csmonitor--2020-12-22--Pandemic-fueled populism stresses Tunisia’s fragile democracy

“ She is creating another world for supporters by saying ... the entire narrative of the revolution is a lie , ” he says .
“ A lot of Tunisians who are disenfranchised and unhappy with the last 10 years are starting to believe this narrative.
” “ When Abir Moussi talks , she is not unlike Donald Trump ; she repeats phrases several times , repeats ideas , half-truths and untruths ; and bullies anyone who dares speak against her , ” says Youssef Cherif , director of the Columbia Global Centers in Tunis .
The clear winner of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ polarizing member of parliament , Abir Moussi , an apologist for the deposed dictatorship who uses the full array of populist tools .
Many direct their ire at a political class they say has focused exclusively on freedoms at the expense of other revolutionary demands for dignity and social justice .
“ People do not eat constitutions , do not drink elections , and do not sleep under the roof of the freedom of the press , ” says Amine Ghali , director of a Tunis-based democracy center .
A sense of unfulfilled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the democratic revolution that spurred the Arab Spring , economic hardships and the COVID-19 pandemic are pushing Tunisians toward a reactionary populism and nostalgia for the ousted dictatorship .
For Yasmine Harrazi , an unemployed administrative assistant in Tunis , the reason for her hardships is clear .
“ The revolution was a mistake , ” says Ms. Harrazi , reflecting on the 10th anniversary of Tunisia ’ s Dec. 17 democratic uprising against the dictatorship of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali .
“ We staged the revolution because we didn ’ t have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak , but we can ’ t cover the cost of food – the revolution failed.
” A polarized society unable to agree on shared facts , an outsider populist dominating the media cycle by breaking norms and scapegoating the “ other , ” widespread anger over inequality and distrust in the political establishment – the trappings of populism are now familiar across the world .
Such developments are particularly worrying in the Arab world ’ s lone democracy , Tunisia , still emerging from a fragile post-revolution transition and surrounded by autocratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democratic project .
Yet a decade on from the democratic revolution that spurred the Arab Spring and shocked the world , economic hardships and the COVID-19 pandemic are pushing Tunisians toward a reactionary populism and nostalgia for the ousted dictatorship , questioning the revolution itself .
They are encouraged by a charismatic and polarizing member of parliament , Abir Moussi , an apologist for the Ben Ali regime who uses the full array of populist levers – including friendly news outlets – to catapult herself and her party to prominence .
Many Tunisians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they say has focused exclusively on freedoms , one part of protesters ’ demands for “ dignity , freedom , social justice ” – at the expense of the other two .
“ Because the transition was led by politicians and civil society , they focused their efforts on the constitution , election laws , [ and ] civil and political rights , rather than the serious concerns of those who went to the streets for a better life and job opportunities , ” says Amine Ghali , director of the Tunis-based Al @ @ @ @ @ @ @ someone has less food on his plate or less salary , of course he would be mad at the revolution , ” says Mr. Ghali .
“ People do not eat constitutions , do not drink elections , and do not sleep under the roof of the freedom of the press.
” The economic failures of Tunisia ’ s post-revolution political class , mired in partisan deadlock , have become starker amid the COVID-19 pandemic , which wiped out gains made by the tourism industry in 2019 and could drive unemployment to as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s end , even higher among youths .
Much of this anger is directed at Ennahda , the self-styled Muslim Democrats who were banned by Mr. Ben Ali and are now seen by Tunisians as the establishment after co-writing the 2014 constitution , maintaining the largest bloc in parliament , and being in and out of governing coalitions since 2011 .
“ All the governments that came after the revolution brought the same policies that benefited businessmen and lobbyists , and the result is always failure , ” says Anis Gafsawi , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , southwest Tunisia , due to the pandemic .
“ People have less dignity now than before the revolution .
Things are worse than during the old regime.
” The clear winner of Tunisians ’ disillusionment is the populist Ms. Moussi .
One year after a failed long-shot presidential bid vaulted her to national prominence , Ms. Moussi is using parliament as a bully pulpit to defend the former regime , slander rivals , and harness public anger to challenge the revolution .
The focal point of Ms. Moussi ’ s populism is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ills facing Tunisia .
She calls for criminal investigations into the Islamist party and its allies for alleged ties to foreign states – especially Turkey and Qatar – and calls the movement or MPs who disagree with her “ terrorists.
” She regularly derides parliament as “ broken ” and calls for a return to a strong presidential system to ban Ennahda , curb freedoms , impose law and order , and provide blanket economic and social welfare .
“ When Abir Moussi talks , she is not unlike Donald Trump ; she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , half-truths and untruths ; and bullies anyone who dares speak against her , ” says Youssef Cherif , analyst and director of the Columbia Global Centers in Tunis , describing her as “ the archetypical populist.
” Ms. Moussi regularly captures headlines by derailing entire sessions of parliament with her outbursts .
It has become a winning formula .
Ms. Moussi ’ s Free Dastourian Party has shot to the top of the polls .
Elections are not scheduled for another four years , but were they held today her party would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ennahda coming in second at 17 % , according to Tunis-based Sigma Polling .
“ Abir Moussi and her allies are nostalgic about the old regime , and they hope to bring it back , ” says Issa Abboud , an unemployed actor from Tunis whose father died while a political prisoner under the dictatorship .
“ Abir ’ s politics are based on exclusion .
If you listen to her speak , she never talks about the economy , but she is always demonizing someone .
There are lots of people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for her in the next elections.
” “ Abir Moussi represents a fascist and eradicated party that would lead us only into backwardness , ” says Mehdi Wetatani , a Tunis teacher and Ennahda supporter .
“ It is even worse than Ben Ali ’ s party .
I describe it as a Nazi party .
If she becomes president of Tunisia , forget about liberties !
” While , like populists in the West , she regularly peddles alternative facts , Ms. Moussi ’ s most effective rhetoric deals in alternative history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ben Ali era was a golden age when salaries were guaranteed , security was airtight , and the social ills of poverty , unemployment , and crime were nonexistent .
She repeatedly claims without evidence that the 2010-11 democratic revolution was a conspiracy by Qatar and Turkey to install an “ Islamist dictatorship , ” that Ennahda is a terrorist group with links to Islamic State and the Muslim Brotherhood , and that young Tunisians who led the protests that brought down the Ben Ali regime were “ agents of the West ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arab state to put it at the mercy of Western capitalists .
“ She is creating another world for supporters by saying everything that happened is wrong , that the entire narrative of the revolution is a lie , ” says Mr. Cherif .
“ A lot of Tunisians who are disenfranchised and unhappy with the last 10 years are starting to believe this narrative.
” This revisionist history is boosted by Ms. Moussi ’ s media platform .
Her talking points are promoted by regional Arab networks based in Gulf monarchy states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-democracy bent .
Saudi satellite network Al Arabiya and Emirati outlets that beam to households across the region regularly broadcast Ms. Moussi ’ s press conferences and interviews , running her statements as “ breaking news ” – coverage reserved for heads of state .
Observers say it is no longer discernible whether Ms. Moussi is repeating Saudi and Emirati talking points , or whether their talking points mirror her narrative .
But they are helping Ms. Moussi become mainstream and dominate the media cycle .
As often in post-revolution Tunisia , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ms. Moussi herself polls at 12 % to 19 % for president , a distant second to incumbent Kais Saied , who so far has successfully maintained an appearance of being above the fray .
Observers say there is enough time for another party and figure to emerge to slow down her meteoric rise ahead of an early election .
They point to polls from early this year that indicate that once the pandemic gets under control and a semblance of normal life returns , so too will hope for the future .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ better to have their disagreements in public and in parliament , using their newfound freedom of speech to chart a new direction for the country .
“ No matter how chaotic it may seem today , at least we can now criticize the chaos and discuss our leaders ’ and representatives ’ failures freely , ” says Mohamed Bliwa , a call-center operator in Tunis .
“ The revolution is not an entire failure .
I see it as a work in progress .
”

