csmonitor--2020-10-30--For some abroad, four more years of Trump sounds pretty good

And Mr. Trump “ is the first president in 40 years not to start a new war , ” says Mr. Wolfmeier , a service manager in Hannover , Germany .
“ That ’ s good for Germany , good for everyone in the world.
” He ’ s been good for Mexico , says Hernan Dominguez Juarez , a former state-level teachers union organizer .
Remittances sent home by Mexican migrants have risen almost 50 % since Mr. Trump took office .
“ Those with family members living and working in the U.S. feel like their family is better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he does enjoy pockets of support from many sorts of people , from Chinese dissidents to Arab sheikhs , from Russian politicians to Mexican workers .
While some simply appreciate the gains that his tenure has brought to their countries , others speak of his policies and his restraint from launching the U.S. into new military conflicts as reasons for their admiration .
The drama of the United States election campaign has gripped onlookers around the world .
Generally speaking , President Donald Trump is not popular outside the U.S. His “ America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional allies , his apparent soft spot for foreign autocrats , and his sudden policy lurches have earned him a poor reputation internationally .
A man on a sunshine-yellow bicycle weaves his way through traffic , pulling a sign that reads , “ TRUMP 2020 KEEP AMERICA GREAT.
” From the shade of a Stars and Stripes marquee , participants wait for the event to begin , lauding the U.S. president ’ s commitment to family values and his support for the economy .
But this is not just another standard Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , on a recent Saturday afternoon , in a working-class district of Mexico City and few of the attendees have a vote in the U.S. election .
The drama of the U.S. election campaign has gripped onlookers around the world , and divided them .
Generally speaking , President Trump is not popular outside the United States .
His “ America First ” rhetoric , his disdain for traditional allies , his apparent soft spot for foreign autocrats , and his sudden policy lurches have earned him a poor reputation internationally .
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many sorts of people all around the world , from Chinese dissidents to Arab sheikhs , from Russian politicians to Mexican workers .
While some simply appreciate the gains that his tenure has brought to their countries , others speak of his policies and – perhaps most commonly – his restraint from launching the U.S. into new military conflicts as reasons for their admiration .
Christopher Alva , who organized the Mexico City meeting , was hoping to persuade people to urge their relatives in the United States to vote for Mr. Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mexican Americans during the pandemic in the U.S. And because “ he brings strong values , a lot of discipline to his leadership , ” Mr. Alva says .
“ He ’ s really decisive in his actions.
” And he ’ s been good for Mexico , argues Hernan Dominguez Juarez , a former state-level teachers union organizer .
The Trump administration has doubled the number of temporary farmworker visas issued each year , and remittances sent home by Mexican migrants have risen almost 50 % since Mr. Trump took office .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ working in the U.S. feel like their family is better taken care of under Trump , ” says Mr. Dominguez .
The U.S. flags on display at Mr. Alva ’ s rally also appeared in profusion last year in Hong Kong , as hundreds of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators rallied against Beijing ’ s encroachment on the territory ’ s autonomy .
And the protesters made no secret of whom they were primarily appealing to for help as they brandished his portrait : Mr. Trump .
The president ’ s tough stance on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human rights abuses , and unfair trade practices – meant that “ the overall impression of Trump was pretty positive and strong , ” says Kenneth Chan , who teaches politics at Hong Kong Baptist University .
Pro-Trump euphoria reached new heights last Thanksgiving when the president signed the long-awaited Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act , which requires Washington to sanction Hong Kong and mainland Chinese officials who violate human rights .
Thousands rallied that night on the shore of Victoria Harbor , some holding banners depicting Mr. Trump riding a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ head pasted onto Sylvester Stallone ’ s “ Rocky ” torso .
“ Donald Trump is the greatest president in the world , ” exclaimed a young worker .
“ He helps us fight China.
” For similar reasons , some prominent Chinese dissidents are also Trump fans : blind lawyer Chen Guangcheng , who fled China via the U.S. Embassy in Beijing in 2012 , praised his anti-China stand at this year ’ s Republican National Convention .
The Chinese government has remained neutral in public , but nationalist commentators on Chinese @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be good for China since his policies serve to unite the Chinese people and undermine the Western alliance system curbing Beijing .
He is known in such circles as “ Chuan Jianguo ” or “ Build-the-Country ” Trump – a patriotic nickname suggesting that Mr. Trump is aiding China ’ s rise .
When news of Mr. Trump ’ s victory in 2016 reached Moscow , the Russian Duma ( parliament ) famously erupted in a spontaneous standing ovation .
Candidate Trump had said he wanted to “ get along ” with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. intelligence agencies the Kremlin had actively worked for his election .
Today , expectations are lower and indifference more widespread .
Just 16 % of focus group subjects say they prefer Mr. Trump to Joe Biden ( 9 % ) , according to Denis Volkov at the Levada Center , Russia ’ s only independent pollster .
That ’ s down from 38 % for Mr. Trump in 2016 .
“ There is far less hope than before ... that anything will change in the U.S.-Russia relationship , ” he says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ see an advantage in Mr. Trump ’ s disdain for Western alliances such as NATO , writes Tanya Stanovaya in a recent paper published by the Carnegie Moscow Center .
Among the security services , she suggests , “ what ’ s important is that his contradictory and destructive policies make the United States more exposed and fragile , which gives Russia freer rein.
” But Mr. Trump has disappointed his erstwhile supporters in Moscow , says Sergei Markov , a former adviser to President Putin .
“ All the hopes he raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , more tensions , less arms control , and almost no diplomatic dialogue is what we have today .
But no one in Moscow has any hopes about Biden either.
” Mr. Putin criticized him earlier this month for his “ anti-Russia rhetoric.
” “ The feeling in Moscow is that if Trump can not pull Moscow out of its spiral of confrontation with the United States , no one can , ” adds Ms. Stanovaya .
Europe is home to one of only three world leaders to openly endorse Mr. Trump – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proudly calls his government an “ illiberal democracy.
” ( The other two are also populist autocrats , Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte . )
French President Emmanuel Macron emphatically is not one of them , though he did try to make nice with Mr. Trump early in his term .
But the American president is deeply unpopular in France except among extreme right-wing voters , with whom he is merely less unpopular .
A recent Pew Research poll found that 28 % of Marine Le Pen ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ; only 6 % of non-RN voters did .
One of them is Wallerand de Saint-Just , who is also treasurer of the National Rally party and who shares and admires Mr. Trump ’ s protectionist , nationalist outlook .
“ Joe Biden seems very weak ... compared to Trump ’ s huge amount of energy , ” he says .
Another RN figure , European Parliament member Jérôme Rivière , likes Mr. Trump ’ s anti-globalization stand .
“ Trump is the choice of patriots against globalization , ” he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our voters because it shows we are not alone , that others in power share the same ideas.
” Most importantly , he adds , President Trump has not sent soldiers abroad to fight in a new war .
For decades , “ each president has been involved in a war , ” Mr. Rivière says , “ imposed his vision of how things should work elsewhere .
But not Trump .
This is a notable aspect [ of his presidency ] and it should be congratulated.
” That is a key consideration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neighboring Germany , another country scarred by warfare .
Mr. Trump “ is the first president in 40 years not to start a new war , ” says Mr. Wolfmeier , a service manager for a Finnish elevator company in Hannover .
“ That ’ s good for Germany , good for everyone in the world , ” he adds .
Mr. Wolfmeier , who likes to pin a Trump 2020 button to his jacket and wear a red MAGA baseball cap , is an average conservative .
Half American ( though not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he was once a member of Democrats Abroad .
Then “ the party turned very left under Obama , especially on issues like abortion , immigration , and guns , ” he says , and now he volunteers as communications director for Republicans Abroad in Germany .
Trump supporters in Germany are generally “ quieter ” than Democrats , Mr. Wolfmeier says .
But the far-right Alternative for Germany ( AfD ) is not shy about its support for the U.S. president .
Its leaders were among the first German politicians to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Mr. Trump ’ s straight talk about “ America First ” that resonates most deeply with Armin-Paulus Hampel , an AfD member of the European Parliament .
“ Trump has recognized with clear eyes that multilateral relations have failed , ” says Mr. Hampel , whose website boasts a section entitled “ Germany First.
” “ And as a German politician I have to accept this and then figure out what German interests are.
” Israeli politicians do not face that challenge : Mr. Trump has aligned U.S. interests almost completely with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A June poll by the Israeli Democracy Institute found that 56 % of respondents ( 75 % of right-wing voters ) thought a Trump victory would serve Israel better than Mr. Biden .
Mr. Trump ’ s unstinting support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was epitomized by U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel ’ s capital and its acceptance of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights , captured from Syria in 1973 .
“ Trump is a major prize for the Israeli people , ” says Zion Vasika , who works for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ If you have a chicken that lays golden eggs , why would you change chickens ?
” The recent White House-brokered peace accords between Israel and two Gulf states , Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates , have reinforced Mr. Trump ’ s positive image .
“ He is one of the most important leaders there ever was in the United States when it comes to Israel and the Jews , ” says Yosef Ben-Hor , standing behind the counter of his dry-cleaning business in Tel Aviv .
Israel ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us as a force for good in the region , ” says Mr. Ben-Hor .
“ We have the backs of those countries that are also threatened by Iran and other extremists.
” Indeed , few are rooting harder , albeit discreetly , for Mr. Trump than the Arab monarchs in the Gulf who have developed close personal ties with him since he attended a summit in the Saudi Arabian capital in 2017 , his first overseas trip .
“ Trump has been unpredictable , inconsistent at times , rude at times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early and has a personal affinity with them , ” says Abdulkhaleq Abdulla , an Emirati professor of politics .
“ They are more than happy with four more years of Trump.
” The U.S. leader ’ s hard line against Iran , which Gulf states see as their greatest threat , has made him popular in the region , and he went out on a limb to protect de facto Saudi ruler Mohammed bin Salman , vetoing congressional sanctions in the wake of the murder of dissident Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Middle East , even his detractors express relief that Mr. Trump has not launched any military action in the region .
“ The best thing is the fact that Mr. Trump is a businessman , and businessmen don ’ t like wars , ” says Mohammed Husseini , a Jordanian lawyer .
“ Four years , and he hasn ’ t started a single war in our region.
” Mr. Husseini also says he respects Mr. Trump ’ s leadership style .
“ I wish we had a strong leader who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and push our interests and pressure other countries for our economic benefit.
” Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle and Colette Davidson in Tenerife , Spain , contributed reporting to this article .

