going to find that coward and drag him before us , ” one protester said .
“ He sold out the homeland.
” The war broke out in September when Azerbaijan , backed by Turkey , launched an offensive to recapture territory it had lost to its neighbor in the early 1990s , when Armenia seized the ethnically Armenian region of Nagorno-Karabakh .
In 1994 , when the dust settled , ethnic Armenians controlled not only Nagorno-Karabakh itself , but also seven surrounding regions of Azerbaijan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week by Mr. Pashinyan , Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev , and mediator and Russian President Vladimir Putin allows Azerbaijani forces to hold on to the territorial gains they have made since fighting began six weeks ago , and extend them .
Most notably , these include the town of Shusha , known by Armenians as Shushi , the historical capital of Nagorno-Karabakh located squarely in the region ’ s center .
Armenian forces must vacate other occupied Azerbaijani territories within weeks , while a 2,000-strong Russian peacekeeping force will guard a rump of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remains undetermined .
Before the ink was dry on the tripartite agreement , Russian peacekeepers sped toward the region .
They had been preparing for their new role before the deal was announced : A Russian Mi-24 helicopter mistakenly shot down by Azeri gunners on Monday night had been escorting a Russian military convoy toward Nagorno-Karabakh .
Many questions remain unanswered .
The matter of Nagorno-Karabakh ’ s final status , for example , is not addressed in the agreement .
Some Armenians take a dark view , concurring with Russian political scientist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Kremlin .
He wrote that the next five years will essentially serve as a period for local Armenians to “ vacate ” on their own , before Azerbaijan takes over Nagorno-Karabakh .
“ Azerbaijan is going to be tempted to encourage such an exodus , ” says Mr. Giragosian .
But Russia ’ s potentially open-ended peacekeeping role could offer the region some protection , he says .
“ Russian peacekeepers usually don ’ t go home once they deploy , ” he says , pointing to Georgia , Moldova , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ edge of Nagorno-Karabakh could be “ potentially positive ” for the territory ’ s unclear status , he suggests , forcing Azerbaijan to reach a political settlement instead of launching a renewed offensive .
But the failure of the current deal to address the deeper roots of the conflict compromises the Russian mission ’ s chances of achieving anything beyond a refreezing of the dispute .
It addresses the symptoms , but not the cause , says Laurence Broers , Caucasus program director at Conciliation Resources , an international conflict resolution NGO .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that there is a great silence on anything other than peacekeeping and transit corridors , ” he says .
“ The threat of renewed war will continue to hang over any efforts at reconstruction , development , and peace building over the next five years.
” The territorial losses will surely prove very difficult for Armenians to stomach , convinced as many were of eventual victory even as the military situation worsened .
Though most people knew that there were problems at the front , they drew strength from the memory of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Armenian troops turned the tables in 1994 to win a famous victory .
That made the gut punch of surrender this week all the more devastating .
In this sense , the dynamics of the conflict have not radically changed – they have simply flipped .
Whereas previously Armenia was the dominant victor and Azerbaijan the aggrieved , resentful defeated side , this reality has now reversed – with the same ominous possibility for future violence .
Azerbaijan has thus far shown little of the magnanimity in victory that might help break this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the deal , President Aliyev mocked the Armenian prime minister , laughing as he asked , “ What happened , Pashinyan ?
” In the same breath , he rejected the idea that Azerbaijan would grant any autonomy to a potential Baku-ruled Nagorno-Karabakh in the future .
Meanwhile , many younger Armenians who were not born when their fathers fought the last war against Azerbaijan , and who might have developed more amicable views of their longtime foe , have died in this war .
Azerbaijan “ has killed those who might have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Giragosian , explaining that the new generation now harbors as much anger as its elders ever did .
“ They have poisoned the atmosphere for a generation .
”

Azerbaijan’s military success, aided by Turkey, suggests that the question of legal and moral rights in Nagorno-Karabakh will be overridden by the exercise of force. A quarter century ago, Armenia had the upper hand in that domain. Now the tables have turned, and maps of the northern Caucasus will have to be redrawn.
For the time being, though, the Russia-mediated deal just freezes the front lines – Azerbaijan had regained considerable amounts of territory, including Nagorno-Karabakh’s traditional capital, Shusha. It does nothing to resolve the bitter conflict over who has the legal and moral right to the territory.
This week’s cease-fire gives Azerbaijan much of the land it lost to Armenia in an earlier war, and ends six weeks of fighting. But does it move the two countries any closer to real peace?
Most people in Armenia are calling it a surrender, and there is no doubt that Azerbaijan has taken an important step toward recovering the ethnically Armenian region of Nagorno-Karabakh that it lost more than 25 years ago in an earlier war.
When Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced early on Tuesday morning that he had signed a peace deal with Azerbaijan to end their two countries’ six-week war, he acknowledged that “this is not a victory.”
Just before 2 o’clock in the morning on Tuesday, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan took to his medium of choice, Facebook, to make the most difficult announcement of his career.
He had signed an agreement to end the six-week war with Azerbaijan over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, he explained, and the terms had been “extremely painful.” Under the Russia-brokered deal, Armenia has ceded all the territory Azeri troops had captured during the fighting, and more.
The agreement, however, is a stopgap, not a settlement, freezing the front lines rather than resolving differences. Armenia and Azerbaijan are now perhaps as far away from peace as they have ever been.
Why We Wrote This This week’s cease-fire gives Azerbaijan much of the land it lost to Armenia in an earlier war, and ends six weeks of fighting. But does it move the two countries any closer to real peace?
“I’m as worried as much by what is not explained [in the cease-fire accord] as by what is,” says Richard Giragosian, director of the Yerevan-based Regional Studies Center. “With no progress on the status of Karabakh, we are in a sense still stuck at square one.”
Mr. Pashinyan said he had made his decision after “an in-depth analysis of the military situation.” Azeri troops had made significant territorial gains last week.
The deal, widely viewed as a surrender, was greeted with angry disappointment in Yerevan, where official reports from the front had disguised the gravity of the situation. Soon after Mr. Pashinyan’s announcement, livid crowds of protesters descended on the capital’s Republic Square and broke into the prime minister’s official residence. Half a dozen men emerged on the second-floor balcony and led the crowd in chants of “Nikol betrayed us.”
Demonstrators quickly moved on to Armenia’s parliament and ransacked it as police stood by. “We are going to find that coward and drag him before us,” one protester said. “He sold out the homeland.”
The war broke out in September when Azerbaijan, backed by Turkey, launched an offensive to recapture territory it had lost to its neighbor in the early 1990s, when Armenia seized the ethnically Armenian region of Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1994, when the dust settled, ethnic Armenians controlled not only Nagorno-Karabakh itself, but also seven surrounding regions of Azerbaijan proper.
The nine-point agreement signed this week by Mr. Pashinyan, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, and mediator and Russian President Vladimir Putin allows Azerbaijani forces to hold on to the territorial gains they have made since fighting began six weeks ago, and extend them.
Neil Hauer View caption Hide caption Kelbajar, Nagorno-Karabakh, a village that Armenia will hand over to Azerbaijan on Nov. 15, 2020, under the terms of a peace deal that many Armenians have condemned as a surrender.
Most notably, these include the town of Shusha, known by Armenians as Shushi, the historical capital of Nagorno-Karabakh located squarely in the region’s center. Armenian forces must vacate other occupied Azerbaijani territories within weeks, while a 2,000-strong Russian peacekeeping force will guard a rump of Armenia-held territory within Azerbaijan whose final status remains undetermined.
Before the ink was dry on the tripartite agreement, Russian peacekeepers sped toward the region. They had been preparing for their new role before the deal was announced: A Russian Mi-24 helicopter mistakenly shot down by Azeri gunners on Monday night had been escorting a Russian military convoy toward Nagorno-Karabakh.
Many questions remain unanswered. The matter of Nagorno-Karabakh’s final status, for example, is not addressed in the agreement.
Some Armenians take a dark view, concurring with Russian political scientist Gleb Kuznetsov, who is considered close to the Kremlin. He wrote that the next five years will essentially serve as a period for local Armenians to “vacate” on their own, before Azerbaijan takes over Nagorno-Karabakh.
“Azerbaijan is going to be tempted to encourage such an exodus,” says Mr. Giragosian. But Russia’s potentially open-ended peacekeeping role could offer the region some protection, he says.
“Russian peacekeepers usually don’t go home once they deploy,” he says, pointing to Georgia, Moldova, and elsewhere. Their presence around the edge of Nagorno-Karabakh could be “potentially positive” for the territory’s unclear status, he suggests, forcing Azerbaijan to reach a political settlement instead of launching a renewed offensive.
But the failure of the current deal to address the deeper roots of the conflict compromises the Russian mission’s chances of achieving anything beyond a refreezing of the dispute. It addresses the symptoms, but not the cause, says Laurence Broers, Caucasus program director at Conciliation Resources, an international conflict resolution NGO.
“What worries me about this agreement is that there is a great silence on anything other than peacekeeping and transit corridors,” he says. “The threat of renewed war will continue to hang over any efforts at reconstruction, development, and peace building over the next five years.”