“She is creating another world for supporters by saying ... the entire narrative of the revolution is a lie,” he says. “A lot of Tunisians who are disenfranchised and unhappy with the last 10 years are starting to believe this narrative.”
“When Abir Moussi talks, she is not unlike Donald Trump; she repeats phrases several times, repeats ideas, half-truths and untruths; and bullies anyone who dares speak against her,” says Youssef Cherif, director of the Columbia Global Centers in Tunis.
The clear winner of Tunisians’ disillusionment is a charismatic and polarizing member of parliament, Abir Moussi, an apologist for the deposed dictatorship who uses the full array of populist tools.
Polarization, scapegoating, distrust in the political establishment – the trappings of populism are now familiar across the world. But in Tunisia, the Arab world’s lone democracy, they are especially concerning.
Many direct their ire at a political class they say has focused exclusively on freedoms at the expense of other revolutionary demands for dignity and social justice. “People do not eat constitutions, do not drink elections, and do not sleep under the roof of the freedom of the press,” says Amine Ghali, director of a Tunis-based democracy center.
A sense of unfulfilled promises permeates Tunisia. A decade after the democratic revolution that spurred the Arab Spring, economic hardships and the COVID-19 pandemic are pushing Tunisians toward a reactionary populism and nostalgia for the ousted dictatorship.
For Yasmine Harrazi, an unemployed administrative assistant in Tunis, the reason for her hardships is clear.
“The revolution was a mistake,” says Ms. Harrazi, reflecting on the 10th anniversary of Tunisia’s Dec. 17 democratic uprising against the dictatorship of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali.
“We staged the revolution because we didn’t have freedom of expression. Now we can speak, but we can’t cover the cost of food – the revolution failed.”
Why We Wrote This Polarization, scapegoating, distrust in the political establishment – the trappings of populism are now familiar across the world. But in Tunisia, the Arab world’s lone democracy, they are especially concerning.
A polarized society unable to agree on shared facts, an outsider populist dominating the media cycle by breaking norms and scapegoating the “other,” widespread anger over inequality and distrust in the political establishment – the trappings of populism are now familiar across the world.
Such developments are particularly worrying in the Arab world’s lone democracy, Tunisia, still emerging from a fragile post-revolution transition and surrounded by autocratic neighbors anxious to interfere and thwart their democratic project.
Yet a decade on from the democratic revolution that spurred the Arab Spring and shocked the world, economic hardships and the COVID-19 pandemic are pushing Tunisians toward a reactionary populism and nostalgia for the ousted dictatorship, questioning the revolution itself.
They are encouraged by a charismatic and polarizing member of parliament, Abir Moussi, an apologist for the Ben Ali regime who uses the full array of populist levers – including friendly news outlets – to catapult herself and her party to prominence.
Unfulfilled promise
A sense of unfulfilled promises permeates Tunisia.
Many Tunisians direct their ire at a political class they say has focused exclusively on freedoms, one part of protesters’ demands for “dignity, freedom, social justice” – at the expense of the other two.
“Because the transition was led by politicians and civil society, they focused their efforts on the constitution, election laws, [and] civil and political rights, rather than the serious concerns of those who went to the streets for a better life and job opportunities,” says Amine Ghali, director of the Tunis-based Al Kawakibi Democracy Transition Center.
“If someone has less food on his plate or less salary, of course he would be mad at the revolution,” says Mr. Ghali. “People do not eat constitutions, do not drink elections, and do not sleep under the roof of the freedom of the press.”
The economic failures of Tunisia’s post-revolution political class, mired in partisan deadlock, have become starker amid the COVID-19 pandemic, which wiped out gains made by the tourism industry in 2019 and could drive unemployment to as much as 25% by the year’s end, even higher among youths.
Riadh Dridi/AP View caption Hide caption A demonstrator shows his diploma as he attends a protest in Sidi Bouzid in central Tunisia, Dec. 17, 2020. The economically troubled region, where the revolt against the dictatorship erupted 10 years ago, is still waiting to reap rewards.
Much of this anger is directed at Ennahda, the self-styled Muslim Democrats who were banned by Mr. Ben Ali and are now seen by Tunisians as the establishment after co-writing the 2014 constitution, maintaining the largest bloc in parliament, and being in and out of governing coalitions since 2011.
“All the governments that came after the revolution brought the same policies that benefited businessmen and lobbyists, and the result is always failure,” says Anis Gafsawi, who closed his paper factory in Kasserine, southwest Tunisia, due to the pandemic.
“People have less dignity now than before the revolution. Things are worse than during the old regime.”
Populism rising
The clear winner of Tunisians’ disillusionment is the populist Ms. Moussi.
One year after a failed long-shot presidential bid vaulted her to national prominence, Ms. Moussi is using parliament as a bully pulpit to defend the former regime, slander rivals, and harness public anger to challenge the revolution.
The focal point of Ms. Moussi’s populism is Ennahda, which she blames for all ills facing Tunisia. She calls for criminal investigations into the Islamist party and its allies for alleged ties to foreign states – especially Turkey and Qatar – and calls the movement or MPs who disagree with her “terrorists.”
She regularly derides parliament as “broken” and calls for a return to a strong presidential system to ban Ennahda, curb freedoms, impose law and order, and provide blanket economic and social welfare.
“When Abir Moussi talks, she is not unlike Donald Trump; she repeats phrases several times, repeats ideas, half-truths and untruths; and bullies anyone who dares speak against her,” says Youssef Cherif, analyst and director of the Columbia Global Centers in Tunis, describing her as “the archetypical populist.”
Ms. Moussi regularly captures headlines by derailing entire sessions of parliament with her outbursts. It has become a winning formula.
Ms. Moussi’s Free Dastourian Party has shot to the top of the polls. Elections are not scheduled for another four years, but were they held today her party would win 36.9% of votes, with Ennahda coming in second at 17%, according to Tunis-based Sigma Polling.
“Abir Moussi and her allies are nostalgic about the old regime, and they hope to bring it back,” says Issa Abboud, an unemployed actor from Tunis whose father died while a political prisoner under the dictatorship.
“Abir’s politics are based on exclusion. If you listen to her speak, she never talks about the economy, but she is always demonizing someone. There are lots of people who support her and many people will vote for her in the next elections.”
Jdidi wassim/SOPA Images/Sipa USA/Reuters View caption Hide caption Abir Moussi (center), president of the Free Dastourian Party, with party members Samira Sayhi, Hajer Naifer, Zeineb Safari, and Awatef Kouraich during the seating of parliament. Ms. Moussi regularly captures headlines by derailing sessions of parliament with her outbursts against rivals.
Ms. Moussi’s rhetoric prompts emotional responses from critics, deepening the polarization.
“Abir Moussi represents a fascist and eradicated party that would lead us only into backwardness,” says Mehdi Wetatani, a Tunis teacher and Ennahda supporter. “It is even worse than Ben Ali’s party. I describe it as a Nazi party. If she becomes president of Tunisia, forget about liberties!”
Alternative history
While, like populists in the West, she regularly peddles alternative facts, Ms. Moussi’s most effective rhetoric deals in alternative history.
According to Ms. Moussi, the Ben Ali era was a golden age when salaries were guaranteed, security was airtight, and the social ills of poverty, unemployment, and crime were nonexistent.
She repeatedly claims without evidence that the 2010-11 democratic revolution was a conspiracy by Qatar and Turkey to install an “Islamist dictatorship,” that Ennahda is a terrorist group with links to Islamic State and the Muslim Brotherhood, and that young Tunisians who led the protests that brought down the Ben Ali regime were “agents of the West” determined to topple a strong and stable Arab state to put it at the mercy of Western capitalists.
“She is creating another world for supporters by saying everything that happened is wrong, that the entire narrative of the revolution is a lie,” says Mr. Cherif. “A lot of Tunisians who are disenfranchised and unhappy with the last 10 years are starting to believe this narrative.”
This revisionist history is boosted by Ms. Moussi’s media platform.
Her talking points are promoted by regional Arab networks based in Gulf monarchy states that are sympathetic to her anti-Islamist, anti-democracy bent.
Saudi satellite network Al Arabiya and Emirati outlets that beam to households across the region regularly broadcast Ms. Moussi’s press conferences and interviews, running her statements as “breaking news” – coverage reserved for heads of state.
Observers say it is no longer discernible whether Ms. Moussi is repeating Saudi and Emirati talking points, or whether their talking points mirror her narrative.
But they are helping Ms. Moussi become mainstream and dominate the media cycle.
As often in post-revolution Tunisia, however, the tide can quickly change.
Ms. Moussi herself polls at 12% to 19% for president, a distant second to incumbent Kais Saied, who so far has successfully maintained an appearance of being above the fray. Observers say there is enough time for another party and figure to emerge to slow down her meteoric rise ahead of an early election.
They point to polls from early this year that indicate that once the pandemic gets under control and a semblance of normal life returns, so too will hope for the future.
Meanwhile, Tunisians agree that it is better to have their disagreements in public and in parliament, using their newfound freedom of speech to chart a new direction for the country.
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“No matter how chaotic it may seem today, at least we can now criticize the chaos and discuss our leaders’ and representatives’ failures freely,” says Mohamed Bliwa, a call-center operator in Tunis.
“The revolution is not an entire failure. I see it as a work in progress.”


csmonitor--2020-12-22--After massive cyberattack, US hopes to ensure next time isn’t worse

