csmonitor--2020-10-28--Year of extremes in politics? Not in Michigan Senate race.

“ I see [ Mr. James ] as more of a classical conservative , the way we think of conservatism before the Trump years , ” says Peter Wielhouwer , a political expert at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo .
“ Neither is extreme .
Neither of them reflects the extremes of today ’ s national political parties.
” In a sense , the campaign harks back to Michigan ’ s pre-Trump days .
These candidates point toward the survival of strategies aimed at appealing to moderates .
They are downplaying party affiliation and calling for bipartisanship .
Some top @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care , and housing .
Gary Peters is a Harley-riding first-term senator with a professorial demeanor and reputation for moderation .
Republican John James is a West Point graduate , Army veteran , and Detroit-area businessman .
Polls show a tight enough race that money has poured in for both sides .
Michigan , a battleground state that Donald Trump won narrowly in 2016 , is a rare bright spot for Republicans amid a slew of difficult Senate races nationwide .
As they look at possible losses of seats elsewhere , here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at picking off an incumbent Democrat .
Here , at least , a small ray of hope glimmers for Republicans .
With national polls showing President Donald Trump imperiled in his quest for a second term , attention – and money – has shifted to the U.S. Senate , where Republicans are fighting to hold on to their slender 53-47 edge over Democrats and independents .
It doesn ’ t look good for them .
Of the 35 Senate seats up for election this year , the Cook Political Report has rated nine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leaning Democratic .
In contrast , only two seats held by Democrats are thought to be in jeopardy – one a nearly certain loss Alabama .
The other is here in Michigan , a battleground state that Mr. Trump won narrowly in 2016 .
Voters are deciding between first-term Sen. Gary Peters , a Harley-riding Democrat with a professorial demeanor and reputation for moderation , and Republican John James , a West Point graduate , Army veteran , and Detroit-area businessman who is making his second run for the Senate .
Money is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of it from outside the state .
The candidates have so far raised $ 56 million , making the race one of the most expensive in the country .
Polls suggest a close contest .
Indeed , Mr. James seems to be more popular than Mr. Trump , while the incumbent Democrat , Mr. Peters , lags Joe Biden .
The most recent polls show Mr. Biden with an 8.6-point lead over Mr. Trump in Michigan while Mr. Peters ’ lead averages just 6.7 points , according to tracking by the RealClearPolitics website @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toss-up , although a newly released Detroit News-WDIV poll shows Mr. Peters ’ lead expanding .
There ’ s a lot at stake for both sides .
If Republicans can keep their hold on the Senate , they could sharply constrain a potential Biden administration both in its legislative goals and judicial appointments .
It was a Republican Senate , after all , that blocked former President Barack Obama from filling the Supreme Court seat of Antonin Scalia as well as other open seats on federal courts across the country .
“ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can to keep this seat , ” says David Dulio , a political scientist at Oakland University in Rochester , Michigan .
“ The party has to defend this seat they have before going after the seats they don ’ t .
I think this one is at the top of their lists.
” In a sense , the campaign harks back to Michigan ’ s pre-Trump days .
While ads filling the airwaves sizzle with fierce attacks on both sides , these Senate candidates point toward the survival of strategies aimed at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party affiliation and calling for bipartisanship .
Mr. James , who said in 2018 that he supported Mr. Trump “ 2,000 % , ” has tried this time to keep some distance from the president .
He spoke at a recent Trump rally in Michigan but left before Mr. Trump arrived .
“ I see him as more of a classical conservative , the way we think of conservatism before the Trump years , ” says Peter Wielhouwer , director of the Institute of Government and Politics at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but has a reputation for being more moderate .
Neither is extreme .
Neither of them reflects the extremes of today ’ s national political parties.
” Issues that loom large in the campaign include federal support for public schools , care and housing for veterans ( both candidates are veterans ) , trade policy toward China , and especially health care and the pandemic .
Mr. James has benefited from the lack of any record to attack .
He ’ s never held public office and has mostly made general statements about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ record .
He ’ s been in the Senate six years .
This has given Mr. James and his supporters plenty of opportunity for attack .
But fact-checkers at the Detroit Free Press say Mr. Peters has worked quietly and effectively in the Senate and that many of the attacks , such as that Mr. Peters downplayed the coronavirus , are false or misleading .
That specific jab by Mr. James shows how deeply the pandemic has intruded into races across the country , forcing a Trump supporter like himself to take it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One obstacle facing both candidates is simply a lack of attention , despite a season of hypercharged national politics .
This is particularly a problem for Mr. Peters , who is not well known among his constituents , even after six years in office .
Each year he mounts his Harley-Davidson and takes a weeklong tour of the state – travels amply highlighted in his ads .
But if he ever stopped in Benton Harbor , a poor and largely Black community in the state ’ s far southwest corner , many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ He didn ’ t get out much , ” says Rodney Alexander , a Democratic voter .
Mr. Alexander says he would nonetheless vote for Mr. Peters because he wants Democrats to take control of the Senate .
“ You can ’ t get anything passed without control of the Senate , ” he says .
Other voters in the neighborhood said they would vote for Mr. Biden but were unsure about the Senate race .
“ I haven ’ t thought much about that , ” says Fred Rivers , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He guessed he would leave the rest of his ballot blank .
Mr. James , in contrast , enjoys some familiarity with voters .
Just two years ago he ran for the Senate against Democratic Sen. Debbie Stabenow .
Although he lost , he did better than other Republicans running that year .
“ Peters has a natural incumbency advantage , but the nature of Michigan politics means he ’ s getting a stronger than usual run for his money , ” says Mr. Wielhouwer , who is located 50 miles east @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pretty well two years ago .
He ’ s leveraged that into strong name recognition and a squeaky-clean image that makes him attractive in today ’ s political environment.
” Mr. James may also benefit from “ Never Trumpers ” who will vote for Mr. Biden but stick with Republicans for state and local races .
One of them is Mark Mawhinney , a real estate agent in St. Joseph , a small city just across the St. Joseph River from Benton Harbor .
He ordered a “ Republicans for Biden ” sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the grass in front of his house , on St. Joseph ’ s busy main street .
And yet Mr. Mawhinney says he voted for Mr. James and other Republicans on the ballot .
“ I believe in the Republican values that existed 20 years ago , ” he says .
“ Ronald Reagan was a favorite of mine.
” One question is whether Mr. James , who is African American , can attract the votes of other African Americans who might otherwise have voted Democratic .
Republicans hope so .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crossover with black voters , ” says Scott McGraw , chairman of the Republican Party in Kalamazoo County , just east of Benton Harbor .
“ Which he ’ s trying to tap into.
” Here in Benton Harbor , a number of Black voters dismiss that idea as wishful thinking .
“ In the Black community , we just don ’ t vote for you because you ’ re African American , ” says Trenton Bowens , a civil rights activist in Benton Harbor .
“ A lot of people I talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a car salesman .
They talk a good game , but they ’ re not to be trusted.
” Samuel Williams , an electrician , paused as he unloaded his truck in a leafy residential neighborhood to say that color didn ’ t matter to him .
He had already voted , and he had voted for all Democrats .
Mr. James didn ’ t interest him .
“ I don ’ t care if he ’ s white , green , or blue , ” he says .
One group that could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Two years ago , the Michigan Farm Bureau endorsed his opponent , Ms. Stabenow , the incumbent Democrat , because she held a powerful position as ranking member of the Senate Committee on Agriculture , Nutrition and Forestry .
This time around , the Farm Bureau has endorsed Mr. James .
“ John James is a businessman , ” says Carl Bednarski , a corn , bean , and sugar beet farmer in northeastern Michigan and president of the Farm Bureau .
“ He ’ s a good communicator .
He understands @ @ @

