csmonitor--2020-01-07--Young progressives flock to Sanders – but their grandparents prefer Mayor Pete

“ You might think people my age would automatically choose someone our age , but I feel like we are ready for a new generation to lead , ” says Kathy McCue of Iowa City .
“ His age is not a problem for me – it ’ s an asset .
There is this idea for fresh , new hope coming from him.
” The bold policies and uncompromising style of Mr. Sanders , a democratic socialist , have captivated many young people , with one recent Iowa poll showing him in the lead among likely caucusgoers between the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Buttigieg ’ s more centrist approach and his calm , thoughtful demeanor have drawn the support of many baby boomers – with those over the age of 65 in the same poll favoring him .
And just as Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders are decades apart , so are many of their supporters – only in reverse .
The 2020 Democratic field of presidential candidates has made history for its number of women and candidates of color .
It also stands out for its age diversity .
If elected , Pete @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bend , Indiana , would be the youngest president ever on Inauguration Day .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders would be the oldest .
Kathy McCue has been asking undecided voters a question : What kind of world do they want for their grandchildren ?
Most of the time , the response has less to do with policies than values – such as responsibility , truth , and respect .
And that ’ s her segue to talk about Pete Buttigieg , her favorite 2020 candidate and the person she thinks would usher in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s the same age as her children .
The 2020 Democratic field of presidential candidates has made history for its number of women and candidates of color .
It also stands out for its age diversity .
If elected , Mr. Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , would be the youngest president ever on Inauguration Day .
Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders , former Vice President Joe Biden , and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren would all be the oldest .
And just as Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their supporters .
Mr. Sanders ’ 2016 primary campaign famously saw the rise of “ Bernie Bros , ” the passionate young supporters who # FeeltheBern and are once again fueling the almost-octogenarian ’ s candidacy .
Meanwhile , grandparents such as Ms. McCue are flocking to Mr. Buttigieg ’ s campaign .
Much of it has to do with ideology .
The bold policies and uncompromising style of Mr. Sanders , a democratic socialist , are in line with the views of many young people today , who lean further left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by contrast , has tried to define himself as a more centrist figure , and projects a calm thoughtfulness on the stump that older voters say they appreciate .
At the same time , many specifically point to qualities in candidates that complement – rather than mirror – their own .
Young voters praise Mr. Sanders ’ life experience and time-tested commitment to ideals , and are less concerned about his health and stamina , despite his heart attack this fall .
Older voters wax enthusiastic about Mr. Buttigieg ’ s youthful vigor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as worried about his relatively short résumé .
“ You might think people my age would automatically choose someone our age , but I feel like we are ready for a new generation to lead , ” says Ms. McCue .
“ His age is not a problem for me – it ’ s an asset .
There is this idea for fresh , new hope coming from him.
” Many Buttigieg supporters – like Linda and Bob Ofner , both retirees – point out that his youth means he has skin in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ old men ” in Washington , Mr. Buttigieg will actually be alive long enough to feel the long-term effects of his policies , says Ms. Ofner from her kitchen table in Bettendorf , Iowa , as the couple ’ s two dachshunds bark to be held .
Most important , she adds , Mr. Buttigieg understands that the country needs to stop fighting and come together .
“ More than anything we need a uniter , ” says Ms. Ofner .
“ I think a lot of boomers feel that way.
” Nestled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Iowa City , Ms. McCue expresses disappointment that she would have to miss an event with Mr. Buttigieg because it coincided with her oldest granddaughter ’ s fourth birthday , and “ Nana ” had promised to be there .
She , too , highlights his ability to bring people together , suggesting it comes from a willingness to admit when he is wrong .
That kind of humility and open-minded approach to problem-solving is “ refreshing ” in a politician , she says , and reminds her of her years as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students to act in a similar way .
“ He ’ s how you hope all young men will grow up to be : truthful , trustworthy , responsible , no put-downs , ” says Ms. Ofner .
“ At one of his first events people were saying , like , ‘ Oh , I wish he were older , I wish this , I wish that ’ – but then by the time he was done talking , everyone was cheering and crying.
” A Civiqs and Iowa State University poll last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 25 % over the age of 65 say they will back the young mayor – more than any other Democratic candidate – while Mr. Buttigieg ’ s lowest levels of support are among those between the ages of 18 and 29 .
The opposite is true for Mr. Sanders .
The poll found that 35 % of young Iowa Democrats say they ’ ll support the Vermont senator – more than any other candidate – while just 9 % of the oldest cohort favor him .
For most of these voters , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their policies , says Stella Rouse , an associate professor of politics at the University of Maryland .
“ This whole idea of , ‘ We want someone from our generation to represent us , ’ is overblown and over-simplistic , ” she says .
“ Millennials see [ Sanders ’ ] energy and his politics , and they are drawn to that .
There is a huge cross-generational appeal.
” Millennials and the appeal of socialism Mr. Buttigieg casts himself as a centrist , which baby boomers like Ms. McCue and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They miss the “ old days ” when compromise was still possible in Washington .
They also oppose “ free everything , ” which they believe other Democratic candidates are promising .
The candidate who comes in second place with this age group , Mr. Biden , holds similar positions on these issues and is selling himself as able to win over moderates and anti-Trump Republicans , as well as those who feel nostalgic for a past America .
Conversely , Mr. Sanders calls for a “ 21st-century economic Bill of Rights , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s vast income inequality , free college , and “ Medicare for All.
” These proposals resonate with America ’ s youth , says Ms .
Rouse , co-author of “ The Politics of Millennials.
” Having come of age in the shadow of the 2008 economic crisis , millennials now find themselves the best-educated generation in American history – and the worst paid .
A Gallup poll from 2018 found that 51 % of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 have a positive view of socialism ( the largest percentage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just 45 % have a positive view of capitalism ( the smallest percentage of any age group ) .
Waving a Bernie poster outside the New Hampshire Democratic Party state convention earlier this fall in Manchester , a cat ears headband adorning her pink hair , Alycia Tsoukalas says Mr. Sanders ’ age doesn ’ t matter to her .
“ He ’ s for a $ 15 minimum wage , health insurance , LGBT rights , free college tuition – I mean , I ’ m in my final year and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says Ms. Tsoukalas , a New England College student who works at a tattoo shop .
“ I think it ’ s one of the coolest things ever that he is one of the oldest candidates but he ’ s for us , the young people.
” Indira Gonzalez and Alana Lamontagne , nursing assistants from Manchester and Pelham , New Hampshire , respectively , agree .
They support Mr. Sanders because his proposals would make their lives tangibly better , they say , which makes it feel as if he really cares @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Like , if he can get rid of that , then that ’ s a lot of peace of mind for us , ” says Ms. Gonzalez .
“ He ’ s the only one really rooting for college students and people our age.
” When Ms. Tsoukalas does think about Mr. Sanders ’ age , she says she sees it as a good thing .
He actually participated in the civil rights movement , she notes , whereas she has only read about it .
Just as Ms. McCue appreciates Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the future , Ms. Tsoukalas appreciates Mr. Sanders ’ firsthand knowledge of the past .
“ It means he has more life experience , ” says Ms. Tsoukalas .
“ Age is just a number .
”