“ We ’ d be very fortunate if this is what gets us on the right track , ” says Mark Montgomery , senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies .
What it should be , say experts , is a wake-up call .
Yet the attack does not appear to have resulted in physical damage or personal injury .
It did not shut down an electricity grid or freeze the nation ’ s financial transactions .
In that sense , it was not an act of shadowy war under international law , however compromising it might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been even worse than it was , say some computer experts .
The alleged Russian intruders apparently were looking for , and then exfiltrating , data .
This was espionage , something virtually all nations engage in – including the United States .
Utah Sen. Mitt Romney and others described the hack as an “ invasion ” that went on for months and likely resulted in the loss of crucial security and corporate secrets .
The cyberattack appears to be one of the worst in U.S. history .
Hackers – likely linked to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ computer networks at a half-dozen American government agencies and hundreds of private companies via malware that carves secret “ back doors ” into systems .
The cyberattack appears to be one of the worst in U.S. history .
Hackers – likely linked to Russian intelligence – last spring broke into computer networks at a half-dozen or so American government agencies and hundreds of private companies via clever malware that carves secret “ back doors ” into systems , according to elected officials and private cybersecurity firms .
Utah Sen. Mitt Romney and others @ @ @ @ @ @ @ invasion ” that went on for months and likely resulted in the loss of crucial security and corporate secrets .
But it could have been even worse than it was , say some computer experts .
The alleged Russian intruders were in essence spies who apparently were looking for , and then exfiltrating , data .
This was espionage , something virtually all nations engage in – even , and perhaps especially , the United States .
The attack does not appear to have resulted in physical damage or personal injury , shut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s financial transactions .
In that sense it was not an act of shadowy war under international law , however reckless and compromising it might have been .
What it should be , say experts , is a wake-up call .
Common hacker targets such as the Pentagon and big banks are aware of cyber danger and generally fund defenses accordingly .
But smaller agencies and many private companies may still not give it the attention and dollars it deserves , particularly when budgets are tight .
The U.S. needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whole spectrum of government and industry , says Mark Montgomery , senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies .
“ We ’ d be very fortunate if this is what gets us on the right track , ” says Mr. Montgomery , who served as policy director of the Senate Armed Services Committee under the late Republican Sen. John McCain .
The nature of this latest intrusion into U.S. computer systems is what made it so worrisome to government cybersecurity officials .
It was what they call a “ supply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a popular software product made by the U.S. firm SolarWinds that monitors the networks of many government entities and businesses .
Hackers slipped malicious code into updates to SolarWinds products .
When downloaded , the corrupted code opened access to the infected computers so the attackers could steal information .
It wasn ’ t discovered until the private cybersecurity firm FireEye noticed it had been hacked and went public with the information .
Microsoft , which has helped to try and limit the breach , announced last week that it has identified at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and big information technology firms that have been affected .
The Treasury Department , for instance , has had multiple systems compromised , including computers used by its highest-ranking officials , according to Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon .
Tech giants Cisco Systems , Intel Corp. , and Belkin International are among the corporate victims .
Even if these systems contained only unclassified information – as so far seems to be the case – the aggregate data collected can give the assailant a classified-level understanding of some government efforts , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toward future policy and regulatory decisions .
Data from the private sector can expose closely held research-and-development information , plans for the future , and system vulnerabilities that might lead to more hacks .
“ If an adversary can get inside your system undetected and then wipe away his fingerprints of entry and then establish a new method for transferring the information in and out of your system , they can , in a detailed , organized manner , go through your data , ” Mr. Montgomery says .
The supply chain aspect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many times over .
SolarWinds has some 18,000 customers , public and private .
The firm ’ s malware infection shows the dangers inherent in the government ’ s use of third-party suppliers for information technology , says Erica Borghard , a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council .
It ’ s not as if SolarWinds was a cookie jar with a loose lid , says Ms. Borghard .
It was simply a cookie jar with an enormous amount of tempting cookies inside .
“ This is really an intelligence failure at scale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elected officials have used bellicose language to respond to the SolarWinds attack .
This tendency has been bipartisan : As noted , Senator Romney , a Republican , called it an “ invasion.
” Democratic Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois called it “ virtually a declaration of war.
” Incoming White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain said the Biden administration would respond aggressively to “ an attack like this.
” On CBS ’ s “ Face the Nation ” last Sunday Mr. Klain said : “ I want to be very clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s also steps and things we could do to degrade the capacity of foreign actors to repeat this sort of attack , or [ we ’ ll face ] even more dangerous attacks.
” But talking about the SolarWinds episode in military terms , or equating cybersecurity with “ deterrence ” in a military sense , may be a misleading way of discussing hacker intrusions and other aspects of a shadowy competition between nations waged entirely with keyboards and bits and bytes .
The operation may simply demonstrate the developing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ information technology age , where rivals use hacker teams to conduct traditional espionage missions and limited operations meant to disrupt and degrade , according to a Lawfare analysis co-written by Dr. Benjamin Jensen , professor of strategic studies at Marine Corps University .
“ Though media reports often characterize cyber operations as attacks , many operations are better thought of as instruments of political warfare and weak forms of coercion that do not seek destruction , ” Dr. Jensen and his co-authors write .
In addition , the rest of the world may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most aggressive actor in cyberspace .
The U.S. government hacks foreign counterparts on a huge scale every day , notes Jack Goldsmith , a Harvard Law School professor and former Defense Department attorney under President George W. Bush , in The Dispatch .
Some of this presence reflects the Trump administration ’ s “ Defend Forward ” policy for U.S. Cyber Command , which involves maintaining a persistent presence within foreign networks from which to confront adversaries when they launch attacks .
Defend Forward may have headed off Russian interference in the 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nothing to help detect or block the SolarWinds attack , writes Mr. Goldsmith .
The new hack in fact may be a tit-for-tat Russian deterrent response to what Moscow deems as American cyber interference .
“ It is hard to know where we are in the retaliatory cycle , but it is pretty clear that the United States has more to lose from escalating retaliation , ” writes Professor Goldsmith .
The first priority of the U.S. should be to secure existing hacked systems , which by itself could be a hugely expensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Council ’ s Ms. Borghard .
As they do that , cybersecurity defenders need to try and understand what the Russians were really up to with the attack .
Was it a response to the U.S. , or the beginning of a larger and more nefarious endeavor ?
“ I hope that this incident could be a kind of watershed event to prompt us to rethink about the security of our federal government networks , ” says Ms. Borghard .
The response could be three-pronged , according to Mr. Montgomery of the Foundation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanctions , such as the expulsion of diplomats ; retaliation against the Russians in terms of a cyber response ; and denial via improved cyber defense .
It is that last category in which the U.S. has made the least progress , he says .
While financial institutions and tech firms and other obvious targets take cybersecurity seriously , many other companies make it a lower priority , particularly when budgets are tight .
Government agencies face the same dynamic , says Mr. Montgomery .
Passing the Defense Authorization bill , which President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would also help .
It contains around 30 provisions that will help remedy U.S. cyber vulnerabilities , according to Mr. Montgomery .

“We’d be very fortunate if this is what gets us on the right track,” says Mark Montgomery, senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.
What it should be, say experts, is a wake-up call.
Yet the attack does not appear to have resulted in physical damage or personal injury. It did not shut down an electricity grid or freeze the nation’s financial transactions. In that sense, it was not an act of shadowy war under international law, however compromising it might have been.
But it could have been even worse than it was, say some computer experts. The alleged Russian intruders apparently were looking for, and then exfiltrating, data. This was espionage, something virtually all nations engage in – including the United States.
Experts say the intrusions into government agencies and businesses have been alarming, but could have done far more damage. Lessons learned could prove critical in fending off future attacks.
Utah Sen. Mitt Romney and others described the hack as an “invasion” that went on for months and likely resulted in the loss of crucial security and corporate secrets.
The cyberattack appears to be one of the worst in U.S. history. Hackers – likely linked to Russian intelligence – last spring broke into computer networks at a half-dozen American government agencies and hundreds of private companies via malware that carves secret “back doors” into systems.
The cyberattack appears to be one of the worst in U.S. history. Hackers – likely linked to Russian intelligence – last spring broke into computer networks at a half-dozen or so American government agencies and hundreds of private companies via clever malware that carves secret “back doors” into systems, according to elected officials and private cybersecurity firms.
Utah Sen. Mitt Romney and others have described the hack as an “invasion” that went on for months and likely resulted in the loss of crucial security and corporate secrets.
But it could have been even worse than it was, say some computer experts. The alleged Russian intruders were in essence spies who apparently were looking for, and then exfiltrating, data. This was espionage, something virtually all nations engage in – even, and perhaps especially, the United States.
Why We Wrote This Experts say the intrusions into government agencies and businesses have been alarming, but could have done far more damage. Lessons learned could prove critical in fending off future attacks.
The attack does not appear to have resulted in physical damage or personal injury, shut down an electricity grid, or frozen the nation’s financial transactions. In that sense it was not an act of shadowy war under international law, however reckless and compromising it might have been.
What it should be, say experts, is a wake-up call. Common hacker targets such as the Pentagon and big banks are aware of cyber danger and generally fund defenses accordingly. But smaller agencies and many private companies may still not give it the attention and dollars it deserves, particularly when budgets are tight. The U.S. needs to invest more in cybersecurity across the whole spectrum of government and industry, says Mark Montgomery, senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies.
“We’d be very fortunate if this is what gets us on the right track,” says Mr. Montgomery, who served as policy director of the Senate Armed Services Committee under the late Republican Sen. John McCain.
A supply chain attack
The nature of this latest intrusion into U.S. computer systems is what made it so worrisome to government cybersecurity officials. It was what they call a “supply chain attack,” meaning it affected a popular software product made by the U.S. firm SolarWinds that monitors the networks of many government entities and businesses.
Hackers slipped malicious code into updates to SolarWinds products. When downloaded, the corrupted code opened access to the infected computers so the attackers could steal information. It wasn’t discovered until the private cybersecurity firm FireEye noticed it had been hacked and went public with the information.
Microsoft, which has helped to try and limit the breach, announced last week that it has identified at least 40 government agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and big information technology firms that have been affected. The Treasury Department, for instance, has had multiple systems compromised, including computers used by its highest-ranking officials, according to Democratic Sen. Ron Wyden of Oregon.
Tech giants Cisco Systems, Intel Corp., and Belkin International are among the corporate victims.
Even if these systems contained only unclassified information – as so far seems to be the case – the aggregate data collected can give the assailant a classified-level understanding of some government efforts, according to Mr. Montgomery. Data can hint toward future policy and regulatory decisions.
Data from the private sector can expose closely held research-and-development information, plans for the future, and system vulnerabilities that might lead to more hacks.
“If an adversary can get inside your system undetected and then wipe away his fingerprints of entry and then establish a new method for transferring the information in and out of your system, they can, in a detailed, organized manner, go through your data,” Mr. Montgomery says.
The supply chain aspect of the attack multiplies this negative effect many times over. SolarWinds has some 18,000 customers, public and private. The firm’s malware infection shows the dangers inherent in the government’s use of third-party suppliers for information technology, says Erica Borghard, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council.
It’s not as if SolarWinds was a cookie jar with a loose lid, says Ms. Borghard. It was simply a cookie jar with an enormous amount of tempting cookies inside.
“This is really an intelligence failure at scale,” she says.
“Virtually a declaration of war”
Some U.S. elected officials have used bellicose language to respond to the SolarWinds attack. This tendency has been bipartisan: As noted, Senator Romney, a Republican, called it an “invasion.” Democratic Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois called it “virtually a declaration of war.”
Incoming White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain said the Biden administration would respond aggressively to “an attack like this.” On CBS’s “Face the Nation” last Sunday Mr. Klain said: “I want to be very clear, it’s not just sanctions. It’s also steps and things we could do to degrade the capacity of foreign actors to repeat this sort of attack, or [we’ll face] even more dangerous attacks.”
But talking about the SolarWinds episode in military terms, or equating cybersecurity with “deterrence” in a military sense, may be a misleading way of discussing hacker intrusions and other aspects of a shadowy competition between nations waged entirely with keyboards and bits and bytes.
The operation may simply demonstrate the developing nature of great power competition in the information technology age, where rivals use hacker teams to conduct traditional espionage missions and limited operations meant to disrupt and degrade, according to a Lawfare analysis co-written by Dr. Benjamin Jensen, professor of strategic studies at Marine Corps University.
“Though media reports often characterize cyber operations as attacks, many operations are better thought of as instruments of political warfare and weak forms of coercion that do not seek destruction,” Dr. Jensen and his co-authors write.
In addition, the rest of the world may regard the U.S. as the largest and most aggressive actor in cyberspace. The U.S. government hacks foreign counterparts on a huge scale every day, notes Jack Goldsmith, a Harvard Law School professor and former Defense Department attorney under President George W. Bush, in The Dispatch.
Some of this presence reflects the Trump administration’s “Defend Forward” policy for U.S. Cyber Command, which involves maintaining a persistent presence within foreign networks from which to confront adversaries when they launch attacks.
Defend Forward may have headed off Russian interference in the 2018 and 2020 elections, but it did nothing to help detect or block the SolarWinds attack, writes Mr. Goldsmith. The new hack in fact may be a tit-for-tat Russian deterrent response to what Moscow deems as American cyber interference.
“It is hard to know where we are in the retaliatory cycle, but it is pretty clear that the United States has more to lose from escalating retaliation,” writes Professor Goldsmith.
A three-pronged response
The first priority of the U.S. should be to secure existing hacked systems, which by itself could be a hugely expensive and difficult endeavor, says the Atlantic Council’s Ms. Borghard.
As they do that, cybersecurity defenders need to try and understand what the Russians were really up to with the attack. Was it a response to the U.S., or the beginning of a larger and more nefarious endeavor?
“I hope that this incident could be a kind of watershed event to prompt us to rethink about the security of our federal government networks,” says Ms. Borghard.
The response could be three-pronged, according to Mr. Montgomery of the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies: traditional sanctions, such as the expulsion of diplomats; retaliation against the Russians in terms of a cyber response; and denial via improved cyber defense.
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It is that last category in which the U.S. has made the least progress, he says. While financial institutions and tech firms and other obvious targets take cybersecurity seriously, many other companies make it a lower priority, particularly when budgets are tight. Government agencies face the same dynamic, says Mr. Montgomery.
Passing the Defense Authorization bill, which President Donald Trump has threatened to veto, would also help. It contains around 30 provisions that will help remedy U.S. cyber vulnerabilities, according to Mr. Montgomery.