“I see [Mr. James] as more of a classical conservative, the way we think of conservatism before the Trump years,” says Peter Wielhouwer, a political expert at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo. “Neither is extreme. Neither of them reflects the extremes of today’s national political parties.”
In a sense, the campaign harks back to Michigan’s pre-Trump days. These candidates point toward the survival of strategies aimed at appealing to moderates. They are downplaying party affiliation and calling for bipartisanship. Some top issues in the campaign are schools, health care, and housing.
In Senate races nationwide, Democrats hope for a “blue wave.” Michigan could be an exception, where a Republican – campaigning in a style very different from President Trump’s – may unseat an incumbent Democrat.
Gary Peters is a Harley-riding first-term senator with a professorial demeanor and reputation for moderation. Republican John James is a West Point graduate, Army veteran, and Detroit-area businessman. Polls show a tight enough race that money has poured in for both sides.
Michigan, a battleground state that Donald Trump won narrowly in 2016, is a rare bright spot for Republicans amid a slew of difficult Senate races nationwide. As they look at possible losses of seats elsewhere, here Republicans have at least an outside shot at picking off an incumbent Democrat.
Here, at least, a small ray of hope glimmers for Republicans.
With national polls showing President Donald Trump imperiled in his quest for a second term, attention – and money – has shifted to the U.S. Senate, where Republicans are fighting to hold on to their slender 53-47 edge over Democrats and independents.
It doesn’t look good for them. Of the 35 Senate seats up for election this year, the Cook Political Report has rated nine held by Republicans as either toss-ups or leaning Democratic. In contrast, only two seats held by Democrats are thought to be in jeopardy – one a nearly certain loss in Alabama.
Why We Wrote This In Senate races nationwide, Democrats hope for a “blue wave.” Michigan could be an exception, where a Republican – campaigning in a style very different from President Trump’s – may unseat an incumbent Democrat.
The other is here in Michigan, a battleground state that Mr. Trump won narrowly in 2016. Voters are deciding between first-term Sen. Gary Peters, a Harley-riding Democrat with a professorial demeanor and reputation for moderation, and Republican John James, a West Point graduate, Army veteran, and Detroit-area businessman who is making his second run for the Senate. Money is pouring in on both sides, much of it from outside the state. The candidates have so far raised $56 million, making the race one of the most expensive in the country.
Polls suggest a close contest. Indeed, Mr. James seems to be more popular than Mr. Trump, while the incumbent Democrat, Mr. Peters, lags Joe Biden. The most recent polls show Mr. Biden with an 8.6-point lead over Mr. Trump in Michigan while Mr. Peters’ lead averages just 6.7 points, according to tracking by the RealClearPolitics website. Some observers consider the race a toss-up, although a newly released Detroit News-WDIV poll shows Mr. Peters’ lead expanding.
There’s a lot at stake for both sides. If Republicans can keep their hold on the Senate, they could sharply constrain a potential Biden administration both in its legislative goals and judicial appointments. It was a Republican Senate, after all, that blocked former President Barack Obama from filling the Supreme Court seat of Antonin Scalia as well as other open seats on federal courts across the country.
“The Democrats are going to do everything they can to keep this seat,” says David Dulio, a political scientist at Oakland University in Rochester, Michigan. “The party has to defend this seat they have before going after the seats they don’t. I think this one is at the top of their lists.”
Candidates who appeal to moderates
In a sense, the campaign harks back to Michigan’s pre-Trump days. While ads filling the airwaves sizzle with fierce attacks on both sides, these Senate candidates point toward the survival of strategies aimed at appealing to moderates. They are downplaying party affiliation and calling for bipartisanship. Mr. James, who said in 2018 that he supported Mr. Trump “2,000%,” has tried this time to keep some distance from the president. He spoke at a recent Trump rally in Michigan but left before Mr. Trump arrived.
Carolyn Kaster/AP View caption Hide caption Sen. Gary Peters speaks during an event for Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden at Michigan State Fairgrounds in Novi on Oct. 16, 2020. Some analysts call Mr. Peters a quietly effective senator, yet his low profile may have opened the door to a tough reelection campaign.
“I see him as more of a classical conservative, the way we think of conservatism before the Trump years,” says Peter Wielhouwer, director of the Institute of Government and Politics at Western Michigan University in Kalamazoo. “Peters is a typical Democrat but has a reputation for being more moderate. Neither is extreme. Neither of them reflects the extremes of today’s national political parties.”
Issues that loom large in the campaign include federal support for public schools, care and housing for veterans (both candidates are veterans), trade policy toward China, and especially health care and the pandemic. Mr. James has benefited from the lack of any record to attack. He’s never held public office and has mostly made general statements about public policy.
Mr. Peters has a record. He’s been in the Senate six years. This has given Mr. James and his supporters plenty of opportunity for attack. But fact-checkers at the Detroit Free Press say Mr. Peters has worked quietly and effectively in the Senate and that many of the attacks, such as that Mr. Peters downplayed the coronavirus, are false or misleading. That specific jab by Mr. James shows how deeply the pandemic has intruded into races across the country, forcing a Trump supporter like himself to take it far more seriously than the president has.
“He didn’t get out much”
One obstacle facing both candidates is simply a lack of attention, despite a season of hypercharged national politics. This is particularly a problem for Mr. Peters, who is not well known among his constituents, even after six years in office. Each year he mounts his Harley-Davidson and takes a weeklong tour of the state – travels amply highlighted in his ads. But if he ever stopped in Benton Harbor, a poor and largely Black community in the state’s far southwest corner, many residents don’t recall it.
“He didn’t get out much,” says Rodney Alexander, a Democratic voter. Mr. Alexander says he would nonetheless vote for Mr. Peters because he wants Democrats to take control of the Senate. “You can’t get anything passed without control of the Senate,” he says.
Other voters in the neighborhood said they would vote for Mr. Biden but were unsure about the Senate race.
“I haven’t thought much about that,” says Fred Rivers, a retired worker at a local juvenile center. He guessed he would leave the rest of his ballot blank.
Mr. James, in contrast, enjoys some familiarity with voters. Just two years ago he ran for the Senate against Democratic Sen. Debbie Stabenow. Although he lost, he did better than other Republicans running that year.
Battling for on-the-fence voters
“Peters has a natural incumbency advantage, but the nature of Michigan politics means he’s getting a stronger than usual run for his money,” says Mr. Wielhouwer, who is located 50 miles east of Benton Harbor. “James did pretty well two years ago. He’s leveraged that into strong name recognition and a squeaky-clean image that makes him attractive in today’s political environment.”
Paul Sancya/AP View caption Hide caption Vice President Mike Pence and Republican U.S. Senate candidate John James pray before lunch at The Engine House in Mount Clemens, Michigan, on June 18, 2020. Mr. James has distanced himself somewhat from President Donald Trump in the 2020 campaign.
Mr. James may also benefit from “Never Trumpers” who will vote for Mr. Biden but stick with Republicans for state and local races.
One of them is Mark Mawhinney, a real estate agent in St. Joseph, a small city just across the St. Joseph River from Benton Harbor. He ordered a “Republicans for Biden” sign from a local sign-maker and stuck it in the grass in front of his house, on St. Joseph’s busy main street. And yet Mr. Mawhinney says he voted for Mr. James and other Republicans on the ballot.
“I believe in the Republican values that existed 20 years ago,” he says. “Ronald Reagan was a favorite of mine.”
One question is whether Mr. James, who is African American, can attract the votes of other African Americans who might otherwise have voted Democratic. Republicans hope so. “I think we’re getting some crossover with Black voters,” says Scott McGraw, chairman of the Republican Party in Kalamazoo County, just east of Benton Harbor. “Which he’s trying to tap into.”
Here in Benton Harbor, a number of Black voters dismiss that idea as wishful thinking.
“In the Black community, we just don’t vote for you because you’re African American,” says Trenton Bowens, a civil rights activist in Benton Harbor. “A lot of people I talk to, they look at him as a car salesman. They talk a good game, but they’re not to be trusted.”
Samuel Williams, an electrician, paused as he unloaded his truck in a leafy residential neighborhood to say that color didn’t matter to him. He had already voted, and he had voted for all Democrats. Mr. James didn’t interest him. “I don’t care if he’s white, green, or blue,” he says.
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One group that could boost Mr. James’ chances are farmers. Two years ago, the Michigan Farm Bureau endorsed his opponent, Ms. Stabenow, the incumbent Democrat, because she held a powerful position as ranking member of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry. This time around, the Farm Bureau has endorsed Mr. James.
“John James is a businessman,” says Carl Bednarski, a corn, bean, and sugar beet farmer in northeastern Michigan and president of the Farm Bureau. “He’s a good communicator. He understands agriculture.”