“You might think people my age would automatically choose someone our age, but I feel like we are ready for a new generation to lead,” says Kathy McCue of Iowa City. “His age is not a problem for me – it’s an asset. There is this idea for fresh, new hope coming from him.”
The bold policies and uncompromising style of Mr. Sanders, a democratic socialist, have captivated many young people, with one recent Iowa poll showing him in the lead among likely caucusgoers between the ages of 18 and 29. Meanwhile, Mr. Buttigieg’s more centrist approach and his calm, thoughtful demeanor have drawn the support of many baby boomers – with those over the age of 65 in the same poll favoring him.
The Democratic field features candidates who would be the oldest and youngest presidents ever. Many of their supporters seem to value qualities in candidates that complement, rather than mirror, their own.
And just as Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders are decades apart, so are many of their supporters – only in reverse.
The 2020 Democratic field of presidential candidates has made history for its number of women and candidates of color. It also stands out for its age diversity. If elected, Pete Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, would be the youngest president ever on Inauguration Day. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders would be the oldest.
Kathy McCue has been asking undecided voters a question: What kind of world do they want for their grandchildren?
Most of the time, the response has less to do with policies than values – such as responsibility, truth, and respect. And that’s her segue to talk about Pete Buttigieg, her favorite 2020 candidate and the person she thinks would usher in the best future. Even though he’s the same age as her children.
The 2020 Democratic field of presidential candidates has made history for its number of women and candidates of color. It also stands out for its age diversity. If elected, Mr. Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, would be the youngest president ever on Inauguration Day. Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, former Vice President Joe Biden, and Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren would all be the oldest.
Why We Wrote This The Democratic field features candidates who would be the oldest and youngest presidents ever. Many of their supporters seem to value qualities in candidates that complement, rather than mirror, their own.
And just as Mr. Buttigieg and Senator Sanders are decades apart, so are many of their supporters.
Mr. Sanders’ 2016 primary campaign famously saw the rise of “Bernie Bros,” the passionate young supporters who #FeeltheBern and are once again fueling the almost-octogenarian’s candidacy. Meanwhile, grandparents such as Ms. McCue are flocking to Mr. Buttigieg’s campaign.
Much of it has to do with ideology. The bold policies and uncompromising style of Mr. Sanders, a democratic socialist, are in line with the views of many young people today, who lean further left than their elders. Mr. Buttigieg, by contrast, has tried to define himself as a more centrist figure, and projects a calm thoughtfulness on the stump that older voters say they appreciate.
At the same time, many specifically point to qualities in candidates that complement – rather than mirror – their own. Young voters praise Mr. Sanders’ life experience and time-tested commitment to ideals, and are less concerned about his health and stamina, despite his heart attack this fall. Older voters wax enthusiastic about Mr. Buttigieg’s youthful vigor and dazzling intellect and aren’t as worried about his relatively short résumé.
“You might think people my age would automatically choose someone our age, but I feel like we are ready for a new generation to lead,” says Ms. McCue. “His age is not a problem for me – it’s an asset. There is this idea for fresh, new hope coming from him.”
“We need a uniter”
Many Buttigieg supporters – like Linda and Bob Ofner, both retirees – point out that his youth means he has skin in the game. Compared to the “old men” in Washington, Mr. Buttigieg will actually be alive long enough to feel the long-term effects of his policies, says Ms. Ofner from her kitchen table in Bettendorf, Iowa, as the couple’s two dachshunds bark to be held.
Most important, she adds, Mr. Buttigieg understands that the country needs to stop fighting and come together. “More than anything we need a uniter,” says Ms. Ofner. “I think a lot of boomers feel that way.”
Nestled between Christmas pillows in her living room in Iowa City, Ms. McCue expresses disappointment that she would have to miss an event with Mr. Buttigieg because it coincided with her oldest granddaughter’s fourth birthday, and “Nana” had promised to be there.
Story Hinckley/The Christian Science Monitor View caption Hide caption At their home in Bettendorf, Iowa, Bill and Linda Ofner, both retirees, chat about the youngest Democratic presidential candidate, Pete Buttigieg. When asked if Mr. Buttigieg's age is a liability for his candidacy, they both quickly reply, "Not at all." "His policies will affect him long after the other candidates have retired," says Ms. Ofner.
She, too, highlights his ability to bring people together, suggesting it comes from a willingness to admit when he is wrong. That kind of humility and open-minded approach to problem-solving is “refreshing” in a politician, she says, and reminds her of her years as a teacher, when she encouraged her students to act in a similar way.
“He’s how you hope all young men will grow up to be: truthful, trustworthy, responsible, no put-downs,” says Ms. Ofner. “At one of his first events people were saying, like, ‘Oh, I wish he were older, I wish this, I wish that’ – but then by the time he was done talking, everyone was cheering and crying.”
A Civiqs and Iowa State University poll last month of likely Democratic caucus attendees found that 25% over the age of 65 say they will back the young mayor – more than any other Democratic candidate – while Mr. Buttigieg’s lowest levels of support are among those between the ages of 18 and 29.
The opposite is true for Mr. Sanders. The poll found that 35% of young Iowa Democrats say they’ll support the Vermont senator – more than any other candidate – while just 9% of the oldest cohort favor him.
For most of these voters, the candidates’ main selling points are their policies, says Stella Rouse, an associate professor of politics at the University of Maryland. “This whole idea of, ‘We want someone from our generation to represent us,’ is overblown and over-simplistic,” she says. “Millennials see [Sanders’] energy and his politics, and they are drawn to that. There is a huge cross-generational appeal.”
Millennials and the appeal of socialism
Mr. Buttigieg casts himself as a centrist, which baby boomers like Ms. McCue and the Ofners see as a good thing. They miss the “old days” when compromise was still possible in Washington. They also oppose “free everything,” which they believe other Democratic candidates are promising. The candidate who comes in second place with this age group, Mr. Biden, holds similar positions on these issues and is selling himself as able to win over moderates and anti-Trump Republicans, as well as those who feel nostalgic for a past America.
Conversely, Mr. Sanders calls for a “21st-century economic Bill of Rights,” a reassessment of the country’s vast income inequality, free college, and “Medicare for All.” These proposals resonate with America’s youth, says Ms. Rouse, co-author of “The Politics of Millennials.” Having come of age in the shadow of the 2008 economic crisis, millennials now find themselves the best-educated generation in American history – and the worst paid.
A Gallup poll from 2018 found that 51% of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 have a positive view of socialism (the largest percentage of any age group), while just 45% have a positive view of capitalism (the smallest percentage of any age group).
Rachel Mummey/Reuters View caption Hide caption Supporters watch Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg during a campaign event where he is endorsed by actor Kevin Costner, at a high school in Indianola, Iowa, Dec. 22, 2019.
Waving a Bernie poster outside the New Hampshire Democratic Party state convention earlier this fall in Manchester, a cat ears headband adorning her pink hair, Alycia Tsoukalas says Mr. Sanders’ age doesn’t matter to her.
“He’s for a $15 minimum wage, health insurance, LGBT rights, free college tuition – I mean, I’m in my final year and I’m scared to graduate,” says Ms. Tsoukalas, a New England College student who works at a tattoo shop. “I think it’s one of the coolest things ever that he is one of the oldest candidates but he’s for us, the young people.”
Indira Gonzalez and Alana Lamontagne, nursing assistants from Manchester and Pelham, New Hampshire, respectively, agree. They support Mr. Sanders because his proposals would make their lives tangibly better, they say, which makes it feel as if he really cares about them.
“Erasing student debt. Like, if he can get rid of that, then that’s a lot of peace of mind for us,” says Ms. Gonzalez. “He’s the only one really rooting for college students and people our age.”
When Ms. Tsoukalas does think about Mr. Sanders’ age, she says she sees it as a good thing. He actually participated in the civil rights movement, she notes, whereas she has only read about it.
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Just as Ms. McCue appreciates Mr. Buttigieg’s having a personal stake in the future, Ms. Tsoukalas appreciates Mr. Sanders’ firsthand knowledge of the past.
“It means he has more life experience,” says Ms. Tsoukalas. “Age is just a number.”


csmonitor--2020-01-08--Is the Iran nuclear deal effectively dead? Three questions.

On Wednesday , President Trump called on the relevant parties to “ break away from the remnants of the Iran deal , ” and “ all work together toward making a deal with Iran that makes the world a safer and more peaceful place.
” Here are three questions about the deal and what might happen next .
“ Iran ’ s nuclear program will have no limitations in production , including enrichment capacity , ” said the Iranian government in a statement .
Now the agreement appears to be falling apart .
President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , among other things , it did not deal with Iran ’ s role in regional conflicts or the Iranian ballistic missile program .
On Jan. 5 , Iran all but abandoned the deal itself .
The Iran nuclear agreement , formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action ( JCPOA ) , took effect in January 2016 .
Negotiated between Iran and the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council – China , France , Russia , the United Kingdom , and the United States – plus Germany , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s civilian nuclear enrichment program in return for relief from nuclear-related economic sanctions .
The Iran nuclear agreement , formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action ( JCPOA ) , took effect in January 2016 .
Negotiated between Iran and the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council – China , France , Russia , the United Kingdom , and the United States – plus Germany , the deal imposed restrictions on Iran ’ s civilian nuclear enrichment program in return for relief from nuclear-related economic sanctions .
Now the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from the JCPOA in May 2018 , saying that among other things it did not deal with Iran ’ s role in regional conflicts or the Iranian ballistic missile program .
On Jan. 5 , Iran all but abandoned the deal itself .
“ Iran ’ s nuclear program will have no limitations in production , including enrichment capacity , ” said the Iranian government in a statement .
On Wednesday , President Trump called on the relevant parties to “ break away from the remnants of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all work together toward making a deal with Iran that makes the world a safer and more peaceful place.
” Here are three questions about the deal and what might happen next .
What was the Iran deal supposed to do ?
In negotiating the agreement , the administration of President Barack Obama said its aim was to increase Iran ’ s “ breakout time ” to one year .
That means that if the Iranians decided to race and produce enough fissile material to build a nuclear weapon , it would take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few weeks .
To accomplish that , the deal imposed limits on enriched uranium stockpiles and enrichment activities at Iran ’ s Fordow and Natanz sites .
Specifically , it limited the number and type of centrifuges the Iranians can operate .
Centrifuges are tall , thin metal tubes that spin at fantastic rates of speed , creating G-forces that separate isotopes of uranium gas and allow concentration of the U-235 isotope .
Uranium used in power plants is enriched to 5 % U-235 .
Medical and research applications use 20 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % enrichment .
The agreement also required Iran to render the core of its heavy water reactor at Arak inoperable .
This type of reactor produces a plutonium byproduct that can be reprocessed into weapons-grade material .
In return for these actions , the U.S. , European Union , and United Nations pledged in the agreement to lift all economic sanctions imposed on Iran as punishment for its previous nuclear activities .
Why is the deal in trouble ?
Candidate Donald Trump proclaimed the Iran agreement a “ terrible deal ” during his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it placed no curbs on Iran ’ s wider military activities , and that it was time-limited , as its major restrictions expired after 15 years .
President Trump unilaterally pulled the U.S. out of the agreement in 2018 , and reimposed economic sanctions meant to isolate Iran from financial markets and end its oil exports .
Iran said the withdrawal amounted to the U.S. reneging on its agreements .
Some countries continued to import Iranian oil under waivers granted by the Trump administration , but the U.S. ended the waiver program @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the U.K. , eager to keep Iran in the nuclear deal , began a barter system to allow transactions with Iran outside the American banking system , but it dealt only with essentials such as food and medicine .
Under this pressure , Iran said it would no longer be bound by the JCPOA .
In July 2019 , Iran exceeded limits set on its low-enriched uranium stocks .
Since then , it has started to enrich some uranium to medical research levels and installed a small number of advanced centrifuge models @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Agency ( IAEA ) .
In this context , Iran ’ s Jan. 5 announcement simply affirmed what was already clear .
Iran said that , as far as it was concerned , it no longer faced any “ operational restrictions ” and that future actions would depend solely on Iran ’ s “ technical needs.
” What happens now ?
Iran has not yet completely withdrawn from the JCPOA .
Notably , Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said Iran would continue to cooperate with inspectors from the IAEA , the U.N. arm @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal .
That means the world will continue to periodically receive IAEA reports of Iran ’ s overt nuclear enrichment activities , including measures of enrichment levels and stockpile growth .
Whether the U.S. , Iran , and other partners will resume nuclear negotiations , aiming for a broader deal that settles the Trump administration ’ s stated concerns about missile development and regional meddling , is much less certain .
To this point , the U.S. policy of so-called maximum pressure has not brought Tehran back to the table , even though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % in 2019 , unemployment has spiked , and protests have roiled Iranian cities .
Meanwhile , uncertainty as to Iran ’ s nuclear intentions will grow .
In November , the IAEA reported that Iran now has 372 kilograms of uranium enriched to 5 % U-235 .
If the country begins to produce five kilograms of such material each day – a production level Iranian nuclear officials say is possible – it could reach 1,050 kilograms in about four months .
That amount of 5 % enriched uranium when enriched to 90 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to the Arms Control Association .
Iran has not said whether it plans to begin enriching to the 20 % level , inching upward in enrichment escalation .
But the U.S. may soon face a situation where it is unsure whether the Iranian “ breakout time ” to becoming a nuclear power is measured in months , rather than the year envisioned in the JCPOA .