Christmas 2020

Christmas has always been about light .
It follows the winter solstice , which signals that days in the Northern Hemisphere will now grow longer .
More light !
Christmas light illumines thoughts as well .
Celebrating the birth of a child who brought a world-changing message speaks of a new beginning .
A time to glimpse unlimited possibilities .
This year some in Britain ’ s news media bemoaned that “ Christmas is canceled , ” after Prime Minister Boris Johnson found it necessary to call for a lockdown on public activities following the discovery of a new strain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Antonis Kousoulis , director of England and Wales operations for the Mental Health Foundation , urged officials to explain why limiting gatherings was really a kindness .
“ I find ‘ Christmas is canceled ’ is a little bit unhelpful , ” he said .
“ I think it would be better if we said , ‘ we ’ ll get through this together ’ and ‘ we ’ ll support each other.
’ ” The truth remains that because Christmas abides in human hearts , it can never be canceled .
Christmas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spirit everywhere .
A grocery store worker told The Boston Globe that those coming in right now have never been kinder or friendlier .
They say , “ ‘ Thank you for going to look for this , ’ or ‘ Thank you for your help , ’ ” the worker wrote in a column .
“ I continue to hear gratitude in my customers ’ voices .
I see it in their eyes , the glisten that lets me know they are smiling behind their masks.
” Others are making their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers such as those in hospitals are among the holiday heroes .
Postal and other delivery workers are handling a prodigious number of packages , providing a new way that “ shoppers rush home with their treasures.
” Most people already sense that now is the time to keep in close touch with friends and relatives , perhaps checking in on someone they haven ’ t talked with in a while or don ’ t know well .
For many families online video chats may substitute for crowding around a single festive table @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fun story to tell the group .
Give each participant a chance to say something before the free-for-all begins .
What to talk about ?
Show the group your prized pooch or , even better , the new baby .
No words needed . )
In 2020 the holiday spirit keeps popping up despite the challenges .
Outdoor Christmas light displays at botanical gardens or other public places put on shimmering shows for visitors .
Even nativity pageants go on , although in altered forms .
Children can be recorded individually as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ synced up in front of an appropriate backdrop for online viewing by admiring parents .
“ This [ Christmas ] shakes you out of your old patterns and lets new things emerge , ” the Rev .
Brad Froslee , pastor at St. Michael ’ s Lutheran Church in Roseville , Minnesota , told the Minneapolis Star-Tribune .
“ The Nativity story is about people coming from all directions , during a strange time , and ending in a miracle , ” he said .
“ It seems to be much the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heights in 2020 , but the opportunity for thoughtful contemplation of the Christmas message remains .
“ I love to observe Christmas in quietude , humility , benevolence , charity , ” the Monitor ’ s founder , Mary Baker Eddy , once wrote , “ letting good will towards man , eloquent silence , prayer , and praise express my conception of Truth ’ s appearing.
” That celebration of Christmas lives on within the heart , always shedding new light .

Christmas has always been about light. It follows the winter solstice, which signals that days in the Northern Hemisphere will now grow longer. More light!
Christmas light illumines thoughts as well. Celebrating the birth of a child who brought a world-changing message speaks of a new beginning. A time to glimpse unlimited possibilities.
This year some in Britain’s news media bemoaned that “Christmas is canceled,” after Prime Minister Boris Johnson found it necessary to call for a lockdown on public activities following the discovery of a new strain of the COVID-19 virus circulating there.
Antonis Kousoulis, director of England and Wales operations for the Mental Health Foundation, urged officials to explain why limiting gatherings was really a kindness. “I find ‘Christmas is canceled’ is a little bit unhelpful,” he said. “I think it would be better if we said, ‘we’ll get through this together’ and ‘we’ll support each other.’”
The truth remains that because Christmas abides in human hearts, it can never be canceled.
Christmas 2020 finds people still expressing the Christmas spirit everywhere. A grocery store worker told The Boston Globe that those coming in right now have never been kinder or friendlier.
They say, “‘Thank you for going to look for this,’ or ‘Thank you for your help,’” the worker wrote in a column. “I continue to hear gratitude in my customers’ voices. I see it in their eyes, the glisten that lets me know they are smiling behind their masks.”
Others are making their own contribution to a happy Christmas. Essential workers such as those in hospitals are among the holiday heroes. Postal and other delivery workers are handling a prodigious number of packages, providing a new way that “shoppers rush home with their treasures.”
Most people already sense that now is the time to keep in close touch with friends and relatives, perhaps checking in on someone they haven’t talked with in a while or don’t know well.
For many families online video chats may substitute for crowding around a single festive table. (Expert tips: Have a fun story to tell the group. Give each participant a chance to say something before the free-for-all begins. What to talk about? Show the group your prized pooch or, even better, the new baby. No words needed.)
In 2020 the holiday spirit keeps popping up despite the challenges. Outdoor Christmas light displays at botanical gardens or other public places put on shimmering shows for visitors.
Even nativity pageants go on, although in altered forms. Children can be recorded individually as an angel or shepherd at home and then synced up in front of an appropriate backdrop for online viewing by admiring parents.
“This [Christmas] shakes you out of your old patterns and lets new things emerge,” the Rev. Brad Froslee, pastor at St. Michael’s Lutheran Church in Roseville, Minnesota, told the Minneapolis Star-Tribune. “The Nativity story is about people coming from all directions, during a strange time, and ending in a miracle,” he said. “It seems to be much the same now.”
Revelry may not reach new heights in 2020, but the opportunity for thoughtful contemplation of the Christmas message remains.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“I love to observe Christmas in quietude, humility, benevolence, charity,” the Monitor’s founder, Mary Baker Eddy, once wrote, “letting good will towards man, eloquent silence, prayer, and praise express my conception of Truth’s appearing.”
That celebration of Christmas lives on within the heart, always shedding new light.