csmonitor--2020-10-28--A fair US election with help from foreign friends

Soon after the hanging chad debacle of its presidential election in 2000 , the United States humbly decided it was perhaps not the greatest democracy on earth .
It needed foreign help to ensure the integrity of its voting process .
Ever since , an unsung 57-nation body that sets the gold standard for observing foreign elections has been invited to track U.S. elections for their transparency and accountability .
Now in the days before the Nov. 3 vote , the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe ( OSCE ) is back .
In contrast to the malicious foreign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vienna-based OSCE is offering an example of benevolent foreign interference .
Its 100-plus observers are already in place and stand ready to be impartial judges in case American institutions , from town governments to the Supreme Court , fail at the task of determining a fair and free election .
In an election as contentious as this one , “ it is all the more important to have a neutral , nonpartisan group of international observers who are taking account of the entire process , ” says Urszula Gacek , a former Polish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The intergovernmental watchdog is being joined for the first time by the Atlanta-based Carter Center , which has monitored more than 110 elections in 39 countries over three decades .
The center , founded by former President Jimmy Carter , has lately designated the U.S. as a “ backsliding ” democracy .
Healthy democracies elsewhere are closely watching the highly polarized contest between former Vice President Joe Biden and President Donald Trump .
Those countries will need to offer “ measured clarity , ” writes Oxford University professor Timothy Garton Ash in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the margin , to a more civilized US process.
” By their mere presence , foreign election observers can help build up trust in domestic institutions , especially in the complex task of mail-in voting .
They serve as a reminder of international norms about democracy , from equality in voting to fairness in ballot counting .
Americans are not alone in their battle over the 2020 election .
They have the support of nations wanting the U.S. to again reflect the universal values of democratic government .

Soon after the hanging chad debacle of its presidential election in 2000, the United States humbly decided it was perhaps not the greatest democracy on earth. It needed foreign help to ensure the integrity of its voting process. Ever since, an unsung 57-nation body that sets the gold standard for observing foreign elections has been invited to track U.S. elections for their transparency and accountability. Now in the days before the Nov. 3 vote, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is back.
In contrast to the malicious foreign actors of the 2016 elections, the Vienna-based OSCE is offering an example of benevolent foreign interference. Its 100-plus observers are already in place and stand ready to be impartial judges in case American institutions, from town governments to the Supreme Court, fail at the task of determining a fair and free election.
In an election as contentious as this one, “it is all the more important to have a neutral, nonpartisan group of international observers who are taking account of the entire process,” says Urszula Gacek, a former Polish politician who leads the OSCE delegation.
The intergovernmental watchdog is being joined for the first time by the Atlanta-based Carter Center, which has monitored more than 110 elections in 39 countries over three decades. The center, founded by former President Jimmy Carter, has lately designated the U.S. as a “backsliding” democracy.
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Healthy democracies elsewhere are closely watching the highly polarized contest between former Vice President Joe Biden and President Donald Trump. Those countries will need to offer “measured clarity,” writes Oxford University professor Timothy Garton Ash in the Financial Times, to “contribute, at the margin, to a more civilized US process.”
By their mere presence, foreign election observers can help build up trust in domestic institutions, especially in the complex task of mail-in voting. They serve as a reminder of international norms about democracy, from equality in voting to fairness in ballot counting. Americans are not alone in their battle over the 2020 election. They have the support of nations wanting the U.S. to again reflect the universal values of democratic government.


