csmonitor--2020-12-02--My helper was closer than I thought

My helper was closer than I thought

Twenty-seven-and-a-half pounds may not seem like much .
But to someone with spindly arms like mine , it can be a challenge .
That ’ s how much our 1988 Chevy Suburban ’ s full-size spare weighed .
There ’ s no good place to have a flat tire .
However , a well-lit area – away from traffic and close to people who can help – would be better than the narrow shoulder of an interstate in the middle of nowhere on a dark night .
But that ’ s where I sat , having a “ Now what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a blown tire .
This was before ubiquitous cellphones .
( I knew one person who had one , and it was about the size of two Cracker Jack boxes taped together . )
So I had no way to call for help .
I ’ d been in the presence of a couple of tire changes but had never indulged in one myself .
Perhaps someone would stop and help me .
I turned on the flashers and waited .
While I waited , it occurred to me to do some preliminary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I found the owner ’ s manual and the diagram that showed where they hid the jack .
I got out and confirmed that the blowout was the left-rear tire .
Then I explored the cavernous area under the hood and found a relatively tiny jack .
More research revealed where the jack should go and how to assemble it .
I went ahead and got it positioned – to make it easier for my helper .
I also found the tool to loosen the lug nuts , feeling very mechanically savvy for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it would be better to loosen them before jacking up the vehicle , I did so – less work for my helper .
Traffic was light : only the occasional semi blowing past .
That was good , because the distance between the tire and the edge of the pavement was less than two feet .
On the other hand , little traffic made it less likely that someone would stop and help .
To avoid thinking about that , I studied the jack arrangement and decided to see if it really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tire was now off the ground .
It might be possible for me to remove it .
With a bit of effort , I wrestled the tire off and rolled it around behind the Suburban .
One more thing my helper wouldn ’ t have to do .
As long as I was back there , maybe I could get the spare out , too .
I lowered the tailgate and climbed inside , where I found the huge spare resting in its indentation .
I rocked it out , rolled it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climbed down .
Then I coaxed the spare over the edge of the tailgate and , none too gracefully , caught it before it rolled off into the dark ditch on the other side of the shoulder .
I rolled the spare around to its destination and leaned it against the side of the vehicle .
How could I ever lift it high enough for the holes to go onto the thingies that the lug nuts attach to ?
( I was having doubts about that helper . )
While I pondered how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around to the back again and tackled the challenge of getting the busted tire into the Suburban .
Fortunately , the blowout had ripped a long slit in the sidewall , and I stuck the fingers of both hands into the tear , grabbed hold , and swung the tire in a wide arc up onto the tailgate far enough for me to push it in the rest of the way .
Meanwhile , a solution to lifting the spare began to emerge .
I sat flat on the ground , facing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leg so my calf was in front of me .
Then I rolled the spare onto my calf and scooted forward , lifted my knee , and – voilà !
– slipped the holes onto the thingies !
I hand-tightened the lug nuts .
Now all I had to do was lower the vehicle and tighten the lug nuts sufficiently to keep the wheel from coming off .
I no longer felt the need to be rescued .
In fact , now I hoped that no one would come along and get in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and put it back in its hiding place .
To be sure the lug nuts were tight enough , I stood on the arm of the wrench for the last turn .
One hour and 29 minutes after the blowout , I started the engine .
My spindly arms steered me back onto the pavement – with one of the greatest feelings of accomplishment I ’ ve ever experienced .

Twenty-seven-and-a-half pounds may not seem like much. But to someone with spindly arms like mine, it can be a challenge. That’s how much our 1988 Chevy Suburban’s full-size spare weighed.
There’s no good place to have a flat tire. However, a well-lit area – away from traffic and close to people who can help – would be better than the narrow shoulder of an interstate in the middle of nowhere on a dark night.
But that’s where I sat, having a “Now what?” moment in the wake of a blown tire. This was before ubiquitous cellphones. (I knew one person who had one, and it was about the size of two Cracker Jack boxes taped together.) So I had no way to call for help. I’d been in the presence of a couple of tire changes but had never indulged in one myself. Perhaps someone would stop and help me.
I turned on the flashers and waited. While I waited, it occurred to me to do some preliminary things to assist the anticipated helper. I found the owner’s manual and the diagram that showed where they hid the jack.
I got out and confirmed that the blowout was the left-rear tire. Then I explored the cavernous area under the hood and found a relatively tiny jack. More research revealed where the jack should go and how to assemble it. I went ahead and got it positioned – to make it easier for my helper.
I also found the tool to loosen the lug nuts, feeling very mechanically savvy for knowing what lug nuts were. Reasoning that it would be better to loosen them before jacking up the vehicle, I did so – less work for my helper.
Traffic was light: only the occasional semi blowing past. That was good, because the distance between the tire and the edge of the pavement was less than two feet. On the other hand, little traffic made it less likely that someone would stop and help.
To avoid thinking about that, I studied the jack arrangement and decided to see if it really worked. It did! The wounded tire was now off the ground. It might be possible for me to remove it. With a bit of effort, I wrestled the tire off and rolled it around behind the Suburban. One more thing my helper wouldn’t have to do.
As long as I was back there, maybe I could get the spare out, too. I lowered the tailgate and climbed inside, where I found the huge spare resting in its indentation. I rocked it out, rolled it to the edge of the tailgate, and climbed down. Then I coaxed the spare over the edge of the tailgate and, none too gracefully, caught it before it rolled off into the dark ditch on the other side of the shoulder.
I rolled the spare around to its destination and leaned it against the side of the vehicle. How could I ever lift it high enough for the holes to go onto the thingies that the lug nuts attach to? (I was having doubts about that helper.)
While I pondered how to lift the spare, I went around to the back again and tackled the challenge of getting the busted tire into the Suburban. Fortunately, the blowout had ripped a long slit in the sidewall, and I stuck the fingers of both hands into the tear, grabbed hold, and swung the tire in a wide arc up onto the tailgate far enough for me to push it in the rest of the way.
Meanwhile, a solution to lifting the spare began to emerge. I sat flat on the ground, facing the target for the spare and bent my leg so my calf was in front of me. Then I rolled the spare onto my calf and scooted forward, lifted my knee, and – voilà! – slipped the holes onto the thingies! I hand-tightened the lug nuts.
Now all I had to do was lower the vehicle and tighten the lug nuts sufficiently to keep the wheel from coming off. I no longer felt the need to be rescued. In fact, now I hoped that no one would come along and get in my way!
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
I lowered the jack and put it back in its hiding place. To be sure the lug nuts were tight enough, I stood on the arm of the wrench for the last turn.
One hour and 29 minutes after the blowout, I started the engine. My spindly arms steered me back onto the pavement – with one of the greatest feelings of accomplishment I’ve ever experienced.


csmonitor--2020-12-02--Before history devolves into mythology: 2020’s best books on World War II