On Wednesday, President Trump called on the relevant parties to “break away from the remnants of the Iran deal,” and “all work together toward making a deal with Iran that makes the world a safer and more peaceful place.” Here are three questions about the deal and what might happen next.
“Iran’s nuclear program will have no limitations in production, including enrichment capacity,” said the Iranian government in a statement.
Escalating tensions between the U.S. and Iran have put renewed focus on what remains of the Iran nuclear deal – and what, if anything, might ultimately replace it.
Now the agreement appears to be falling apart. President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from the JCPOA in May 2018, saying that, among other things, it did not deal with Iran’s role in regional conflicts or the Iranian ballistic missile program. On Jan. 5, Iran all but abandoned the deal itself.
The Iran nuclear agreement, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), took effect in January 2016. Negotiated between Iran and the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council – China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States – plus Germany, the deal imposed restrictions on Iran’s civilian nuclear enrichment program in return for relief from nuclear-related economic sanctions.
The Iran nuclear agreement, formally known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), took effect in January 2016. Negotiated between Iran and the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council – China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States – plus Germany, the deal imposed restrictions on Iran’s civilian nuclear enrichment program in return for relief from nuclear-related economic sanctions.
Now the agreement appears to be falling apart. President Donald Trump withdrew the U.S. from the JCPOA in May 2018, saying that among other things it did not deal with Iran’s role in regional conflicts or the Iranian ballistic missile program. On Jan. 5, Iran all but abandoned the deal itself.
“Iran’s nuclear program will have no limitations in production, including enrichment capacity,” said the Iranian government in a statement.
Why We Wrote This Escalating tensions between the U.S. and Iran have put renewed focus on what remains of the Iran nuclear deal – and what, if anything, might ultimately replace it.
On Wednesday, President Trump called on the relevant parties to “break away from the remnants of the Iran deal,” and “all work together toward making a deal with Iran that makes the world a safer and more peaceful place.” Here are three questions about the deal and what might happen next.
What was the Iran deal supposed to do?
In negotiating the agreement, the administration of President Barack Obama said its aim was to increase Iran’s “breakout time” to one year. That means that if the Iranians decided to race and produce enough fissile material to build a nuclear weapon, it would take them a year, up from just a few weeks.
To accomplish that, the deal imposed limits on enriched uranium stockpiles and enrichment activities at Iran’s Fordow and Natanz sites. Specifically, it limited the number and type of centrifuges the Iranians can operate. Centrifuges are tall, thin metal tubes that spin at fantastic rates of speed, creating G-forces that separate isotopes of uranium gas and allow concentration of the U-235 isotope.
Uranium used in power plants is enriched to 5% U-235. Medical and research applications use 20% enriched material. Nuclear weapons require 90% enrichment.
The agreement also required Iran to render the core of its heavy water reactor at Arak inoperable. This type of reactor produces a plutonium byproduct that can be reprocessed into weapons-grade material.
In return for these actions, the U.S., European Union, and United Nations pledged in the agreement to lift all economic sanctions imposed on Iran as punishment for its previous nuclear activities.
Why is the deal in trouble?
Candidate Donald Trump proclaimed the Iran agreement a “terrible deal” during his run for the presidency. He objected that it placed no curbs on Iran’s wider military activities, and that it was time-limited, as its major restrictions expired after 15 years. President Trump unilaterally pulled the U.S. out of the agreement in 2018, and reimposed economic sanctions meant to isolate Iran from financial markets and end its oil exports.
Iran said the withdrawal amounted to the U.S. reneging on its agreements. Some countries continued to import Iranian oil under waivers granted by the Trump administration, but the U.S. ended the waiver program in 2019. France, Germany, and the U.K., eager to keep Iran in the nuclear deal, began a barter system to allow transactions with Iran outside the American banking system, but it dealt only with essentials such as food and medicine.
Under this pressure, Iran said it would no longer be bound by the JCPOA. In July 2019, Iran exceeded limits set on its low-enriched uranium stocks. Since then, it has started to enrich some uranium to medical research levels and installed a small number of advanced centrifuge models, according to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).
In this context, Iran’s Jan. 5 announcement simply affirmed what was already clear. Iran said that, as far as it was concerned, it no longer faced any “operational restrictions” and that future actions would depend solely on Iran’s “technical needs.”
What happens now?
Iran has not yet completely withdrawn from the JCPOA. Notably, Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said Iran would continue to cooperate with inspectors from the IAEA, the U.N. arm charged with on-site verification of the nuclear deal.
That means the world will continue to periodically receive IAEA reports of Iran’s overt nuclear enrichment activities, including measures of enrichment levels and stockpile growth.
Whether the U.S., Iran, and other partners will resume nuclear negotiations, aiming for a broader deal that settles the Trump administration’s stated concerns about missile development and regional meddling, is much less certain. To this point, the U.S. policy of so-called maximum pressure has not brought Tehran back to the table, even though Iran’s economy contracted by 9.5% in 2019, unemployment has spiked, and protests have roiled Iranian cities.
Meanwhile, uncertainty as to Iran’s nuclear intentions will grow. In November, the IAEA reported that Iran now has 372 kilograms of uranium enriched to 5% U-235. If the country begins to produce five kilograms of such material each day – a production level Iranian nuclear officials say is possible – it could reach 1,050 kilograms in about four months. That amount of 5% enriched uranium when enriched to 90% is enough for a nuclear weapon, according to the Arms Control Association.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Iran has not said whether it plans to begin enriching to the 20% level, inching upward in enrichment escalation. But the U.S. may soon face a situation where it is unsure whether the Iranian “breakout time” to becoming a nuclear power is measured in months, rather than the year envisioned in the JCPOA.
To read the rest of the Monitor’s coverage of the U.S.-Iran clash, please click here.


csmonitor--2020-01-08--Q&A: Search for answers to ‘the moral question of our day’ in California