csmonitor--2020-10-28--An electrician’s good deed launches a movement of helpers

“ What started off as a project to just repair a few holes in Gloria ’ s kitchen ceiling has spiraled into a movement where she ’ s basically getting her whole house rebuilt , ” says Mr. Kinney .
To his surprise , $ 111,000 flowed in .
And some of the more than 16,000 people who joined the Gladiators group now post pictures of other projects they ’ ve volunteered on , or request help for their own restoration projects .
Mr. Kinney was quite sure : Looking for donors for the few thousand dollars needed for materials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the tag line “ Nice old lady needs help , ” along with a Gloria ’ s Gladiators Facebook group .
After John Kinney fixed the problem , he couldn ’ t quit thinking about basic safety repairs the retired executive assistant ’ s home needed .
So Mr. Kinney rounded up his network of skilled colleagues and came back to help Ms. Scott , who explains : “ I kept saying , ‘ Are you sure ?
Are you sure ?
’ ” When a wiring problem in Gloria Scott ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ light last August , it was quite literally the spark for a good deed by one kind electrician that has turned into a movement of good deeds .
For years , a pale blue craftsman-style house in need of some tender , loving care stood quietly hidden away behind a curtain of overgrowth in this Boston suburb .
Then John Kinney arrived .
When a shower of sparks rained down from the light in her kitchen ceiling in early August , blowing out electricity on the first floor , a neighbor referred owner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electrician .
It was a wiring problem , he figured – not uncommon in an older house like hers .
He got the lights back on , and waived the cost of his quick fix .
Mr. Kinney could have left it at that , knowing he had helped out someone with an immediate problem .
But he couldn ’ t stop thinking about what he ’ d seen : a home in need of many repairs to meet minimal safety standards .
Maintenance of the home Ms. Scott inherited from her parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistant over the past 10 years .
“ She had holes in the ceiling ... extensive plumbing damage and electrical [ issues ] , ” Mr. Kinney says .
“ I knew it was tough .
So that day I told her , ‘ Hey , I live five minutes away .
If you need any help , just call me .
I ’ ll be in here.
’ ” He adds matter-of-factly , “ I knew she wasn ’ t going to call me .
So I just had to come back.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mr. Kinney realized he was perfectly positioned to help .
He returned and told her that he could triage the worst of the problems at no cost to her .
“ I kept saying , ‘ Are you sure ?
Are you sure ?
’ ” Ms. Scott says .
Mr. Kinney was quite sure .
Work began with a small , close group of volunteers , and Mr. Kinney recorded their progress with his smartphone .
When he posted the video online , he was encouraged by the positive response it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help with the few thousand dollars he thought would be necessary for materials , Mr. Kinney started an online fundraiser with the tag line “ Nice old lady needs help , ” along with a Gloria ’ s Gladiators Facebook group .
To his surprise , these efforts took off : The fundraiser received more than $ 111,000 , and more than 16,000 people joined the Gladiators group .
“ What started off as a project to just repair a few holes in Gloria ’ s kitchen ceiling has spiraled into a movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whole house rebuilt , ” says Mr. Kinney , who found himself coordinating on a massive scale .
“ My phone rings nonstop , night and day , ” he says .
Volunteers began bringing trays of food each day , and several local companies donated time and resources to the renovation .
“ People just kept showing up , ” Ms. Scott says , sometimes as many as 20 volunteers a day .
But , she adds , “ John was very good at shielding me.
” For Ms. Scott , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of attention took getting used to .
But she says she realizes that the volunteers also derive a sense of purpose by following Mr. Kinney ’ s example .
“ I don ’ t know how I was blessed with John being the person that came to my rescue , ” she says .
“ Somebody was watching over me to connect me .
... And I will always be indebted to him for what he started.
” Now , only a few months into the project , the Gladiators have transformed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which once allowed animals easy access to the attic , is decked and shingled .
Plumbing that spewed hot water has been replaced .
Fresh drywall has been installed in the kitchen and bathroom , and new insulation fortifies the interior against the Northeastern winter .
The backyard is refreshed with bright green sod and the beginnings of a new patio , along with a shored-up septic access cover .
And out front , with the overgrown bushes cleared , the blue house now proudly shows its face to the world .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ says the neighbor , Karen Spinosa , who recommended Mr. Kinney ’ s services to Ms. Scott .
“ You get up in the morning , you open your blinds , and it ’ s like turning on the television to watch HGTV , you know ?
Let ’ s see what ’ s going on today.
” One good deed seeds many more At the house , Ms. Scott sits in a rocking chair on her front path greeting visitors who arrive steadily throughout the day .
Her chihuahua , Choo Choo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the open front door .
“ Everybody knows they have to say ‘ good morning ’ to Choo Choo , ” she says fondly .
“ And they have to say ‘ good night , ’ too.
” The volunteers are pleased to oblige , and then move purposefully on to their tasks .
In fact , progress is faster than on a regular job site , says Mr. Kinney , attributing it to the enthusiasm of those donating their time .
Rick Cailouette , a contractor volunteer , agrees : “ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how many people really care , and have put themselves out there to come and help and volunteer .
It ’ s just awesome , you know ?
It ’ s a good thing.
” The project energy is spreading beyond Woburn , too .
On the Gloria ’ s Gladiators Facebook page , members post pictures of other projects they ’ ve volunteered on , or request help for their own restoration projects .
“ We see other chapters popping up around the country now , and it ’ s just been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kinney .
And he believes anyone can follow his footsteps , whether the kind deed is big or small .
“ All I did was get the ball rolling and call attention to something , and anybody can do that.
” Once Ms. Scott ’ s house is completed , Mr. Kinney hopes to continue with similar projects .
“ We ’ re trying to find the right avenue to further the word , ” he says .
“ At this point , it ’ s gotten bigger than myself .
The goal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” While there are nonprofit organizations that offer house repairs for older adults , coordinated community support networks play a key role in helping people remain in their homes – even if the idea of needing assistance is uncomfortable or awkward , says Laura Ryser , a research manager at the rural and small town studies program at the University of Northern British Columbia .
“ It ’ s all about changing the community dialogue , ” says Ms. Ryser , who studies informal support networks for older adults .
“ It really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special leadership in a community to make it OK to talk about [ support systems ] .
” Fostering intergenerational contact and encouraging early conversations about aging is important in that process , Ms. Ryser says .
More importantly , she adds , it ’ s essential to remember that the internet is not accessible to many older adults , so purposeful outreach with analog contact lists of trusted community members and organizations who can help out is important .
“ It ’ s really about just getting everyone to [ understand ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support people aging in their community , ” she says .
“ And if people accept help , it doesn ’ t devalue their purpose or their sense of worth at all.
” A good neighbor , he says , is “ observant , and is going to recognize when somebody needs help and acts on it .
“ You know , it doesn ’ t take much .
Just go in , and take the initiative .
”