The scope of World War II still has the power to stagger the imagination , even 75 years after its end : More than 30 countries were drawn directly into hostilities that took the lives of between 70 million and 85 million people and reshaped vast swaths of the world .
Books about the war are perennially popular , and publishers leaped to provide books for this anniversary year .
The new titles include examinations of cultural changes , military history ( which has always been the backbone of World War II studies ) , and hefty biographies of key @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fritzsche ’ s “ Hitler ’ s First Hundred Days : When Germans Embraced the Third Reich ” is a brilliant , quietly horrifying new anatomy of precisely how Germany went from a traumatized and fragmented republic to a Nazi dictatorship , and the extent to which the much-debated “ ordinary German ” was an enthusiastic participant .
( The latter was also the subject of historian Robert Gellately ’ s excellent book “ Hitler ’ s True Believers : How Ordinary People Became Nazis.
” ) It ’ s been the essential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : How did this happen ?
How did the educated , cultured , liberal population of a leading European nation come to embrace the vicious , anti-Semitic , violence cult of the Nazi Party ?
How did ordinary citizens live with themselves ?
How did they not rise up en masse and send the Nazis packing ?
How do we assess the culpability of an entire people ?
Fritzsche ’ s 2016 book “ An Iron Wind : Europe Under Hitler ” was astute , and “ Hitler ’ s First 100 Days @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even more unsettling .
Long after Hitler consolidated power , the reality of the menace he represented is everywhere in “ 1939 : A People ’ s History of the Coming of the Second World War ” by Frederick Taylor , which bookends his excellent 2011 “ Exorcising Hitler : The Occupation and Denazification of Germany.
” Taylor ’ s latest starts with the flickering hopes sparked by the Munich Agreement and ends when those hopes were finally crushed by Germany ’ s invasion of Poland .
The portraits of British Prime Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are expertly drawn , as are the dozens of supporting characters who hoped that desperate last-minute diplomacy – or acceding to some of Hitler ’ s territorial demands – might work to avoid a cataclysm .
Once again , Taylor matches scrupulous research and formidable storytelling skills , this time to tell the story of the world teetering on a precipice before falling into all-out war .
World War II itself is represented every year by a variety of detailed military histories , and one of the best , and most disturbing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fire and the Darkness : The Bombing of Dresden , 1945 , ” a study of the ruinous Allied bombing of Dresden , Germany , in which nearly 2,700 tons of explosives were dropped on the city , killing as many as 25,000 people in terrifying firestorms .
In just a handful of air raids , Allied bombers unleashed enough incendiary devices to turn whole city blocks into alien moonscapes , and the photos and firsthand accounts that emerged from these raids eventually dealt serious blows to the Allied leaders ’ conception of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were waging .
Dresden has been extensively chronicled in books , such as Jörg Friedrich ’ s hugely influential “ The Fire : The Bombing of Germany , 1940-1945 ” and A.C. Grayling ’ s penetrating ethical inquiry “ Among the Dead Cities : The History and Moral Legacy of the WWII Bombing of Civilians in Germany and Japan.
” McKay takes a dramatic , personal approach , bringing readers into the daily lives of Dresden citizens as an unthinkable amount of violence broke into their world .
Horrific violence is likewise the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historian Joseph Wheelan in “ Bloody Okinawa : The Last Great Battle of World War II.
” Okinawa was the peak of the Pacific War ’ s savagery .
More than 180,000 U.S. troops landed on Okinawa , only about 400 miles from mainland Japan , on April 1 , 1945 , and eventually met some of the fiercest resistance of the war from some 130,000 Japanese troops .
For several months , these forces clashed , with hundreds of thousands of civilians caught between them .
By the time the U.S. forces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had achieved an almost mythic reputation for bloodshed and casualties ( more than 110,000 Japanese soldiers and likely as many civilians ) .
Wheelan makes the familiar case that the sheer extent of this violence helped convince the American military that an island-by-island invasion of Japan would be unacceptably costly – paving the way for the use of atomic bombs .
But the main strength of “ Bloody Okinawa ” is the skill with which Wheelan humanizes his epic story , telling dozens of personal stories from all different sides of the battle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ books would be complete without the inclusion of one particular personal story : the life of the man who started it all .
Hitler has been the subject of hundreds of popular and scholarly biographies , including the bestselling and much-recommended two-volume biography by Ian Kershaw .
After consulting a vast sweep of primary documents , German historian Volker Ullrich has chosen to take Kershaw ’ s approach , first with “ Hitler : Ascent , 1889‑1939 ” in 2017 and now with his big concluding volume , “ Hitler : Downfall , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jefferson Chase .
Ullrich ’ s first volume was a weirdly spellbinding psychological study of its main character ; “ Ascent ” was a marvelously claustrophobic drama of a damaged young man gradually warping into a monster .
That same personal focus sometimes falters in this second volume , mainly because “ Downfall ” by necessity can not possibly be a personal story .
By 1939 , Hitler was Germany , and Germany was Hitler .
“ Downfall ” is necessarily a history of the war in Europe , and since that history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ orders from a bunker , “ Downfall ” can sometimes have a slightly distracted feeling .
The psychological insights are every bit as sharp as those in the first volume , however , and the claustrophobia is every bit as effective .
These are all impressive entries for any publishing season , outstanding even in a schedule filled with battle studies , cultural analyses , and full-dress biographies of generals , politicians , presidents , and dictators .
The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs estimated in 2019 that little more than 389,000 of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ World War II were still alive ; the war is quickly receding from memory into history .
Works like the ones gathered here , grim as they are , serve an ultimately hopeful purpose : They stand guard over the facts and ward against the growth of mythology .
These anniversary observations serve a purifying role and they honor the past by challenging it .
Next year marks the anniversary of America ’ s entry into the war .
It ’ s a subject filled with conflicting views and dark corners of moral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring on the books .

The scope of World War II still has the power to stagger the imagination, even 75 years after its end: More than 30 countries were drawn directly into hostilities that took the lives of between 70 million and 85 million people and reshaped vast swaths of the world.
Books about the war are perennially popular, and publishers leaped to provide books for this anniversary year. The new titles include examinations of cultural changes, military history (which has always been the backbone of World War II studies), and hefty biographies of key players.
University of Illinois professor Peter Fritzsche’s “Hitler’s First Hundred Days: When Germans Embraced the Third Reich” is a brilliant, quietly horrifying new anatomy of precisely how Germany went from a traumatized and fragmented republic to a Nazi dictatorship, and the extent to which the much-debated “ordinary German” was an enthusiastic participant. (The latter was also the subject of historian Robert Gellately’s excellent book “Hitler’s True Believers: How Ordinary People Became Nazis.”)
Hachette Book Group View caption Hide caption “Hitler’s First Hundred Days: When Germans Embraced the Third Reich” by Peter Fritzsche, Basic Books, 432 pp.
It’s been the essential question in the study of Nazi Germany: How did this happen? How did the educated, cultured, liberal population of a leading European nation come to embrace the vicious, anti-Semitic, violence cult of the Nazi Party? How did ordinary citizens live with themselves? How did they not rise up en masse and send the Nazis packing? How do we assess the culpability of an entire people?
Fritzsche’s 2016 book “An Iron Wind: Europe Under Hitler” was astute, and “Hitler’s First 100 Days” is equally good, although necessarily even more unsettling.
Long after Hitler consolidated power, the reality of the menace he represented is everywhere in “1939: A People’s History of the Coming of the Second World War” by Frederick Taylor, which bookends his excellent 2011 “Exorcising Hitler: The Occupation and Denazification of Germany.” Taylor’s latest starts with the flickering hopes sparked by the Munich Agreement and ends when those hopes were finally crushed by Germany’s invasion of Poland.
W.W. Norton & Company View caption Hide caption “1939: A People’s History of the Coming of the Second World War” by Frederick Taylor, W.W. Norton & Company, 448 pp.
The portraits of British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain and German dictator Adolf Hitler are expertly drawn, as are the dozens of supporting characters who hoped that desperate last-minute diplomacy – or acceding to some of Hitler’s territorial demands – might work to avoid a cataclysm. Once again, Taylor matches scrupulous research and formidable storytelling skills, this time to tell the story of the world teetering on a precipice before falling into all-out war.
World War II itself is represented every year by a variety of detailed military histories, and one of the best, and most disturbing, is Sinclair McKay’s “The Fire and the Darkness: The Bombing of Dresden, 1945,” a study of the ruinous Allied bombing of Dresden, Germany, in which nearly 2,700 tons of explosives were dropped on the city, killing as many as 25,000 people in terrifying firestorms. In just a handful of air raids, Allied bombers unleashed enough incendiary devices to turn whole city blocks into alien moonscapes, and the photos and firsthand accounts that emerged from these raids eventually dealt serious blows to the Allied leaders’ conception of the righteous war they told themselves they were waging.
Macmillan Publishers View caption Hide caption “The Fire and the Darkness: The Bombing of Dresden, 1945” by Sinclair McKay, St. Martin’s Press, 400 pp.
Dresden has been extensively chronicled in books, such as Jörg Friedrich’s hugely influential “The Fire: The Bombing of Germany, 1940-1945” and A.C. Grayling’s penetrating ethical inquiry “Among the Dead Cities: The History and Moral Legacy of the WWII Bombing of Civilians in Germany and Japan.” McKay takes a dramatic, personal approach, bringing readers into the daily lives of Dresden citizens as an unthinkable amount of violence broke into their world.
Horrific violence is likewise the heart of the story told by prolific historian Joseph Wheelan in “Bloody Okinawa: The Last Great Battle of World War II.” Okinawa was the peak of the Pacific War’s savagery. More than 180,000 U.S. troops landed on Okinawa, only about 400 miles from mainland Japan, on April 1, 1945, and eventually met some of the fiercest resistance of the war from some 130,000 Japanese troops. For several months, these forces clashed, with hundreds of thousands of civilians caught between them. By the time the U.S. forces had declared victory, the battle itself had achieved an almost mythic reputation for bloodshed and casualties (more than 110,000 Japanese soldiers and likely as many civilians).
Hachette Book Group View caption Hide caption “Bloody Okinawa: The Last Great Battle of World War ll” by Joseph Wheelan, Hachette Books, 432 pp.
Wheelan makes the familiar case that the sheer extent of this violence helped convince the American military that an island-by-island invasion of Japan would be unacceptably costly – paving the way for the use of atomic bombs. But the main strength of “Bloody Okinawa” is the skill with which Wheelan humanizes his epic story, telling dozens of personal stories from all different sides of the battle.
No roundup of World War II books would be complete without the inclusion of one particular personal story: the life of the man who started it all. Hitler has been the subject of hundreds of popular and scholarly biographies, including the bestselling and much-recommended two-volume biography by Ian Kershaw.
After consulting a vast sweep of primary documents, German historian Volker Ullrich has chosen to take Kershaw’s approach, first with “Hitler: Ascent, 1889‑1939” in 2017 and now with his big concluding volume, “Hitler: Downfall, 1939-1945,” which was translated by Jefferson Chase. Ullrich’s first volume was a weirdly spellbinding psychological study of its main character; “Ascent” was a marvelously claustrophobic drama of a damaged young man gradually warping into a monster.
Penguin Random House View caption Hide caption “Hitler: Downfall, 1939-1945” by Volker Ullrich and translated by Jefferson Chase, Knopf, 848 pp.
That same personal focus sometimes falters in this second volume, mainly because “Downfall” by necessity cannot possibly be a personal story. By 1939, Hitler was Germany, and Germany was Hitler. “Downfall” is necessarily a history of the war in Europe, and since that history sprawls far beyond a dictator issuing insane orders from a bunker, “Downfall” can sometimes have a slightly distracted feeling. The psychological insights are every bit as sharp as those in the first volume, however, and the claustrophobia is every bit as effective.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
These are all impressive entries for any publishing season, outstanding even in a schedule filled with battle studies, cultural analyses, and full-dress biographies of generals, politicians, presidents, and dictators. The U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs estimated in 2019 that little more than 389,000 of the 16 million Americans who served in World War II were still alive; the war is quickly receding from memory into history.
Works like the ones gathered here, grim as they are, serve an ultimately hopeful purpose: They stand guard over the facts and ward against the growth of mythology. These anniversary observations serve a purifying role and they honor the past by challenging it. Next year marks the anniversary of America’s entry into the war. It’s a subject filled with conflicting views and dark corners of moral ambiguity. All the more reason to bring on the books.