“ Homelessness is not just an economic or public policy conundrum , ” he says .
“ It represents the moral question of our day.
” In an interview with the Monitor , Mr. Chiu discusses the need for a regional model for affordable housing , the struggle to counter “ not in my backyard ” sentiments , and Silicon Valley ’ s obligations to low-income residents .
“ We have a challenge that cuts across all of our borders , and we have to take a holistic approach to addressing it , ” he says .
Nearly a quarter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ California .
Assemblyman David Chiu has emerged as a central player in the state ’ s search for solutions to the related dilemmas of homelessness and affordable housing .
Three bills authored by the Democrat from San Francisco went into effect Jan. 1 and bolster California ’ s efforts to build more affordable housing and protect tenants .
Recent polls show that a rise in homelessness ranks as the most pressing concern for residents of California , where almost a quarter of the country ’ s homeless population lives .
At the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing face strong headwinds in the form of high construction costs , byzantine building regulations , restrictive zoning laws , and local resistance to low-income housing .
Assemblyman David Chiu has emerged as a central player in the state ’ s search for solutions to those related dilemmas .
During last year ’ s legislative session , the Democrat from San Francisco authored two bills that could help shrink the state ’ s affordable housing gap of 1.5 million units , and a third measure that enhances tenant protections against rent-gouging and unjust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jan. 1 , the Monitor speaks with Mr. Chiu , who served as president of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors before his election to the assembly in 2014 .
He discusses the need for a regional model for affordable housing , the struggle to counter “ not in my backyard ” sentiments , and Silicon Valley ’ s obligations to low-income residents .
This interview has been edited and condensed .
One of your bills creates a housing finance agency for the San Francisco Bay Area that will have the authority to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballot measures .
Why devise a broader strategy to address the shortage ?
The Bay Area has been an epicenter of our state ’ s housing crisis , and it ’ s clear that a piecemeal approach for trying to solve it city by city has failed .
We need a much more coordinated approach .
We need all 101 cities and nine counties in the Bay Area to be rowing hard in the same direction , and we can help by giving them the tools to raise funding for desperately needed housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But how do you overcome NIMBYism and generate public support for low-income housing developments ?
Homelessness is not just an economic or public policy conundrum .
It represents the moral question of our day .
Are we content with letting tens of thousands of our neighbors to be forced out onto the cold streets of California ?
So our ask to the public is to come together and put yourself in the shoes or the sleeping bag of the person on the streets and say , “ If you were that person , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” The U.S. Supreme Court recently allowed a lower court ruling to stand that protects the rights of people to sleep on sidewalks or in parks when they can ’ t find other shelter .
Residents often complain about homeless encampments in public spaces yet they also don ’ t want more affordable housing built in their neighborhoods .
So how do you end that logjam ?
That ’ s the intense political conundrum we are grappling with as policymakers .
On the one hand , the public is clamoring for solutions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , every time we propose building housing in specific [ areas ] , we receive intense local opposition .
We ’ re not going to make headway if we don ’ t break through this conundrum .
And I think that requires every city and county to step up to build permanent affordable housing , supportive housing , navigation centers , and shelters to finally put a roof over people ’ s heads .
Another of your bills provides incentives to developers to build housing in which all of the units are affordable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ build complexes that are taller and have more units than a market-rate housing development .
Can you explain the rationale behind that ?
What we ’ re grappling with is the reality that affordable housing is very expensive to build and funding is always in short supply .
[ Editor ’ s note : The cost of building a single unit of subsidized housing in California runs to $ 425,000 , almost twice the national average . ]
Our new law will stretch those scarce dollars further by allowing affordable housing developments to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we can build more units for exactly the same amount of money .
What ’ s your response to critics who say those kinds of bigger buildings will tear the fabric of the community that attracted them in the first place ?
We have to think differently .
I believe we can do this without upending the character of our cities and neighborhoods that we love .
We ’ re not talking about building skyscrapers on every inch of every city .
But we are telling communities you ’ re going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re going to have to build more .
California ’ s soaring cost of living is contributing to the rise in homelessness .
You authored the Tenant Protection Act , which caps annual rent increases .
Why has the state gotten involved in what some people see as a matter of local control ?
Housing and rental prices don ’ t respect jurisdictional boundaries .
We have a challenge that cuts across all of our borders , and we have to take a holistic approach to addressing it .
We need to come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And this is why it ’ s important to have consistent rules to protect tenants from sudden rent hikes and being evicted into homelessness .
The Tenant Protection Act also shields renters from unlawful evictions .
Last year , San Francisco became the second city after New York to offer free legal representation to tenants facing eviction .
Given how the tech boom has driven up housing costs in the Bay Area , should policymakers be pushing Silicon Valley companies to fund a similar initiative for the entire region or even the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an entirely appropriate question to ask .
We ’ ve seen in the last year or so several of our major Bay Area tech employers step up with significant commitments to addressing the housing crisis , to the tune of several billion dollars .
But the vast majority of these commitments have been around funding to build affordable housing , and I certainly think that helping individuals stay in their homes ought to be at the top of our list as an approach to addressing homelessness .

“Homelessness is not just an economic or public policy conundrum,” he says. “It represents the moral question of our day.”
In an interview with the Monitor, Mr. Chiu discusses the need for a regional model for affordable housing, the struggle to counter “not in my backyard” sentiments, and Silicon Valley’s obligations to low-income residents.
As the state seeks solutions to homelessness and affordable housing, Assemblyman David Chiu has emerged as a key figure. “We have to think differently,” he says.
“We have a challenge that cuts across all of our borders, and we have to take a holistic approach to addressing it,” he says.
Nearly a quarter of the U.S. homeless population lives in California. Assemblyman David Chiu has emerged as a central player in the state’s search for solutions to the related dilemmas of homelessness and affordable housing. Three bills authored by the Democrat from San Francisco went into effect Jan. 1 and bolster California’s efforts to build more affordable housing and protect tenants.
Recent polls show that a rise in homelessness ranks as the most pressing concern for residents of California, where almost a quarter of the country’s homeless population lives. At the same time, efforts to build more affordable housing face strong headwinds in the form of high construction costs, byzantine building regulations, restrictive zoning laws, and local resistance to low-income housing.
Assemblyman David Chiu has emerged as a central player in the state’s search for solutions to those related dilemmas. During last year’s legislative session, the Democrat from San Francisco authored two bills that could help shrink the state’s affordable housing gap of 1.5 million units, and a third measure that enhances tenant protections against rent-gouging and unjust evictions.
With the legislation taking effect Jan. 1, the Monitor speaks with Mr. Chiu, who served as president of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors before his election to the assembly in 2014. He discusses the need for a regional model for affordable housing, the struggle to counter “not in my backyard” sentiments, and Silicon Valley’s obligations to low-income residents. This interview has been edited and condensed.
Why We Wrote This As the state seeks solutions to homelessness and affordable housing, Assemblyman David Chiu has emerged as a key figure. “We have to think differently,” he says.
One of your bills creates a housing finance agency for the San Francisco Bay Area that will have the authority to raise funding for affordable housing through regional ballot measures. Why devise a broader strategy to address the shortage?
The Bay Area has been an epicenter of our state’s housing crisis, and it’s clear that a piecemeal approach for trying to solve it city by city has failed. We need a much more coordinated approach. We need all 101 cities and nine counties in the Bay Area to be rowing hard in the same direction, and we can help by giving them the tools to raise funding for desperately needed housing.
Ann Hermes/Staff View caption Hide caption Pedestrians walk past an affordable family housing complex that opened in 2015 on Feb. 11, 2019, in San Francisco.
Raising funding is one thing. But how do you overcome NIMBYism and generate public support for low-income housing developments?
Homelessness is not just an economic or public policy conundrum. It represents the moral question of our day. Are we content with letting tens of thousands of our neighbors to be forced out onto the cold streets of California?
So our ask to the public is to come together and put yourself in the shoes or the sleeping bag of the person on the streets and say, “If you were that person, how would you want to be treated?”
The U.S. Supreme Court recently allowed a lower court ruling to stand that protects the rights of people to sleep on sidewalks or in parks when they can’t find other shelter. Residents often complain about homeless encampments in public spaces yet they also don’t want more affordable housing built in their neighborhoods. So how do you end that logjam?
That’s the intense political conundrum we are grappling with as policymakers. On the one hand, the public is clamoring for solutions to homelessness. On the other hand, every time we propose building housing in specific [areas], we receive intense local opposition. We’re not going to make headway if we don’t break through this conundrum. And I think that requires every city and county to step up to build permanent affordable housing, supportive housing, navigation centers, and shelters to finally put a roof over people’s heads.
Another of your bills provides incentives to developers to build housing in which all of the units are affordable. Under that law, they can build complexes that are taller and have more units than a market-rate housing development. Can you explain the rationale behind that?
What we’re grappling with is the reality that affordable housing is very expensive to build and funding is always in short supply. [Editor’s note: The cost of building a single unit of subsidized housing in California runs to $425,000, almost twice the national average.] Our new law will stretch those scarce dollars further by allowing affordable housing developments to be built more densely and taller so that we can build more units for exactly the same amount of money.
What’s your response to critics who say those kinds of bigger buildings will tear the fabric of the community that attracted them in the first place?
We have to think differently. I believe we can do this without upending the character of our cities and neighborhoods that we love. We’re not talking about building skyscrapers on every inch of every city. But we are telling communities you’re going to have to do more, you’re going to have to build more.
California’s soaring cost of living is contributing to the rise in homelessness. You authored the Tenant Protection Act, which caps annual rent increases. Why has the state gotten involved in what some people see as a matter of local control?
Housing and rental prices don’t respect jurisdictional boundaries. We have a challenge that cuts across all of our borders, and we have to take a holistic approach to addressing it. We need to come together with a shared commitment to responsibility. And this is why it’s important to have consistent rules to protect tenants from sudden rent hikes and being evicted into homelessness.
The Tenant Protection Act also shields renters from unlawful evictions. Last year, San Francisco became the second city after New York to offer free legal representation to tenants facing eviction. Given how the tech boom has driven up housing costs in the Bay Area, should policymakers be pushing Silicon Valley companies to fund a similar initiative for the entire region or even the state?
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
I think it’s an entirely appropriate question to ask. We’ve seen in the last year or so several of our major Bay Area tech employers step up with significant commitments to addressing the housing crisis, to the tune of several billion dollars. But the vast majority of these commitments have been around funding to build affordable housing, and I certainly think that helping individuals stay in their homes ought to be at the top of our list as an approach to addressing homelessness.