And Mr. Trump “is the first president in 40 years not to start a new war,” says Mr. Wolfmeier, a service manager in Hannover, Germany. “That’s good for Germany, good for everyone in the world.”
He’s been good for Mexico, says Hernan Dominguez Juarez, a former state-level teachers union organizer. Remittances sent home by Mexican migrants have risen almost 50% since Mr. Trump took office. “Those with family members living and working in the U.S. feel like their family is better taken care of under Trump.”
Despite his broad unpopularity around the world, Donald Trump is not without his international supporters. What is it about the U.S. president that earns the respect and approval of non-Americans?
Yet he does enjoy pockets of support from many sorts of people, from Chinese dissidents to Arab sheikhs, from Russian politicians to Mexican workers. While some simply appreciate the gains that his tenure has brought to their countries, others speak of his policies and his restraint from launching the U.S. into new military conflicts as reasons for their admiration.
The drama of the United States election campaign has gripped onlookers around the world. Generally speaking, President Donald Trump is not popular outside the U.S. His “America First” rhetoric, his disdain for traditional allies, his apparent soft spot for foreign autocrats, and his sudden policy lurches have earned him a poor reputation internationally.
A man on a sunshine-yellow bicycle weaves his way through traffic, pulling a sign that reads, “TRUMP 2020 KEEP AMERICA GREAT.” From the shade of a Stars and Stripes marquee, participants wait for the event to begin, lauding the U.S. president’s commitment to family values and his support for the economy.
But this is not just another standard Donald Trump campaign rally. It is taking place, on a recent Saturday afternoon, in a working-class district of Mexico City and few of the attendees have a vote in the U.S. election.
The drama of the U.S. election campaign has gripped onlookers around the world, and divided them. Generally speaking, President Trump is not popular outside the United States. His “America First” rhetoric, his disdain for traditional allies, his apparent soft spot for foreign autocrats, and his sudden policy lurches have earned him a poor reputation internationally.
Why We Wrote This Despite his broad unpopularity around the world, Donald Trump is not without his international supporters. What is it about the U.S. president that earns the respect and approval of non-Americans?
Yet he does enjoy pockets of support from many sorts of people all around the world, from Chinese dissidents to Arab sheikhs, from Russian politicians to Mexican workers. While some simply appreciate the gains that his tenure has brought to their countries, others speak of his policies and – perhaps most commonly – his restraint from launching the U.S. into new military conflicts as reasons for their admiration.
Christopher Alva, who organized the Mexico City meeting, was hoping to persuade people to urge their relatives in the United States to vote for Mr. Trump because he’s supported so many Mexican Americans during the pandemic in the U.S. And because “he brings strong values, a lot of discipline to his leadership,” Mr. Alva says. “He’s really decisive in his actions.”
And he’s been good for Mexico, argues Hernan Dominguez Juarez, a former state-level teachers union organizer. The Trump administration has doubled the number of temporary farmworker visas issued each year, and remittances sent home by Mexican migrants have risen almost 50% since Mr. Trump took office.
“Those with family members living and working in the U.S. feel like their family is better taken care of under Trump,” says Mr. Dominguez.
“He helps us fight China”
The U.S. flags on display at Mr. Alva’s rally also appeared in profusion last year in Hong Kong, as hundreds of thousands of pro-democracy demonstrators rallied against Beijing’s encroachment on the territory’s autonomy. And the protesters made no secret of whom they were primarily appealing to for help as they brandished his portrait: Mr. Trump.
The president’s tough stance on China – sanctioning Beijing for espionage, human rights abuses, and unfair trade practices – meant that “the overall impression of Trump was pretty positive and strong,” says Kenneth Chan, who teaches politics at Hong Kong Baptist University.
Pro-Trump euphoria reached new heights last Thanksgiving when the president signed the long-awaited Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, which requires Washington to sanction Hong Kong and mainland Chinese officials who violate human rights.
Thousands rallied that night on the shore of Victoria Harbor, some holding banners depicting Mr. Trump riding a tank and others waving images of his head pasted onto Sylvester Stallone’s “Rocky” torso.
“Donald Trump is the greatest president in the world,” exclaimed a young worker. “He helps us fight China.”
For similar reasons, some prominent Chinese dissidents are also Trump fans: blind lawyer Chen Guangcheng, who fled China via the U.S. Embassy in Beijing in 2012, praised his anti-China stand at this year’s Republican National Convention.
The Chinese government has remained neutral in public, but nationalist commentators on Chinese websites have suggested that a Trump victory would be good for China since his policies serve to unite the Chinese people and undermine the Western alliance system curbing Beijing.
He is known in such circles as “Chuan Jianguo” or “Build-the-Country” Trump – a patriotic nickname suggesting that Mr. Trump is aiding China’s rise.
Disappointment in Russia
When news of Mr. Trump’s victory in 2016 reached Moscow, the Russian Duma (parliament) famously erupted in a spontaneous standing ovation. Candidate Trump had said he wanted to “get along” with President Vladimir Putin, and according to U.S. intelligence agencies the Kremlin had actively worked for his election.
Today, expectations are lower and indifference more widespread. Just 16% of focus group subjects say they prefer Mr. Trump to Joe Biden (9%), according to Denis Volkov at the Levada Center, Russia’s only independent pollster. That’s down from 38% for Mr. Trump in 2016.
“There is far less hope than before ... that anything will change in the U.S.-Russia relationship,” he says.
The Kremlin, like Beijing, might see an advantage in Mr. Trump’s disdain for Western alliances such as NATO, writes Tanya Stanovaya in a recent paper published by the Carnegie Moscow Center. Among the security services, she suggests, “what’s important is that his contradictory and destructive policies make the United States more exposed and fragile, which gives Russia freer rein.”
But Mr. Trump has disappointed his erstwhile supporters in Moscow, says Sergei Markov, a former adviser to President Putin. “All the hopes he raised in Russians were dashed. More sanctions, more tensions, less arms control, and almost no diplomatic dialogue is what we have today. But no one in Moscow has any hopes about Biden either.” Mr. Putin criticized him earlier this month for his “anti-Russia rhetoric.”
“The feeling in Moscow is that if Trump cannot pull Moscow out of its spiral of confrontation with the United States, no one can,” adds Ms. Stanovaya.
“The choice of patriots against globalization”
Europe is home to one of only three world leaders to openly endorse Mr. Trump – Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who proudly calls his government an “illiberal democracy.” (The other two are also populist autocrats, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte.)
French President Emmanuel Macron emphatically is not one of them, though he did try to make nice with Mr. Trump early in his term. But the American president is deeply unpopular in France except among extreme right-wing voters, with whom he is merely less unpopular. A recent Pew Research poll found that 28% of Marine Le Pen’s “National Rally” voters supported Mr. Trump; only 6% of non-RN voters did.
Carlos Barria/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro and President Donald Trump walk down the White House colonnade together on their way to the Rose Garden on March 19, 2019. Mr. Trump has been openly endorsed by only three world leaders, all populist autocrats. Mr. Bolsonaro is one of them.
One of them is Wallerand de Saint-Just, who is also treasurer of the National Rally party and who shares and admires Mr. Trump’s protectionist, nationalist outlook. “Joe Biden seems very weak ... compared to Trump’s huge amount of energy,” he says.
Another RN figure, European Parliament member Jérôme Rivière, likes Mr. Trump’s anti-globalization stand. “Trump is the choice of patriots against globalization,” he says. “It has an influence on our voters because it shows we are not alone, that others in power share the same ideas.”
Most importantly, he adds, President Trump has not sent soldiers abroad to fight in a new war. For decades, “each president has been involved in a war,” Mr. Rivière says, “imposed his vision of how things should work elsewhere. But not Trump. This is a notable aspect [of his presidency] and it should be congratulated.”
MAGA auf Deutsch
That is a key consideration, too, for Benjamin Wolfmeier in neighboring Germany, another country scarred by warfare. Mr. Trump “is the first president in 40 years not to start a new war,” says Mr. Wolfmeier, a service manager for a Finnish elevator company in Hannover.
“That’s good for Germany, good for everyone in the world,” he adds.
Mr. Wolfmeier, who likes to pin a Trump 2020 button to his jacket and wear a red MAGA baseball cap, is an average conservative. Half American (though not registered to vote in U.S. elections), he was once a member of Democrats Abroad.
Then “the party turned very left under Obama, especially on issues like abortion, immigration, and guns,” he says, and now he volunteers as communications director for Republicans Abroad in Germany.
Trump supporters in Germany are generally “quieter” than Democrats, Mr. Wolfmeier says. But the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) is not shy about its support for the U.S. president. Its leaders were among the first German politicians to congratulate Mr. Trump in 2016.
It is Mr. Trump’s straight talk about “America First” that resonates most deeply with Armin-Paulus Hampel, an AfD member of the European Parliament. “Trump has recognized with clear eyes that multilateral relations have failed,” says Mr. Hampel, whose website boasts a section entitled “Germany First.” “And as a German politician I have to accept this and then figure out what German interests are.”
“Why would you change chickens?”
Israeli politicians do not face that challenge: Mr. Trump has aligned U.S. interests almost completely with the Israeli government’s interests. A June poll by the Israeli Democracy Institute found that 56% of respondents (75% of right-wing voters) thought a Trump victory would serve Israel better than Mr. Biden.
Mr. Trump’s unstinting support for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was epitomized by U.S. recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and its acceptance of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights, captured from Syria in 1973.
“Trump is a major prize for the Israeli people,” says Zion Vasika, who works for the municipality in Netivot in southern Israel. “If you have a chicken that lays golden eggs, why would you change chickens?”
The recent White House-brokered peace accords between Israel and two Gulf states, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates, have reinforced Mr. Trump’s positive image. “He is one of the most important leaders there ever was in the United States when it comes to Israel and the Jews,” says Yosef Ben-Hor, standing behind the counter of his dry-cleaning business in Tel Aviv.
Israel’s new friends in the Gulf “see us as a force for good in the region,” says Mr. Ben-Hor. “We have the backs of those countries that are also threatened by Iran and other extremists.”
Trump in the Gulf
Indeed, few are rooting harder, albeit discreetly, for Mr. Trump than the Arab monarchs in the Gulf who have developed close personal ties with him since he attended a summit in the Saudi Arabian capital in 2017, his first overseas trip.
“Trump has been unpredictable, inconsistent at times, rude at times, but he reached out to Gulf leaders early and has a personal affinity with them,” says Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, an Emirati professor of politics. “They are more than happy with four more years of Trump.”
The U.S. leader’s hard line against Iran, which Gulf states see as their greatest threat, has made him popular in the region, and he went out on a limb to protect de facto Saudi ruler Mohammed bin Salman, vetoing congressional sanctions in the wake of the murder of dissident Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul.
Elsewhere in the Middle East, even his detractors express relief that Mr. Trump has not launched any military action in the region. “The best thing is the fact that Mr. Trump is a businessman, and businessmen don’t like wars,” says Mohammed Husseini, a Jordanian lawyer. “Four years, and he hasn’t started a single war in our region.”
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Mr. Husseini also says he respects Mr. Trump’s leadership style. “I wish we had a strong leader who could stand up on the world stage and push our interests and pressure other countries for our economic benefit.”
Ann Scott Tyson in Seattle contributed reporting to this article.