“What started off as a project to just repair a few holes in Gloria’s kitchen ceiling has spiraled into a movement where she’s basically getting her whole house rebuilt,” says Mr. Kinney.
To his surprise, $111,000 flowed in. And some of the more than 16,000 people who joined the Gladiators group now post pictures of other projects they’ve volunteered on, or request help for their own restoration projects.
Mr. Kinney was quite sure: Looking for donors for the few thousand dollars needed for materials, he started an online fundraiser with the tag line “Nice old lady needs help,” along with a Gloria’s Gladiators Facebook group.
A simple moment of human contact and a spark of intuition turned an ordinary service transaction between an electrician and a retired homeowner into a movement of good deeds: Gloria’s Gladiators, who slay problems.
After John Kinney fixed the problem, he couldn’t quit thinking about basic safety repairs the retired executive assistant’s home needed. So Mr. Kinney rounded up his network of skilled colleagues and came back to help Ms. Scott, who explains: “I kept saying, ‘Are you sure? Are you sure?’”
When a wiring problem in Gloria Scott’s old craftsman-style home blew out her kitchen light last August, it was quite literally the spark for a good deed by one kind electrician that has turned into a movement of good deeds.
For years, a pale blue craftsman-style house in need of some tender, loving care stood quietly hidden away behind a curtain of overgrowth in this Boston suburb. Then John Kinney arrived.
When a shower of sparks rained down from the light in her kitchen ceiling in early August, blowing out electricity on the first floor, a neighbor referred owner Gloria Scott to Mr. Kinney, an electrician.
It was a wiring problem, he figured – not uncommon in an older house like hers. He got the lights back on, and waived the cost of his quick fix.
Why We Wrote This A simple moment of human contact and a spark of intuition turned an ordinary service transaction between an electrician and a retired homeowner into a movement of good deeds: Gloria’s Gladiators, who slay problems.
Mr. Kinney could have left it at that, knowing he had helped out someone with an immediate problem. But he couldn’t stop thinking about what he’d seen: a home in need of many repairs to meet minimal safety standards.
Maintenance of the home Ms. Scott inherited from her parents had gotten away from the retired executive assistant over the past 10 years.
“She had holes in the ceiling ... extensive plumbing damage and electrical [issues],” Mr. Kinney says. “I knew it was tough. So that day I told her, ‘Hey, I live five minutes away. If you need any help, just call me. I’ll be in here.’”
He adds matter-of-factly, “I knew she wasn’t going to call me. So I just had to come back.”
With a network of skilled colleagues, Mr. Kinney realized he was perfectly positioned to help. He returned and told her that he could triage the worst of the problems at no cost to her.
“I kept saying, ‘Are you sure? Are you sure?’” Ms. Scott says.
Mr. Kinney was quite sure.
A network kicks into gear
Work began with a small, close group of volunteers, and Mr. Kinney recorded their progress with his smartphone. When he posted the video online, he was encouraged by the positive response it drew. Hoping to find donors to help with the few thousand dollars he thought would be necessary for materials, Mr. Kinney started an online fundraiser with the tag line “Nice old lady needs help,” along with a Gloria’s Gladiators Facebook group.
To his surprise, these efforts took off: The fundraiser received more than $111,000, and more than 16,000 people joined the Gladiators group.
“What started off as a project to just repair a few holes in Gloria’s kitchen ceiling has spiraled into a movement where she’s basically getting her whole house rebuilt,” says Mr. Kinney, who found himself coordinating on a massive scale.
Courtesy of John Kinney View caption Hide caption When Mr. Kinney first arrived to fix an electrical problem, Ms. Scott's Woburn, Massachusetts home was in dire need of repairs, and the facade was covered in overgrowth.
“My phone rings nonstop, night and day,” he says. Volunteers began bringing trays of food each day, and several local companies donated time and resources to the renovation.
“People just kept showing up,” Ms. Scott says, sometimes as many as 20 volunteers a day. But, she adds, “John was very good at shielding me.”
For Ms. Scott, who values her privacy, the sudden influx of attention took getting used to. But she says she realizes that the volunteers also derive a sense of purpose by following Mr. Kinney’s example.
“I don’t know how I was blessed with John being the person that came to my rescue,” she says. “Somebody was watching over me to connect me. ... And I will always be indebted to him for what he started.”
Now, only a few months into the project, the Gladiators have transformed the two-story house. The battered roof, which once allowed animals easy access to the attic, is decked and shingled. Plumbing that spewed hot water has been replaced. Fresh drywall has been installed in the kitchen and bathroom, and new insulation fortifies the interior against the Northeastern winter. The backyard is refreshed with bright green sod and the beginnings of a new patio, along with a shored-up septic access cover. And out front, with the overgrown bushes cleared, the blue house now proudly shows its face to the world.
“It’s pretty cool,” says the neighbor, Karen Spinosa, who recommended Mr. Kinney’s services to Ms. Scott. “You get up in the morning, you open your blinds, and it’s like turning on the television to watch HGTV, you know? Let’s see what’s going on today.”
One good deed seeds many more
At the house, Ms. Scott sits in a rocking chair on her front path greeting visitors who arrive steadily throughout the day. Her chihuahua, Choo Choo, darts inquisitively in and out of the open front door.
“Everybody knows they have to say ‘good morning’ to Choo Choo,” she says fondly. “And they have to say ‘good night,’ too.” The volunteers are pleased to oblige, and then move purposefully on to their tasks.
In fact, progress is faster than on a regular job site, says Mr. Kinney, attributing it to the enthusiasm of those donating their time.
Rick Cailouette, a contractor volunteer, agrees: “It’s been very interesting to see how many people really care, and have put themselves out there to come and help and volunteer. It’s just awesome, you know? It’s a good thing.”
The project energy is spreading beyond Woburn, too. On the Gloria’s Gladiators Facebook page, members post pictures of other projects they’ve volunteered on, or request help for their own restoration projects.
“We see other chapters popping up around the country now, and it’s just been incredible to witness,” says Mr. Kinney. And he believes anyone can follow his footsteps, whether the kind deed is big or small. “All I did was get the ball rolling and call attention to something, and anybody can do that.”
Once Ms. Scott’s house is completed, Mr. Kinney hopes to continue with similar projects. “We’re trying to find the right avenue to further the word,” he says. “At this point, it’s gotten bigger than myself. The goal is just to keep the kindness spreading.”
While there are nonprofit organizations that offer house repairs for older adults, coordinated community support networks play a key role in helping people remain in their homes – even if the idea of needing assistance is uncomfortable or awkward, says Laura Ryser, a research manager at the rural and small town studies program at the University of Northern British Columbia.
“It’s all about changing the community dialogue,” says Ms. Ryser, who studies informal support networks for older adults. “It really takes a very special coordinator and even special leadership in a community to make it OK to talk about [support systems].”
Fostering intergenerational contact and encouraging early conversations about aging is important in that process, Ms. Ryser says. More importantly, she adds, it’s essential to remember that the internet is not accessible to many older adults, so purposeful outreach with analog contact lists of trusted community members and organizations who can help out is important.
“It’s really about just getting everyone to [understand] that it’s OK to just support people aging in their community,” she says. “And if people accept help, it doesn’t devalue their purpose or their sense of worth at all.”
For Kinney, it’s actions that matter.
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A good neighbor, he says, is “observant, and is going to recognize when somebody needs help and acts on it.
“You know, it doesn’t take much. Just go in, and take the initiative.”


csmonitor--2020-10-28--Collins no-vote on Barrett a mixed signal for shifting ME voters