csmonitor--2020-12-02--A family history in trees and flowers: A biologist’s memoir

Mingling memoir , travelogue , nature writing , and political narrative , “ Two Trees Make a Forest : Travels Among Taiwan ’ s Mountains and Coasts in Search of My Family ’ s Past ” is a thoughtful exploration of lineage and place .
Upon visiting her ancestral homeland of Taiwan , Jessica J. Lee pieces together fragments of her family ’ s past while delving into the island ’ s “ wealth of habitats.
” The book ’ s title speaks to the natural landscape of the country , where the author finds cypress and cedar trees at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trees would make a forest.
” “ Two Trees Make a Forest ” is the author ’ s second book and follows her 2017 memoir “ Turning : A Year in the Water.
” A British-Canadian-Taiwanese environmental historian , Lee spent three months traveling throughout Taiwan .
Described as “ a living world on a fault-ridden terrain , ” the geography of the 89-mile wide island is mountainous and biodiverse .
“ Of more than four thousand vascular plant species on Taiwan , more than a thousand are endemic , ” writes Lee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mammals on the island occur nowhere else.
” When not absorbed in the language of plants and landscape , the author casts a critical eye on the formation of geological sciences and the “ impetus for exploration concomitant with colonialism.
” She points to Western sciences arriving in Taiwan by way of colonial expansion , tracing the first record of botanical study to a Scottish botanist famous for pilfering Chinese tea plants for production in India .
Looking at contemporary Taiwan , Lee comments on the effects of climate change and the clearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , creating environmental hazards she defines as “ anthropogenic.
” At the center of “ Two Trees Make A Forest ” is the author ’ s exploration of family identity and the political dimensions of Taiwan ’ s past .
Lee ’ s maternal grandparents were originally from China .
At the end of the Chinese Civil War , they left for Taiwan , along with more than 1 million other mainland Chinese .
Unable to return , her grandparents lived on the island for four decades .
In 1974 , they emigrated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continent far away from their home country .
While born and raised in Canada , Lee writes that “ Taiwan and its past had inhabited my imagination for most of my life.
” Her extended stay in the country in 2017 came after her grandparents ’ passing .
A stray phone bill listing calls made to Taiwan and China led to the discovery of long lost family members ; an autobiographical letter written by the author ’ s grandfather provided a family backstory shaped by political turmoil .
“ Political migrants .
Exiles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has many words for my grandparents ' generation , all of them containing a grain of the truth , ” notes Lee .
She writes of China ’ s May Fourth protests , an anti-imperialist movement sparked by student activists in Beijing in 1919 .
The Second Sino-Japanese War – precipitated by the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of 1937 – led to Taiwan being ceded to China in 1945 after five decades of Japanese rule .
In 1949 , the Nationalist Chinese government declared martial law in Taiwan .
It lasted for 38 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of martial law in history .
In modern-day Taipei , Lee juxtaposes the city with its surrounding environs .
She describes wandering “ above the city my family called home , ” watching “ the gray streets rolling out into the hills , the city expanding at a rate faster than the movement of mountains.
” When writing of nature , the author fluctuates between different interpretations of time – arboreal and lithic ; dendrological and geological .
While “ Two Trees Makes A Forest ” is full of graceful prose , general @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the author ’ s more specialized descriptions of scenery .
For nature enthusiasts , however , this book offers an abundance of landscapes to imagine .
Lee ’ s delicate integration of genres sets “ Two Trees Make A Forest ” apart from the conventional memoir .
The author ’ s introspective storytelling avoids the standard pitfalls of travel writing , and she crafts a multifaceted narrative of dislocation and reconnection that escapes simple definition .

Mingling memoir, travelogue, nature writing, and political narrative, “Two Trees Make a Forest: Travels Among Taiwan’s Mountains and Coasts in Search of My Family’s Past” is a thoughtful exploration of lineage and place. Upon visiting her ancestral homeland of Taiwan, Jessica J. Lee pieces together fragments of her family’s past while delving into the island’s “wealth of habitats.” The book’s title speaks to the natural landscape of the country, where the author finds cypress and cedar trees at a scale so impressive that “two trees would make a forest.”
“Two Trees Make a Forest” is the author’s second book and follows her 2017 memoir “Turning: A Year in the Water.” A British-Canadian-Taiwanese environmental historian, Lee spent three months traveling throughout Taiwan. Described as “a living world on a fault-ridden terrain,” the geography of the 89-mile wide island is mountainous and biodiverse. “Of more than four thousand vascular plant species on Taiwan, more than a thousand are endemic,” writes Lee. “More than 60 percent of mammals on the island occur nowhere else.”
When not absorbed in the language of plants and landscape, the author casts a critical eye on the formation of geological sciences and the “impetus for exploration concomitant with colonialism.” She points to Western sciences arriving in Taiwan by way of colonial expansion, tracing the first record of botanical study to a Scottish botanist famous for pilfering Chinese tea plants for production in India. Looking at contemporary Taiwan, Lee comments on the effects of climate change and the clearing of land for plantations and mineral excavation, creating environmental hazards she defines as “anthropogenic.”
At the center of “Two Trees Make A Forest” is the author’s exploration of family identity and the political dimensions of Taiwan’s past. Lee’s maternal grandparents were originally from China. At the end of the Chinese Civil War, they left for Taiwan, along with more than 1 million other mainland Chinese. Unable to return, her grandparents lived on the island for four decades. In 1974, they emigrated to Canada, resettling on a foreign continent far away from their home country.
While born and raised in Canada, Lee writes that “Taiwan and its past had inhabited my imagination for most of my life.” Her extended stay in the country in 2017 came after her grandparents’ passing. A stray phone bill listing calls made to Taiwan and China led to the discovery of long lost family members; an autobiographical letter written by the author’s grandfather provided a family backstory shaped by political turmoil.
“Political migrants. Exiles. Colonists. Diaspora. The past has many words for my grandparents' generation, all of them containing a grain of the truth,” notes Lee. She writes of China’s May Fourth protests, an anti-imperialist movement sparked by student activists in Beijing in 1919. The Second Sino-Japanese War – precipitated by the Marco Polo Bridge Incident of 1937 – led to Taiwan being ceded to China in 1945 after five decades of Japanese rule. In 1949, the Nationalist Chinese government declared martial law in Taiwan. It lasted for 38 years, one of the longest periods of martial law in history.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
In modern-day Taipei, Lee juxtaposes the city with its surrounding environs. She describes wandering “above the city my family called home,” watching “the gray streets rolling out into the hills, the city expanding at a rate faster than the movement of mountains.” When writing of nature, the author fluctuates between different interpretations of time – arboreal and lithic; dendrological and geological. While “Two Trees Makes A Forest” is full of graceful prose, general readers may have difficulty grasping some of the author’s more specialized descriptions of scenery. For nature enthusiasts, however, this book offers an abundance of landscapes to imagine.
Lee’s delicate integration of genres sets “Two Trees Make A Forest” apart from the conventional memoir. The author’s introspective storytelling avoids the standard pitfalls of travel writing, and she crafts a multifaceted narrative of dislocation and reconnection that escapes simple definition.


csmonitor--2020-12-02--For Palestinians, Biden’s win is a good step. But it’s just a step.