csmonitor--2020-10-30--A bright example for the US – from the Andes

Wouldn ’ t much of the world , not to mention Americans , be delighted if these statements were voiced after the Nov. 3 presidential election in the United States : The people have “ rejected the ominous predictions of confrontation and violence.
” “ People voted in freedom and the result was clear and forceful , giving great legitimacy to the incoming government.
” “ Citizens reaffirmed their support for democracy in a calm and respectful atmosphere , ... paving the way back to the constitutional framework.
” Actually , the three different comments were made after an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ respectively , the head of the country ’ s electoral authority and two foreign observer groups , the Organization of American States and the Carter Center .
The European Union also commended Bolivia for holding a clean and transparent election .
What makes the statements stand out – especially in a world leaning authoritarian and coping with the coronavirus – is that they mark the surprise recovery of Bolivia ’ s democracy .
A year ago , a longtime and increasingly autocratic ruler , President Evo Morales , was forced to flee the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which ballot counting was inexplicably frozen for 24 hours until he was declared the winner .
Under an interim government , Bolivia has since reformed its electoral authority in a bipartisan way , cleaned up its voting procedures , and conducted a voter education campaign .
With renewed faith in the system , voters turned out in record participation despite high rates of COVID-19 .
The underdog in the race , former President Carlos Mesa , said beforehand that he would accepts the results .
The winner , Luis Arce , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to form a government of national unity after taking office Nov. 8 .
Democracy in Bolivia is now more institutionalized and less driven by personal rule .
“ This affirms how people want to live in peace and with institutions that fulfill their mission , ” said Salvador Romero , the head of the electoral authority .
Bolivian politics remains highly polarized , divided by race and income , much like the U.S .
Yet voters in Bolivia turned out calmly to restore elections and try to heal those divides .
Citizens who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ box can more easily address inequalities in society .
That message , even from a small country in the Andes , is a timely one for struggling democracies , starting with the U.S .

Wouldn’t much of the world, not to mention Americans, be delighted if these statements were voiced after the Nov. 3 presidential election in the United States:
The people have “rejected the ominous predictions of confrontation and violence.”
“People voted in freedom and the result was clear and forceful, giving great legitimacy to the incoming government.”
“Citizens reaffirmed their support for democracy in a calm and respectful atmosphere, ... paving the way back to the constitutional framework.”
Actually, the three different comments were made after an election in Bolivia on Oct. 18 by, respectively, the head of the country’s electoral authority and two foreign observer groups, the Organization of American States and the Carter Center. The European Union also commended Bolivia for holding a clean and transparent election.
What makes the statements stand out – especially in a world leaning authoritarian and coping with the coronavirus – is that they mark the surprise recovery of Bolivia’s democracy. A year ago, a longtime and increasingly autocratic ruler, President Evo Morales, was forced to flee the country after a very controversial election in which ballot counting was inexplicably frozen for 24 hours until he was declared the winner.
Under an interim government, Bolivia has since reformed its electoral authority in a bipartisan way, cleaned up its voting procedures, and conducted a voter education campaign. With renewed faith in the system, voters turned out in record participation despite high rates of COVID-19. The underdog in the race, former President Carlos Mesa, said beforehand that he would accepts the results. The winner, Luis Arce, a former finance minister under Mr. Morales, vowed to form a government of national unity after taking office Nov. 8.
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Democracy in Bolivia is now more institutionalized and less driven by personal rule. “This affirms how people want to live in peace and with institutions that fulfill their mission,” said Salvador Romero, the head of the electoral authority.
Bolivian politics remains highly polarized, divided by race and income, much like the U.S. Yet voters in Bolivia turned out calmly to restore elections and try to heal those divides. Citizens who treat each other equally at the ballot box can more easily address inequalities in society. That message, even from a small country in the Andes, is a timely one for struggling democracies, starting with the U.S.


csmonitor--2020-10-30--Will the National Guard have a role on Election Day?

Federal laws and long-standing custom generally leave the United States military out of the election process .
But President Donald Trump ’ s unsubstantiated warnings about widespread voting irregularities have raised questions about a possible military role .
If any element of the military were to get involved , it would likely be the National Guard under state control .
These citizen soldiers could help state or local law enforcement with any major election-related violence .
But the Guard ’ s more likely roles will be less visible – filling in as poll workers , out of uniform , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into election systems .
Unlike regular active-duty military , the Guard answers to its state ’ s governor , not the president .
Under limited circumstances , Mr. Trump could federalize them , but in that case , they would generally be barred from doing law enforcement .
A look at the potential National Guard role in the election : What might the Guard do ?
Governors could activate the Guard to help with security in the event of violence .
That happened this week in Pennsylvania amid demonstrations over the police killing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The mayor ’ s office said the city requested that the Pennsylvania National Guard help with “ the current situation and election preparation.
” In some states , Guard members in civilian clothes were used as poll workers during primary elections because of shortages caused by the pandemic .
The Guard in New Jersey is helping with balloting now , and other states including Wisconsin say they may use the Guard at the polls .
Stephen Dycus , professor emeritus at Vermont Law School , said states can , if necessary , deploy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the polls .
But , he said , “ there ’ s a very fine line between protection and intimidation .
So any activity that is designed to intimidate voters or suppress voting violates federal election laws.
” In preparation for any emergencies , including civil unrest surrounding the election , the National Guard has already designated military police units in two states to serve as rapid-reaction forces .
According to the Guard , about 600 troops – 300 in both Alabama and Arizona – will be ready to deploy within 24 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another state .
National Guard leaders have bought additional protective equipment and have increased troop training on proper procedures during protests .
Federal law permits a president to federalize the Guard under very limited circumstances , including when he is “ unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.
” This language may be open to interpretation , but in the context of next week ’ s election , it appears to allow federalization only if there is a fundamental breakdown in state and local officials ’ ability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If the president federalizes Guard troops , they are then under his control , not the governor ’ s .
And the president can order them into a state without the governor ’ s permission .
William Banks , professor at Syracuse University College of Law , said that sending uniformed troops to the polls , including the Guard , would be unwise .
“ The overriding point is that we don ’ t want the military involved in our civilian affairs .
It just cuts against the grain of our history , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws , ” he said .
What about the active-duty military ?
Senior military and defense leaders have said repeatedly that they believe there is no role for America ’ s active-duty troops in an election .
Legal experts say two laws expressly forbid the use of active-duty or federalized National Guard troops at the polls .
Mr. Banks said one law criminalizes the use of military at the polls unless it is “ necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States.
” A second law prohibits any voting interference or intimidation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Under the Posse Comitatus Act , active-duty troops can not be used for civil law enforcement .
A president can , in extreme cases , invoke the rarely used Insurrection Act to use the military for law enforcement .
If Mr. Trump were to invoke the Insurrection Act in a situation short of an extreme emergency , he might face resistance from Pentagon leaders and could also face a swift court challenge .
During civil unrest in June , Mr. Trump considered invoking that act to use active-duty troops for law enforcement .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened .
Mr. Dycus said the Insurrection Act can be used only if civil law enforcement can ’ t handle the problem .
And Mr. Banks said the president would first have to issue a proclamation calling for the violence to stop .
Many states say they have no plans to activate their Guard for election duties , while a few have already done so .
Army Brig .
Gen. Robyn Blader , an assistant adjutant general with the Wisconsin National Guard , said Wednesday that state officials had made no decision on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers , which they did in three elections this year because of COVID-19 problems .
Maj. Gen. Daryl L. Bohac , who as Nebraska ’ s adjutant general is the head of its National Guard , told reporters his state sees no prospect of Guard forces being federalized during the election .
He said governors are already considering contingencies , “ and they would be the focal point for any use of National Guard for any civil unrest or disturbance following the election.
” In Delaware and Washington state , Guard members will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Guard is opening drill facilities in rural areas for use as polling stations , but the Guard will play no direct role .
And in Ohio , Republican Gov .
Mike DeWine says he ’ ll do what ’ s needed .
“ I will not hesitate if a mayor requests that help , ” he said , adding that if law enforcement asks for help , “ we ’ ll have that discussion , and then we can certainly deploy the National Guard .
We hope that that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by The Associated Press .
AP writers Mike Catalini in Trenton , N.J. ; Scott Bauer in Madison , Wis. ; Andrew Welsh-Huggins in Columbus , Ohio ; and Randall Chase in Dover , Del .
contributed to this report .