csmonitor--2020-12-22--Georgia Senate race shows deep rift on Christian faith

White and Black churches in the South have long embraced different views of their roles in society .
But this election is bringing the differences to the fore and using them as a political lever , risking the fragile progress toward mutual understanding that has been made in recent decades .
To his Republican opponent in Georgia ’ s Jan. 5 United States Senate race , much of what Mr. Warnock says sounds like the Marxism of a “ radical liberal.
” Sen. Kelly Loeffler has set herself up as Georgia ’ s bulwark against this “ radical agenda.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an election that could determine the balance of power in the Senate .
But to many Black pastors , Senator Loeffler ’ s campaign is attacking the foundations of the Black church .
When the Rev .
Raphael Warnock preaches from the pulpit of Ebenezer Baptist Church , he sees the line of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. extending to the present day .
“ The grand story that connects King to ... Ebenezer , to all of the great struggles we ’ ve seen in this country ... is about the enlargening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can breathe , ” he said recently .
To Republican Sen. Kelly Loeffler , the gospel that her opponent preaches from the pulpit of Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta is a threat to capitalism and the American way of life .
She has not minced words .
The Rev .
Raphael Warnock , whom she faces in a Jan. 5 runoff for United States Senate , is a “ radical liberal , ” she repeatedly says .
At a rally for Senator Loeffler , former Rep. Doug Collins went further : “ There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pastor .
What you have is a lie from the bed of hell .
It is time to send it back to Ebenezer Baptist Church.
” Perhaps such heated rhetoric should not be surprising .
The election – along with a second Georgia runoff on the same day – will determine which party controls the Senate in Washington .
With Democrats now set to hold the White House and House of Representatives , the Georgia races represent a last stand for Republicans this election cycle .
Yet the targeting of Mr. Warnock ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics .
It has revealed the deep differences in the South between a white Christian tradition founded on personal salvation , and a Black Christian tradition that preaches liberation and social justice .
In that way , the political balance of power in Washington could hinge on how Georgia resolves tensions about faith that date back to America ’ s founding .
In the past , when those two strands of Christianity have clashed , Ebenezer has been a salve , honored as the church of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mr. Warnock suggests not just a base-energizing strategy , but a willingness to risk the bonds of those efforts to find common ground and healing .
“ This McCarthy-esque frightening plays on polarization and tribalism , and has become a departure from a fragile trajectory of increased bipartisan civility ” between Republicans and the Black church , says Robert Franklin , the former president of Morehouse College , who now holds a chair in moral leadership at Candler School of Theology at Emory University in Atlanta .
“ At its heart it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This is not Marxian economics .
This is Christian social gospel.
” On Saturday , more than 100 Black pastors wrote to Senator Loeffler , asking her to “ cease and desist your false characterizations of Reverend Warnock as ‘ radical ’ or ‘ socialist.
’ … We see your attacks against Warnock as a broader attack against the Black Church and faith traditions for which we stand.
” Senator Loeffler pushed back on the accusation , tweeting , “ No one attacked the Black church.
” Addressing Mr. Warnock , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your record in your own words .
Instead of playing the victim , start answering simple questions about what you ’ ve said and who you ’ ve associated yourself with .
If you can ’ t – you shouldn ’ t be running for U.S. Senate.
” While few members of Congress are ordained ministers , the House currently has more than at any time since Congress began keeping occupational statistics in the 1950s , according to Robert Speel , a political scientist at the Pennsylvania State University .
The first ministers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress date back to Reconstruction .
Mr. Warnock presided over the funeral of civil rights leader John Lewis as well as Rayshard Brooks , the Black man killed by an Atlanta police officer this summer .
Ebenezer has long been seen as a place of fellowship , even by those who might disagree with its religious worldview .
Senator Loeffler ’ s first event as a member of the U.S. Senate was to speak at Ebenezer on Martin Luther King Jr. Day – part of an annual pilgrimage by Republicans to pay homage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black church .
Role of faith in the election In such a high-stakes election it is natural that religion would become a key motivator .
“ Churches have power , ” says Trelleny Joiner , a faith organizer at the New Georgia Project , a nonpartisan voter registration effort .
“ Especially being here in the Bible Belt and Georgia having very deep faith and religious roots , there ’ s not really any separation between church and state when you consider how faith communities have such a big role in the political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – or the whole nation.
” That has made abortion a top issue for many voters .
Mr. Warnock ’ s pro-abortion-rights stance has caused problems within his own religious community , too , with conservative Black pastors criticizing him for his views .
But every issue , it seems , has an undercurrent of race and culture beneath it , says the Rev .
Dwight Andrews , senior pastor at First Congregational Church of Atlanta .
“ People aren ’ t asking thoughtful questions about who would be the best leader for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and who is Black , who is the demon and who is going to be the savior of whiteness ?
” he says .
The campaign has become a test of Georgia values , he adds .
Aaron Goldstein wrestled with his decision in both races – Senator Loeffler versus Mr. Warnock and Republican Senator David Perdue versus Democrat Jon Ossoff .
He moved from New York to Atlanta two months ago for a new job .
A Republican and naturalized citizen from Canada , Mr. Goldstein voted by absentee ballot last week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ If Loeffler and Perdue lose , it will be because of their own naked self-interest , and that ’ s something that is going to resonate , ” he says .
“ If Ossoff and Warnock are successful , it will be in large part because Perdue and Loeffler made it clear they didn ’ t care ” about issues that face Georgians , from the pandemic to racial harmony , he adds .
Bill Sawyer has a different vantage point .
The cowboy-booted Texas transplant is one of the few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , perched above the mud-stained whorls of the Savannah River .
The town was founded as a religious utopia by Protestant exiles from Austria in the late 18th century , and Mr. Sawyer lives in one of the cabins at a Christian retreat .
Here in Effingham County , a record 80 % of eligible voters cast ballots in the November election , with Senator Loeffler besting Mr. Warnock by a 3-to-1 margin .
Yet Mr. Sawyer senses a shift .
He is city manager of a town not far away , about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ growing by leaps and bounds , with 300 new homes being built in a town of 1,600 people .
But the newcomers are noticeably more progressive than the county as a whole .
Senator Loeffler was originally seen as someone who could build common cause with those voters , Mr. Sawyer says .
Her ownership of a Women ’ s National Basketball Association team and her outreach to Ebenezer early in her tenure pointed in that direction .
Instead , her decision to forgo that suburban appeal for full-throated base mobilization “ seems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tune with Georgia sensibilities , says Mr. Sawyer .
“ What people in this state want is service and acceptability , ” he says .
“ That ’ s not the message that ’ s being conveyed .
And that could backfire in the suburbs , where this race will be decided .
”