Hanan Ashrawi , a member of the PLO ’ s executive committee , says she has only modest expectations .
“ There has to be a candid and clear reassessment to forge a new relationship between us and the U.S. without going through Israel , ” she says .
“ A relationship without being based on what can we do for Israel , or how can we deliver for Israel .
It has to be a whole new approach.
” Yet widespread relief among Palestinians over President Donald Trump ’ s defeat is giving way to rising skepticism over President-elect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relations .
Many Palestinians say more is needed than simply a repudiation of Mr. Trump ’ s policies .
Instead , they are calling for a deep recalibration of U.S.-Palestinian ties to unlock change in the region .
But this year many were desperate to see the back of a president who had pressured and boycotted Palestinian leadership , cut off aid and development projects , moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem , and was seen as a close ally of Israel 's right-wing prime minister .
A widely heard refrain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ Democrats or Republicans , they are all the same ” in their Mideast policies and approach to the Palestinians .
It ’ s not uncommon to hear American accents here .
Many West Bank residents have lived in the United States or have family there .
In U.S. election years , the accents are impossible to avoid .
In the days leading up to and following the November election , with TV sets and Facebook feeds dominated by coverage of the U.S. race and the vote-counting dramas , everyone seemed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their impact on the occupied Palestinian territories .
A widely heard refrain in the West Bank has long been : “ Democrats or Republicans , they are all the same ” in their Mideast policies and approach to the Palestinians .
But this year many were desperate to see the back of a president who had pressured and boycotted Palestinian leadership , cut off U.S. aid and development projects , withdrawn funding from the United Nations ’ Palestinian refugee agency , recognized Israeli sovereignty over occupied territories , moved the U.S. Embassy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a close ally and enabler of Benjamin Netanyahu , the Israeli right-wing prime minister .
Yet widespread relief among Palestinians in the West Bank over President Donald Trump ’ s defeat is giving way to rising skepticism over whether President-elect Joe Biden will have the ability or political will to reset bilateral relations dramatically altered by his predecessor .
While many Palestinians are eager to see the end of the current administration ’ s pressure campaign and a resumption of economic aid , they say more is needed than simply a repudiation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a return to the pre-2017 status quo .
Instead , they are calling for a deep recalibration of U.S.-Palestinian ties to unlock change in the region – a change many doubt a Biden administration can deliver .
Nevertheless , for the past few weeks , the relief on Ramallah ’ s streets has been palpable .
Many see Mr. Biden ’ s win , for instance , as a decisive blow to Mr. Netanyahu ’ s threats to annex the Jordan Valley .
“ The gray skies have cleared , ” declares Ahmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peppers his remarks with English words delivered in a distinctly California accent .
“ This is finally the end of Trump ’ s ‘ ultimate deal , ’ ” he says , referring to the president ’ s much-touted Israeli-Palestinian peace plan .
The deal pledged economic benefits for Palestinians in return for a pathway to a state , but on less land than provided for by pre-1967 borders – a formula widely rejected by the Palestinian public .
Yet with the rush of relief over Mr. Trump ’ s defeat beginning to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what exactly a President Biden can or will change in U.S.-Palestinian relations .
“ Everyone in the world is happy that Trump lost the election , but Biden will not undo the political achievements that Trump did for Netanyahu , especially on the recognition of Jerusalem [ as Israel ’ s capital ] or the embassy move , ” says Samir Idris , a former unionist and avowed leftist , who believes Palestinians ’ U.S. election euphoria will be short-lived .
“ The way I see it , Biden ’ s win has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; the return of [ security ] coordination between the Palestinian Authority and Israel will lead to economic relief for the PA and will relieve some pressure on Israel.
” Yet Palestinians say the prospect of a return to a pre-Trump status-quo – one in which Palestinians and Israelis maintain a fraught security relationship amid settlement-building and cycles of promises for talks initiated by the U.S. that get no closer to a solution – is not the breakthrough needed .
“ Politically , there is a clear difference between Biden and Trump , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favor Israel over us , ” says Mr. Zayed , who in his Fatah days was director-general of a Palestinian ministry , but today drives a taxi .
Sarah Abu Suraya , a 26-year-old schoolteacher from East Jerusalem , believes President Trump and Mr. Netanyahu created a new reality on the ground and established de facto Israeli sovereignty over the contested city and areas in the West Bank .
“ I don ’ t think that changes on the ground will come anytime soon , especially not in Jerusalem , ” says Ms. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration to return to a status quo of “ managing the conflict ” between Palestinians and Israel rather than concrete diplomatic steps toward a solution .
“ At the end of the day , this will take us back to the cycle of evasion and the endless process of relaunching bilateral talks , ” says Mr. Idris , the former union activist , waving his hands in the air in frustration .
In a September pre-election survey by the Ramallah-based Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research , only 21 % of Palestinians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the better under a President Biden , while 34 % said a Biden administration would “ not change current American policies ” toward the Palestinians .
And perhaps reflecting what many Palestinians say is lingering disappointment with the Obama administration , a plurality – 35 % – even said American policy would be in fact worse under Mr. Biden .
The pessimism is not due to a lack of familiarity .
According to Ghassan Khatib , a pollster and political science professor at Birzeit University outside Ramallah , Palestinians closely follow U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on their daily lives .
The Palestinian public and leadership , he says , are hopeful Mr. Biden will vocally oppose the expansion of Jewish settlements and reverse the block on $ 230 million in annual aid and projects in the occupied territories , which could ignite a moribund economy in which West Bank joblessness hovers at 25 % .
Yet few are optimistic that President-elect Biden can undo Mr. Trump ’ s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel ’ s capital – a historic U.S. shift that deprived the Palestinians of a diplomatic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peace talks between Israelis and the Palestinians .
“ The gap between Israelis and Palestinians is larger than the efforts that could bridge it , ” Professor Khatib says , noting the rightward shift in Israeli politics and the political mainstreaming of Israeli settler groups .
“ Palestinians can not go back to talks without halting settlement activity , and Israel politically can not stop its settlement activity .
“ We are likely to go back to talking about resuming negotiations and holding meetings about talking – at most , ” he notes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Palestine Liberation Organization ’ s executive committee , says she has only modest expectations from Mr. Biden .
“ We have a long wish list from the Biden administration because there has been a lot of damage , ” she says , “ but Biden does not have a magic wand to unscramble the eggs ” broken by Mr. Trump ’ s dramatic altering of U.S. policy .
Leaders in Ramallah expect Mr. Biden to undo some of President Trump ’ s executive orders , but think he ’ s likely unwilling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are popular in Congress , such as recognizing Jerusalem as Israel ’ s capital , location of the U.S. Embassy , and the shuttering of the PLO ’ s office in Washington .
The Palestinian Authority is eyeing economic relief from a resumption of U.S. aid that , along with the recent release of Palestinian tax revenues collected by Israel , could create breathing room for the leadership and perhaps boost public support for resuming bilateral negotiations with Israelis .
But rather than pushing for a shopping list of gestures from the Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they are seeking a deep rethink of U.S.-Palestinian relations .
With Mr. Biden ’ s unveiling last week of a foreign-policy team full of Obama administration alumni , Palestinians see a return to a mainstream foreign-policy establishment that although not hostile to Palestinians is unlikely to deliver the reset in ties they view as critical .
Leaders say they are prepared to launch a dialogue with a U.S. audience more open to change , such as the progressive wing of the Democratic Party , in order to prod the moderate Biden administration .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and clear reassessment to forge a new relationship between us and the U.S. without going through Israel , ” Ms. Ashrawi says .
“ A relationship without being based on what can we do for Israel , or how can we deliver for Israel .
It has to be a whole new approach .
”