The territorial losses will surely prove very difficult for Armenians to stomach, convinced as many were of eventual victory even as the military situation worsened. Though most people knew that there were problems at the front, they drew strength from the memory of how dire the situation had been before Armenian troops turned the tables in 1994 to win a famous victory.
That made the gut punch of surrender this week all the more devastating.
In this sense, the dynamics of the conflict have not radically changed – they have simply flipped. Whereas previously Armenia was the dominant victor and Azerbaijan the aggrieved, resentful defeated side, this reality has now reversed – with the same ominous possibility for future violence.
Azerbaijan has thus far shown little of the magnanimity in victory that might help break this cycle.
In his first address following the deal, President Aliyev mocked the Armenian prime minister, laughing as he asked, “What happened, Pashinyan?” In the same breath, he rejected the idea that Azerbaijan would grant any autonomy to a potential Baku-ruled Nagorno-Karabakh in the future.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Meanwhile, many younger Armenians who were not born when their fathers fought the last war against Azerbaijan, and who might have developed more amicable views of their longtime foe, have died in this war.
Azerbaijan “has killed those who might have engaged with them,” says Mr. Giragosian, explaining that the new generation now harbors as much anger as its elders ever did. “They have poisoned the atmosphere for a generation.”


csmonitor--2020-11-12--Who can bridge the US divide?

Who can bridge the US divide?

Call them peace committees .
Or simply groups of respected elders who put principle before party or person .
In many countries , they have played a pivotal role before or after a tense election to remind citizens of higher purpose than partisan gain or personal loyalty .
Now , with the United States in postelection stress over President Donald Trump ’ s unsubstantiated claim of victory , the U.S. may be ripe for quiet intervention by a few truth-telling seniors in the Republican camp .
The U.S. has a strong precedent for saving its democracy through gentle persuasion of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his party .
On Aug. 7 , 1974 , three top Republican lawmakers told President Nixon in person that he lacked support in Congress to stay in office after it became clear he had lied about the Watergate cover-up .
The next day , Nixon resigned .
“ For me , this is a sad day .
I admire Richard Nixon , for the many great things he has done for the people of America and the people of the world , ” said one of the three lawmakers , House Republican leader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ added , the entire system of government relies on principle and , in Nixon ’ s case , the principle of equal justice under the law must prevail .
For Mr. Trump , his assertions in at least a half-dozen lawsuits alleging voter fraud have so far been proved false or baseless .
His use of the courts may be legitimate , but the lack of evidence erodes his legitimacy in not conceding the election or in trying to cling to power through his command of the executive branch .
As that legitimacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ count further emerges in Joe Biden ’ s favor , it opens a door for GOP politicians – those who are both legitimate in the eyes of the public and closest to the president – to quietly ease him toward a handover of the Oval Office come Jan. 20 .
An example of this unusual type of democracy protector at work happened in Nigeria ’ s 2015 presidential election .
Fearing violence like that in a 2011 election and a postelection standoff , 14 presidential candidates and their parties agreed to the setup @ @ @ @ @ @ @ panel consisted of esteemed clergy , statesmen , businesspeople , and a former head of state .
The point was to remind citizens – and the losing candidates – that they have a civic identity beyond party , ethnicity , religion , or other volatile differences and that identity includes respect for an election outcome .
The committee was able to persuade President Goodluck Jonathan to concede despite postelection tensions .
For the first time in Africa ’ s largest economy , a president agreed to a peaceful transfer of power to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian , ” Mr. Jonathan said .
For an election in 2019 , a new national peace committee again helped in reducing violence and avoiding a postelection standoff .
In several countries , from Kyrgyzstan to Bolivia to Ghana , local or national groups have been set up to mediate between rivals during elections or referendums .
They often included credible religious and traditional leaders who advocated at high levels for a peaceful political outcome .
With wisdom they provided a moment of truth and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. , it is Mr. Trump ’ s ardent supporters as much as Mr. Trump who need and could then accept an American-style peace committee speaking to the president .
The news media , Democratic leaders , and low-level Republicans have failed at that in this era of high distrust .
A widely respected group of senior Republicans – who are seen representing the ideals at stake – might both persuade Mr. Trump and heal the nation ’ s widening breach .

Call them peace committees. Or simply groups of respected elders who put principle before party or person. In many countries, they have played a pivotal role before or after a tense election to remind citizens of higher purpose than partisan gain or personal loyalty. Now, with the United States in postelection stress over President Donald Trump’s unsubstantiated claim of victory, the U.S. may be ripe for quiet intervention by a few truth-telling seniors in the Republican camp.