White and Black churches in the South have long embraced different views of their roles in society. But this election is bringing the differences to the fore and using them as a political lever, risking the fragile progress toward mutual understanding that has been made in recent decades.
The past year has brought many racial issues to the surface, and the Georgia Senate race is no different. Centuries-old differences between the white and Black church in the South are coming to the fore.
To his Republican opponent in Georgia’s Jan. 5 United States Senate race, much of what Mr. Warnock says sounds like the Marxism of a “radical liberal.” Sen. Kelly Loeffler has set herself up as Georgia’s bulwark against this “radical agenda.” Such tough rhetoric is hardly surprising in an election that could determine the balance of power in the Senate. But to many Black pastors, Senator Loeffler’s campaign is attacking the foundations of the Black church.
When the Rev. Raphael Warnock preaches from the pulpit of Ebenezer Baptist Church, he sees the line of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. extending to the present day. “The grand story that connects King to ... Ebenezer, to all of the great struggles we’ve seen in this country ... is about the enlargening of our democracy ... so that everybody can breathe,” he said recently.
To Republican Sen. Kelly Loeffler, the gospel that her opponent preaches from the pulpit of Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta is a threat to capitalism and the American way of life.
She has not minced words. The Rev. Raphael Warnock, whom she faces in a Jan. 5 runoff for United States Senate, is a “radical liberal,” she repeatedly says. At a rally for Senator Loeffler, former Rep. Doug Collins went further: “There is no such thing as a pro-choice pastor. What you have is a lie from the bed of hell. It is time to send it back to Ebenezer Baptist Church.”
Perhaps such heated rhetoric should not be surprising. The election – along with a second Georgia runoff on the same day – will determine which party controls the Senate in Washington. With Democrats now set to hold the White House and House of Representatives, the Georgia races represent a last stand for Republicans this election cycle.
Why We Wrote This The past year has brought many racial issues to the surface, and the Georgia Senate race is no different. Centuries-old differences between the white and Black church in the South are coming to the fore.
Yet the targeting of Mr. Warnock’s beliefs has taken the election beyond politics. It has revealed the deep differences in the South between a white Christian tradition founded on personal salvation, and a Black Christian tradition that preaches liberation and social justice. In that way, the political balance of power in Washington could hinge on how Georgia resolves tensions about faith that date back to America’s founding.
In the past, when those two strands of Christianity have clashed, Ebenezer has been a salve, honored as the church of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. But the religious nature of the attacks on Mr. Warnock suggests not just a base-energizing strategy, but a willingness to risk the bonds of those efforts to find common ground and healing.
“This McCarthy-esque frightening plays on polarization and tribalism, and has become a departure from a fragile trajectory of increased bipartisan civility” between Republicans and the Black church, says Robert Franklin, the former president of Morehouse College, who now holds a chair in moral leadership at Candler School of Theology at Emory University in Atlanta.
“At its heart it’s a mischaracterization,” he adds. “This is not Marxian economics. This is Christian social gospel.”
David Goldman/AP/File View caption Hide caption The Rev. Raphael Warnock speaks at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Atlanta on Jan. 12, 2018. Former President Barack Obama is endorsing Mr. Warnock in the race to fill a U.S. Senate seat in Georgia.
Pastors’ concerns
On Saturday, more than 100 Black pastors wrote to Senator Loeffler, asking her to “cease and desist your false characterizations of Reverend Warnock as ‘radical’ or ‘socialist.’… We see your attacks against Warnock as a broader attack against the Black Church and faith traditions for which we stand.”
Senator Loeffler pushed back on the accusation, tweeting, “No one attacked the Black church.”
Addressing Mr. Warnock, she wrote, “We simply exposed your record in your own words. Instead of playing the victim, start answering simple questions about what you’ve said and who you’ve associated yourself with. If you can’t – you shouldn’t be running for U.S. Senate.”
While few members of Congress are ordained ministers, the House currently has more than at any time since Congress began keeping occupational statistics in the 1950s, according to Robert Speel, a political scientist at the Pennsylvania State University. The first ministers from the Black church to serve in Congress date back to Reconstruction.
Mr. Warnock presided over the funeral of civil rights leader John Lewis as well as Rayshard Brooks, the Black man killed by an Atlanta police officer this summer. Ebenezer has long been seen as a place of fellowship, even by those who might disagree with its religious worldview. Senator Loeffler’s first event as a member of the U.S. Senate was to speak at Ebenezer on Martin Luther King Jr. Day – part of an annual pilgrimage by Republicans to pay homage to the King family and the broader Black church.
Role of faith in the election
In such a high-stakes election it is natural that religion would become a key motivator.
“Churches have power,” says Trelleny Joiner, a faith organizer at the New Georgia Project, a nonpartisan voter registration effort. “Especially being here in the Bible Belt and Georgia having very deep faith and religious roots, there’s not really any separation between church and state when you consider how faith communities have such a big role in the political agenda of a state or a community – or the whole nation.”
That has made abortion a top issue for many voters. Mr. Warnock’s pro-abortion-rights stance has caused problems within his own religious community, too, with conservative Black pastors criticizing him for his views.
But every issue, it seems, has an undercurrent of race and culture beneath it, says the Rev. Dwight Andrews, senior pastor at First Congregational Church of Atlanta.
“People aren’t asking thoughtful questions about who would be the best leader for the future, but who is white and who is Black, who is the demon and who is going to be the savior of whiteness?” he says.
The campaign has become a test of Georgia values, he adds.
Ben Gray/AP View caption Hide caption U.S. Sen. Kelly Loeffler (left) and Democratic challenger Raphael Warnock appear during a debate, Dec. 6, 2020, in Atlanta.
Aaron Goldstein wrestled with his decision in both races – Senator Loeffler versus Mr. Warnock and Republican Senator David Perdue versus Democrat Jon Ossoff. He moved from New York to Atlanta two months ago for a new job. A Republican and naturalized citizen from Canada, Mr. Goldstein voted by absentee ballot last week for Mr. Warnock – with great hesitation.
“If Loeffler and Perdue lose, it will be because of their own naked self-interest, and that’s something that is going to resonate,” he says. “If Ossoff and Warnock are successful, it will be in large part because Perdue and Loeffler made it clear they didn’t care” about issues that face Georgians, from the pandemic to racial harmony, he adds.
View from Trump country
Bill Sawyer has a different vantage point. The cowboy-booted Texas transplant is one of the few remaining residents of New Ebenezer, Georgia, perched above the mud-stained whorls of the Savannah River. The town was founded as a religious utopia by Protestant exiles from Austria in the late 18th century, and Mr. Sawyer lives in one of the cabins at a Christian retreat.
Here in Effingham County, a record 80% of eligible voters cast ballots in the November election, with Senator Loeffler besting Mr. Warnock by a 3-to-1 margin. Yet Mr. Sawyer senses a shift.
He is city manager of a town not far away, about 40 miles outside Savannah. It is growing by leaps and bounds, with 300 new homes being built in a town of 1,600 people. But the newcomers are noticeably more progressive than the county as a whole.
Senator Loeffler was originally seen as someone who could build common cause with those voters, Mr. Sawyer says. Her ownership of a Women’s National Basketball Association team and her outreach to Ebenezer early in her tenure pointed in that direction.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Instead, her decision to forgo that suburban appeal for full-throated base mobilization “seems like a rookie mistake” out of tune with Georgia sensibilities, says Mr. Sawyer.
“What people in this state want is service and acceptability,” he says. “That’s not the message that’s being conveyed. And that could backfire in the suburbs, where this race will be decided.”


csmonitor--2020-12-22--Why Barr says no to special counsel on election, Hunter Biden

Undercutting United States President Donald Trump on multiple fronts , Attorney General William Barr said Monday he saw no reason to appoint a special counsel to look into the president ’ s claims about the 2020 election or to name one for the tax investigation of President-elect Joe Biden ’ s son .
Mr. Barr , in his final public appearance as a member of Mr. Trump ’ s Cabinet , also reinforced the belief of federal officials that Russia was behind a massive hack of U.S. government agencies – not China , as the president has suggested .
Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , having morphed from one of Mr. Trump ’ s most loyal allies to one of the few members of the Cabinet willing to contradict the president openly .
That ’ s been particularly true since the election , with Mr. Barr declaring in an interview with The AP that he had seen no evidence of widespread voting fraud , even as Mr. Trump continued to make false claims about the integrity of the contest .
The president has also grown particularly angry that Mr. Barr didn ’ t announce the existence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before the election .
On Monday , Mr. Barr said that investigation was “ being handled responsibly and professionally.
” “ I have not seen a reason to appoint a special counsel and I have no plan to do so before I leave , ” he said , adding that there was also no need for a special counsel to investigate the election .
A special counsel would make it more difficult for Mr. Biden and his yet-to-be-named attorney general to close investigations begun under Mr. Trump .
Such an appointment could also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , particularly to the throngs of Mr. Trump supporters who believe the election was stolen because Mr. Trump keeps wrongly claiming it was .
Mr. Barr ’ s comments came at a press conference to announce additional criminal charges in the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 , which killed 190 Americans , an issue he had worked on in his previous stint as attorney general in the early 1990s .
He ’ ll step down on Wednesday and be replaced by acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen .
Mr. Barr ’ s statements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ easier for Mr. Rosen to resist pressure from the White House to open any special counsel investigation .
In his 2019 confirmation hearing for deputy attorney general , Mr. Rosen said he was willing to rebuff political pressure from the White House if necessary .
He told legislators that criminal investigations should “ proceed on the facts and the law ” and prosecutions should be “ free of improper political influences.
” “ If the appropriate answer is to say no to somebody , then I will say no , ” he said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his allies have filed roughly 50 lawsuits challenging election results and nearly all have been dismissed or dropped .
He ’ s also lost twice at the U.S. Supreme Court .
With no further tenable legal recourse , Mr. Trump has been fuming and peppering allies for options as he refuses to accept his loss .
Among those allies is Rudy Giuliani , who during a meeting Friday pushed Mr. Trump to seize voting machines in his hunt for evidence of fraud .
The Homeland Security Department made clear , however , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It is also unclear what that would accomplish .
For his part , Mr. Barr said he saw no reason to seize them .
Earlier this month , Mr. Barr also told AP that the Justice Department and Homeland Security had looked into the claims “ that machines were programmed essentially to skew the election results ” and ultimately concluded that “ we haven ’ t seen anything to substantiate that.
” Mr. Trump has consulted on special counsels with White House chief of staff Mark Meadows , White House counsel Pat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to several Trump administration officials and Republicans close to the White House who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because they weren ’ t authorized discuss the matter publicly .
Mr. Trump was interested both in a counsel to investigate the younger Biden ’ s tax dealings and a second to look into election fraud .
He even floated the idea of naming attorney Sidney Powell as the counsel – though Ms. Powell was booted from Trump ’ s legal team after she made a series of increasingly wild , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law requires that an attorney general appoint any special counsels .
Mr. Barr also said Monday the hack of U.S. government agencies “ certainly appears to be the Russians.
” In implicating the Russians , Mr. Barr was siding with the widely held belief within the U.S. government and the cybersecurity community that Russian hackers were responsible for breaches at multiple government agencies , including the Treasury and Commerce departments .
Hours after Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in a radio interview that Russia was “ pretty clearly ” behind the hacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ message and play down the severity of the attack .
He tweeted that the “ Cyber Hack is far greater in the Fake News Media than in actuality.
” He also said China could be responsible even though no credible evidence has emerged to suggest anyone other than Russia might be to blame .
Monday was also the 32nd anniversary of the Pan Am explosion over Lockerbie , Scotland , that killed 259 people in the air and 11 on the ground .
The Justice Department announced its case against the accused bombmaker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who admitted in an interview with Libyan officials several years ago that he had built the bomb and worked with two other defendants to carry out the attack , Mr. Barr said .
Calling the news conference to announce the charges underscored Mr. Barr ’ s attachment to that case .
He had announced an earlier set of charges against two other Libyan intelligence officials in his capacity as acting attorney general nearly 30 years ago , vowing the investigation would continue .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Undercutting United States President Donald Trump on multiple fronts, Attorney General William Barr said Monday he saw no reason to appoint a special counsel to look into the president’s claims about the 2020 election or to name one for the tax investigation of President-elect Joe Biden’s son.
Mr. Barr, in his final public appearance as a member of Mr. Trump’s Cabinet, also reinforced the belief of federal officials that Russia was behind a massive hack of U.S. government agencies – not China, as the president has suggested.
Mr. Barr is leaving the Justice Department this week, having morphed from one of Mr. Trump’s most loyal allies to one of the few members of the Cabinet willing to contradict the president openly. That’s been particularly true since the election, with Mr. Barr declaring in an interview with The AP that he had seen no evidence of widespread voting fraud, even as Mr. Trump continued to make false claims about the integrity of the contest.
The president has also grown particularly angry that Mr. Barr didn’t announce the existence of a two-year-old investigation of Hunter Biden before the election. On Monday, Mr. Barr said that investigation was “being handled responsibly and professionally.”
“I have not seen a reason to appoint a special counsel and I have no plan to do so before I leave,” he said, adding that there was also no need for a special counsel to investigate the election.
A special counsel would make it more difficult for Mr. Biden and his yet-to-be-named attorney general to close investigations begun under Mr. Trump. Such an appointment could also add a false legitimacy to baseless claims, particularly to the throngs of Mr. Trump supporters who believe the election was stolen because Mr. Trump keeps wrongly claiming it was.
Mr. Barr’s comments came at a press conference to announce additional criminal charges in the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103, which killed 190 Americans, an issue he had worked on in his previous stint as attorney general in the early 1990s. He’ll step down on Wednesday and be replaced by acting Attorney General Jeffrey Rosen.
Mr. Barr’s statements on the special counsel may make it easier for Mr. Rosen to resist pressure from the White House to open any special counsel investigation.
In his 2019 confirmation hearing for deputy attorney general, Mr. Rosen said he was willing to rebuff political pressure from the White House if necessary. He told legislators that criminal investigations should “proceed on the facts and the law” and prosecutions should be “free of improper political influences.”
“If the appropriate answer is to say no to somebody, then I will say no,” he said at the time.
Mr. Trump and his allies have filed roughly 50 lawsuits challenging election results and nearly all have been dismissed or dropped. He’s also lost twice at the U.S. Supreme Court.
With no further tenable legal recourse, Mr. Trump has been fuming and peppering allies for options as he refuses to accept his loss.
Among those allies is Rudy Giuliani, who during a meeting Friday pushed Mr. Trump to seize voting machines in his hunt for evidence of fraud. The Homeland Security Department made clear, however, that it had no authority to do so. It is also unclear what that would accomplish.
For his part, Mr. Barr said he saw no reason to seize them. Earlier this month, Mr. Barr also told AP that the Justice Department and Homeland Security had looked into the claims “that machines were programmed essentially to skew the election results” and ultimately concluded that “we haven’t seen anything to substantiate that.”
Mr. Trump has consulted on special counsels with White House chief of staff Mark Meadows, White House counsel Pat Cipollone, and outside allies, according to several Trump administration officials and Republicans close to the White House who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized discuss the matter publicly.
Mr. Trump was interested both in a counsel to investigate the younger Biden’s tax dealings and a second to look into election fraud. He even floated the idea of naming attorney Sidney Powell as the counsel – though Ms. Powell was booted from Trump’s legal team after she made a series of increasingly wild, conspiratorial claims about the election.
Federal law requires that an attorney general appoint any special counsels.
Mr. Barr also said Monday the hack of U.S. government agencies “certainly appears to be the Russians.”
In implicating the Russians, Mr. Barr was siding with the widely held belief within the U.S. government and the cybersecurity community that Russian hackers were responsible for breaches at multiple government agencies, including the Treasury and Commerce departments.
Hours after Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said in a radio interview that Russia was “pretty clearly” behind the hacks, Mr. Trump sought to undercut that message and play down the severity of the attack.
He tweeted that the “Cyber Hack is far greater in the Fake News Media than in actuality.” He also said China could be responsible even though no credible evidence has emerged to suggest anyone other than Russia might be to blame.
Monday was also the 32nd anniversary of the Pan Am explosion over Lockerbie, Scotland, that killed 259 people in the air and 11 on the ground.
The Justice Department announced its case against the accused bombmaker, Abu Agela Masud Kheir Al-Marimi, who admitted in an interview with Libyan officials several years ago that he had built the bomb and worked with two other defendants to carry out the attack, Mr. Barr said.
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Calling the news conference to announce the charges underscored Mr. Barr’s attachment to that case. He had announced an earlier set of charges against two other Libyan intelligence officials in his capacity as acting attorney general nearly 30 years ago, vowing the investigation would continue.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Eric Tucker contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-12-23--Trump’s final days: A transition unlike any other in U.S. history