Hanan Ashrawi, a member of the PLO’s executive committee, says she has only modest expectations. “There has to be a candid and clear reassessment to forge a new relationship between us and the U.S. without going through Israel,” she says. “A relationship without being based on what can we do for Israel, or how can we deliver for Israel. It has to be a whole new approach.”
Yet widespread relief among Palestinians over President Donald Trump’s defeat is giving way to rising skepticism over President-elect Joe Biden's ability to reset bilateral relations. Many Palestinians say more is needed than simply a repudiation of Mr. Trump’s policies. Instead, they are calling for a deep recalibration of U.S.-Palestinian ties to unlock change in the region.
From frustration to hope can be a long distance to travel. Many Palestinians, happy to bid President Trump farewell, associate Joe Biden with previous disappointments and are looking for a new formula for U.S. relations.
But this year many were desperate to see the back of a president who had pressured and boycotted Palestinian leadership, cut off aid and development projects, moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and was seen as a close ally of Israel's right-wing prime minister.
A widely heard refrain in the West Bank has long been: “Democrats or Republicans, they are all the same” in their Mideast policies and approach to the Palestinians.
It’s not uncommon to hear American accents here. Many West Bank residents have lived in the United States or have family there. In U.S. election years, the accents are impossible to avoid.
In the days leading up to and following the November election, with TV sets and Facebook feeds dominated by coverage of the U.S. race and the vote-counting dramas, everyone seemed to be weighing in on the results and their impact on the occupied Palestinian territories.
A widely heard refrain in the West Bank has long been: “Democrats or Republicans, they are all the same” in their Mideast policies and approach to the Palestinians.
Why We Wrote This From frustration to hope can be a long distance to travel. Many Palestinians, happy to bid President Trump farewell, associate Joe Biden with previous disappointments and are looking for a new formula for U.S. relations.
But this year many were desperate to see the back of a president who had pressured and boycotted Palestinian leadership, cut off U.S. aid and development projects, withdrawn funding from the United Nations’ Palestinian refugee agency, recognized Israeli sovereignty over occupied territories, moved the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and was seen as a close ally and enabler of Benjamin Netanyahu, the Israeli right-wing prime minister.
Yet widespread relief among Palestinians in the West Bank over President Donald Trump’s defeat is giving way to rising skepticism over whether President-elect Joe Biden will have the ability or political will to reset bilateral relations dramatically altered by his predecessor.
While many Palestinians are eager to see the end of the current administration’s pressure campaign and a resumption of economic aid, they say more is needed than simply a repudiation of Mr. Trump’s policies or a return to the pre-2017 status quo.
Instead, they are calling for a deep recalibration of U.S.-Palestinian ties to unlock change in the region – a change many doubt a Biden administration can deliver.
Nevertheless, for the past few weeks, the relief on Ramallah’s streets has been palpable. Many see Mr. Biden’s win, for instance, as a decisive blow to Mr. Netanyahu’s threats to annex the Jordan Valley.
“The gray skies have cleared,” declares Ahmed Zayed, a former Fatah member who peppers his remarks with English words delivered in a distinctly California accent.
“This is finally the end of Trump’s ‘ultimate deal,’” he says, referring to the president’s much-touted Israeli-Palestinian peace plan. The deal pledged economic benefits for Palestinians in return for a pathway to a state, but on less land than provided for by pre-1967 borders – a formula widely rejected by the Palestinian public.
What can Biden change?
Yet with the rush of relief over Mr. Trump’s defeat beginning to fade, few are certain as to what exactly a President Biden can or will change in U.S.-Palestinian relations.
“Everyone in the world is happy that Trump lost the election, but Biden will not undo the political achievements that Trump did for Netanyahu, especially on the recognition of Jerusalem [as Israel’s capital] or the embassy move,” says Samir Idris, a former unionist and avowed leftist, who believes Palestinians’ U.S. election euphoria will be short-lived.
“The way I see it, Biden’s win has helped both the Palestinians and the Israelis; the return of [security] coordination between the Palestinian Authority and Israel will lead to economic relief for the PA and will relieve some pressure on Israel.”
Fatima Abdulkarim View caption Hide caption Palestinian taxi driver Ahmed Zayed, a former member of Fatah, at a taxi station in the West Bank town of Al Bireh, near Ramallah, Nov. 23, 2020. The election of Joe Biden, he says, means "the gray skies have cleared" for Palestinians.
Yet Palestinians say the prospect of a return to a pre-Trump status-quo – one in which Palestinians and Israelis maintain a fraught security relationship amid settlement-building and cycles of promises for talks initiated by the U.S. that get no closer to a solution – is not the breakthrough needed.
“Politically, there is a clear difference between Biden and Trump, but for the Palestinians, they both favor Israel over us,” says Mr. Zayed, who in his Fatah days was director-general of a Palestinian ministry, but today drives a taxi.
Sarah Abu Suraya, a 26-year-old schoolteacher from East Jerusalem, believes President Trump and Mr. Netanyahu created a new reality on the ground and established de facto Israeli sovereignty over the contested city and areas in the West Bank.
“I don’t think that changes on the ground will come anytime soon, especially not in Jerusalem,” says Ms. Abu Suraya, who expects a Biden administration to return to a status quo of “managing the conflict” between Palestinians and Israel rather than concrete diplomatic steps toward a solution.
“At the end of the day, this will take us back to the cycle of evasion and the endless process of relaunching bilateral talks,” says Mr. Idris, the former union activist, waving his hands in the air in frustration.
Lingering disappointment
In a September pre-election survey by the Ramallah-based Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, only 21% of Palestinians said they believed American policy would change for the better under a President Biden, while 34% said a Biden administration would “not change current American policies” toward the Palestinians. And perhaps reflecting what many Palestinians say is lingering disappointment with the Obama administration, a plurality – 35% – even said American policy would be in fact worse under Mr. Biden.
The pessimism is not due to a lack of familiarity.
According to Ghassan Khatib, a pollster and political science professor at Birzeit University outside Ramallah, Palestinians closely follow U.S. political developments due to their direct impact on their daily lives.
The Palestinian public and leadership, he says, are hopeful Mr. Biden will vocally oppose the expansion of Jewish settlements and reverse the block on $230 million in annual aid and projects in the occupied territories, which could ignite a moribund economy in which West Bank joblessness hovers at 25%.
Yet few are optimistic that President-elect Biden can undo Mr. Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital – a historic U.S. shift that deprived the Palestinians of a diplomatic bargaining chip – or even successfully restart peace talks between Israelis and the Palestinians.
“The gap between Israelis and Palestinians is larger than the efforts that could bridge it,” Professor Khatib says, noting the rightward shift in Israeli politics and the political mainstreaming of Israeli settler groups. “Palestinians cannot go back to talks without halting settlement activity, and Israel politically cannot stop its settlement activity.
“We are likely to go back to talking about resuming negotiations and holding meetings about talking – at most,” he notes.
No magic wand
Hanan Ashrawi, a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s executive committee, says she has only modest expectations from Mr. Biden.
“We have a long wish list from the Biden administration because there has been a lot of damage,” she says, “but Biden does not have a magic wand to unscramble the eggs” broken by Mr. Trump’s dramatic altering of U.S. policy.
Leaders in Ramallah expect Mr. Biden to undo some of President Trump’s executive orders, but think he’s likely unwilling to take on more permanent changes that are popular in Congress, such as recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, location of the U.S. Embassy, and the shuttering of the PLO’s office in Washington.
The Palestinian Authority is eyeing economic relief from a resumption of U.S. aid that, along with the recent release of Palestinian tax revenues collected by Israel, could create breathing room for the leadership and perhaps boost public support for resuming bilateral negotiations with Israelis.
But rather than pushing for a shopping list of gestures from the Biden administration, Ms. Ashrawi and others say they are seeking a deep rethink of U.S.-Palestinian relations.
With Mr. Biden’s unveiling last week of a foreign-policy team full of Obama administration alumni, Palestinians see a return to a mainstream foreign-policy establishment that although not hostile to Palestinians is unlikely to deliver the reset in ties they view as critical.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Leaders say they are prepared to launch a dialogue with a U.S. audience more open to change, such as the progressive wing of the Democratic Party, in order to prod the moderate Biden administration.
“There has to be a candid and clear reassessment to forge a new relationship between us and the U.S. without going through Israel,” Ms. Ashrawi says. “A relationship without being based on what can we do for Israel, or how can we deliver for Israel. It has to be a whole new approach.”


csmonitor--2020-12-02--For these ‘war children’ in London, grit and resilience come naturally

“ We ’ re all war children , albeit very different wars .
If you live through these sorts of things , it makes you a lot more resilient , ” says Sara .
Two neighborhood friends , both Britons who were born during World War II , have their own stories of resilience during tough times .
They have also brought their experiences to bear during the pandemic .
“ I don ’ t give in easily , ” says Eileen Horner , who lives alone and struck up a friendship with Sara Shamsavari , an artist , after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Shamsavaris have been applying their life lessons – what to prioritize , how to weigh risks – to COVID-19 and to the deprivations needed to contain the virus .
On Tuesday , a monthlong lockdown in England ended , allowing many shops to reopen in the run-up to Christmas .
But like much of the country , London remains subject to restrictions on households mixing and on social gatherings .
Farzad Amai Shamsavari has lived a life punctuated by events beyond her control , from revolution and war in Iran to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sara .
At 79 years old , she ’ s now living through another period of unexpected disruption in the form of a global pandemic that has exacted a heavy toll on the United Kingdom where she and her daughter live .
British Iranian artist Sara Shamsavari remembers the blackened windows at her first childhood home in Tehran , Iran .
Born in the middle of the 1979 Islamic Revolution , and just 2 years old at the onset of the Iran-Iraq War , Ms. Shamsavari says her first memories are rooted in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Farzad Amai Shamsavari , a psychologist , also remembers many sleepless nights in Ahvaz , near the Iraq border , where she taught at the university .
She kept her young children , Sara and Sina , inside a closet for safety while her husband hid under a table as warplanes dropped bombs outside .
“ I was going between the two [ children ] trying to reassure them all , ” says Farzad .
She has lived a life of flux , change , and unpredictability steered by global events well beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States , she returned to Iran in 1975 .
The birth of her daughter amid a revolution wasn ’ t the only complication ; Sara was diagnosed with cancer , and the family sought treatment , and asylum , in Britain in 1981 .
“ My main focus ... was all about adapting , ” says Farzad .
“ You either complain about whatever is happening that you don ’ t like or you think , ‘ How can I adjust and make the best of this situation ?
’ ” That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to cope this year during a global coronavirus pandemic that has hit the United Kingdom particularly hard .
On Tuesday , the latest monthlong lockdown ended in England , replaced by a tiered system of restrictions on households and businesses .
While London is subject to moderate curbs , much of northern England is on higher alert .
That same resilience that the Shamsavari family has drawn on during COVID-19 is shared by two of their neighbors whose views are shaped by their own experience of war and social upheaval .
Both are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War II and the hardships that followed .
What they all have in common is a belief that grit and courage matter , and that adapting to uncertainty and isolation is a skill that can be learned , especially under hardship .
“ We ’ re all war children , albeit very different wars .
If you live through these sorts of things , it makes you a lot more resilient , ” says Sara , as she pours hot Persian tea on a cold day .
“ Some people have lived through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ value system in place which is so contrasting to the confusion and lack of foundation many young people have.
” Chaos certainly describes the events in Tehran in 1979 when the U.S.-backed Shah was ousted .
Farzad ’ s misfortune doubled as Iran ’ s new religious clerics then persecuted and imprisoned members of her minority Baha ’ i faith community .
Her experiences of revolutionary turmoil have proved fruitful lessons in coping during lockdowns that have exacted a toll on England ’ s mental and social equilibrium .
At age 79 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and she worries about young people she sees who may have become too risk-averse during the pandemic .
“ If we follow our emotions all the time , it may lead us to avoid any sort of danger .
And that ’ s failure , ” she says .
“ But if we have the courage to say , ‘ OK that I am feeling bad , but maybe tomorrow I ’ ll feel better.
’ What I think undermines people is complete avoidance of any tiny bit of risk .
But you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a couple of streets away from Farzad and Sara live two Britons in their 70s with early memories of World War II and its social deprivations .
Now they are learning to live with deprivations of a different nature .
“ This year has been the worst in my life because I couldn ’ t travel anywhere , ” says Eileen Horner , a retiree who lives alone in a house filled with sparkling Christmas decorations and framed photos of her extended family members .
Just like Sara , she too remembers a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was age 2 , toward the end of World War II .
“ I was in a highchair and I can remember sensing an atmosphere , even though I was a tiny child , that something dramatic happened.
” Despite the war , she describes her early years as “ total happiness , ” with her mother feeding a family of five on the equivalent of $ 1 a week .
In the 1960s , Ms. Horner worked in London ’ s fashion and modeling scene , before going into real estate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and her trusted boss – “ all of my emotional and financial stability ” – in a single year when she was in her late 40s .
Personal grief and adapting to loss , as much as her early war memories , have steeled her for this year ’ s lockdowns .
“ I ’ ve always had determination .
...
I don ’ t give in easily , ” she says .
“ Having been on my own for such a long time , you have to talk to the wall to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life ; small “ positive ” tasks every day keep her resilient .
Living alone has the “ occasional ” lonely moment , she says , but she never feels alone .
The key is to make plans , such as seeing her fellow war-child Sara for a coffee .
They met five years ago outside a local cafe where Sara started chatting to her .
Generations apart , they are now firm friends .
Rounding out the group is Alan Speight , another child of World War II .
He describes a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ northern England , which he credits for his resilience , including the five months of COVID-19 symptoms he suffered earlier this year , when testing was still limited .
“ Looking back , if you had some warm clothes and you had your health , you were happy .
I wasn ’ t wanting things , ” he says , noticing how discussion of such values has surfaced during this year ’ s lockdowns .
And like many of today ’ s children , his early education was interrupted by a virus : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was 7 , for fear that he had contracted polio .
Consuming books “ out of boredom ” seeded artistic talents in food , painting , and horticulture in later life , though his professional career would be in food and science .
Mr. Speight helped introduce the commercial sandwich to Britain ’ s supermarkets .
He also worked on vaccines against past pandemics , including co-creating a salmonella vaccine that was used to immunize all 26 million U.K. chickens in 1998 .
Vaccines , he says , “ are a fundamental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he adds , “ is a triumph for science.
” Food is his form of escapism .
He recalls the plot of land his mother kept , behind a multigenerational household of 13 people , to grow vegetables and rear chickens in wartime .
Sourcing local foods and families moving back in together – not always enthusiastically – has been another “ reset ” this year , he says .
How has he stayed upbeat in lockdown ?
“ I hate to paraphrase Churchill ’ s words , but find something you love @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work again.
” All four individuals say that their resilience in coping with life in COVID-19 lockdowns is both a practice and instinctive .
“ Prioritizing is the essence of wisdom , ” says Farzad .
“ When we prioritize , there are certain things that are essential , and certain things that are less essential .
Part of wisdom is not completely forgetting the nonessential things in life .
Take some calculated risks when it ’ s safe.
” For example : Taking part in social activities that are enjoyable as opposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ms. Horner agrees .
“ You ’ ve got to have guts .
Have courage .
”