The U.S. has a strong precedent for saving its democracy through gentle persuasion of a president by a trusted few in his party. On Aug. 7, 1974, three top Republican lawmakers told President Nixon in person that he lacked support in Congress to stay in office after it became clear he had lied about the Watergate cover-up. The next day, Nixon resigned.
“For me, this is a sad day. I admire Richard Nixon, for the many great things he has done for the people of America and the people of the world,” said one of the three lawmakers, House Republican leader John Jacob Rhodes. But, he added, the entire system of government relies on principle and, in Nixon’s case, the principle of equal justice under the law must prevail.
For Mr. Trump, his assertions in at least a half-dozen lawsuits alleging voter fraud have so far been proved false or baseless. His use of the courts may be legitimate, but the lack of evidence erodes his legitimacy in not conceding the election or in trying to cling to power through his command of the executive branch. As that legitimacy disappears and the integrity of the vote count further emerges in Joe Biden’s favor, it opens a door for GOP politicians – those who are both legitimate in the eyes of the public and closest to the president – to quietly ease him toward a handover of the Oval Office come Jan. 20.
An example of this unusual type of democracy protector at work happened in Nigeria’s 2015 presidential election. Fearing violence like that in a 2011 election and a postelection standoff, 14 presidential candidates and their parties agreed to the setup of a national peace committee. The panel consisted of esteemed clergy, statesmen, businesspeople, and a former head of state. The point was to remind citizens – and the losing candidates – that they have a civic identity beyond party, ethnicity, religion, or other volatile differences and that identity includes respect for an election outcome.
The committee was able to persuade President Goodluck Jonathan to concede despite postelection tensions. For the first time in Africa’s largest economy, a president agreed to a peaceful transfer of power to a duly elected rival. “Nobody’s ambition is worth the blood of any Nigerian,” Mr. Jonathan said. For an election in 2019, a new national peace committee again helped in reducing violence and avoiding a postelection standoff.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In several countries, from Kyrgyzstan to Bolivia to Ghana, local or national groups have been set up to mediate between rivals during elections or referendums. They often included credible religious and traditional leaders who advocated at high levels for a peaceful political outcome. With wisdom they provided a moment of truth and a voice of unity.
In the U.S., it is Mr. Trump’s ardent supporters as much as Mr. Trump who need and could then accept an American-style peace committee speaking to the president. The news media, Democratic leaders, and low-level Republicans have failed at that in this era of high distrust. A widely respected group of senior Republicans – who are seen representing the ideals at stake – might both persuade Mr. Trump and heal the nation’s widening breach.


csmonitor--2020-11-12--Coronavirus spike: Why the US still isn’t prepared

One long-term challenge is unrelated to the pandemic : continuing funding cuts to public health .
Once a vaccine is developed and approved , states say $ 8 billion will be needed for distribution .
The lack of personal protective equipment remains a chronic problem , especially in hot spots for the virus .
Smaller hospitals haven ’ t been able to stock up on gloves and masks as larger hospitals have .
And rural hospitals , which have only 1 % of the nation ’ s intensive care beds , now face a surge in patients .
Yet big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ class and race factors that have allowed poor people and people of color to bear the brunt of the pandemic – both as patients and as front-line workers .
Despite a new U.S. peak in cases , fatalities remain well below their rate this past spring .
Some reasons , researchers say , may include better treatments and precautionary moves by older people who are considered more vulnerable .
In early November the United States became the first nation to see more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases reported in a single day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s ability to combat it .
The coronavirus has spread from both coasts to the nation ’ s midsection and in early November the United States became the first nation to see more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases reported in a single day .
The spike has raised questions about America ’ s ability to combat it .
Q : What have we learned since the spring ?
Researchers and government officials have learned a lot about how to battle and control the pandemic since it hit U.S. shores .
Social distancing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One of the encouraging developments is that , despite a new U.S. peak in cases , new fatalities remain well below their rate this past spring .
One reason for this decline is demographic , researchers surmise .
The virus is spreading to younger populations , which are considered less vulnerable than older adults .
Other likely factors include precautionary moves by older Americans and better treatments .
Even at its reduced rate , however , researchers say the pandemic is responsible for roughly 1,000 fatalities per day , six times the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ season in the past decade .
Q : What are the continuing obstacles ?
One challenge is the nature of the virus itself .
Estimates vary , but some 20 % to 40 % of those infected are thought to be asymptomatic – they never exhibit any symptoms .
So doctors warn that people can spread it without knowing they have it , making it much harder to trace .