When Republican Sen. Susan Collins had to vote on a Supreme Court justice in 2018 , she deliberated under the spotlight for weeks , building suspense that ended with a dramatic floor speech .
When she announced her support for President Donald Trump ’ s nominee , she triggered an onslaught of Democratic anger .
On Monday , Ms. Collins cast her vote against Mr. Trump ’ s pick without any speech and quickly headed home to Maine to try to save her political career .
Ms. Collins ’ contrasting moves on the Supreme Court nominations of Brett Kavanaugh and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a senator trying to find middle ground in an election in which the battle lines appear starker than ever .
Her vote in favor of Justice Kavanaugh rallied Democrats against her and angered some moderate supporters , while her vote against Justice Barrett may not do much to win them back .
Throughout the campaign , the four-term senator has had to fight off accusations that her years in Washington have changed her and that she puts Mr. Trump , Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell , and the GOP over the interests of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to give back to my community , to serve others , and to act with integrity .
That ’ s what I ’ ve always done , ” Ms. Collins told The Associated Press .
“ I certainly have not changed.
” But Maine and American politics are changing .
The state known for its fierce independent spirit as much as its lighthouses and lobsters is becoming less so , and Democrats , not independents , now comprise the biggest voting bloc .
Throw in a well-funded opponent , along with a polarizing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Congress from New England finds herself battling for her political survival .
Ms. Collins ’ Democratic rival , Sara Gideon , the speaker of the Maine House , called the senator ’ s vote against Justice Barrett “ nothing more than a political calculation.
” Ms. Collins ’ spokesperson fired back by accusing Ms. Gideon of making “ a craven political calculation seven months ago when she shut down the Legislature to focus on her campaign.
” Polls show an extremely close race despite more than $ 120 million allocated for ads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And the money is still pouring into the race , one of a handful that could decide which party controls the Senate .
Losing the fundraising battle , Ms. Collins is focusing on her message that she ’ s an experienced , bipartisan senator who ’ s in line to become chair of the appropriations committee , which directs all federal spending .
That would be in stark contrast , she said , to a “ rookie ” senator .
Ms. Gideon is using the latest battle over a Supreme Court nominee to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Mr. Trump ’ s judicial nominees , resulting in a rightward shift in the judiciary .
She ’ s also attacking Ms. Collins ’ vote for Mr. Trump ’ s tax cuts that she says favored the rich over working-class Mainers .
Ms. Gideon said for all of Ms. Collins ’ talk about seniority , she doesn ’ t have much influence in her caucus , as demonstrated in her inability to stop the vote on Justice Barrett .
Ms. Collins , who has never missed a vote , said she voted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats , who were denied an election-year vote on then-President Barack Obama ’ s nominee in 2016 .
“ It doesn ’ t seem like her seniority has much influence in her caucus , or that ability to bring things home for Mainers , ” Ms. Gideon said .
Ms. Collins easily won her last election , and it was just a couple of years ago that the senator was cheered when Cyndi Lauper welcomed her onstage during a concert on the Bangor riverfront , a year before the Kavanaugh vote galvanized Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And she ’ s my hero .
And she ’ s a Republican , ” Ms. Lauper told the crowd as she walked Ms. Collins to the center of the stage .
Ms. Lauper praised her for her work with LGBTQ homeless youth .
But things have changed since then .
The Human Rights Campaign , which had endorsed Ms. Collins in three previous elections , now endorses Ms. Gideon .
The Planned Parenthood Action Fund , which was neutral in Ms. Collins ’ 2014 race , is backing Ms. Gideon .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ same centrist who ’ s willing to work with members of either party .
She also points to the millions she ’ s brought home for Maine , including Bath Iron Works and Portsmouth Naval Shipyard , and her Paycheck Protection Program that helped more than 250,000 Mainers during the coronavirus pandemic .
“ Susan Collins is exactly the same person she was when she was first elected .
Certainly , the national discourse has changed tremendously , ” said Kevin Raye , former chief of staff for retired Republican Sen. Olympia Snowe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gideon is known for her socially distanced “ Supper with Sara ” events held under a tent .
Ms. Collins , meanwhile , has been on a bus tour across the state .
Jeff Corey , president of Days Jewelers , met Ms. Collins during a visit to Waterville and said Ms. Collins ’ experience , pragmatism , and bipartisanship make her the best candidate to serve the interests of Mainers .
“ Look , the American people right now are looking for collaboration with our leaders , finding common ground , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , noting that the Lugar Center at Georgetown University has ranked Ms. Collins as the most bipartisan senator .
Among Democrats , Ms. Collins doesn ’ t get much credit for standing up to Mr. Trump , even though she has been critical of his handling of the pandemic , his attempt to strike down the Affordable Care Act , the diversion of funding toward the border wall , and the removal of protesters from Lafayette Square for a photo op .
Critics say she hasn ’ t been forceful enough in her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has declined to say whom she ’ ll vote for on Election Day .
She wrote in a candidate in 2016 rather than vote for Mr. Trump .
James Bennett , a former Republican who ’ s supporting Ms. Gideon , said it ’ s time for a change .
“ I ’ d thought of her as being an independent thinker until the last four years .
She ’ s not thinking for herself .
She ’ s just following the party line , ” said Mr. Bennett , a retired defense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be decided by ranked choice voting , providing a new layer of uncertainty .
Under the election system , voters will get to rank all four candidates – including two independents , progressive Lisa Savage and conservative Max Linn – in order of preference .
If no one wins a majority of first-place votes , then the last-place candidates are eliminated and those voters ’ second choices are reallocated until a majority winner emerges .
Ms. Collins is trying to avoid the same fate as her mentor , the late Sen. Margaret Chase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woman to serve in both chambers of Congress , and she made a name for herself with her “ Declaration of Conscience ” speech decrying McCarthyism in 1950 .
Ms. Smith was a formidable politician , but she was ousted from the Senate in 1972 amid accusations that she was out of touch .
Unlike Ms. Smith , Ms. Collins has raised money , kept a strong organization in the state , and campaigned hard .
But the patch of middle ground occupied by moderates has become smaller and smaller , said Jack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Claremont McKenna College in California .
“ She sticks to the middle of the road .
Unfortunately , the middle of the road is filled with roadkill , ” he said .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .

When Republican Sen. Susan Collins had to vote on a Supreme Court justice in 2018, she deliberated under the spotlight for weeks, building suspense that ended with a dramatic floor speech. When she announced her support for President Donald Trump’s nominee, she triggered an onslaught of Democratic anger.
On Monday, Ms. Collins cast her vote against Mr. Trump’s pick without any speech and quickly headed home to Maine to try to save her political career.
Ms. Collins’ contrasting moves on the Supreme Court nominations of Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett underscore the difficulty for a senator trying to find middle ground in an election in which the battle lines appear starker than ever. Her vote in favor of Justice Kavanaugh rallied Democrats against her and angered some moderate supporters, while her vote against Justice Barrett may not do much to win them back.
Throughout the campaign, the four-term senator has had to fight off accusations that her years in Washington have changed her and that she puts Mr. Trump, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, and the GOP over the interests of regular Mainers.
“I was taught to give back to my community, to serve others, and to act with integrity. That’s what I’ve always done,” Ms. Collins told The Associated Press. “I certainly have not changed.”
But Maine and American politics are changing.
The state known for its fierce independent spirit as much as its lighthouses and lobsters is becoming less so, and Democrats, not independents, now comprise the biggest voting bloc.
Throw in a well-funded opponent, along with a polarizing president, and the last Republican member of Congress from New England finds herself battling for her political survival.
Ms. Collins’ Democratic rival, Sara Gideon, the speaker of the Maine House, called the senator’s vote against Justice Barrett “nothing more than a political calculation.”
Ms. Collins’ spokesperson fired back by accusing Ms. Gideon of making “a craven political calculation seven months ago when she shut down the Legislature to focus on her campaign.”
Polls show an extremely close race despite more than $120 million allocated for ads by the candidates and their allies. And the money is still pouring into the race, one of a handful that could decide which party controls the Senate.
Losing the fundraising battle, Ms. Collins is focusing on her message that she’s an experienced, bipartisan senator who’s in line to become chair of the appropriations committee, which directs all federal spending. That would be in stark contrast, she said, to a “rookie” senator.
Ms. Gideon is using the latest battle over a Supreme Court nominee to remind voters that Ms. Collins backed most of Mr. Trump’s judicial nominees, resulting in a rightward shift in the judiciary. She’s also attacking Ms. Collins’ vote for Mr. Trump’s tax cuts that she says favored the rich over working-class Mainers.
Ms. Gideon said for all of Ms. Collins’ talk about seniority, she doesn’t have much influence in her caucus, as demonstrated in her inability to stop the vote on Justice Barrett. Ms. Collins, who has never missed a vote, said she voted against Justice Barrett out of fairness to Democrats, who were denied an election-year vote on then-President Barack Obama’s nominee in 2016.
“It doesn’t seem like her seniority has much influence in her caucus, or that ability to bring things home for Mainers,” Ms. Gideon said.
Ms. Collins easily won her last election, and it was just a couple of years ago that the senator was cheered when Cyndi Lauper welcomed her onstage during a concert on the Bangor riverfront, a year before the Kavanaugh vote galvanized Democrats.
“This woman is a hero. And she’s my hero. And she’s a Republican,” Ms. Lauper told the crowd as she walked Ms. Collins to the center of the stage. Ms. Lauper praised her for her work with LGBTQ homeless youth.
But things have changed since then. The Human Rights Campaign, which had endorsed Ms. Collins in three previous elections, now endorses Ms. Gideon. The Planned Parenthood Action Fund, which was neutral in Ms. Collins’ 2014 race, is backing Ms. Gideon.
Ms. Collins insists she’s the same centrist who’s willing to work with members of either party. She also points to the millions she’s brought home for Maine, including Bath Iron Works and Portsmouth Naval Shipyard, and her Paycheck Protection Program that helped more than 250,000 Mainers during the coronavirus pandemic.
“Susan Collins is exactly the same person she was when she was first elected. Certainly, the national discourse has changed tremendously,” said Kevin Raye, former chief of staff for retired Republican Sen. Olympia Snowe.
On the campaign trail, Ms. Gideon is known for her socially distanced “Supper with Sara” events held under a tent.
Ms. Collins, meanwhile, has been on a bus tour across the state.
Jeff Corey, president of Days Jewelers, met Ms. Collins during a visit to Waterville and said Ms. Collins’ experience, pragmatism, and bipartisanship make her the best candidate to serve the interests of Mainers.
“Look, the American people right now are looking for collaboration with our leaders, finding common ground, and getting things done,” he said, noting that the Lugar Center at Georgetown University has ranked Ms. Collins as the most bipartisan senator.
Among Democrats, Ms. Collins doesn’t get much credit for standing up to Mr. Trump, even though she has been critical of his handling of the pandemic, his attempt to strike down the Affordable Care Act, the diversion of funding toward the border wall, and the removal of protesters from Lafayette Square for a photo op.
Critics say she hasn’t been forceful enough in her denunciations of Mr. Trump. Ms. Collins has declined to say whom she’ll vote for on Election Day. She wrote in a candidate in 2016 rather than vote for Mr. Trump.
James Bennett, a former Republican who’s supporting Ms. Gideon, said it’s time for a change. “I’d thought of her as being an independent thinker until the last four years. She’s not thinking for herself. She’s just following the party line,” said Mr. Bennett, a retired defense contractor from Camden.
The race will be decided by ranked choice voting, providing a new layer of uncertainty. Under the election system, voters will get to rank all four candidates – including two independents, progressive Lisa Savage and conservative Max Linn – in order of preference. If no one wins a majority of first-place votes, then the last-place candidates are eliminated and those voters’ second choices are reallocated until a majority winner emerges.
Ms. Collins is trying to avoid the same fate as her mentor, the late Sen. Margaret Chase Smith. Ms. Smith was the first woman to serve in both chambers of Congress, and she made a name for herself with her “Declaration of Conscience” speech decrying McCarthyism in 1950.
Ms. Smith was a formidable politician, but she was ousted from the Senate in 1972 amid accusations that she was out of touch.
Unlike Ms. Smith, Ms. Collins has raised money, kept a strong organization in the state, and campaigned hard.
But the patch of middle ground occupied by moderates has become smaller and smaller, said Jack Pitney, a political science professor at Claremont McKenna College in California.
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“She sticks to the middle of the road. Unfortunately, the middle of the road is filled with roadkill,” he said.
This story was reported by The Associated Press.