“We’re all war children, albeit very different wars. If you live through these sorts of things, it makes you a lot more resilient,” says Sara.
Two neighborhood friends, both Britons who were born during World War II, have their own stories of resilience during tough times. They have also brought their experiences to bear during the pandemic. “I don’t give in easily,” says Eileen Horner, who lives alone and struck up a friendship with Sara Shamsavari, an artist, after they met at a local cafe.
Disruptive childhood experiences can instill a sense of resilience as adults. During tough times, like the current pandemic, this resilience can prove valuable.
The Shamsavaris have been applying their life lessons – what to prioritize, how to weigh risks – to COVID-19 and to the deprivations needed to contain the virus. On Tuesday, a monthlong lockdown in England ended, allowing many shops to reopen in the run-up to Christmas. But like much of the country, London remains subject to restrictions on households mixing and on social gatherings.
Farzad Amai Shamsavari has lived a life punctuated by events beyond her control, from revolution and war in Iran to a diagnosis of childhood cancer for her daughter Sara. At 79 years old, she’s now living through another period of unexpected disruption in the form of a global pandemic that has exacted a heavy toll on the United Kingdom where she and her daughter live.
British Iranian artist Sara Shamsavari remembers the blackened windows at her first childhood home in Tehran, Iran. Born in the middle of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, and just 2 years old at the onset of the Iran-Iraq War, Ms. Shamsavari says her first memories are rooted in uncertainty and dislocation.
Her mother, Farzad Amai Shamsavari, a psychologist, also remembers many sleepless nights in Ahvaz, near the Iraq border, where she taught at the university. She kept her young children, Sara and Sina, inside a closet for safety while her husband hid under a table as warplanes dropped bombs outside.
“I was going between the two [children] trying to reassure them all,” says Farzad.
Why We Wrote This A story focused on Resilience Disruptive childhood experiences can instill a sense of resilience as adults. During tough times, like the current pandemic, this resilience can prove valuable.
She has lived a life of flux, change, and unpredictability steered by global events well beyond her control. After studying in the United States, she returned to Iran in 1975. The birth of her daughter amid a revolution wasn’t the only complication; Sara was diagnosed with cancer, and the family sought treatment, and asylum, in Britain in 1981.
“My main focus ... was all about adapting,” says Farzad. “You either complain about whatever is happening that you don’t like or you think, ‘How can I adjust and make the best of this situation?’”
That resilience has helped Farzad and her daughter to cope this year during a global coronavirus pandemic that has hit the United Kingdom particularly hard. On Tuesday, the latest monthlong lockdown ended in England, replaced by a tiered system of restrictions on households and businesses. While London is subject to moderate curbs, much of northern England is on higher alert.
Sara Shamsavari View caption Hide caption Farzad Amai Shamsavari, an Iranian-born psychologist, poses in front of artwork made by her daughter Sara Shamsavari. The family moved to the U.K. during the Iran-Iraq War to get medical treatment for Sara.
That same resilience that the Shamsavari family has drawn on during COVID-19 is shared by two of their neighbors whose views are shaped by their own experience of war and social upheaval. Both are older Britons who grew up during World War II and the hardships that followed. What they all have in common is a belief that grit and courage matter, and that adapting to uncertainty and isolation is a skill that can be learned, especially under hardship.
“We’re all war children, albeit very different wars. If you live through these sorts of things, it makes you a lot more resilient,” says Sara, as she pours hot Persian tea on a cold day.
“Some people have lived through chaos, and they already have a value system in place which is so contrasting to the confusion and lack of foundation many young people have.”
Chaos certainly describes the events in Tehran in 1979 when the U.S.-backed Shah was ousted. Farzad’s misfortune doubled as Iran’s new religious clerics then persecuted and imprisoned members of her minority Baha’i faith community. Her experiences of revolutionary turmoil have proved fruitful lessons in coping during lockdowns that have exacted a toll on England’s mental and social equilibrium.
At age 79, she still works from her house, and she worries about young people she sees who may have become too risk-averse during the pandemic.
“If we follow our emotions all the time, it may lead us to avoid any sort of danger. And that’s failure,” she says. “But if we have the courage to say, ‘OK that I am feeling bad, but maybe tomorrow I’ll feel better.’ What I think undermines people is complete avoidance of any tiny bit of risk. But you have to keep yourself safe.”
A British experience of war
Just a couple of streets away from Farzad and Sara live two Britons in their 70s with early memories of World War II and its social deprivations. Now they are learning to live with deprivations of a different nature.
“This year has been the worst in my life because I couldn’t travel anywhere,” says Eileen Horner, a retiree who lives alone in a house filled with sparkling Christmas decorations and framed photos of her extended family members.
Just like Sara, she too remembers a sense of chaos raging outside when she was age 2, toward the end of World War II.
“I was in a highchair and I can remember sensing an atmosphere, even though I was a tiny child, that something dramatic happened.”
Despite the war, she describes her early years as “total happiness,” with her mother feeding a family of five on the equivalent of $1 a week. In the 1960s, Mrs. Horner worked in London’s fashion and modeling scene, before going into real estate.
Then, she lost both her husband and her trusted boss – “all of my emotional and financial stability” – in a single year when she was in her late 40s. Personal grief and adapting to loss, as much as her early war memories, have steeled her for this year’s lockdowns.
“I’ve always had determination. ... I don’t give in easily,” she says. “Having been on my own for such a long time, you have to talk to the wall to make a decision.”
Mrs. Horner loves life; small “positive” tasks every day keep her resilient. Living alone has the “occasional” lonely moment, she says, but she never feels alone. The key is to make plans, such as seeing her fellow war-child Sara for a coffee. They met five years ago outside a local cafe where Sara started chatting to her. Generations apart, they are now firm friends.
A “triumph for science”
Rounding out the group is Alan Speight, another child of World War II. He describes a simple “stoic” working-class upbringing in northern England, which he credits for his resilience, including the five months of COVID-19 symptoms he suffered earlier this year, when testing was still limited.
Sara Shamsavari View caption Hide caption Alan Speight, a retired food scientist, sits in his garden at his London home. During World War II, his mother grew vegetables on a patch of land behind their house in northern England.
“Looking back, if you had some warm clothes and you had your health, you were happy. I wasn’t wanting things,” he says, noticing how discussion of such values has surfaced during this year’s lockdowns.
And like many of today’s children, his early education was interrupted by a virus: He had a year off school when he was 7, for fear that he had contracted polio. Consuming books “out of boredom” seeded artistic talents in food, painting, and horticulture in later life, though his professional career would be in food and science.
Mr. Speight helped introduce the commercial sandwich to Britain’s supermarkets. He also worked on vaccines against past pandemics, including co-creating a salmonella vaccine that was used to immunize all 26 million U.K. chickens in 1998.
Vaccines, he says, “are a fundamental right” for mankind. 2020, he adds, “is a triumph for science.”
Food is his form of escapism. He recalls the plot of land his mother kept, behind a multigenerational household of 13 people, to grow vegetables and rear chickens in wartime. Sourcing local foods and families moving back in together – not always enthusiastically – has been another “reset” this year, he says.
How has he stayed upbeat in lockdown? “I hate to paraphrase Churchill’s words, but find something you love to do and you’ll never work again.”
All four individuals say that their resilience in coping with life in COVID-19 lockdowns is both a practice and instinctive.
“Prioritizing is the essence of wisdom,” says Farzad. “When we prioritize, there are certain things that are essential, and certain things that are less essential. Part of wisdom is not completely forgetting the nonessential things in life. Take some calculated risks when it’s safe.”
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
For example: Taking part in social activities that are enjoyable as opposed to necessary, like grocery shopping.
Mrs. Horner agrees. “You’ve got to have guts. Have courage.”