Another challenge is public policy .
With the number of cases surging to new records , many experts blame the White House for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Auerbach , who heads Trust for America ’ s Health , a nonpartisan public health policy , research , and advocacy organization , points to a longer-term challenge : continuing funding cuts to public health .
For example , two federal initiatives passed after 9/11 to help states prepare for disasters – the Hospital Preparedness Program and the Public Health Emergency Preparedness program – have seen their budgets cut by half and by a quarter , respectively , since 2003 , according to TFAH .
Since the Great Recession , cuts in federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also shrunk local public health departments by the equivalent of 26,000 full-time jobs .
Once a vaccine is developed and approved , state health departments say an estimated $ 8 billion will be needed for distribution .
Another challenge : Overcoming the class and racial barriers that have allowed poor people and people of color to bear the brunt of the pandemic – both as patients and as front-line workers , Mr. Auerbach says .
“ We ’ re seeing that very clearly in COVID , but this has really been a long-standing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first hit , rural America saw little risk .
But it has turned out the risks are significant .
Hardest hit now is North Dakota , from urban Fargo even to rural Cavalier County on the Canadian border .
Geography poses an obstacle , as rural Americans often have to travel quite far to get medical care .
Demographics are another .
America ’ s 60 million rural residents are older and are diagnosed with chronic health problems at higher rates than the national average , so they ’ re considered more at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big challenge : health infrastructure .
Rural hospitals have only 1 % of the nation ’ s intensive care beds .
And the shortfalls aren ’ t all in rural areas .
The lack of personal protective equipment remains a chronic problem , especially in hot spots for the virus .
A U.S. Public Interest Research Group report in late October detailed crucial shortages of nearly 3,000 nursing homes around the country .
Smaller hospitals haven ’ t been able to stock up on gloves and masks as larger hospitals have .
Still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spring , the overall picture appears less bleak .
Masks that were next to impossible to find in the spring have become ubiquitous , thanks to entrepreneurs as well as medical-supply specialists .
Enterprising companies have moved into ventilator production , alleviating that crunch .
And relief organizations have stepped in to try to get the protective equipment to those who need it most .
Since the start of the pandemic , Direct Relief , a California-based aid organization , has shipped more than 43 million masks , 7 million gloves , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the U.S. and the world .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

One long-term challenge is unrelated to the pandemic: continuing funding cuts to public health. Once a vaccine is developed and approved, states say $8 billion will be needed for distribution.
The lack of personal protective equipment remains a chronic problem, especially in hot spots for the virus. Smaller hospitals haven’t been able to stock up on gloves and masks as larger hospitals have. And rural hospitals, which have only 1% of the nation’s intensive care beds, now face a surge in patients.
Yet big challenges remain. One is overcoming the class and race factors that have allowed poor people and people of color to bear the brunt of the pandemic – both as patients and as front-line workers.
A resurgence in coronavirus cases is a nationwide U.S. challenge, especially severe now in rural Plains states. From funding gaps to shortfalls in protective equipment and rural hospital beds, we look at the nation’s readiness.
Despite a new U.S. peak in cases, fatalities remain well below their rate this past spring. Some reasons, researchers say, may include better treatments and precautionary moves by older people who are considered more vulnerable.
In early November the United States became the first nation to see more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases reported in a single day. The spike has raised questions about America’s ability to combat it.
The coronavirus has spread from both coasts to the nation’s midsection and in early November the United States became the first nation to see more than 100,000 new COVID-19 cases reported in a single day. The spike has raised questions about America’s ability to combat it.
Q: What have we learned since the spring?
Researchers and government officials have learned a lot about how to battle and control the pandemic since it hit U.S. shores. Social distancing and masking up have become front-line responses. One of the encouraging developments is that, despite a new U.S. peak in cases, new fatalities remain well below their rate this past spring. One reason for this decline is demographic, researchers surmise. The virus is spreading to younger populations, which are considered less vulnerable than older adults.
Why We Wrote This A resurgence in coronavirus cases is a nationwide U.S. challenge, especially severe now in rural Plains states. From funding gaps to shortfalls in protective equipment and rural hospital beds, we look at the nation’s readiness.
Other likely factors include precautionary moves by older Americans and better treatments. Even at its reduced rate, however, researchers say the pandemic is responsible for roughly 1,000 fatalities per day, six times the average daily toll from the worst influenza season in the past decade.
Q: What are the continuing obstacles?
One challenge is the nature of the virus itself. Estimates vary, but some 20% to 40% of those infected are thought to be asymptomatic – they never exhibit any symptoms. So doctors warn that people can spread it without knowing they have it, making it much harder to trace. Another challenge is public policy. With the number of cases surging to new records, many experts blame the White House for continuing to downplay the threat.