csmonitor--2020-10-28--Why this year's Thai protests are the most ambitious yet

He was only 7 when he saw his first military coup .
He was 15 during the second .
Now 21 , he is among those at the front of Thailand ’ s growing pro-democracy movement pushing for sweeping political reforms .
And because of his activities , Bunkueanun Paothong has been charged with crimes that could see him jailed for the rest of his life .
“ I took a stand I know that would be risky , ” Mr. Bunkueanun said .
“ I stand firm in my principles and beliefs .
Because it ’ s the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up with an archaic educational system and enraged by the military ’ s efforts to keep control over their nation , the student-led campaign that began earlier this year has shaken Thailand ’ s ruling establishment with the most significant campaign for political change in years .
The protesters have three main demands : They want Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha ’ s resignation ; changes to a constitution that was drafted under military rule ; and , most controversially , reforms to the constitutional monarchy .
Political protest is nothing new in Thailand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been defined by it .
Whether it was the red-shirted supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra or his yellow-shirted conservative opponents , some group could be counted on every few years to occupy a government building or blockade a key road in a bid to topple the government .
And like clockwork , the courts or the military could be counted on to intervene .
Mr. Prayuth , a former general , first came to power in a 2014 coup .
But never before have protesters made such open calls for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where reverence for the royal institution is inculcated from birth and protected by a law that makes defaming royals punishable by prison .
The calls have infuriated some , resonated with others , and complicated any solution to the latest crisis .
“ We won ’ t back down , we won ’ t retreat , and we won ’ t be open for talks until the government agrees on the three demands , ” said Chonticha Changrew , who at 27 , is one of the more senior protest organizers .
Many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their lives living under military rule , and those old enough to vote got their first real chance last year .
They flocked to a new party – Future Forward – whose smart and charismatic young leaders espoused a strong anti-military viewpoint .
The party shocked the establishment by winning the third-most seats .
The military ’ s proxy party was able to cobble together a ruling coalition that put Mr. Prayuth back in the prime minister ’ s post .
But Future Forward looked like it had room to grow .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Future Forward had violated campaign finance laws , dissolved the party , and banned its leaders from politics for 10 years .
The students , already upset at what they saw as an undemocratic constitution that shifted power away from elected politicians to appointed bodies aligned with the military , took to the streets .
“ What motivates the student protesters is that they see the ‘ game ’ of politics as being fixed , ” said Chris Ankersen , an associate professor at New York University ’ s School of Professional Studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked with the United Nations in Bangkok .
When the coronavirus pandemic hit , the students retreated .
They returned in July when the virus threat eased , and pushed their core demands of new elections , constitutional changes , and an end to intimidation of activists .
The protests took a stunning turn in August , when a few students at a rally aired unprecedented criticism of the monarchy .
Using direct language normally expressed in whispers if at all , the speakers criticized King Maha Vajiralongkorn ’ s wealth , his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his time in Germany .
While shocking to many , it emboldened others .
Events escalated on Oct. 14 when protesters heckled a passing royal motorcade .
Security personnel stood between the vehicles and the crowd , and there was no visible violence .
Nevertheless , Mr. Bunkueanun and two others were charged under an obscure criminal statute on committing violence against the queen , who was in one of the vehicles .
“ I was numbed , dumbstruck , and feared for my life , ” Mr. Bunkueanun recalled .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day and spent a day in jail before his release on bail .
Mr. Prayuth and his government responded by declaring a state of emergency for Bangkok , banning gatherings of more than four and gave authorities other broad powers .
That only led to even bigger protests , and the government eventually removed the emergency decree .
Mr. Prayuth has said he is open to some changes but has maintained that the monarchy should remain off-limits .
On Monday , a special session of Parliament was called to ease tensions .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social structure is rooted in their experiences at school , said Thak Chaloemtiarana , a historian who has also been an administrator at Bangkok ’ s Thammasat University and Cornell University in the United States .
“ The current movement , while led by a handful of university students , has attracted younger students who have become politicized through more news and information from the internet and social media , and spurred by how their teachers and schools suppress individualism and exercise authoritarian policies that control dress code , haircuts , gender choice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ originating from feudal times , ” he said .
In addition to political injustices , Mr. Thak said , young people were spurred to action by what they saw as the king ’ s accumulation of power and wealth with the acquiescence of the military , as well as the needless expenditures during a pandemic-weakened economy .
Unlike previous protests , today ’ s demonstrators are far younger and have no clear links to any group or party , making them appear untainted by past quarrels , said Allen Hicken , political science @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The government has so far seemed indecisive about how to deal with the protests , torn between trying to placate or punish those involved .
Neither approach has lessened the ardor or number of protesters , who adroitly use social media to organize short , quickly announced events that don ’ t require the infrastructure of past demonstrations .
Police use of water cannons and chemical irritants against the young protesters this month drew broad public outrage , so it ’ s unclear if the government would push a more violent crackdown like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and 2010 .
Ms. Chonticha is aware history is not on the protesters ’ side , but she says in some ways they have already succeeded .
“ Our movement has changed the perception of Thais toward the monarchy and military , ” she said .
“ If we can not win this time , we still have planted the seed of criticism of the ruling elite and monarchy in the people ’ s minds.
” This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP journalists Tassanee Vejpongsa and Busaba Sivasomboon @ @