csmonitor--2020-12-02--Big personalities and politics: ‘Mank’ offers hijinks from old Hollywood

“ Mank , ” directed by David Fincher , is a Hollywood movie about the Hollywood that gave us “ Citizen Kane.
” The eponymous Mank , played by Gary Oldman , is Herman Mankiewicz , the legendary wit and carouser who , in his pre- “ Kane ” heyday , worked on the screenplays for everything from Marx Brothers movies to “ The Wizard of Oz.
” Later on , his star fallen , and against all expectation , including his own , he co-wrote with Orson Welles a movie so often referred to as the greatest ever made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its title .
The rub , of course , is that Mankiewicz claimed he was the film ’ s sole screenwriter and that Welles was nothing more than a glorified credit hog .
Fincher ’ s late father , Jack , a journalist who wrote the screenplay for “ Mank ” in the 1990s , largely endorsed Mankiewicz ’ s claim .
( His main source was Pauline Kael ’ s explosive pro-Mank book-length 1971 New Yorker essay “ Raising Kane , ” which has since gone in for its share of debunking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sides with Mankiewicz – hence the title – but the surprise here is that it deals only glancingly with the credit controversy .
Welles himself ( played by Tom Burke ) barely rates a cameo .
What the movie instead focuses on , in a circuitous flashback structure somewhat resembling “ Citizen Kane ” itself , is Mankiewicz ’ s love-hate relationship with Hollywood and the bigwigs who ran it .
The film , shot in lustrous black and white by Eric Messerschmidt , begins in 1940 with Mankiewicz holed up in enforced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California .
Abetted by a secretary ( Lily Collins ) and a nursemaid , he has been consigned there by Welles ’ people until he knocks out the “ Kane ” script that will mark Welles ’ debut as a Hollywood director .
Much of the film ’ s action , though , takes place in the 1930s , when Mankiewicz was riding high at MGM .
He alternately clashes and hobnobs with its autocratic studio chief Louis B. Mayer ( Arliss Howard ) and its wonderboy head of production Irving Thalberg ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ William Randolph Hearst ( Charles Dance ) , whose production company , highlighting his actress mistress , Marion Davies ( Amanda Seyfried ) , is based at the studio .
Whether toiling within MGM ’ s inner sanctum or dining , with his exasperatingly understanding wife , Sara ( Tuppence Middleton ) , at Hearst ’ s mansion , Mankiewicz – crank , cynic , rogue , covert romantic – was indelibly aware of the court jester role he was born to play in this fiefdom .
That his “ Kane ” script @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Hearst was entirely in keeping with his renegade temperament .
The film ’ s most interesting aspect is the ample time devoted to the 1934 California gubernatorial race in which the Socialist Upton Sinclair , running as a Democrat , was the subject of a vicious spate of fake-news newsreels commissioned by Mayer and Hearst .
It ’ s all too easy to draw parallels to today ’ s media circus .
The film ’ s least interesting aspect , it turns out , is the strictly Hollywood material .
The staging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have an over-rehearsed , deliberately retro quality .
Movies about Hollywood don ’ t have to be so insular .
The best of them , like “ The Bad and the Beautiful , ” “ The Player , ” and “ Sunset Boulevard , ” are about so much more than the machinations of the movie business that , in a sense , Tinseltown essentially serves as a backdrop to the human drama .
Since Hollywood loves to give itself prizes , “ Mank ” will probably grab more than a few come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skill and scrupulousness , I found the film a strangely remote emotional experience – a slice of black and white that never quite bursts into living color .
Peter Rainer is the Monitor 's film critic .
`` Mank '' is available on Netflix starting Dec. 4 .

“Mank,” directed by David Fincher, is a Hollywood movie about the Hollywood that gave us “Citizen Kane.” The eponymous Mank, played by Gary Oldman, is Herman Mankiewicz, the legendary wit and carouser who, in his pre-“Kane” heyday, worked on the screenplays for everything from Marx Brothers movies to “The Wizard of Oz.” Later on, his star fallen, and against all expectation, including his own, he co-wrote with Orson Welles a movie so often referred to as the greatest ever made that the acclamation is practically part of its title.
The rub, of course, is that Mankiewicz claimed he was the film’s sole screenwriter and that Welles was nothing more than a glorified credit hog. Fincher’s late father, Jack, a journalist who wrote the screenplay for “Mank” in the 1990s, largely endorsed Mankiewicz’s claim. (His main source was Pauline Kael’s explosive pro-Mank book-length 1971 New Yorker essay “Raising Kane,” which has since gone in for its share of debunking.) Fincher’s movie mostly sides with Mankiewicz – hence the title – but the surprise here is that it deals only glancingly with the credit controversy. Welles himself (played by Tom Burke) barely rates a cameo.
What the movie instead focuses on, in a circuitous flashback structure somewhat resembling “Citizen Kane” itself, is Mankiewicz’s love-hate relationship with Hollywood and the bigwigs who ran it. The film, shot in lustrous black and white by Eric Messerschmidt, begins in 1940 with Mankiewicz holed up in enforced, boozeless semi-isolation in small-town Victorville, California. Abetted by a secretary (Lily Collins) and a nursemaid, he has been consigned there by Welles’ people until he knocks out the “Kane” script that will mark Welles’ debut as a Hollywood director.
Why We Wrote This Is the history of Hollywood’s Golden Age timely for today? “Mank,” a possible Oscar contender about one of the screenwriters of “Citizen Kane,” is at its most enjoyable when it explores the people behind the tinsel.
Much of the film’s action, though, takes place in the 1930s, when Mankiewicz was riding high at MGM. He alternately clashes and hobnobs with its autocratic studio chief Louis B. Mayer (Arliss Howard) and its wonderboy head of production Irving Thalberg (Ferdinand Kingsley), and also with William Randolph Hearst (Charles Dance), whose production company, highlighting his actress mistress, Marion Davies (Amanda Seyfried), is based at the studio. Whether toiling within MGM’s inner sanctum or dining, with his exasperatingly understanding wife, Sara (Tuppence Middleton), at Hearst’s mansion, Mankiewicz – crank, cynic, rogue, covert romantic – was indelibly aware of the court jester role he was born to play in this fiefdom. That his “Kane” script was a scurrilous, thinly veiled jab at Hearst was entirely in keeping with his renegade temperament.
The film’s most interesting aspect is the ample time devoted to the 1934 California gubernatorial race in which the Socialist Upton Sinclair, running as a Democrat, was the subject of a vicious spate of fake-news newsreels commissioned by Mayer and Hearst. It’s all too easy to draw parallels to today’s media circus.
The film’s least interesting aspect, it turns out, is the strictly Hollywood material. The staging and performances, though intermittently effective, have an over-rehearsed, deliberately retro quality.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Movies about Hollywood don’t have to be so insular. The best of them, like “The Bad and the Beautiful,” “The Player,” and “Sunset Boulevard,” are about so much more than the machinations of the movie business that, in a sense, Tinseltown essentially serves as a backdrop to the human drama. Since Hollywood loves to give itself prizes, “Mank” will probably grab more than a few come Oscar time. But for all its skill and scrupulousness, I found the film a strangely remote emotional experience – a slice of black and white that never quite bursts into living color.
Peter Rainer is the Monitor's film critic. "Mank" is available on Netflix starting Dec. 4.