John Auerbach, who heads Trust for America’s Health, a nonpartisan public health policy, research, and advocacy organization, points to a longer-term challenge: continuing funding cuts to public health. For example, two federal initiatives passed after 9/11 to help states prepare for disasters – the Hospital Preparedness Program and the Public Health Emergency Preparedness program – have seen their budgets cut by half and by a quarter, respectively, since 2003, according to TFAH.
Since the Great Recession, cuts in federal, state, and local budgets have also shrunk local public health departments by the equivalent of 26,000 full-time jobs. Once a vaccine is developed and approved, state health departments say an estimated $8 billion will be needed for distribution.
Another challenge: Overcoming the class and racial barriers that have allowed poor people and people of color to bear the brunt of the pandemic – both as patients and as front-line workers, Mr. Auerbach says. “We’re seeing that very clearly in COVID, but this has really been a long-standing phenomenon in health.”
Q: How prepared is rural America?
When the coronavirus first hit, rural America saw little risk. But it has turned out the risks are significant. Hardest hit now is North Dakota, from urban Fargo even to rural Cavalier County on the Canadian border. Geography poses an obstacle, as rural Americans often have to travel quite far to get medical care. Demographics are another. America’s 60 million rural residents are older and are diagnosed with chronic health problems at higher rates than the national average, so they’re considered more at risk from the virus. One other big challenge: health infrastructure. Rural hospitals have only 1% of the nation’s intensive care beds.
And the shortfalls aren’t all in rural areas. The lack of personal protective equipment remains a chronic problem, especially in hot spots for the virus. A U.S. Public Interest Research Group report in late October detailed crucial shortages in nearly 3,000 nursing homes around the country. Smaller hospitals haven’t been able to stock up on gloves and masks as larger hospitals have. Still, compared with the acute shortages last spring, the overall picture appears less bleak. Masks that were next to impossible to find in the spring have become ubiquitous, thanks to entrepreneurs as well as medical-supply specialists.
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Enterprising companies have moved into ventilator production, alleviating that crunch. And relief organizations have stepped in to try to get the protective equipment to those who need it most. Since the start of the pandemic, Direct Relief, a California-based aid organization, has shipped more than 43 million masks, 7 million gloves, and millions of other items to health facilities in the U.S. and the world.
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-11-12--‘America is back.’ What that means to the world.

“ We won ’ t pick up things where we left off in 2016 , European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said the other day .
“ The world has changed.
” But they wonder how far he will be able to erase the diplomatic impact of the past four years .
So leaders like Emmanuel Macron of France and Angela Merkel of Germany are sticking to their plans to strengthen Europe ’ s own voice , and take its own responsibilities , independent of the continent ’ s transatlantic ties .
Allies are counting on Mr. Biden to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change agreement , for example , and to stay in the World Health Organization .
They also expect him to repair frayed ties with the European Union and NATO .
Donald Trump ’ s unpredictable approach to international allies and his highly personalized “ America First ” policy have not gone down well abroad , and hopes are high that President-elect Biden will restore America to its traditional leadership role .
There is a strong sense that in these fractious times , the world needs America as a powerful voice of reason on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steadying an uncertain planet .
“ Welcome back America !
” That ’ s how the mayor of Paris greeted Joe Biden ’ s election on Twitter , and her sentiment is widely shared around the world .
The celebratory tweet from Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo came just minutes after the U.S. television networks had called the presidential election in favor of Joe Biden last weekend , and her response has been echoed in the days since by many U.S. allies around the globe .
The underlying message : In an increasingly fractious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feel America ’ s presence .
Especially in the face of borderless challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change , hopes are high that the most powerful democracy on earth will reengage internationally , move away from President Donald Trump ’ s highly personalized “ America First ” approach , and resume something more like its traditional leadership role on the world stage .
That view is particularly prevalent among America ’ s traditional European allies , who were deeply concerned by the prospect of an additional four years of Mr. Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Mr. Trump ’ s preemptive claim of victory as the polls closed , and this week , the leaders of France , Germany , and Britain shrugged off the president ’ s continuing refusal to accept the election result to engage personally with President-elect Biden .
They , along with America ’ s main partners in Asia , are not taking this path primarily because they expect any particular policy changes under a Biden administration .
Rather , they share a broader hope , less about American policy than American presence – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a source of democratic ballast in an unsteady world .
The absence of this kind of engagement , in their view , has emboldened autocratic regimes , hamstrung advocates of human rights , and left the field open for major powers like China and Russia to become more assertive .