csmonitor--2020-01-10--How political tribalism is leading to more political hypocrisy

Has hypocrisy reached the point where voters will just disengage ?
That ’ s hardly likely , given the strong views about President Donald Trump , for and against .
Turnout in the 2018 elections was the highest for a midterm since 1914 .
Turnout in November could shatter modern records .
“ It is pragmatic for politicians to act like hypocrites during periods of hyperpartisanship , since they otherwise might be harassed or expelled from their group for disloyalty , ” writes Jay Van Bavel , an associate professor of psychology .
For Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pick in 2016 , saying voters should have input in an election year .
When asked if the Senate would consider a high court nominee if there ’ s a vacancy in 2020 , Senator McConnell didn ’ t hesitate : “ Oh , we ’ d fill it , ” he said .
In behaving hypocritically , each political “ tribe ” can argue it is serving a greater good : furthering its goals .
During President Bill Clinton ’ s impeachment , liberal feminists stood by him , despite his predatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women ’ s rights won him a pass .
Today it seems , hypocrisy is particularly rampant – and there ’ s a reason .
“ It ’ s a function of our extreme partisan polarization , ” says the University of Virginia ’ s Larry Sabato .
“ Hypocrisy is the lifeblood of politics.
” Hypocrisy in politics is a time-honored tradition .
Republicans slam Democrats for doing and saying the very things they once did and said , and vice versa .
Years before he became president , Donald Trump railed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of executive power .
Today , President Trump faces criticism for doing the same .
President Obama ramped up drone attacks against militants and terrorists , but when Mr. Trump ordered the killing by drone of Iraqi Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani , who had much American blood on his hands , Democrats cried foul .
In 1998 , Democratic Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York declared the impeachment of President Bill Clinton “ an undoing of a national election.
” Today , Republicans say the same of Democrats over the Trump impeachment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee chairman – calls “ imperative.
” The list is endless .
And the rise of the internet , which captures every tweet and video clip in perpetuity , makes it easier than ever to catch hypocrites in the act .
Which is pretty much every politician , and plenty of voters too .
But today , it seems , hypocrisy is particularly rampant – and there ’ s a reason .
“ It ’ s a function of our extreme partisan polarization , and really , it justifies anything , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Virginia Center for Politics .
“ Hypocrisy is the lifeblood of politics.
” In behaving hypocritically , each political “ tribe ” can argue it is serving a greater good : the furthering of its political goals .
During his impeachment , liberal feminists stood by President Bill Clinton , despite his predatory history toward women .
His support for women ’ s rights won him a pass from them .
For Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , it meant blocking an Obama Supreme Court pick in 2016 , saying voters should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet when asked more recently if the Senate would consider a high court nominee if there ’ s a vacancy in 2020 , Senator McConnell didn ’ t hesitate : “ Oh , we ’ d fill it , ” he said , to the surprise of no one .
“ It is pragmatic for politicians to act like hypocrites during periods of hyperpartisanship , since they otherwise might be harassed or expelled from their group for disloyalty , ” writes Jay Van Bavel , an associate professor of psychology at New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the only House Republican to call for impeachment proceedings against Mr. Trump , Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan , was so ostracized by fellow Republicans that he quit the party and became an independent .
All the hypocrisy may seem enough to make one cynical .
And some may wonder if the level of hypocrisy , on both sides , has reached the point where voters will just disengage .
That ’ s hardly likely , political analysts say , given the strong views about Mr. Trump , for and against .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ midterm elections – 49.2 % of eligible voters , the highest recorded rate for a midterm since 1914 .
Turnout in November could shatter modern records .
But no matter the winner , expectations are low that today ’ s hyperpartisanship will end anytime soon .
A recent Battleground Poll , sponsored by Georgetown University , found that the average American voter believes the nation is two-thirds of the way to the edge of civil war .
The poll also showed that voters hold contradictory views on what they ’ re looking for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political leaders should strive for “ compromise and common ground ” – but they ’ re also “ tired of leaders compromising their values and ideals and want leaders who will stand up to the other side.
” The current standoff over impeachment presents a singular test of America ’ s ability to self-govern , as established norms – such as cooperating with subpoenas – fall by the wayside , says Kathleen Hall Jamieson , director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania .
“ We ’ re seeing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calling into question whether our institutions can function the way they were intended to function in a polarized age , ” Professor Jamieson says .
But in other ways , commonly cited examples of hypocrisy may in fact represent a misunderstanding of the people who hold seemingly contradictory views .
Strong support for Mr. Trump by white Evangelicals is one case , Ms. Jamieson says .
Mr. Trump ’ s morally dubious past , including marital infidelity and vulgar talk about women , may seem to disqualify him from support by religious conservatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ hate the sin , love the sinner ” and the biblical tradition of forgiveness .
Furthermore , Ms. Jamieson notes , Mr. Trump is delivering for this key constituency – foremost , nominating anti-abortion judges .
“ He ’ s running on promises kept , ” she says .
“ That ’ s the opposite of hypocrisy.
” The forgiveness argument plays down the recent mini-revolt within the evangelical world , as seen in the recent editorial in Christianity Today supporting Trump ’ s impeachment and removal from office , citing “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ editor-in-chief , Mark Galli , argued for consistency ; the publication had supported impeachment for both President Richard Nixon and Mr. Clinton , also on moral grounds .
But the Trump editorial was met with vocal opposition from white Evangelicals and only quiet praise – though the magazine did net 3,000 new subscriptions .
To Republican elites who oppose Mr. Trump , and are working for his defeat in November , evangelical supporters are a prime target .
The first video produced by the so-called Lincoln Project sews together clips of Mr. Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 address to Evangelicals in Miami – with clips of him crudely attacking opponents .
But such activism may be counterproductive .
When presented with contradictory information , people are motivated to reduce feelings of discomfort , and “ may therefore double down on their beliefs or ignore evidence that their behavior is inconsistent with the past , ” says Professor Van Bavel , an expert on the “ partisan brain.
” “ Under conditions of polarization there is a strong pressure to follow the leader , ” Mr. Van Bavel says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have authoritarian tendencies .
They loyally follow the leader and pressure others to follow the leader as well.
” Positions on issues – except for abortion – almost become secondary .
“ Everything is seen through the lens of how you view Trump , ” says Republican pollster David Winston .
That explains how the president has been able to bend Republicans to new positions on tariffs , foreign policy , rising debt and deficits , and immigration .
Amid polarization , there ’ s little room for dissent .
“ Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consequence of polarization , ” says Mr. Van Bavel .
“ He was voted into office by the overwhelming support of Republicans , in part because many of them did not want to support a Democrat.
” “ Once in office , Trump has been aggressively partisan in many of his actions , ” he continues .
“ This has ensured that he maintains the fierce support of Republicans , even as it undercuts any potential support he might obtain from Democrats or independents .
We are in a vicious cycle of hyperpartisanship @ @ @ @ @