“ He ’ s livid , ” says a source close to Mr. Trump ’ s orbit .
“ In his head , everyone was out to get him .
And it ’ s the media coverage that ’ s eating at him more than anything.
” Beneath the daily turmoil lurks the perpetual question : Does Mr. Trump really think the election was stolen from him , despite the lack of concrete evidence ?
Or is he simply keeping his supporters fired up so he can possibly run for president again in 2024 ?
For Mr. Trump , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ view of government spending but also a love of the spotlight .
He used the opportunity to insist – again – that he might be headed for a second term .
President Donald Trump still insists he won the Nov. 3 election , and has been meeting with conspiracy theorists and other allies promoting unrealistic and in some cases seditious ideas aimed at overturning the results .
On Wednesday , he vetoed the National Defense Authorization Act – which had passed the House and Senate with veto-proof majorities .
Yesterday , after announcing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bipartisan congressional agreement on pandemic relief payments , demanding in a tweeted video that they be raised from $ 600 a person to $ 2,000 .
Twenty-eight days before Inauguration Day , a presidency like no other has morphed into a transition like no other .
Twenty-eight days before Inauguration Day , a presidency like no other has morphed into a transition like no other – at once eye-poppingly dramatic and utterly predictable .
President Donald Trump still insists he won the Nov. 3 election , and has been meeting with conspiracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ congressional allies promoting unrealistic and in some cases seditious ideas aimed at overturning the results .
In other ways he is also behaving like a more typical American president about to leave office , with the announcement on Tuesday evening of 20 pardons and commutations – albeit some of them highly controversial .
“ It ’ s absolutely business as usual , ” says Trump biographer Gwenda Blair .
“ Refusing to acknowledge reality , bending reality – he ’ s done it for 50 years .
Why would he change now ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ memo , President Trump also upended a hard-fought , bipartisan congressional agreement on pandemic relief payments , demanding in a tweeted video that they be raised from $ 600 a person to $ 2,000 .
The “ or else ” – a presidential veto – was implied .
Wednesday morning , congressional leaders scrambled to save the deal , which includes government funding that would prevent a shutdown later this month .
For Mr. Trump , the last-minute maneuver reflected not only a populist view of government spending that runs counter to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a love of the spotlight .
He used the opportunity to insist – yet again – that he might be headed for a second term , asking Congress to “ send me a suitable bill , or else the next administration will have to deliver a COVID relief package , and maybe that administration will be me.
” Today , he followed up by vetoing the National Defense Authorization Act – funding the military – which had passed the House and Senate with veto-proof majorities .
Beneath the daily turmoil lurks the perpetual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe ?
Does he really think the election was stolen from him , despite the lack of any concrete evidence ?
Or does he know he lost , and is simply keeping his supporters fired up so he can hold sway over the GOP and possibly run for president again in 2024 ?
“ He ’ s livid , ” says a source close to Mr. Trump ’ s orbit .
“ In his head , everyone was out to get him .
And it ’ s the media coverage that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The president , according to this source , has seen a post-election survey by his pollster , McLaughlin & Associates , that reportedly shows he would have won reelection if more voters had been aware of the foreign business dealings of President-elect Joe Biden ’ s son Hunter .
Mr. Trump has blamed his attorney general , William Barr , for keeping quiet about a federal probe into Hunter Biden ’ s financial dealings during the campaign .
At his final news conference Monday , Attorney General Barr refused to support the appointment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ younger Mr. Biden .
He also declined to back the federal seizure of voting machines , an effort some Trump allies have been pushing for arguing it would show evidence of manipulation .
Mr. Barr , once a strong defender of Mr. Trump , announced his resignation last week .
As the endgame has neared , Mr. Trump has spent time with fringe figures , including former campaign lawyer Sidney Powell , who has outlined extensive conspiracy theories , and former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn , who has suggested seizing voting machines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force a rerun of the election .
On Monday , Mr. Trump met with sympathetic members of Congress , including GOP Rep.-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia , who has expressed support for the QAnon conspiracy theory .
Ms. Greene says there ’ s growing support in the House and Senate to challenge Mr. Biden ’ s 306-232 victory in the Electoral College when both chambers meet on Jan. 6 .
All of this year ’ s post-election machinations are a far cry from the usual .
But then , Mr. Trump is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many ways , ” says Robert C. Smith , a professor of political science at San Francisco State University .
But while the turmoil of 2020 may be unprecedented in the modern era , historians say it isn ’ t the most tumultuous election this nation has seen .
“ We started out on the wee hours of election night with comparisons to 1960 and 2000 , but , unfortunately , they proved too tame , ” writes presidential historian David Pietrusza in an email .
“ So we have traveled on to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Then , Democrat Samuel Tilden led in the popular vote over Republican Rutherford Hayes , but the electoral votes from several states were disputed .
Lacking a constitutional remedy for the impasse , Congress convened a commission .
In the so-called compromise of 1877 , Mr. Hayes became president and Democrats effectively won the end of Reconstruction .
“ Our Constitution does not actually say what should happen if there are disputes about who carried a particular state , ” says Eric Foner , emeritus professor of history at Columbia University .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wins the majority of the Electoral College : It goes to the House .
But that assumes that everyone agrees on the Electoral College results .
If people don ’ t , then you ’ re sort of in uncharted waters.
” Today , the Electoral College has already voted for Mr. Biden , and Mr. Trump ’ s effort to overturn the results in several states seems quixotic at best .
When the joint session of Congress convenes on Jan. 6 to formally count the votes of the Electoral College , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Senate is expected to raise objections to Mr. Biden ’ s victory .
But there ’ s no chance the effort to overturn the results goes anywhere .
So why would Mr. Trump encourage such an effort ?
He wants to “ exhaust every avenue ” and if he ’ s going down , go down fighting , says one Trump watcher .
That never-say-die approach is part of his brand and boosts him as a post-presidential “ influencer ” and party leader , if not a candidate for 2024 .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ knows , ” says Professor Foner , who notes “ he has certainly picked up a lot of money ” in political contributions during this post-election period .
In addition , “ he ’ s forced most Republicans to line up behind him , which reinforced his status as leader of the party.
” Another election that may hold some currency for Mr. Trump is the contest of 1824 .
Andrew Jackson won a plurality of both the popular and electoral votes , but when the election was thrown into the House , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Like Trump today , Jackson felt the election was illegitimate and corrupt , but he did not quite have the media outlets that Trump does to explain all this , ” says Professor Foner .
Four years later , in a rematch , Jackson beat President Adams .
A portrait of Jackson hangs on the wall of Mr. Trump ’ s Oval Office .
With a month still to go , the Trump-Biden transition has observers – including White House aides – on the edge of their seats .
What else might Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ foreign policy , that could tie Mr. Biden ’ s hands ?
Will he pardon himself or family members ?
What will he do on Inauguration Day ?
The pardons and commutations announced Tuesday evening caused an uproar , particularly those of three disgraced former members of Congress and four military contractors convicted of war crimes in Iraq .
But Mr. Trump is still president , and by all accounts , enjoys flexing the executive power that comes with the office .
Whether a future Congress will try to rein in those powers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But for the next 28 days , it ’ s his to use .