Few expect as dramatic a change as was suggested by former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk just after Mr. Biden ’ s victory .
“ Thank you , Joe , ” he tweeted , adding that “ Trump ’ s defeat can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ triumph of far-right populism.
” Still , many observers share the view that autocratic or authoritarian governments will feel more constrained , and such regimes , themselves , do appear to have sensed a change in the wind .
As is often the case in international affairs , it ’ s been important since the election to watch for the old Sherlock Holmes clue : the dog that doesn ’ t bark .
While leaders of the world ’ s democracies were sending messages of congratulations to the president-elect , a number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them were the self-proclaimed “ illiberal democracies ” of Hungary and Poland .
Turkey and Saudi Arabia as well .
And the few leaders delaying even further included China ’ s Xi Jinping , Russia ’ s Vladimir Putin , and Jair Bolsonaro , the far-right populist president of Brazil .
The full policy impact of a Biden administration will become clear only further down the road , and even those allies quickest to welcome the election result are assuming that the new president will focus first on domestic challenges : the headlong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic effects , and healing a deeply divided America .
But they do view one global campaign commitment as enormously important : his pledge to reverse Mr. Trump ’ s withdrawal from the 2015 Paris Agreement on the day he takes office .
That ’ s not just because of its symbolic significance , as a high-profile example of America ’ s reentry into multilateral diplomacy .
It ’ s also a practical matter .
It will not be possible to speed up international efforts to contain global warming unless the U.S. plays @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this week strongly welcomed that prospect , in fact , was the European leader personally closest to Mr. Trump , British Prime Minister Boris Johnson .
He is due to host the follow-up conference to the Paris accord in Glasgow next year .
America ’ s partners are also anticipating U.S. efforts to repair two transatlantic relationships that have frayed badly during Mr. Trump ’ s presidency – ties with NATO and with the European Union .
They also expect Mr. Biden to reverse the Trump administration ’ s withdrawal from the World @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek a shared approach with allies in response to Chinese leader Xi Jinping ’ s tightening political control at home and moves to extend China ’ s economic , political , and security influence abroad .
But even as U.S. allies nurture these hopes , one key question remains : How comprehensively would , or could , a Biden administration reverse the full diplomatic impact of the past four years ?
They are keenly aware that nearly half of Americans voted to reelect Mr. Trump .
It remains to be seen whether the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate .
And his own Democratic Party harbors opponents of free trade and overseas security commitments .
Beyond this , Mr. Trump ’ s public criticism of long-standing allies , his denigration of both NATO and the European Union , and his sheer unpredictability have seriously undermined transatlantic trust .
French President Emmanuel Macron , in particular , has been arguing that the EU needs to strengthen its own voice and influence independent of its alliance with Washington .
German Chancellor Angela Merkel , long reluctant to embrace this kind of vision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months to the need for closer economic , financial , and political cohesion inside the union .
In remarks this week making it clear she was looking forward to working with Mr. Biden , Ms. Merkel added a note of caution .
“ We Germans , and Europeans , understand that we must take on more responsibilities in this partnership in the 21st century .
America remains our most important ally , but it rightfully expects more of us to guarantee our own security and defend our values around the world.
” And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election , European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen predicted that even under a Biden presidency , “ we won ’ t pick up things where we left off in 2016 .
The world has changed .
”

“We won’t pick up things where we left off in 2016, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said the other day. “The world has changed.”
But they wonder how far he will be able to erase the diplomatic impact of the past four years. So leaders like Emmanuel Macron of France and Angela Merkel of Germany are sticking to their plans to strengthen Europe’s own voice, and take its own responsibilities, independent of the continent’s transatlantic ties.
Allies are counting on Mr. Biden to bring Washington back into the Paris climate change agreement, for example, and to stay in the World Health Organization. They also expect him to repair frayed ties with the European Union and NATO.
Donald Trump’s unpredictable approach to international allies and his highly personalized “America First” policy have not gone down well abroad, and hopes are high that President-elect Biden will restore America to its traditional leadership role.
Had Donald Trump won the election, many world leaders were ready to turn their backs on Washington. Now, relieved, they hope Joe Biden will make America’s international presence felt.
There is a strong sense that in these fractious times, the world needs America as a powerful voice of reason on the world stage and as democratic ballast steadying an uncertain planet.
“Welcome back America!” That’s how the mayor of Paris greeted Joe Biden’s election on Twitter, and her sentiment is widely shared around the world.
“Welcome back America!”