Federal laws and long-standing custom generally leave the United States military out of the election process. But President Donald Trump’s unsubstantiated warnings about widespread voting irregularities have raised questions about a possible military role.
If any element of the military were to get involved, it would likely be the National Guard under state control. These citizen soldiers could help state or local law enforcement with any major election-related violence. But the Guard’s more likely roles will be less visible – filling in as poll workers, out of uniform, and providing cybersecurity expertise in monitoring potential intrusions into election systems.
Unlike regular active-duty military, the Guard answers to its state’s governor, not the president. Under limited circumstances, Mr. Trump could federalize them, but in that case, they would generally be barred from doing law enforcement.
A look at the potential National Guard role in the election:
What might the Guard do?
Governors could activate the Guard to help with security in the event of violence. That happened this week in Pennsylvania amid demonstrations over the police killing of Walter Wallace Jr. in Philadelphia. The mayor’s office said the city requested that the Pennsylvania National Guard help with “the current situation and election preparation.”
In some states, Guard members in civilian clothes were used as poll workers during primary elections because of shortages caused by the pandemic. The Guard in New Jersey is helping with balloting now, and other states including Wisconsin say they may use the Guard at the polls.
Stephen Dycus, professor emeritus at Vermont Law School, said states can, if necessary, deploy uniformed Guard troops to help keep order at the polls. But, he said, “there’s a very fine line between protection and intimidation. So any activity that is designed to intimidate voters or suppress voting violates federal election laws.”
In preparation for any emergencies, including civil unrest surrounding the election, the National Guard has already designated military police units in two states to serve as rapid-reaction forces. According to the Guard, about 600 troops – 300 in both Alabama and Arizona – will be ready to deploy within 24 hours if requested by a governor in another state. National Guard leaders have bought additional protective equipment and have increased troop training on proper procedures during protests.
Could Mr. Trump federalize the Guard?
Federal law permits a president to federalize the Guard under very limited circumstances, including when he is “unable with the regular forces to execute the laws of the United States.” This language may be open to interpretation, but in the context of next week’s election, it appears to allow federalization only if there is a fundamental breakdown in state and local officials’ ability to conduct voting and vote counting.
If the president federalizes Guard troops, they are then under his control, not the governor’s. And the president can order them into a state without the governor’s permission.
William Banks, professor at Syracuse University College of Law, said that sending uniformed troops to the polls, including the Guard, would be unwise.
“The overriding point is that we don’t want the military involved in our civilian affairs. It just cuts against the grain of our history, our conditions, our values, our laws,” he said.
What about the active-duty military?
Senior military and defense leaders have said repeatedly that they believe there is no role for America’s active-duty troops in an election.
Legal experts say two laws expressly forbid the use of active-duty or federalized National Guard troops at the polls. Mr. Banks said one law criminalizes the use of military at the polls unless it is “necessary to repel armed enemies of the United States.” A second law prohibits any voting interference or intimidation at the polls by armed forces.
Under the Posse Comitatus Act, active-duty troops cannot be used for civil law enforcement. A president can, in extreme cases, invoke the rarely used Insurrection Act to use the military for law enforcement. If Mr. Trump were to invoke the Insurrection Act in a situation short of an extreme emergency, he might face resistance from Pentagon leaders and could also face a swift court challenge.
During civil unrest in June, Mr. Trump considered invoking that act to use active-duty troops for law enforcement. Military leaders were opposed; it never happened.
Mr. Dycus said the Insurrection Act can be used only if civil law enforcement can’t handle the problem. And Mr. Banks said the president would first have to issue a proclamation calling for the violence to stop.
What are states planning?
Many states say they have no plans to activate their Guard for election duties, while a few have already done so. Army Brig. Gen. Robyn Blader, an assistant adjutant general with the Wisconsin National Guard, said Wednesday that state officials had made no decision on whether to use Guard members as poll workers, which they did in three elections this year because of COVID-19 problems.
Maj. Gen. Daryl L. Bohac, who as Nebraska’s adjutant general is the head of its National Guard, told reporters his state sees no prospect of Guard forces being federalized during the election. He said governors are already considering contingencies, “and they would be the focal point for any use of National Guard for any civil unrest or disturbance following the election.”
In Delaware and Washington state, Guard members will provide election-related cybersecurity assistance. In Tennessee, the Guard is opening drill facilities in rural areas for use as polling stations, but the Guard will play no direct role.
And in Ohio, Republican Gov. Mike DeWine says he’ll do what’s needed.
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“I will not hesitate if a mayor requests that help,” he said, adding that if law enforcement asks for help, “we’ll have that discussion, and then we can certainly deploy the National Guard. We hope that that’s not necessary.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Mike Catalini in Trenton, N.J.; Scott Bauer in Madison, Wis.; Andrew Welsh-Huggins in Columbus, Ohio; and Randall Chase in Dover, Del. contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-10-30--Blessing in disguise: Arab women find tech jobs during pandemic

As COVID-19 swells the ranks of unemployed women in the Arab world , surging demand for digital skills could help many of them find work in a region where only one in four women has a job .
The pandemic has taken an especially heavy toll on retail , tourism , and hospitality jobs traditionally held by women , but experts say those able to retrain could tap into growth areas like digital marketing , e-commerce , and online customer support .
“ This is a tremendous opportunity .
These are areas where you can re-skill someone relatively quickly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice president at Education for Employment ( EFE ) , a job training non-profit for young people in the Middle East and North Africa .
“ We need to teach young women all kinds of digital skills but we also need to continue to teach them human skills – things like empathy , teamwork , leadership ... [ that ] are in even greater demand now because so much is going digital.
” The fourth industrial revolution – a term referring to the new era of digital advances that is changing the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to double job opportunities for women in the region by 2030 , according to a 2020 McKinsey study .
Many women are already finding new opportunities – sometimes by putting their new-found tech skills to work in jobs where they have an innate edge over men .
One of EFE ’ s trainees , Walaa Shahahdeh , who has her own business repairing smartphones , said her services were in high demand among women in her conservative Jordanian community who did not want men seeing personal photos on their devices .
“ Technology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep up to date ... because new devices keep coming out and repairs will never stop , ” said Ms. Shahahdeh , who comes from the Tafileh governorate in south-central Jordan .
“ Because of high usage during coronavirus due to remote learning and work from home , devices are breaking down more often and I ’ m getting more calls.
” Facing two divides at the same time The pandemic is expected to push 700,000 Middle Eastern women out of work in 2020 – about 40 % of the 1.7 million total @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to aid organization Oxfam .
That is despite women in the Middle East and North Africa only accounting for a quarter of the workforce – the world ’ s lowest rate of female participation in the labor market .
In hard-hit countries like Lebanon , where an Aug. 4 explosion compounded the impact of a financial crisis and COVID-19 , the number of unemployed women in June 2020 was up 63 % compared with figures from 2018 and 2019 , according to UN Women .
New job prospects could provide some relief , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – such as childcare and supervising remote schooling – is likely to widen the digital gap between men and women in Arab states .
That could mean retraining is even more of a challenge for women , said Manuel Langendorf , a researcher on digital transformation in the region .
“ People may have access to the internet but still you will find a lot of families across the region that don ’ t have multiple laptops or desktop computers , ” said Mr. Langendorf , adding that men often have priority when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affects the way women will be able , and are at the moment able , to upskill or reskill.
” The digital gap between men and women in Arab countries had already increased from 19 % to 24 % between 2013 and 2019 , according to the International Telecommunication Union .
Gender differences in internet access vary widely across the region , and within countries too .
Women in rural areas face “ two divides at the same time ” and risk missing out on a lot of the promising job prospects of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ Most of the digital economy across the region is based in urban areas ... so the talent is drawn to that but people who don ’ t live there have [ fewer ] opportunities to participate and learn from that knowledge exchange , ” he added .
The switch to distance learning during the pandemic has made it easier for many people to access training and study programs , however .
When lockdowns came into force in March , EFE quickly shifted its training online , adding new components focused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Following the change , women ’ s enrollment rose to 65 % on some courses , up from the usual 50-50 split between men and women .
Menna Fathy who lives in the Egyptian port city of Suez , some 80 miles from the capital , said being able to access the training remotely had been an unexpected boon .
“ If I had to travel to Cairo every day for a month it would have been draining .
The online option was a blessing , ” said Ms. Fathy , who found @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after .
Even though private-sector employers have been badly affected by the pandemic and opportunities are scarce , there is still value in helping women gain skills today , Ms. di Florio said .
“ We found a surge of youth and women who want to keep learning even if they know they ’ re not going to get a job tomorrow , ” she said .
About 44 % of women in the region cited limited policies on work-life balance as the main obstacle for keeping a job and said policies that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ training were priorities , the McKinsey report found .
EFE ’ s trainees have been learning to market their skills online and use freelance platforms to find part-time work , helping connect women seeking flexible jobs with employers .
“ The gig economy can really work for them , ” Ms. di Florio said .
“ But we need to make sure that they ’ re getting paid a living wage and that they have access to all potential opportunities and customers on those platforms.
” This story was reported by The Thomson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