Has hypocrisy reached the point where voters will just disengage? That’s hardly likely, given the strong views about President Donald Trump, for and against. Turnout in the 2018 elections was the highest for a midterm since 1914. Turnout in November could shatter modern records.
“It is pragmatic for politicians to act like hypocrites during periods of hyperpartisanship, since they otherwise might be harassed or expelled from their group for disloyalty,” writes Jay Van Bavel, an associate professor of psychology.
For Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, it meant blocking an Obama Supreme Court pick in 2016, saying voters should have input in an election year. When asked if the Senate would consider a high court nominee if there’s a vacancy in 2020, Senator McConnell didn’t hesitate: “Oh, we’d fill it,” he said.
With every tweet recorded, it’s easy to find examples of rampant political hypocrisy (especially of the other side). But sometimes what looks like hypocrisy is a misunderstanding of someone’s views.
In behaving hypocritically, each political “tribe” can argue it is serving a greater good: furthering its goals. During President Bill Clinton’s impeachment, liberal feminists stood by him, despite his predatory history toward women. His support for women’s rights won him a pass.
Today it seems, hypocrisy is particularly rampant – and there’s a reason. “It’s a function of our extreme partisan polarization,” says the University of Virginia’s Larry Sabato. “Hypocrisy is the lifeblood of politics.”
Hypocrisy in politics is a time-honored tradition. Republicans slam Democrats for doing and saying the very things they once did and said, and vice versa.
Years before he became president, Donald Trump railed against President Barack Obama’s aggressive use of executive power. Today, President Trump faces criticism for doing the same. President Obama ramped up drone attacks against militants and terrorists, but when Mr. Trump ordered the killing by drone of Iraqi Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who had much American blood on his hands, Democrats cried foul.
In 1998, Democratic Rep. Jerry Nadler of New York declared the impeachment of President Bill Clinton “an undoing of a national election.” Today, Republicans say the same of Democrats over the Trump impeachment, which Congressman Nadler – now Judiciary Committee chairman – calls “imperative.”
Why We Wrote This With every tweet recorded, it’s easy to find examples of rampant political hypocrisy (especially of the other side). But sometimes what looks like hypocrisy is a misunderstanding of someone’s views.
The list is endless. And the rise of the internet, which captures every tweet and video clip in perpetuity, makes it easier than ever to catch hypocrites in the act. Which is pretty much every politician, and plenty of voters too.
But today, it seems, hypocrisy is particularly rampant – and there’s a reason. “It’s a function of our extreme partisan polarization, and really, it justifies anything,” says Larry Sabato, director of the University of Virginia Center for Politics. “Hypocrisy is the lifeblood of politics.”
In behaving hypocritically, each political “tribe” can argue it is serving a greater good: the furthering of its political goals. During his impeachment, liberal feminists stood by President Bill Clinton, despite his predatory history toward women. His support for women’s rights won him a pass from them.
For Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, it meant blocking an Obama Supreme Court pick in 2016, saying voters should have input in an election year. Yet when asked more recently if the Senate would consider a high court nominee if there’s a vacancy in 2020, Senator McConnell didn’t hesitate: “Oh, we’d fill it,” he said, to the surprise of no one.
“It is pragmatic for politicians to act like hypocrites during periods of hyperpartisanship, since they otherwise might be harassed or expelled from their group for disloyalty,” writes Jay Van Bavel, an associate professor of psychology at New York University, in an email.
Indeed, the only House Republican to call for impeachment proceedings against Mr. Trump, Rep. Justin Amash of Michigan, was so ostracized by fellow Republicans that he quit the party and became an independent.
All the hypocrisy may seem enough to make one cynical. And some may wonder if the level of hypocrisy, on both sides, has reached the point where voters will just disengage.
That’s hardly likely, political analysts say, given the strong views about Mr. Trump, for and against. Witness the big turnout during the 2018 midterm elections – 49.2% of eligible voters, the highest recorded rate for a midterm since 1914.
Turnout in November could shatter modern records. But no matter the winner, expectations are low that today’s hyperpartisanship will end anytime soon. A recent Battleground Poll, sponsored by Georgetown University, found that the average American voter believes the nation is two-thirds of the way to the edge of civil war.
The poll also showed that voters hold contradictory views on what they’re looking for: More than 80% agree that political leaders should strive for “compromise and common ground” – but they’re also “tired of leaders compromising their values and ideals and want leaders who will stand up to the other side.”
The current standoff over impeachment presents a singular test of America’s ability to self-govern, as established norms – such as cooperating with subpoenas – fall by the wayside, says Kathleen Hall Jamieson, director of the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania.
“We’re seeing a point at which we’re calling into question whether our institutions can function the way they were intended to function in a polarized age,” Professor Jamieson says.
But in other ways, commonly cited examples of hypocrisy may in fact represent a misunderstanding of the people who hold seemingly contradictory views. Strong support for Mr. Trump by white Evangelicals is one case, Ms. Jamieson says.
Mr. Trump’s morally dubious past, including marital infidelity and vulgar talk about women, may seem to disqualify him from support by religious conservatives. But that ignores the edict to “hate the sin, love the sinner” and the biblical tradition of forgiveness.
Furthermore, Ms. Jamieson notes, Mr. Trump is delivering for this key constituency – foremost, nominating anti-abortion judges. “He’s running on promises kept,” she says. “That’s the opposite of hypocrisy.”
The forgiveness argument plays down the recent mini-revolt within the evangelical world, as seen in the recent editorial in Christianity Today supporting Trump’s impeachment and removal from office, citing “gross immorality and ethical incompetence.” The editor-in-chief, Mark Galli, argued for consistency; the publication had supported impeachment for both President Richard Nixon and Mr. Clinton, also on moral grounds. But the Trump editorial was met with vocal opposition from white Evangelicals and only quiet praise – though the magazine did net 3,000 new subscriptions.
To Republican elites who oppose Mr. Trump, and are working for his defeat in November, evangelical supporters are a prime target.
The first video produced by the so-called Lincoln Project sews together clips of Mr. Trump speaking of faith – including his Jan. 3 address to Evangelicals in Miami – with clips of him crudely attacking opponents.
But such activism may be counterproductive. When presented with contradictory information, people are motivated to reduce feelings of discomfort, and “may therefore double down on their beliefs or ignore evidence that their behavior is inconsistent with the past,” says Professor Van Bavel, an expert on the “partisan brain.”
“Under conditions of polarization there is a strong pressure to follow the leader,” Mr. Van Bavel says. “This is especially true for people who have authoritarian tendencies. They loyally follow the leader and pressure others to follow the leader as well.”
Positions on issues – except for abortion – almost become secondary. “Everything is seen through the lens of how you view Trump,” says Republican pollster David Winston.
That explains how the president has been able to bend Republicans to new positions on tariffs, foreign policy, rising debt and deficits, and immigration. Amid polarization, there’s little room for dissent.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Trump is partly a cause and partly a consequence of polarization,” says Mr. Van Bavel. “He was voted into office by the overwhelming support of Republicans, in part because many of them did not want to support a Democrat.”
“Once in office, Trump has been aggressively partisan in many of his actions,” he continues. “This has ensured that he maintains the fierce support of Republicans, even as it undercuts any potential support he might obtain from Democrats or independents. We are in a vicious cycle of hyperpartisanship that is self-reinforcing.”


csmonitor--2020-01-10--Pelosi to send impeachment articles for Senate trial 'soon'

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi says she will `` soon '' transmit the articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump , signaling a potential thaw in the standoff with Senate Republicans as she warned against rushing to an acquittal without a fair trial .
Ms. Pelosi , D-Calif. , faces mounting pressure from Republicans and some Democrats to quit delaying the president 's trial in the Senate , three weeks after the House Democrats impeached Trump on charges of abuse and obstruction .
Republicans say Democrats are embarrassed by their vote .
But Ms. Pelosi countered that Democrats are `` proud @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she doubted that Senate Republicans will do the same .
Many on Capitol Hill expect the Senate impeachment trial to begin next week .
`` I ’ ll send them over when I ’ m ready .
That will probably be soon , '' Ms. Pelosi told reporters at the Capitol Thursday , noting she is not postponing it `` indefinitely . ''
The House impeached Mr. Trump in December on the charge that he abused the power of his office by pressuring Ukraine 's new leader to investigate Democrats , using as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the U.S. ally as it counters Russia at its border .
Mr. Trump insists he did nothing wrong , but his defiance of the House Democrats ' investigation led to an additional charge of obstruction of Congress .
Ms. Pelosi 's delay in sending the articles of impeachment over for a Senate trial has led to a standoff with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , R-Ky. , over what would be the third impeachment trial in the nation 's history .
Mr. McConnell said that if Ms. Pelosi and House Democrats are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ articles of impeachment , the Senate will simply move on next week to other business .
`` They do not get to trap our entire country into an unending groundhog day of impeachment without resolution , '' Mr. McConnell said .
Mr. McConnell told GOP senators at a lunchtime meeting to expect the trial next week , according to two people familiar with his remarks .
The people requested anonymity to discuss the private meeting .
At the same time , Mr. McConnell signed on to a resolution from Sen. Josh Hawley , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of articles of impeachment if the House does n't transmit them in 25 days .
That change to Senate rules appears unlikely to happen before Ms. Pelosi transmits the articles .
In the weeks since Mr. Trump was impeached , Democrats have focused on new evidence about Mr. Trump 's effort to pressure Ukraine to investigate his political rivals and they pushed the Senate to consider new testimony , including from former White House national security adviser John Bolton .
Republicans are just as focused on a speedy trial with acquittal .
Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 53-47 Senate majority , as Mr. McConnell rebuffs the Democratic demands for testimony and documents .
But Democrats are using the delay to sow public doubt about the fairness of the process as they try to peel off wavering GOP senators for the upcoming votes .
It takes just 51 senators to set the rules .
`` When we say fair trial , we mean facts , we mean witnesses , we mean documents , '' said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer , D-N.Y. , promising votes ahead .
`` Every single one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will have to have to take a stand .
How do my Republican friends want the American people , their constituents , and history to remember them ? ''
Mr. Trump weighed in from the White House suggesting that he , too , would like more witnesses at trial .
They include former Vice President Joe Biden , who is seeking the Democratic presidential nomination now , and his son Hunter , as well as the government whistleblower whose complaint about the president 's pressure on Ukraine sparked the impeachment investigation .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new president , Mr. Trump asked his counterpart to open an investigation into the Bidens while holding up military aid for Ukraine .
A Ukrainian gas company had hired Hunter Biden when his father was vice president and the Obama administration 's point man on Ukraine .
There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Biden .
Mr. Trump suggested that his administration would continue to block Mr. Bolton or others from the administration from appearing before senators .
Many of those officials have defied congressional subpoenas for their testimony .
`` When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just go up and say whatever they want to say , we can ’ t do that , '' Mr. Trump said during an event with building contractors .
`` So we have to protect presidential privilege for me , but for future presidents .
That ’ s very important . ''
Mr. Bolton , one of four witnesses that Democrats have requested , said this week that he would testify if subpoenaed .
Mr. McConnell has said from the start he is looking to model Mr. Trump 's trial on the last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of impeachment , for President Bill Clinton in 1999 .
Mr. McConnell has said there will be `` no haggling '' with House Democrats over Senate procedures .
`` There will be no unfair , new rule rule-book written solely for President Trump , '' Mr. McConnell said Thursday .
Mr. McConnell , who met with Trump late Wednesday at the White House , suggested last month it would be `` fine with me '' if the House never sent the articles .
More recently , he has drawn on the Constitution 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ultimate say on matters of impeachment .
He scoffed that Ms. Pelosi has `` managed to do the impossible '' by uniting Democrats and Republicans who want the trial to begin .
Some Democrats have been showing increased anxiety over the delay as Americans remain divided over Mr. Trump 's impeachment .
The delay on impeachment has also upended the political calendar , with the weekslong trial now expected to bump into presidential nominating contests , which begin in early February .
Several Democratic senators are running for the party 's nomination .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , D-N.J. , told The Associated Press 's Ground Game podcast that a looming impeachment trial and other pressing issues in Washington could deal a `` big , big blow '' to his presidential campaign by keeping him away from Iowa in the final weeks before the Feb. 3 caucuses .
As Ms. Pelosi dashed into a morning meeting at the Capitol , she was asked if she had any concerns about losing support from Democrats for her strategy .
She told reporters : `` No . ''
`` I know exactly when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Ms. Pelosi said .
`` I wo n't be telling you right now . ''
Ms. Pelosi is seeking what she says she wanted from the start – `` to see the arena '' and `` terms of the engagement '' that Mr. McConnell will use for the trial – before sending her House managers to present the articles of impeachment in the Senate .
She has yet to choose the managers , a source of political intrigue as many lawmakers want the high-profile job .
This story was reported by The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Alan Fram , Andrew Taylor , Darlene Superville and Padmananda Rama contributed to this report .