The celebratory tweet from Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo came just minutes after the U.S. television networks had called the presidential election in favor of Joe Biden last weekend, and her response has been echoed in the days since by many U.S. allies around the globe.
The underlying message: In an increasingly fractious world there is a strong desire to feel America’s presence. Especially in the face of borderless challenges like the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change, hopes are high that the most powerful democracy on earth will reengage internationally, move away from President Donald Trump’s highly personalized “America First” approach, and resume something more like its traditional leadership role on the world stage.
Why We Wrote This Had Donald Trump won the election, many world leaders were ready to turn their backs on Washington. Now, relieved, they hope Joe Biden will make America’s international presence felt.
That view is particularly prevalent among America’s traditional European allies, who were deeply concerned by the prospect of an additional four years of Mr. Trump’s policies. They voiced alarm at Mr. Trump’s preemptive claim of victory as the polls closed, and this week, the leaders of France, Germany, and Britain shrugged off the president’s continuing refusal to accept the election result to engage personally with President-elect Biden.
They, along with America’s main partners in Asia, are not taking this path primarily because they expect any particular policy changes under a Biden administration.
Rather, they share a broader hope, less about American policy than American presence – both in multilateral institutions, and as a source of democratic ballast in an unsteady world. The absence of this kind of engagement, in their view, has emboldened autocratic regimes, hamstrung advocates of human rights, and left the field open for major powers like China and Russia to become more assertive.
Few expect as dramatic a change as was suggested by former Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk just after Mr. Biden’s victory. “Thank you, Joe,” he tweeted, adding that “Trump’s defeat can be the beginning of the end of the triumph of far-right populism.” Still, many observers share the view that autocratic or authoritarian governments will feel more constrained, and such regimes, themselves, do appear to have sensed a change in the wind.
As is often the case in international affairs, it’s been important since the election to watch for the old Sherlock Holmes clue: the dog that doesn’t bark. While leaders of the world’s democracies were sending messages of congratulations to the president-elect, a number of other countries initially held back.
Among them were the self-proclaimed “illiberal democracies” of Hungary and Poland. Turkey and Saudi Arabia as well. And the few leaders delaying even further included China’s Xi Jinping, Russia’s Vladimir Putin, and Jair Bolsonaro, the far-right populist president of Brazil.
The full policy impact of a Biden administration will become clear only further down the road, and even those allies quickest to welcome the election result are assuming that the new president will focus first on domestic challenges: the headlong spread of COVID-19 and its hugely damaging economic effects, and healing a deeply divided America.
But they do view one global campaign commitment as enormously important: his pledge to reverse Mr. Trump’s withdrawal from the 2015 Paris Agreement on the day he takes office. That’s not just because of its symbolic significance, as a high-profile example of America’s reentry into multilateral diplomacy. It’s also a practical matter. It will not be possible to speed up international efforts to contain global warming unless the U.S. plays a leading role.
Among those who this week strongly welcomed that prospect, in fact, was the European leader personally closest to Mr. Trump, British Prime Minister Boris Johnson. He is due to host the follow-up conference to the Paris accord in Glasgow next year.
America’s partners are also anticipating U.S. efforts to repair two transatlantic relationships that have frayed badly during Mr. Trump’s presidency – ties with NATO and with the European Union.
They also expect Mr. Biden to reverse the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the World Health Organization, as well as to seek a shared approach with allies in response to Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s tightening political control at home and moves to extend China’s economic, political, and security influence abroad.
But even as U.S. allies nurture these hopes, one key question remains: How comprehensively would, or could, a Biden administration reverse the full diplomatic impact of the past four years? They are keenly aware that nearly half of Americans voted to reelect Mr. Trump. It remains to be seen whether the new president will command a majority in the Senate. And his own Democratic Party harbors opponents of free trade and overseas security commitments.
Beyond this, Mr. Trump’s public criticism of long-standing allies, his denigration of both NATO and the European Union, and his sheer unpredictability have seriously undermined transatlantic trust.
French President Emmanuel Macron, in particular, has been arguing that the EU needs to strengthen its own voice and influence independent of its alliance with Washington. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, long reluctant to embrace this kind of vision, has become more open in recent months to the need for closer economic, financial, and political cohesion inside the union.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In remarks this week making it clear she was looking forward to working with Mr. Biden, Ms. Merkel added a note of caution. “We Germans, and Europeans, understand that we must take on more responsibilities in this partnership in the 21st century. America remains our most important ally, but it rightfully expects more of us to guarantee our own security and defend our values around the world.”
And in the immediate aftermath of the U.S. election, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen predicted that even under a Biden presidency, “we won’t pick up things where we left off in 2016. The world has changed.”