As COVID-19 swells the ranks of unemployed women in the Arab world, surging demand for digital skills could help many of them find work in a region where only one in four women has a job.
The pandemic has taken an especially heavy toll on retail, tourism, and hospitality jobs traditionally held by women, but experts say those able to retrain could tap into growth areas like digital marketing, e-commerce, and online customer support.
“This is a tremendous opportunity. These are areas where you can re-skill someone relatively quickly,” said Jasmine di Florio, senior vice president at Education for Employment (EFE), a job training non-profit for young people in the Middle East and North Africa.
“We need to teach young women all kinds of digital skills but we also need to continue to teach them human skills – things like empathy, teamwork, leadership ... [that] are in even greater demand now because so much is going digital.”
The fourth industrial revolution – a term referring to the new era of digital advances that is changing the way people live and work – is expected to double job opportunities for women in the region by 2030, according to a 2020 McKinsey study.
Many women are already finding new opportunities – sometimes by putting their new-found tech skills to work in jobs where they have an innate edge over men.
One of EFE’s trainees, Walaa Shahahdeh, who has her own business repairing smartphones, said her services were in high demand among women in her conservative Jordanian community who did not want men seeing personal photos on their devices.
“Technology is constantly evolving. You have to keep up to date ... because new devices keep coming out and repairs will never stop,” said Ms. Shahahdeh, who comes from the Tafileh governorate in south-central Jordan.
“Because of high usage during coronavirus due to remote learning and work from home, devices are breaking down more often and I’m getting more calls.”
Facing two divides at the same time
The pandemic is expected to push 700,000 Middle Eastern women out of work in 2020 – about 40% of the 1.7 million total jobs expected to be lost, according to aid organization Oxfam.
That is despite women in the Middle East and North Africa only accounting for a quarter of the workforce – the world’s lowest rate of female participation in the labor market.
In hard-hit countries like Lebanon, where an Aug. 4 explosion compounded the impact of a financial crisis and COVID-19, the number of unemployed women in June 2020 was up 63% compared with figures from 2018 and 2019, according to UN Women.
New job prospects could provide some relief, though the additional burden of unpaid work – such as childcare and supervising remote schooling – is likely to widen the digital gap between men and women in Arab states.
That could mean retraining is even more of a challenge for women, said Manuel Langendorf, a researcher on digital transformation in the region.
“People may have access to the internet but still you will find a lot of families across the region that don’t have multiple laptops or desktop computers,” said Mr. Langendorf, adding that men often have priority when using family devices.
“That also affects the way women will be able, and are at the moment able, to upskill or reskill.”
The digital gap between men and women in Arab countries had already increased from 19% to 24% between 2013 and 2019, according to the International Telecommunication Union.
Gender differences in internet access vary widely across the region, and within countries too.
Women in rural areas face “two divides at the same time” and risk missing out on a lot of the promising job prospects of the evolving digital economy, Mr. Langendorf said.
“Most of the digital economy across the region is based in urban areas ... so the talent is drawn to that but people who don’t live there have [fewer] opportunities to participate and learn from that knowledge exchange,” he added.
Online options ‘a blessing’
The switch to distance learning during the pandemic has made it easier for many people to access training and study programs, however.
When lockdowns came into force in March, EFE quickly shifted its training online, adding new components focused on digital and social media skills.
Following the change, women’s enrollment rose to 65% on some courses, up from the usual 50-50 split between men and women.
Menna Fathy who lives in the Egyptian port city of Suez, some 80 miles from the capital, said being able to access the training remotely had been an unexpected boon.
“If I had to travel to Cairo every day for a month it would have been draining. The online option was a blessing,” said Ms. Fathy, who found an insurance job at a bank soon after.
Even though private-sector employers have been badly affected by the pandemic and opportunities are scarce, there is still value in helping women gain skills today, Ms. di Florio said.
“We found a surge of youth and women who want to keep learning even if they know they’re not going to get a job tomorrow,” she said.
About 44% of women in the region cited limited policies on work-life balance as the main obstacle for keeping a job and said policies that let them work remotely and receive digital training were priorities, the McKinsey report found.
EFE’s trainees have been learning to market their skills online and use freelance platforms to find part-time work, helping connect women seeking flexible jobs with employers.
“The gig economy can really work for them,” Ms. di Florio said.
“But we need to make sure that they’re getting paid a living wage and that they have access to all potential opportunities and customers on those platforms.”
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
This story was reported by The Thomson Reuters Foundation.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.


csmonitor--2020-10-30--Has Thanksgiving lost its gobble? Farmers face small gatherings.

For the turkey industry , this Thanksgiving is a guessing game .
Millions of Americans are expected to have scaled-down celebrations amid the pandemic , heeding official warnings against travel and large indoor gatherings .
That leaves anxious turkey farmers and grocers scrambling to predict what people will want on their holiday tables .
Kroger – the nation ’ s largest grocery chain – said its research shows 43 % of shoppers plan to celebrate Thanksgiving only with those in their immediate household .
It has purchased more turkeys than usual – in all sizes – but it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alternatives , including ham , pork roast , and seafood .
Kroger also expects to see more demand for plant-based meats , like a vegan roast stuffed with mushrooms and squash .
Walmart says it will still carry plenty of whole turkeys , but it will also have 30 % more turkey breasts in its stores to accommodate shoppers who don ’ t want to cook a whole bird .
It ’ s not always easy to pivot .
Angela Wilson , the owner of Avedano ’ s Holly Park Market in San @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this Thanksgiving .
She can ’ t cancel the order , so they ’ re still coming in .
But Ms. Wilson said this Thanksgiving might be busier than in the past , since customers who usually go out of town will be staying home .
She ’ s also stocking up on smaller birds like quail and game hen .
Some farmers are making tweaks based on what they think customers will be looking for .
Dede Boies raises heritage breed turkeys at Root Down Farm in Pescadero , California .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in May , so she has spent months thinking about how the coronavirus might impact the holidays .
Ms. Boies decided to harvest some turkeys early this year .
It ’ s a gamble , because the birds gain a lot of fat and flavor in their final few weeks , but she figures customers will want smaller birds .
She ’ s also offering more chickens and ducks .
“ We ’ ve invested so much time and energy and love into these birds , and the whole point is that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for these great meals .
We ’ re just really hoping that still happens , ” Ms. Boies said .
Butterball – which typically sells 30 % of America ’ s 40 million Thanksgiving turkeys – said it ’ s expecting more gatherings , but it ’ s not convinced people will want smaller turkeys .
Its research shows that 75 % of consumers plan to serve the same size turkey or a larger turkey than they did last year .
Butterball says about half its turkeys will be in the 10-16 lb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 16-24 lb .
range , the same as usual .
Anyone looking for a specific size should plan to shop early , said Rebecca Welch , senior brand manager for seasonal at Butterball .
“ Don ’ t be afraid to go big , ” she said .
“ It ’ s just as easy to cook a large turkey as it is a smaller one , and it means more leftovers.
” Nancy Horn of Queens , New York , usually shares a big turkey with her in-laws , her parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But Ms. Horn , who writes The Mama Maven blog , said that gathering won ’ t happen this year because her kids are attending school in-person and she is worried about spreading the virus .
“ As much as it hurts me , I will have to cook myself this year , ” she said .
She ’ s not sure what will be on the menu .
She ’ s only cooked a whole turkey once in her life , and she ’ s never made mashed potatoes .
This Thanksgiving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the $ 4.3 billion United States turkey industry .
Thanks to better technology for carving breast meat , per-capita consumption of turkey nearly doubled over the 1980s , peaking at 14.4 pounds per person in 1996 , according to Mark Jordan , executive director of LEAP Market Analytics in Jonesboro , Arkansas .
But interest in turkey has been steadily falling , thanks in part to price increases five years ago when flocks were hit by bird flu .
Annual consumption is now around 12 pounds , Mr. Jordan said .
Turkey sales @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consumers explore alternatives , according to Nielsen data .
Last November , Americans spent $ 643 million on turkey , down 3.5 % from the previous year .
They spent $ 1.9 billion on beef , which was up 4 % .
And they spent $ 12 million – or more than double the prior year – on alternatives like plant-based meat .
Mr. Jordan thinks the uncertainty about Thanksgiving demand will hurt groceries hardest .
If they discount turkeys , they can sell them but it will hurt profits .
If they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ ll be stuck with a lot of turkeys .
“ I don ’ t see many ways that they win this holiday season , ” Mr. Jordan said .
The uncertainty may well see a repeat at Christmas – both in the U.S. and beyond .
Christmas turkeys are a staple in Britain , where turkey farmers are also bracing for slimmed-down festivities after the government told people not to meet in groups of more than six .
Richard Calcott raises 2,000 Christmas turkeys each year at Calcott Turkeys in Tamworth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chicks – known as poults – in February and March , and it was too late to switch to a smaller breed when pandemic restrictions took hold .
He has tweaked their diets to reduce the weight of each turkey by around 2.2 pounds by the time they ’ re ready for market .
Still , Mr. Calcott said he continues to get some orders for larger birds .
“ It ’ s been a very difficult year for a lot of people this year , ” he said .
“ Christmas will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back together.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
Haven Daley in San Francisco and Danica Kirka in London contributed to this story .