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi says she will "soon'' transmit the articles of impeachment against President Donald Trump, signaling a potential thaw in the standoff with Senate Republicans as she warned against rushing to an acquittal without a fair trial.
Ms. Pelosi, D-Calif., faces mounting pressure from Republicans and some Democrats to quit delaying the president's trial in the Senate, three weeks after the House Democrats impeached Trump on charges of abuse and obstruction. Republicans say Democrats are embarrassed by their vote. But Ms. Pelosi countered that Democrats are "proud'' of upholding the Constitution and said she doubted that Senate Republicans will do the same.
Many on Capitol Hill expect the Senate impeachment trial to begin next week.
"I’ll send them over when I’m ready. That will probably be soon," Ms. Pelosi told reporters at the Capitol Thursday, noting she is not postponing it "indefinitely.''
The House impeached Mr. Trump in December on the charge that he abused the power of his office by pressuring Ukraine's new leader to investigate Democrats, using as leverage $400 million in military assistance for the U.S. ally as it counters Russia at its border. Mr. Trump insists he did nothing wrong, but his defiance of the House Democrats' investigation led to an additional charge of obstruction of Congress.
Ms. Pelosi's delay in sending the articles of impeachment over for a Senate trial has led to a standoff with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., over what would be the third impeachment trial in the nation's history.
Mr. McConnell said that if Ms. Pelosi and House Democrats are "too embarrassed'' to send the articles of impeachment, the Senate will simply move on next week to other business.
"They do not get to trap our entire country into an unending groundhog day of impeachment without resolution," Mr. McConnell said.
Mr. McConnell told GOP senators at a lunchtime meeting to expect the trial next week, according to two people familiar with his remarks. The people requested anonymity to discuss the private meeting.
At the same time, Mr. McConnell signed on to a resolution from Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., to allow for the dismissal of articles of impeachment if the House doesn't transmit them in 25 days. That change to Senate rules appears unlikely to happen before Ms. Pelosi transmits the articles.
In the weeks since Mr. Trump was impeached, Democrats have focused on new evidence about Mr. Trump's effort to pressure Ukraine to investigate his political rivals and they pushed the Senate to consider new testimony, including from former White House national security adviser John Bolton. Republicans are just as focused on a speedy trial with acquittal.
Republicans have the leverage, with a slim 53-47 Senate majority, as Mr. McConnell rebuffs the Democratic demands for testimony and documents. But Democrats are using the delay to sow public doubt about the fairness of the process as they try to peel off wavering GOP senators for the upcoming votes. It takes just 51 senators to set the rules.
"When we say fair trial, we mean facts, we mean witnesses, we mean documents," said Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., promising votes ahead. "Every single one of us, in this Senate, will have to have to take a stand. How do my Republican friends want the American people, their constituents, and history to remember them?"
Mr. Trump weighed in from the White House suggesting that he, too, would like more witnesses at trial. They include former Vice President Joe Biden, who is seeking the Democratic presidential nomination now, and his son Hunter, as well as the government whistleblower whose complaint about the president's pressure on Ukraine sparked the impeachment investigation.
On a July telephone call with Ukraine's new president, Mr. Trump asked his counterpart to open an investigation into the Bidens while holding up military aid for Ukraine. A Ukrainian gas company had hired Hunter Biden when his father was vice president and the Obama administration's point man on Ukraine. There is no evidence of wrongdoing by either Biden.
Mr. Trump suggested that his administration would continue to block Mr. Bolton or others from the administration from appearing before senators. Many of those officials have defied congressional subpoenas for their testimony.
"When we start allowing national security advisers to just go up and say whatever they want to say, we can’t do that," Mr. Trump said during an event with building contractors. "So we have to protect presidential privilege for me, but for future presidents. That’s very important."
Mr. Bolton, one of four witnesses that Democrats have requested, said this week that he would testify if subpoenaed.
Mr. McConnell has said from the start he is looking to model Mr. Trump's trial on the last time the Senate convened as the court of impeachment, for President Bill Clinton in 1999. Mr. McConnell has said there will be "no haggling" with House Democrats over Senate procedures.
"There will be no unfair, new rule rule-book written solely for President Trump," Mr. McConnell said Thursday.
Mr. McConnell, who met with Trump late Wednesday at the White House, suggested last month it would be "fine with me" if the House never sent the articles. More recently, he has drawn on the Constitution's intent for the Senate to have the ultimate say on matters of impeachment. He scoffed that Ms. Pelosi has "managed to do the impossible" by uniting Democrats and Republicans who want the trial to begin.
Some Democrats have been showing increased anxiety over the delay as Americans remain divided over Mr. Trump's impeachment.
The delay on impeachment has also upended the political calendar, with the weekslong trial now expected to bump into presidential nominating contests, which begin in early February. Several Democratic senators are running for the party's nomination.
One 2020 hopeful, Sen. Cory Booker, D-N.J., told The Associated Press's Ground Game podcast that a looming impeachment trial and other pressing issues in Washington could deal a "big, big blow" to his presidential campaign by keeping him away from Iowa in the final weeks before the Feb. 3 caucuses.
As Ms. Pelosi dashed into a morning meeting at the Capitol, she was asked if she had any concerns about losing support from Democrats for her strategy. She told reporters: "No."
"I know exactly when" to send the impeachment articles over, Ms. Pelosi said. "I won't be telling you right now.''
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Ms. Pelosi is seeking what she says she wanted from the start – "to see the arena" and "terms of the engagement" that Mr. McConnell will use for the trial – before sending her House managers to present the articles of impeachment in the Senate. She has yet to choose the managers, a source of political intrigue as many lawmakers want the high-profile job.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writers Laurie Kellman, Alan Fram, Andrew Taylor, Darlene Superville and Padmananda Rama contributed to this report.