csmonitor--2020-12-02--Work-from-home fathers rethink parenting

Couples with school-age children don ’ t have it easy right now .
Much or all of a child ’ s education is likely happening at home .
Who ’ s making sure the internet connection is good – let alone making sure real learning is taking place ?
In many households in which both parents can work from home , home-based learning during the pandemic has opened up a debate about gender roles in parenting .
And in deciding how to divvy up child rearing , mothers and fathers – especially fathers – may be taking on new views @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many fathers had stepped up their parenting game .
In 2018 married mothers who worked full time spent 1.2 hours each day caring for their children .
But married fathers chipped in 49 minutes per day , reported the American Time Use Survey .
The women spent another 2.1 hours each day on other household chores , with husbands contributing about 1.4 hours .
What comes as a pleasant surprise now is how much fathers stuck at home are enjoying more time with their children .
In a study released by Harvard University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of dads said they felt closer or much closer to their children , and 57 % said they appreciated their children more .
It ’ s no longer a professional embarrassment if during Dad ’ s Zoom meeting a child wanders into the room wanting a glass of water : It ’ s a chance to proudly lift the child onto his lap and introduce them .
One father reports that he found his 6- and 9-year-old sons running around the house didn ’ t annoy him : just the opposite .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” he told The Wall Street Journal , “ and the feeling that I didn ’ t want to be anywhere else.
” Another young dad told The Guardian : “ I ’ ll be honest , all my dad friends share the same view , lockdown has been an absolute blessing in terms of spending time with our children , and seeing them grow and develop .
I have no hankering to get back to the way it was before.
” Mental and social barriers to male buy-in to parenting responsibilities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be the primary breadwinners has softened , but it hasn ’ t disappeared .
That pressure can push back against fatherly inclinations to spend more time at home .
Men are also less likely to receive paternity leave , paid or unpaid , or feel comfortable taking it , if offered .
And a lingering macho mentality may make fathers less comfortable talking about the challenges of parenting with their spouse or male friends .
When the pandemic eases , and the ability to return to the office opens up , like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of being present in the office against stay-at-home pluses such as no commuting hassles .
But for dads who ’ ve formed new , closer bonds with their children , that advantage may be the hardest one to give up .

Couples with school-age children don’t have it easy right now. Much or all of a child’s education is likely happening at home. Who’s making sure the internet connection is good – let alone making sure real learning is taking place? In many households in which both parents can work from home, home-based learning during the pandemic has opened up a debate about gender roles in parenting. And in deciding how to divvy up child rearing, mothers and fathers – especially fathers – may be taking on new views of themselves.
Even before the pandemic many fathers had stepped up their parenting game. In 2018 married mothers who worked full time spent 1.2 hours each day caring for their children. But married fathers chipped in 49 minutes per day, reported the American Time Use Survey. The women spent another 2.1 hours each day on other household chores, with husbands contributing about 1.4 hours.
What comes as a pleasant surprise now is how much fathers stuck at home are enjoying more time with their children. In a study released by Harvard University after the pandemic began, 68% of dads said they felt closer or much closer to their children, and 57% said they appreciated their children more.
It’s no longer a professional embarrassment if during Dad’s Zoom meeting a child wanders into the room wanting a glass of water: It’s a chance to proudly lift the child onto his lap and introduce them. One father reports that he found his 6- and 9-year-old sons running around the house didn’t annoy him: just the opposite. “I noticed the total bliss I felt,” he told The Wall Street Journal, “and the feeling that I didn’t want to be anywhere else.”
Another young dad told The Guardian: “I’ll be honest, all my dad friends share the same view, lockdown has been an absolute blessing in terms of spending time with our children, and seeing them grow and develop. I have no hankering to get back to the way it was before.”
Mental and social barriers to male buy-in to parenting responsibilities still remain. The assumption that husbands will be the primary breadwinners has softened, but it hasn’t disappeared. That pressure can push back against fatherly inclinations to spend more time at home.
Men are also less likely to receive paternity leave, paid or unpaid, or feel comfortable taking it, if offered. And a lingering macho mentality may make fathers less comfortable talking about the challenges of parenting with their spouse or male friends.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
When the pandemic eases, and the ability to return to the office opens up, like all workers fathers will weigh the advantages of being present in the office against stay-at-home pluses such as no commuting hassles.
But for dads who’ve formed new, closer bonds with their children, that advantage may be the hardest one to give up.


csmonitor--2020-12-02--Taliban and Afghan government begin to map out a cease-fire

Afghan government and Taliban representatives said on Wednesday they had reached a preliminary deal to press on with peace talks , their first written agreement in 19 years of war and welcomed by the United Nations and Washington .
The agreement lays out the way forward for further discussion but is considered a breakthrough because it will allow negotiators to move on to more substantive issues , including talks on a cease-fire .
“ The procedure including its preamble of the negotiation has been finalized and from now on , the negotiation will begin on the agenda , ” Nader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government ’ s negotiating team , told Reuters .
The Taliban spokesman confirmed the same on Twitter .
The agreement comes after months of talks in Doha , the capital of Qatar , encouraged by the United States , while the two sides are still at war , with Taliban attacks on Afghan government forces continuing unabated .
U.S. Special Representative for Afghan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad said that the two sides had agreed on a “ three-page agreement codifing rules and procedures for their negotiations on a political roadmap and a comprehensive cease-fire.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a cease-fire during the preliminary stages of talks , despite calls from Western capitals and global bodies , saying that that would be taken up only when the way forward for talks was agreed upon .
“ This agreement demonstrates that the negotiating parties can agree on tough issues , ” Mr. Khalilzad said on Twitter .
The Taliban were ousted from power in 2001 by U.S.-led forces for refusing to hand over Osama bin Laden , the architect of the Sept. 11 attacks .
A U.S.-backed government has held power in Afghanistan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ control over wide areas of the country .
Under a February deal , foreign forces are to leave Afghanistan by May 2021 in exchange for counter-terrorism guarantees from the Taliban .
U.S. President Donald Trump has looked to hasten the withdrawal , despite criticism , saying he wanted to see all American soldiers home by Christmas to end America ’ s longest war .
The Trump administration has since announced that there would be a sharp drawdown by January , but at least 2,500 troops would remain beyond then .
German Foreign Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ withdrawing troops prematurely and said it should “ ensure that we tie further troop reductions in Afghanistan to clear conditions.
” U.N. envoy for Afghanistan Deborah Lyons welcomed the “ positive development ” on Twitter , adding that “ this breakthrough should be a springboard to reach the peace wanted by all Afghans.
” Last month , an agreement reached between Taliban and government negotiators was held up at the last minute after the insurgents balked at the document ’ s preamble because it mentioned the Afghan government by name .
A European @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that both sides had kept some contentious issues on the side to deal with separately .
“ Both sides also know that Western powers are losing patience and aid has been conditional ... so both sides know they have to move forward to show some progress , ” said the diplomat , requesting anonymity .
This story was reported by Reuters .

Afghan government and Taliban representatives said on Wednesday they had reached a preliminary deal to press on with peace talks, their first written agreement in 19 years of war and welcomed by the United Nations and Washington.
The agreement lays out the way forward for further discussion but is considered a breakthrough because it will allow negotiators to move on to more substantive issues, including talks on a cease-fire.
“The procedure including its preamble of the negotiation has been finalized and from now on, the negotiation will begin on the agenda,” Nader Nadery, a member of the Afghan government’s negotiating team, told Reuters.
The Taliban spokesman confirmed the same on Twitter.
The agreement comes after months of talks in Doha, the capital of Qatar, encouraged by the United States, while the two sides are still at war, with Taliban attacks on Afghan government forces continuing unabated.
U.S. Special Representative for Afghan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad said that the two sides had agreed on a “three-page agreement codifing rules and procedures for their negotiations on a political roadmap and a comprehensive cease-fire.”
Taliban insurgents refused to agree to a cease-fire during the preliminary stages of talks, despite calls from Western capitals and global bodies, saying that that would be taken up only when the way forward for talks was agreed upon.
“This agreement demonstrates that the negotiating parties can agree on tough issues,” Mr. Khalilzad said on Twitter.
The Taliban were ousted from power in 2001 by U.S.-led forces for refusing to hand over Osama bin Laden, the architect of the Sept. 11 attacks. A U.S.-backed government has held power in Afghanistan since then, although the Taliban have control over wide areas of the country.
Under a February deal, foreign forces are to leave Afghanistan by May 2021 in exchange for counter-terrorism guarantees from the Taliban.
U.S. President Donald Trump has looked to hasten the withdrawal, despite criticism, saying he wanted to see all American soldiers home by Christmas to end America’s longest war.
The Trump administration has since announced that there would be a sharp drawdown by January, but at least 2,500 troops would remain beyond then.
German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas on Tuesday warned NATO against withdrawing troops prematurely and said it should “ensure that we tie further troop reductions in Afghanistan to clear conditions.”
U.N. envoy for Afghanistan Deborah Lyons welcomed the “positive development” on Twitter, adding that “this breakthrough should be a springboard to reach the peace wanted by all Afghans.”
Last month, an agreement reached between Taliban and government negotiators was held up at the last minute after the insurgents balked at the document’s preamble because it mentioned the Afghan government by name.
A European Union diplomat familiar with the process said that both sides had kept some contentious issues on the side to deal with separately.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Both sides also know that Western powers are losing patience and aid has been conditional ... so both sides know they have to move forward to show some progress,” said the diplomat, requesting anonymity.
This story was reported by Reuters.