For the turkey industry, this Thanksgiving is a guessing game.
Millions of Americans are expected to have scaled-down celebrations amid the pandemic, heeding official warnings against travel and large indoor gatherings. That leaves anxious turkey farmers and grocers scrambling to predict what people will want on their holiday tables.
Kroger – the nation’s largest grocery chain – said its research shows 43% of shoppers plan to celebrate Thanksgiving only with those in their immediate household. It has purchased more turkeys than usual – in all sizes – but it’s also predicting an increase in demand for alternatives, including ham, pork roast, and seafood. Kroger also expects to see more demand for plant-based meats, like a vegan roast stuffed with mushrooms and squash.
Walmart says it will still carry plenty of whole turkeys, but it will also have 30% more turkey breasts in its stores to accommodate shoppers who don’t want to cook a whole bird.
It’s not always easy to pivot. Angela Wilson, the owner of Avedano’s Holly Park Market in San Francisco, ordered turkeys last year for this Thanksgiving. She can’t cancel the order, so they’re still coming in.
But Ms. Wilson said this Thanksgiving might be busier than in the past, since customers who usually go out of town will be staying home. She’s also stocking up on smaller birds like quail and game hen.
Some farmers are making tweaks based on what they think customers will be looking for. Dede Boies raises heritage breed turkeys at Root Down Farm in Pescadero, California. The turkeys she sells for Thanksgiving were born in May, so she has spent months thinking about how the coronavirus might impact the holidays.
Ms. Boies decided to harvest some turkeys early this year. It’s a gamble, because the birds gain a lot of fat and flavor in their final few weeks, but she figures customers will want smaller birds. She’s also offering more chickens and ducks.
“We’ve invested so much time and energy and love into these birds, and the whole point is that they go and they are celebrated with people for these great meals. We’re just really hoping that still happens,” Ms. Boies said.
Butterball – which typically sells 30% of America’s 40 million Thanksgiving turkeys – said it’s expecting more gatherings, but it’s not convinced people will want smaller turkeys. Its research shows that 75% of consumers plan to serve the same size turkey or a larger turkey than they did last year.
Butterball says about half its turkeys will be in the 10-16 lb. range and half will be in the 16-24 lb. range, the same as usual. Anyone looking for a specific size should plan to shop early, said Rebecca Welch, senior brand manager for seasonal at Butterball.
“Don’t be afraid to go big,” she said. “It’s just as easy to cook a large turkey as it is a smaller one, and it means more leftovers.”
Nancy Horn of Queens, New York, usually shares a big turkey with her in-laws, her parents and her own family of five. But Ms. Horn, who writes The Mama Maven blog, said that gathering won’t happen this year because her kids are attending school in-person and she is worried about spreading the virus.
“As much as it hurts me, I will have to cook myself this year,” she said. She’s not sure what will be on the menu. She’s only cooked a whole turkey once in her life, and she’s never made mashed potatoes.
This Thanksgiving comes at an already tenuous time for the $4.3 billion United States turkey industry. Thanks to better technology for carving breast meat, per-capita consumption of turkey nearly doubled over the 1980s, peaking at 14.4 pounds per person in 1996, according to Mark Jordan, executive director of LEAP Market Analytics in Jonesboro, Arkansas.
But interest in turkey has been steadily falling, thanks in part to price increases five years ago when flocks were hit by bird flu. Annual consumption is now around 12 pounds, Mr. Jordan said.
Turkey sales have even been falling at Thanksgiving as consumers explore alternatives, according to Nielsen data. Last November, Americans spent $643 million on turkey, down 3.5% from the previous year. They spent $1.9 billion on beef, which was up 4%. And they spent $12 million – or more than double the prior year – on alternatives like plant-based meat.
Mr. Jordan thinks the uncertainty about Thanksgiving demand will hurt groceries hardest. If they discount turkeys, they can sell them but it will hurt profits. If they keep prices high and consumers pass, they’ll be stuck with a lot of turkeys.
“I don’t see many ways that they win this holiday season,” Mr. Jordan said.
The uncertainty may well see a repeat at Christmas – both in the U.S. and beyond.
Christmas turkeys are a staple in Britain, where turkey farmers are also bracing for slimmed-down festivities after the government told people not to meet in groups of more than six.
Richard Calcott raises 2,000 Christmas turkeys each year at Calcott Turkeys in Tamworth, England. He bought his turkey chicks – known as poults – in February and March, and it was too late to switch to a smaller breed when pandemic restrictions took hold.
He has tweaked their diets to reduce the weight of each turkey by around 2.2 pounds by the time they’re ready for market. Still, Mr. Calcott said he continues to get some orders for larger birds.
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“It’s been a very difficult year for a lot of people this year,” he said. “Christmas will be a good time to get families back together.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. Haven Daley in San Francisco and Danica Kirka in London contributed to this story.


csmonitor--2020-10-30--France mourns attack victims as Muslims protest Macron response

Mourners lit candles and prayed silently Friday to honor the three people who were killed in a French church by a young Tunisian , as France heightened security nationwide amid religious and geopolitical tensions around published cartoons mocking the prophet of Islam .
Tunisian anti-terrorism authorities opened an investigation Friday into an online claim of responsibility by a person who said the attack was staged by a heretofore-unknown Tunisian extremist group .
Around the Mideast and Asia , Muslims offended by the caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad and French President Emmanuel Macron ’ s firm stance against political Islam held @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a second suspect in Thursday ’ s attack on the Notre Dame Basilica in the Riviera city of Nice , a judicial official said .
The man is believed to have been in contact with the assailant the night before , according to the official , who was not authorized to be publicly named .
The attacker , Ibrahim Issaoui , was seriously wounded by police and hospitalized in life-threatening condition , authorities said .
French authorities called the attack “ Islamist terrorism , ” and prosecutors in France and Tunisia are investigating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-terrorism prosecutor ’ s office , Mohsen Dali , told The Associated Press that the claim of responsibility came in an online post saying the attack was staged by a group called Al Mehdi of Southern Tunisia , previously unknown to Tunisian authorities .
In Nice , four soldiers with rifles periodically walked past the church Friday as mourners placed flowers , messages , and candles at the entrance , crossing themselves and praying silently for the three victims .
They included Vincent Loques , a father of two who was the church @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its holy objects , according to local broadcaster France-Bleu .
Another was a mother of three from Brazil , according to Brazil ’ s Foreign Ministry .
France-Bleu said her name was Simone and she had studied cooking in Nice and helped poor communities in the area .
In an interview broadcast Friday with Saudi-owned Al-Arabiya TV , the attacker ’ s mother said she was shocked by the events .
From the Tunisian province of Sfax , the mother , her eyes wet with tears , said she was surprised to hear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called upon his arrival , and had no idea what he was planning .
“ You don ’ t know the French language , you don ’ t know anyone there , you ’ re going to live alone there , why , why did you go there ?
” she said she told him over the phone at the time .
His brother told Al-Arabiya that Mr. Issaoui had informed the family he would sleep in front of the church , and sent them a photograph showing him at the cathedral where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t tell me anything , ” he said .
A neighbor said he knew the assailant when he was a mechanic and held various other odd jobs , and had shown no signs of radicalization .
France ’ s anti-terrorism prosecutor said the suspect is a Tunisian born in 1999 who reached the Italian island of Lampedusa , a key landing point for migrants crossing in boats from North Africa , on Sept. 20 and traveled to Bari , a port city in southern Italy , on Oct. 9 .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nice .
Tunisians fleeing a virus-battered economy make up the largest contingent of migrants landing in Italy this year .
Italian media reported that from Lampedusa , where Mr. Issaoui was one of 1,300 arriving migrants on Sept. 20 , he was placed with 800 others on a virus quarantine boat in Puglia .
Italy ’ s interior minister confirmed Friday that the suspect was ordered to leave Italy on Oct. 9 .
Minister Luciana Lamorgese did not give further details on what , if any action , was taken to ensure the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she said he was not flagged by either Tunisian authorities nor by intelligence agencies .
Ms. Lamorgese called Thursday ’ s attack in France “ an attack on Europe .
Let ’ s not forget that Lampedusa , Italy is the gateway to Europe.
’ ’ The attack was the third in less than two months that French authorities have attributed to Muslim extremists , including the beheading of a teacher who had shown caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad in class after the images were republished by satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters burned on French flags , stomped on portraits of Mr. Macron or called for boycotts of French products at demonstrations Friday in Pakistan , India , and Afghanistan .
Other protests , largely organized by Islamists , were held across the region , including in Lebanon and the Gaza Strip .
Mr. Macron said he would increase the number of soldiers deployed to protect French schools and religious sites from around 3,000 to 7,000 .
Schools remain open during a nationwide lockdown that started Friday to stem the spread of the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ France ’ s interior minister said Friday that the country is “ at war ” with Islamist extremists , and the conservative lawmaker for the Nice region , Eric Ciotti , called for a “ French-style Guantanamo ” to lock up terrorist suspects .
French Muslims denounced the killings , while warning against stigmatizing the country ’ s peaceful Muslim majority .
Nice imam Otmane Aissaoui decried a “ terrible act of terror , of savagery , of human insanity that plunges us into sadness , shock , and pain ” — and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spotlight .
The attacker “ hit brothers and sisters who were praying to their lord , ” he told The Associated Press .
“ It ’ s as if a mosque was touched ...
I am deeply Christian today.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Colleen Barry in Milan contributed to this report .