“He’s livid,” says a source close to Mr. Trump’s orbit. “In his head, everyone was out to get him. And it’s the media coverage that’s eating at him more than anything.”
Beneath the daily turmoil lurks the perpetual question: Does Mr. Trump really think the election was stolen from him, despite the lack of concrete evidence? Or is he simply keeping his supporters fired up so he can possibly run for president again in 2024?
For Mr. Trump, the last-minute maneuver reflected not only a populist view of government spending but also a love of the spotlight. He used the opportunity to insist – again – that he might be headed for a second term.
President Trump’s actions show his determination to bend reality to his advantage. In the past 24 hours, he has vetoed the military spending bill, threatened to upend COVID-19 relief, and issued controversial pardons.
President Donald Trump still insists he won the Nov. 3 election, and has been meeting with conspiracy theorists and other allies promoting unrealistic and in some cases seditious ideas aimed at overturning the results. On Wednesday, he vetoed the National Defense Authorization Act – which had passed the House and Senate with veto-proof majorities. Yesterday, after announcing 20 pardons and commutations, he upended a bipartisan congressional agreement on pandemic relief payments, demanding in a tweeted video that they be raised from $600 a person to $2,000.
Twenty-eight days before Inauguration Day, a presidency like no other has morphed into a transition like no other.
Twenty-eight days before Inauguration Day, a presidency like no other has morphed into a transition like no other – at once eye-poppingly dramatic and utterly predictable.
President Donald Trump still insists he won the Nov. 3 election, and has been meeting with conspiracy theorists, controversial former aides, and congressional allies promoting unrealistic and in some cases seditious ideas aimed at overturning the results. In other ways he is also behaving like a more typical American president about to leave office, with the announcement on Tuesday evening of 20 pardons and commutations – albeit some of them highly controversial.
“It’s absolutely business as usual,” says Trump biographer Gwenda Blair. “Refusing to acknowledge reality, bending reality – he’s done it for 50 years. Why would he change now?”
Why We Wrote This President Trump’s actions show his determination to bend reality to his advantage. In the past 24 hours, he has vetoed the military spending bill, threatened to upend COVID-19 relief, and issued controversial pardons.
Within minutes of issuing the clemency memo, President Trump also upended a hard-fought, bipartisan congressional agreement on pandemic relief payments, demanding in a tweeted video that they be raised from $600 a person to $2,000. The “or else” – a presidential veto – was implied. Wednesday morning, congressional leaders scrambled to save the deal, which includes government funding that would prevent a shutdown later this month.
For Mr. Trump, the last-minute maneuver reflected not only a populist view of government spending that runs counter to the stance of GOP congressional leaders but also a love of the spotlight. He used the opportunity to insist – yet again – that he might be headed for a second term, asking Congress to “send me a suitable bill, or else the next administration will have to deliver a COVID relief package, and maybe that administration will be me.”
Today, he followed up by vetoing the National Defense Authorization Act – funding the military – which had passed the House and Senate with veto-proof majorities.
Beneath the daily turmoil lurks the perpetual question: What does Mr. Trump actually believe? Does he really think the election was stolen from him, despite the lack of any concrete evidence? Or does he know he lost, and is simply keeping his supporters fired up so he can hold sway over the GOP and possibly run for president again in 2024?
“He’s livid,” says a source close to Mr. Trump’s orbit. “In his head, everyone was out to get him. And it’s the media coverage that’s eating at him more than anything.”
The president, according to this source, has seen a post-election survey by his pollster, McLaughlin & Associates, that reportedly shows he would have won reelection if more voters had been aware of the foreign business dealings of President-elect Joe Biden’s son Hunter.
Mr. Trump has blamed his attorney general, William Barr, for keeping quiet about a federal probe into Hunter Biden’s financial dealings during the campaign. At his final news conference Monday, Attorney General Barr refused to support the appointment of a special counsel to investigate the younger Mr. Biden. He also declined to back the federal seizure of voting machines, an effort some Trump allies have been pushing for arguing it would show evidence of manipulation. Mr. Barr, once a strong defender of Mr. Trump, announced his resignation last week.
As the endgame has neared, Mr. Trump has spent time with fringe figures, including former campaign lawyer Sidney Powell, who has outlined extensive conspiracy theories, and former National Security Adviser Michael Flynn, who has suggested seizing voting machines and deploying troops to key states to force a rerun of the election.
Carolyn Kaster/AP/File View caption Hide caption George Papadopoulos, the former Trump campaign adviser who triggered the Russia investigation, arrives for his first appearance before congressional investigators, on Capitol Hill in Washington on Oct. 25, 2018. President Donald Trump pardoned 15 people, including Papadopoulos, his 2016 former campaign adviser whose conversation unwittingly helped trigger the Russia investigation that shadowed Trump’s presidency for nearly two years.
On Monday, Mr. Trump met with sympathetic members of Congress, including GOP Rep.-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, who has expressed support for the QAnon conspiracy theory. Ms. Greene says there’s growing support in the House and Senate to challenge Mr. Biden’s 306-232 victory in the Electoral College when both chambers meet on Jan. 6.
All of this year’s post-election machinations are a far cry from the usual. But then, Mr. Trump is “unprecedented in American history in so many ways,” says Robert C. Smith, a professor of political science at San Francisco State University.
Still, while the turmoil of 2020 may be unprecedented in the modern era, historians say it isn’t the most tumultuous election this nation has seen.
“We started out on the wee hours of election night with comparisons to 1960 and 2000, but, unfortunately, they proved too tame,” writes presidential historian David Pietrusza in an email. “So we have traveled on to 1876 and the ultra-contentious Hayes-Tilden matchup.”
Then, Democrat Samuel Tilden led in the popular vote over Republican Rutherford Hayes, but the electoral votes from several states were disputed. Lacking a constitutional remedy for the impasse, Congress convened a commission. In the so-called compromise of 1877, Mr. Hayes became president and Democrats effectively won the end of Reconstruction.
“Our Constitution does not actually say what should happen if there are disputes about who carried a particular state,” says Eric Foner, emeritus professor of history at Columbia University. “It lays out what happens if nobody wins the majority of the Electoral College: It goes to the House. But that assumes that everyone agrees on the Electoral College results. If people don’t, then you’re sort of in uncharted waters.”
Today, the Electoral College has already voted for Mr. Biden, and Mr. Trump’s effort to overturn the results in several states seems quixotic at best. When the joint session of Congress convenes on Jan. 6 to formally count the votes of the Electoral College, at least one member each from the House and Senate is expected to raise objections to Mr. Biden’s victory. But there’s no chance the effort to overturn the results goes anywhere.
So why would Mr. Trump encourage such an effort? He wants to “exhaust every avenue” and if he’s going down, go down fighting, says one Trump watcher. That never-say-die approach is part of his brand and boosts him as a post-presidential “influencer” and party leader, if not a candidate for 2024.
“What’s Trump after? God knows,” says Professor Foner, who notes “he has certainly picked up a lot of money” in political contributions during this post-election period. In addition, “he’s forced most Republicans to line up behind him, which reinforced his status as leader of the party.”
Another election that may hold some currency for Mr. Trump is the contest of 1824. Andrew Jackson won a plurality of both the popular and electoral votes, but when the election was thrown into the House, John Quincy Adams emerged victorious.
“Like Trump today, Jackson felt the election was illegitimate and corrupt, but he did not quite have the media outlets that Trump does to explain all this,” says Professor Foner.
Four years later, in a rematch, Jackson beat President Adams. A portrait of Jackson hangs on the wall of Mr. Trump’s Oval Office.
With a month still to go, the Trump-Biden transition has observers – including White House aides – on the edge of their seats. What else might Mr. Trump do, either domestically or in foreign policy, that could tie Mr. Biden’s hands? Will he pardon himself or family members? What will he do on Inauguration Day?
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
The pardons and commutations announced Tuesday evening caused an uproar, particularly those of three disgraced former members of Congress and four military contractors convicted of war crimes in Iraq. But Mr. Trump is still president, and by all accounts, enjoys flexing the executive power that comes with the office.
Whether a future Congress will try to rein in those powers is a discussion for another day. But for the next 28 days, it’s his to use.