csmonitor--2020-01-13--Cory Booker ends White House bid low in polls

Democrat Cory Booker dropped out of the presidential race Monday , ending a campaign whose message of unity and love failed to resonate in a political era marked by chaos and anxiety .
He sought to frame himself as an uplifting figure who emphasized his bipartisan work record .
That did n't land in a Democratic primary that has often rewarded candidates who promised voters they were tough-minded fighters who could take on President Donald Trump .
His departure now leaves a field that was once the most diverse in history with just one remaining African American candidate , former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is struggling to register in the polls amid a late entry into the race .
Since launching his campaign last February , Mr. Booker , a U.S. senator from New Jersey , struggled to raise the type of money required to support a White House bid .
He was at the back of the pack in most surveys and failed to meet the polling requirements needed to participate in Tuesday 's debate .
Mr. Booker also missed last month 's debate and exits the race polling in low single digits in the early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ email to supporters , Mr. Booker said that he `` got into this race to win '' and that his failure to make the debates prevented him from raising raise the money required for victory .
`` Our campaign has reached the point where we need more money to scale up and continue building a campaign that can win – money we don ’ t have , and money that is harder to raise because I won ’ t be on the next debate stage and because the urgent business of impeachment will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' he said .
For African Americans , Mr. Booker 's exit is more meaningful than just being one less option to consider .
`` It means that we don ’ t count , '' said Helen Moore , a member of the Detroit-based Keep the Vote-No Takeover grassroots organization .
`` Now , we can ’ t look forward to any black candidate being considered from now until it ’ s time to vote .
They are completely out of the picture . ''
Mr. Booker had warned that the looming impeachment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a `` big , big blow '' to his campaign by pulling him away from Iowa in the final weeks before the Feb. 3 Iowa caucuses .
He hinted at the challenges facing his campaign last week in an interview on The Associated Press ' `` Ground Game '' podcast .
`` If we can ’ t raise more money in this final stretch , we won ’ t be able to do the things that other campaigns with more money can do to show presence , '' he said .
In his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do `` everything in my power to elect the eventual Democratic nominee for president , '' though his campaign says he has no immediate plans to endorse a candidate in the primary .
It ’ s a humbling finish for someone who was once lauded by Oprah Winfrey as the `` rock star mayor '' who helped lead the renewal of Newark , New Jersey .
During his seven years in City Hall , Mr. Booker was known for his headline-grabbing feats of local do-goodery , including running into a burning building @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early fluency with social media , which brought him 1.4 million followers on Twitter when the platform was little used in politics .
His rhetorical skills and Ivy League background often brought comparisons to former President Barack Obama , and he 'd been discussed as a potential presidential contender since his arrival in the Senate in 2013 .
Now , Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren has mastered the art of the selfie on social media .
Another former mayor , Pete Buttigieg of South Bend , Indiana , is seen as the freshest face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden has built a strong base of support with black voters .
And Mr. Booker ’ s message of hope and love seemed to fall flat during an era characterized perhaps most strongly by Democratic fury over the actions of the Trump administration .
An early focus on building out a strong and seasoned campaign operation in Iowa and South Carolina may have hampered his campaign in the long run , as the resources he spent early on staff there left him working with a tight budget in the later stages of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opponents were going on air with television ads .
That meant that even later in the campaign , after he had collected some of the top endorsements in Iowa and visited South Carolina almost more than any other candidate , a significant portion of the electorate in both states either said they were unfamiliar with his campaign or viewed him unfavorably .
On the stump , Mr. Booker emphasized his Midwestern connections – often referencing the nearly 80 family members he has still living in Iowa when he campaigned there – and delivered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radical love '' to overcome what he considered Mr. Trump 's hate .
But he rarely drew a contrast with his opponents on the trail , even when asked directly , and even some of Mr. Booker 's supporters worried his message on Mr. Trump was n't sharp enough to go up against a Republican president known for dragging his opponents into the mud .
Mr. Booker struggled to land on a message that would resonate with voters .
He 's long been seen as a progressive Democrat in the Senate , pushing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And on the campaign trail , he proposed establishing a $ 1,000 savings account for every child born in the U.S. to help close the racial wealth gap .
He was among the first candidates to release a gun control plan , and at the time it was the most ambitious in the field , as it included a gun licensing program that would have been seen as political suicide just a decade before .
He also released an early criminal justice reform plan that focused heavily on addressing sentencing disparities for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is up for a vote this year , and he will run for reelection to the Senate .
A handful of candidates has launched campaigns for the seat , but Mr. Booker is expected to have an easy path to reelection .
Mr. Booker ’ s exit from the presidential race comes three days after spiritual guru and bestselling author Marianne Williamson ended her campaign , citing a lack of voter support .
This further narrows the once two dozen-strong field , which now stands at 12 candidates .
This story was reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Corey Williams in Detroit contributed to this report .

Democrat Cory Booker dropped out of the presidential race Monday, ending a campaign whose message of unity and love failed to resonate in a political era marked by chaos and anxiety.
He sought to frame himself as an uplifting figure who emphasized his bipartisan work record. That didn't land in a Democratic primary that has often rewarded candidates who promised voters they were tough-minded fighters who could take on President Donald Trump.
His departure now leaves a field that was once the most diverse in history with just one remaining African American candidate, former Massachusetts Gov. Deval Patrick, who is struggling to register in the polls amid a late entry into the race.
Since launching his campaign last February, Mr. Booker, a U.S. senator from New Jersey, struggled to raise the type of money required to support a White House bid. He was at the back of the pack in most surveys and failed to meet the polling requirements needed to participate in Tuesday's debate. Mr. Booker also missed last month's debate and exits the race polling in low single digits in the early primary states and nationwide.
In an email to supporters, Mr. Booker said that he "got into this race to win" and that his failure to make the debates prevented him from raising raise the money required for victory.
"Our campaign has reached the point where we need more money to scale up and continue building a campaign that can win – money we don’t have, and money that is harder to raise because I won’t be on the next debate stage and because the urgent business of impeachment will rightly be keeping me in Washington," he said.
For African Americans, Mr. Booker's exit is more meaningful than just being one less option to consider.
"It means that we don’t count," said Helen Moore, a member of the Detroit-based Keep the Vote-No Takeover grassroots organization. "Now, we can’t look forward to any black candidate being considered from now until it’s time to vote. They are completely out of the picture."
Mr. Booker had warned that the looming impeachment trial of President Donald Trump would deal a "big, big blow" to his campaign by pulling him away from Iowa in the final weeks before the Feb. 3 Iowa caucuses. He hinted at the challenges facing his campaign last week in an interview on The Associated Press' "Ground Game" podcast.
"If we can’t raise more money in this final stretch, we won’t be able to do the things that other campaigns with more money can do to show presence," he said.
In his email to supporters, Mr. Booker pledged to do "everything in my power to elect the eventual Democratic nominee for president," though his campaign says he has no immediate plans to endorse a candidate in the primary.
It’s a humbling finish for someone who was once lauded by Oprah Winfrey as the "rock star mayor" who helped lead the renewal of Newark, New Jersey. During his seven years in City Hall, Mr. Booker was known for his headline-grabbing feats of local do-goodery, including running into a burning building to save a woman, and his early fluency with social media, which brought him 1.4 million followers on Twitter when the platform was little used in politics. His rhetorical skills and Ivy League background often brought comparisons to former President Barack Obama, and he'd been discussed as a potential presidential contender since his arrival in the Senate in 2013.
Now, Massachusetts Sen. Elizabeth Warren has mastered the art of the selfie on social media. Another former mayor, Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Indiana, is seen as the freshest face in the field. Former Vice President Joe Biden has built a strong base of support with black voters. And Mr. Booker’s message of hope and love seemed to fall flat during an era characterized perhaps most strongly by Democratic fury over the actions of the Trump administration.
An early focus on building out a strong and seasoned campaign operation in Iowa and South Carolina may have hampered his campaign in the long run, as the resources he spent early on staff there left him working with a tight budget in the later stages of the primary, when many of his opponents were going on air with television ads. That meant that even later in the campaign, after he had collected some of the top endorsements in Iowa and visited South Carolina almost more than any other candidate, a significant portion of the electorate in both states either said they were unfamiliar with his campaign or viewed him unfavorably.
On the stump, Mr. Booker emphasized his Midwestern connections – often referencing the nearly 80 family members he has still living in Iowa when he campaigned there – and delivered an exhortation to voters to use "radical love" to overcome what he considered Mr. Trump's hate. But he rarely drew a contrast with his opponents on the trail, even when asked directly, and even some of Mr. Booker's supporters worried his message on Mr. Trump wasn't sharp enough to go up against a Republican president known for dragging his opponents into the mud.
Mr. Booker struggled to land on a message that would resonate with voters. He's long been seen as a progressive Democrat in the Senate, pushing for criminal justice reform and marijuana legalization. And on the campaign trail, he proposed establishing a $1,000 savings account for every child born in the U.S. to help close the racial wealth gap.
He was among the first candidates to release a gun control plan, and at the time it was the most ambitious in the field, as it included a gun licensing program that would have been seen as political suicide just a decade before. He also released an early criminal justice reform plan that focused heavily on addressing sentencing disparities for drug crimes.
Mr. Booker's seat is up for a vote this year, and he will run for reelection to the Senate. A handful of candidates has launched campaigns for the seat, but Mr. Booker is expected to have an easy path to reelection.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
Mr. Booker’s exit from the presidential race comes three days after spiritual guru and bestselling author Marianne Williamson ended her campaign, citing a lack of voter support. This further narrows the once two dozen-strong field, which now stands at 12 candidates.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Corey Williams in Detroit contributed to this report.