Mourners lit candles and prayed silently Friday to honor the three people who were killed in a French church by a young Tunisian, as France heightened security nationwide amid religious and geopolitical tensions around published cartoons mocking the prophet of Islam.
Tunisian anti-terrorism authorities opened an investigation Friday into an online claim of responsibility by a person who said the attack was staged by a heretofore-unknown Tunisian extremist group.
Around the Mideast and Asia, Muslims offended by the caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad and French President Emmanuel Macron’s firm stance against political Islam held more anti-French protests Friday.
Investigators detained a second suspect in Thursday’s attack on the Notre Dame Basilica in the Riviera city of Nice, a judicial official said. The man is believed to have been in contact with the assailant the night before, according to the official, who was not authorized to be publicly named.
The attacker, Ibrahim Issaoui, was seriously wounded by police and hospitalized in life-threatening condition, authorities said. French authorities called the attack “Islamist terrorism,” and prosecutors in France and Tunisia are investigating.
A substitute prosecutor at the Tunisian anti-terrorism prosecutor’s office, Mohsen Dali, told The Associated Press that the claim of responsibility came in an online post saying the attack was staged by a group called Al Mehdi of Southern Tunisia, previously unknown to Tunisian authorities.
In Nice, four soldiers with rifles periodically walked past the church Friday as mourners placed flowers, messages, and candles at the entrance, crossing themselves and praying silently for the three victims.
They included Vincent Loques, a father of two who was the church’s sacristan, in charge of its holy objects, according to local broadcaster France-Bleu. Another was a mother of three from Brazil, according to Brazil’s Foreign Ministry. France-Bleu said her name was Simone and she had studied cooking in Nice and helped poor communities in the area.
In an interview broadcast Friday with Saudi-owned Al-Arabiya TV, the attacker’s mother said she was shocked by the events.
From the Tunisian province of Sfax, the mother, her eyes wet with tears, said she was surprised to hear her son was in France when he called upon his arrival, and had no idea what he was planning. “You don’t know the French language, you don’t know anyone there, you’re going to live alone there, why, why did you go there?” she said she told him over the phone at the time.
His brother told Al-Arabiya that Mr. Issaoui had informed the family he would sleep in front of the church, and sent them a photograph showing him at the cathedral where the attack took place. “He didn’t tell me anything,” he said. A neighbor said he knew the assailant when he was a mechanic and held various other odd jobs, and had shown no signs of radicalization.
France’s anti-terrorism prosecutor said the suspect is a Tunisian born in 1999 who reached the Italian island of Lampedusa, a key landing point for migrants crossing in boats from North Africa, on Sept. 20 and traveled to Bari, a port city in southern Italy, on Oct. 9. It is not clear when he arrived in Nice.
Tunisians fleeing a virus-battered economy make up the largest contingent of migrants landing in Italy this year. Italian media reported that from Lampedusa, where Mr. Issaoui was one of 1,300 arriving migrants on Sept. 20, he was placed with 800 others on a virus quarantine boat in Puglia.
Italy’s interior minister confirmed Friday that the suspect was ordered to leave Italy on Oct. 9. Minister Luciana Lamorgese did not give further details on what, if any action, was taken to ensure the man complied with the order, but she said he was not flagged by either Tunisian authorities nor by intelligence agencies.
Ms. Lamorgese called Thursday’s attack in France “an attack on Europe. Let’s not forget that Lampedusa, Italy is the gateway to Europe.’’
The attack was the third in less than two months that French authorities have attributed to Muslim extremists, including the beheading of a teacher who had shown caricatures of the Prophet Muhammad in class after the images were republished by satirical newspaper Charlie Hebdo.
The images deeply offended many Muslims, and protesters burned on French flags, stomped on portraits of Mr. Macron or called for boycotts of French products at demonstrations Friday in Pakistan, India, and Afghanistan. Other protests, largely organized by Islamists, were held across the region, including in Lebanon and the Gaza Strip.
Mr. Macron said he would increase the number of soldiers deployed to protect French schools and religious sites from around 3,000 to 7,000. Schools remain open during a nationwide lockdown that started Friday to stem the spread of the virus, but religious services are canceled.
France’s interior minister said Friday that the country is “at war” with Islamist extremists, and the conservative lawmaker for the Nice region, Eric Ciotti, called for a “French-style Guantanamo” to lock up terrorist suspects.
French Muslims denounced the killings, while warning against stigmatizing the country’s peaceful Muslim majority.
Nice imam Otmane Aissaoui decried a “terrible act of terror, of savagery, of human insanity that plunges us into sadness, shock, and pain” — and once again puts French Muslims in the spotlight.
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The attacker “hit brothers and sisters who were praying to their lord,” he told The Associated Press. “It’s as if a mosque was touched ... I am deeply Christian today.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Colleen Barry in Milan contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-10-30--Without precedent: Books that shed light on America under Trump

They are a good start on understanding just what it is that ’ s been going on in U.S. politics these past four years .
Here are three substantive analyses by a veteran Washington reporter , a noted linguist , and a book critic who digested a range of other accounts of this presidency .
With Election Day looming , it ’ s important to understand the presidency of Donald Trump , his character , and the nature of the country that he has governed .
For students of American history and readers simply looking for more context about this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ important books about President Trump ?
The top-selling book of 2020 so far , according to Amazon ’ s bestseller list , is “ Too Much and Never Enough : How My Family Created the World ’ s Most Dangerous Man , ” Mary L. Trump ’ s exploration of how her uncle , President Donald Trump , became the person he is .
“ Too Much and Never Enough.
” A reader might use that phrase to describe the overall flood of Trump-related books that has emanated from publishing houses in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Beginning with journalist Michael Wolff ’ s “ Fire and Fury : Inside the Trump White House ” and continuing through a string of tell-all revelations from former staffers ( ex-National Security Adviser John Bolton ’ s “ The Room Where It Happened : A White House Memoir ” ) and pro-Trump defenses ( Donald Trump Jr. ’ s “ Triggered : How the Left Thrives on Hate and Wants to Silence Us ” ) , they ’ ve poured forth like water over a spillway of the Grand Coulee Dam .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s important to understand the Trump presidency , the character of the 45th president , and the nature of the country that he has governed .
For students of American history and readers simply looking for more context about this tumultuous period , which are the most important books about President Trump ?
Here are three substantive analyses by a veteran Washington reporter , a noted linguist , and a book critic who digested a range of other accounts of this presidency .
They are a good start on understanding just what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in U.S. politics these past four years .
There ’ s a scene in Bob Woodward ’ s book “ Rage ” that I can ’ t get out of my head .
It ’ s not the one that ’ s been widely publicized at this point , where the president says he ’ s purposely played down the dangers of the coronavirus because “ I don ’ t want to create panic.
” No , it ’ s much later in the book , when Woodward prepares to interview the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sunday .
The coronavirus was again the subject .
Woodward had a list of 14 critical areas where sources had told him major action was needed .
“ My goal was to cover all 14 in our interview and find out what Trump thought and might have planned , ” Woodward writes .
It didn ’ t go well .
Trump ignored some of the questions and redirected the conversation after others .
That ’ s “ Rage ” in brief : a collision between a famous , dogged reporter who is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a president who is not detail-oriented .
Both seem to struggle to understand the other .
Still , it ’ s an excellent book .
Woodward ’ s métier is the accretion of facts , not analysis .
His 14-point thoroughness is astounding , from his unveiling letters that passed between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un ( Kim wrote that their historic first meeting was “ reminiscent of a scene from a fantasy film ” ) to his obtaining Jared Kushner ’ s tips for understanding his president father-in-law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in “ Alice in Wonderland ” was one ) .
In the category of books-that-document-the-inner-turmoil-of-the-Trump White House , this might be the one to read if you ’ re reading only one .
As to Woodward ’ s final reading on the president , it ’ s not positive .
Early on Trump tells the reporter that when you ’ re the president there is “ dynamite behind every door ” – an unexpected explosion that could change everything .
By the end , Woodward decides that the real dynamite behind the door @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a deeper analysis of Trump ’ s political behavior , and how it got him where he is , the book that ’ s struck me the most in recent months is “ Demagogue for President : The Rhetorical Genius of Donald Trump ” by Jennifer Mercieca , a political communications expert at Texas A & M University .
Mercieca has produced a field guide to how Trump speaks , and how it helps him .
She identifies many of his favorite strategies as tools of classic rhetoric .
For instance , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ m not saying , I ’ m just ... saying , this is what I ’ ve heard ... ” He used it in August , when he repeated the false claim that Sen. Kamala Harris can ’ t run for vice president because her parents are immigrants .
“ I heard today she doesn ’ t meet the requirements , ” Trump said .
“ I have no idea if that ’ s right , ” he added .
Scholars call this “ paralipsis.
” It ’ s a classical way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The speaker can stand alongside his own words without taking responsibility , and gauge how the audience reacts .
Then there ’ s the president ’ s use of “ ad baculum , ” threats of force or intimidation .
“ I ’ d like to punch him in the face , ” candidate Trump said about a protestor at a 2016 rally .
Calling reporters “ very dishonest , ” their stories “ probably libelous , ” and their whole industry “ fake news ” carries with it an implicit air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s use of other argumentative tools such as ad hominem attacks ( using personal attacks to sidestep the substance of an argument ) and “ ad populum ” rhetoric ( appealing to the wisdom of the crowd , using popularity as the measure ) .
All leaders are demagogues , she writes – some good , some bad .
But the former reality show star is a new kind .
“ He is a demagogue of the spectacle – part entertainer , part authoritarian , ” she writes .
As to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – the trends he personifies , the groups he represents , the nature of his opponents – a new book by Washington Post book critic Carlos Lozada , “ What Were We Thinking : A Brief Intellectual History of the Trump Era , ” is a unique and valuable resource .
To write his book , Lozada set out to read some 150 other books about Trump and his presidency , dissecting and organizing them into a kind of group review , or a literary spreadsheet , covering the last four years of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( titled “ Heartlandia ” ) to books that try to explain the rural white working class , the bedrock of the president ’ s support .
There ’ s a chapter on resistance books , one on immigration books , one on identity politics , and one titled “ Chaos Chronicles , ” which is just what it sounds like .
One of Lozada ’ s main conclusions is that many , many of these books aren ’ t very good .
They rehash the same White House scenes and try to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They contain the same blind spots and failures of imagination as Trump himself .
“ Individually , these books try to show a way forward .
Collectively , they reveal how we ’ re stuck , ” Lozada writes .
His other interesting insight is that some of the best Trump books aren ’ t really about Trump at all .
It turns out that , just maybe , the best way to explain the man is to explain America itself , in all its faults and strengths .
So the 12 best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ epilogue include “ The Fifth Risk ” by Michael Lewis , a short examination of the dangers of hollowing out the federal bureaucracy ; “ One Person , No Vote : How Voter Suppression Is Destroying Our Democracy ” by Carol Anderson , on the history of vote suppression in the U.S. ; and “ We ’ re Still Here : Pain and Politics in the Heart of America ” by Jennifer M. Silva , which examines the cultural and economic forces of working-class life .
Lozada ’ s book is a kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump Literature , ” a scholarly guide that weighs and compares so you don ’ t have to read all 150 of those books yourself .
The odds are good that , like the Norton Anthology , there will be a Vol .
2 .
Trump books will be rolling off the presses for years , even if he loses his bid for reelection .
He has been a singular figure at such an extraordinary time in American history that readers will still be waiting eagerly in 50 years for the last volume @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has become the Robert Caro of the time .

Amid the flood of books about President Trump, three thoughtful ones stand out. They go beneath the surface to examine the president’s actions and character, but also the currents of thought that first brought him to power.
They are a good start on understanding just what it is that’s been going on in U.S. politics these past four years.
Here are three substantive analyses by a veteran Washington reporter, a noted linguist, and a book critic who digested a range of other accounts of this presidency.
With Election Day looming, it’s important to understand the presidency of Donald Trump, his character, and the nature of the country that he has governed. For students of American history and readers simply looking for more context about this tumultuous period, which are the most important books about President Trump?
The top-selling book of 2020 so far, according to Amazon’s bestseller list, is “Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World’s Most Dangerous Man,” Mary L. Trump’s exploration of how her uncle, President Donald Trump, became the person he is.
“Too Much and Never Enough.” A reader might use that phrase to describe the overall flood of Trump-related books that has emanated from publishing houses in the United States over the last four years.
Beginning with journalist Michael Wolff’s “Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump White House” and continuing through a string of tell-all revelations from former staffers (ex-National Security Adviser John Bolton’s “The Room Where It Happened: A White House Memoir”) and pro-Trump defenses (Donald Trump Jr.’s “Triggered: How the Left Thrives on Hate and Wants to Silence Us”), they’ve poured forth like water over a spillway of the Grand Coulee Dam.
Why We Wrote This Amid the flood of books about President Trump, three thoughtful ones stand out. They go beneath the surface to examine the president’s actions and character, but also the currents of thought that first brought him to power.
With Election Day looming, it’s important to understand the Trump presidency, the character of the 45th president, and the nature of the country that he has governed. For students of American history and readers simply looking for more context about this tumultuous period, which are the most important books about President Trump?
Here are three substantive analyses by a veteran Washington reporter, a noted linguist, and a book critic who digested a range of other accounts of this presidency.
They are a good start on understanding just what it is that’s been going on in U.S. politics these past four years.
White House access
There’s a scene in Bob Woodward’s book “Rage” that I can’t get out of my head. It’s not the one that’s been widely publicized at this point, where the president says he’s purposely played down the dangers of the coronavirus because “I don’t want to create panic.”
No, it’s much later in the book, when Woodward prepares to interview the president on April 5, 2020, Palm Sunday. The coronavirus was again the subject. Woodward had a list of 14 critical areas where sources had told him major action was needed.
“My goal was to cover all 14 in our interview and find out what Trump thought and might have planned,” Woodward writes.
It didn’t go well. Trump ignored some of the questions and redirected the conversation after others.
That’s “Rage” in brief: a collision between a famous, dogged reporter who is a justifiably renowned symbol of traditional Washington, and a president who is not detail-oriented. Both seem to struggle to understand the other.
Still, it’s an excellent book. Woodward’s métier is the accretion of facts, not analysis. His 14-point thoroughness is astounding, from his unveiling letters that passed between Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un (Kim wrote that their historic first meeting was “reminiscent of a scene from a fantasy film”) to his obtaining Jared Kushner’s tips for understanding his president father-in-law (compare him to the Cheshire Cat in “Alice in Wonderland” was one).
In the category of books-that-document-the-inner-turmoil-of-the-Trump White House, this might be the one to read if you’re reading only one. As to Woodward’s final reading on the president, it’s not positive. Early on Trump tells the reporter that when you’re the president there is “dynamite behind every door” – an unexpected explosion that could change everything. By the end, Woodward decides that the real dynamite behind the door is in plain sight.
“It was Trump himself,” Woodward writes.
Rhetorical devices
As to a deeper analysis of Trump’s political behavior, and how it got him where he is, the book that’s struck me the most in recent months is “Demagogue for President: The Rhetorical Genius of Donald Trump” by Jennifer Mercieca, a political communications expert at Texas A&M University.
Mercieca has produced a field guide to how Trump speaks, and how it helps him. She identifies many of his favorite strategies as tools of classic rhetoric.
For instance, where he says something like “I’m not saying, I’m just ... saying, this is what I’ve heard ...” He used it in August, when he repeated the false claim that Sen. Kamala Harris can’t run for vice president because her parents are immigrants.
“I heard today she doesn’t meet the requirements,” Trump said.
“I have no idea if that’s right,” he added.
Scholars call this “paralipsis.” It’s a classical way of introducing rumors or false information into rhetoric. The speaker can stand alongside his own words without taking responsibility, and gauge how the audience reacts.
Then there’s the president’s use of “ad baculum,” threats of force or intimidation. “I’d like to punch him in the face,” candidate Trump said about a protestor at a 2016 rally.
Calling reporters “very dishonest,” their stories “probably libelous,” and their whole industry “fake news” carries with it an implicit air of retribution.
Mercieca skillfully explains Trump’s use of other argumentative tools such as ad hominem attacks (using personal attacks to sidestep the substance of an argument) and “ad populum” rhetoric (appealing to the wisdom of the crowd, using popularity as the measure).
All leaders are demagogues, she writes – some good, some bad. But the former reality show star is a new kind.
“He is a demagogue of the spectacle – part entertainer, part authoritarian,” she writes.
Explaining America
As to the meaning of President Trump in American society – the trends he personifies, the groups he represents, the nature of his opponents – a new book by Washington Post book critic Carlos Lozada, “What Were We Thinking: A Brief Intellectual History of the Trump Era,” is a unique and valuable resource.
To write his book, Lozada set out to read some 150 other books about Trump and his presidency, dissecting and organizing them into a kind of group review, or a literary spreadsheet, covering the last four years of U.S. life.
He devotes a chapter (titled “Heartlandia”) to books that try to explain the rural white working class, the bedrock of the president’s support. There’s a chapter on resistance books, one on immigration books, one on identity politics, and one titled “Chaos Chronicles,” which is just what it sounds like.
One of Lozada’s main conclusions is that many, many of these books aren’t very good. They rehash the same White House scenes and try to top each other with chyron-ready anecdotes. They contain the same blind spots and failures of imagination as Trump himself.
“Individually, these books try to show a way forward. Collectively, they reveal how we’re stuck,” Lozada writes.
His other interesting insight is that some of the best Trump books aren’t really about Trump at all. It turns out that, just maybe, the best way to explain the man is to explain America itself, in all its faults and strengths.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
So the 12 best Trump books that Lozada picks in his epilogue include “The Fifth Risk” by Michael Lewis, a short examination of the dangers of hollowing out the federal bureaucracy; “One Person, No Vote: How Voter Suppression Is Destroying Our Democracy” by Carol Anderson, on the history of vote suppression in the U.S.; and “We’re Still Here: Pain and Politics in the Heart of America” by Jennifer M. Silva, which examines the cultural and economic forces of working-class life.
Lozada’s book is a kind of “Norton’s Anthology of Trump Literature,” a scholarly guide that weighs and compares so you don’t have to read all 150 of those books yourself. The odds are good that, like the Norton Anthology, there will be a Vol. 2. Trump books will be rolling off the presses for years, even if he loses his bid for reelection. He has been a singular figure at such an extraordinary time in American history that readers will still be waiting eagerly in 50 years for the last volume of a definitive Trump biography by whoever has become the Robert Caro of the time.