He was only 7 when he saw his first military coup. He was 15 during the second. Now 21, he is among those at the front of Thailand’s growing pro-democracy movement pushing for sweeping political reforms.
And because of his activities, Bunkueanun Paothong has been charged with crimes that could see him jailed for the rest of his life.
“I took a stand I know that would be risky,” Mr. Bunkueanun said. “I stand firm in my principles and beliefs. Because it’s the right thing for me to do.”
Fed up with an archaic educational system and enraged by the military’s efforts to keep control over their nation, the student-led campaign that began earlier this year has shaken Thailand’s ruling establishment with the most significant campaign for political change in years.
The protesters have three main demands: They want Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha’s resignation; changes to a constitution that was drafted under military rule; and, most controversially, reforms to the constitutional monarchy.
Political protest is nothing new in Thailand, and its past 15 years have been defined by it. Whether it was the red-shirted supporters of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra or his yellow-shirted conservative opponents, some group could be counted on every few years to occupy a government building or blockade a key road in a bid to topple the government.
And like clockwork, the courts or the military could be counted on to intervene. Mr. Prayuth, a former general, first came to power in a 2014 coup.
But never before have protesters made such open calls for the reform of the monarchy in a country where reverence for the royal institution is inculcated from birth and protected by a law that makes defaming royals punishable by prison. The calls have infuriated some, resonated with others, and complicated any solution to the latest crisis.
“We won’t back down, we won’t retreat, and we won’t be open for talks until the government agrees on the three demands,” said Chonticha Changrew, who at 27, is one of the more senior protest organizers.
Many of the protestors had spent much of their lives living under military rule, and those old enough to vote got their first real chance last year. They flocked to a new party – Future Forward – whose smart and charismatic young leaders espoused a strong anti-military viewpoint.
The party shocked the establishment by winning the third-most seats. The military’s proxy party was able to cobble together a ruling coalition that put Mr. Prayuth back in the prime minister’s post. But Future Forward looked like it had room to grow.
Then in February, the Constitutional Court ruled Future Forward had violated campaign finance laws, dissolved the party, and banned its leaders from politics for 10 years.
The students, already upset at what they saw as an undemocratic constitution that shifted power away from elected politicians to appointed bodies aligned with the military, took to the streets.
“What motivates the student protesters is that they see the ‘game’ of politics as being fixed,” said Chris Ankersen, an associate professor at New York University’s School of Professional Studies Center for Global Affairs, who previously worked with the United Nations in Bangkok.
When the coronavirus pandemic hit, the students retreated. They returned in July when the virus threat eased, and pushed their core demands of new elections, constitutional changes, and an end to intimidation of activists.
The protests took a stunning turn in August, when a few students at a rally aired unprecedented criticism of the monarchy. Using direct language normally expressed in whispers if at all, the speakers criticized King Maha Vajiralongkorn’s wealth, his influence, and that he spends much of his time in Germany.
While shocking to many, it emboldened others.
Events escalated on Oct. 14 when protesters heckled a passing royal motorcade. Security personnel stood between the vehicles and the crowd, and there was no visible violence.
Nevertheless, Mr. Bunkueanun and two others were charged under an obscure criminal statute on committing violence against the queen, who was in one of the vehicles.
“I was numbed, dumbstruck, and feared for my life,” Mr. Bunkueanun recalled. He turned himself in to police the next day and spent a day in jail before his release on bail.
Mr. Prayuth and his government responded by declaring a state of emergency for Bangkok, banning gatherings of more than four and gave authorities other broad powers. That only led to even bigger protests, and the government eventually removed the emergency decree.
Mr. Prayuth has said he is open to some changes but has maintained that the monarchy should remain off-limits. On Monday, a special session of Parliament was called to ease tensions.
The students’ questioning of Thailand’s social structure is rooted in their experiences at school, said Thak Chaloemtiarana, a historian who has also been an administrator at Bangkok’s Thammasat University and Cornell University in the United States.
“The current movement, while led by a handful of university students, has attracted younger students who have become politicized through more news and information from the internet and social media, and spurred by how their teachers and schools suppress individualism and exercise authoritarian policies that control dress code, haircuts, gender choice, and ceremonies that are seen as originating from feudal times,” he said.
In addition to political injustices, Mr. Thak said, young people were spurred to action by what they saw as the king’s accumulation of power and wealth with the acquiescence of the military, as well as the needless expenditures during a pandemic-weakened economy.
Unlike previous protests, today’s demonstrators are far younger and have no clear links to any group or party, making them appear untainted by past quarrels, said Allen Hicken, political science professor at the University of Michigan.
The government has so far seemed indecisive about how to deal with the protests, torn between trying to placate or punish those involved. Neither approach has lessened the ardor or number of protesters, who adroitly use social media to organize short, quickly announced events that don’t require the infrastructure of past demonstrations.
Police use of water cannons and chemical irritants against the young protesters this month drew broad public outrage, so it’s unclear if the government would push a more violent crackdown like those in 1973, 1976, 1992, and 2010.
Ms. Chonticha is aware history is not on the protesters’ side, but she says in some ways they have already succeeded.
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empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
“Our movement has changed the perception of Thais toward the monarchy and military,” she said. “If we cannot win this time, we still have planted the seed of criticism of the ruling elite and monarchy in the people’s minds.”
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP journalists Tassanee Vejpongsa and Busaba Sivasomboon contributed.


csmonitor--2020-10-28--Prison reforms to curb pandemic show path to fewer imprisonments

The population in America ’ s big jails and state prisons plunged by 170,000 this spring amid the coronavirus pandemic , Reuters has found in a survey of facilities around the country .
All told , localities and states held 11 % fewer inmates in their custody .
The unprecedented mass release was a crash effort to contain the disease .
But it is also providing the United States with an opportunity to experiment with a big idea : unwinding the country ’ s signature practice of mass incarceration .
America locks away far more people – 2.1 million – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which largely hold people awaiting trial , thousands have died behind bars without being convicted of the charges they faced , a Reuters investigation found .
With tens of thousands suddenly freed or diverted from entering jail , some governments see COVID-19 as a chance to change the policies that led many inmates to be locked up in the first place .
In February , as COVID-19 surged through a nursing home in Kirkland , Washington , in the first big U.S. outbreak , authorities assessed the risk to 1,945 inmates in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Maleng Regional Justice Center in Kent .
In March , the sheriff stopped jailing people for most nonviolent misdemeanor charges .
Public defenders sought to release their clients from jail without posting bail .
The sheriff suspended a work release program , releasing inmates who worked outside the jail during the day but stayed overnight in the facility .
Civil and criminal cases were frozen .
By late May , the population in the two jails had dropped to about 1,300 , down by a third .
King County Executive Dow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that way .
“ Each month that goes by where we ’ re able to maintain the population at 1,300 instead of 1,900 shows that this is sustainable , this is possible , ” he told Reuters .
Critics of the mass releases fear freeing inmates will lead to a surge in crime .
“ This is going to set us back .
This is going to mean more crimes , ” Sheriff Margaret Mims of Fresno County , California , said in a video posted on Facebook .
Some communities , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jails and reverting to old policies .
Yet other counties are considering keeping temporary reforms in place .
Washington ’ s King County is weighing whether to make permanent some COVID-19-inspired booking restrictions , such as using fines for minor , nonviolent charges or only jailing people once they are convicted .
In Wisconsin , the number of inmates in Dane County ’ s jail dropped from 710 to 452 between mid-February and mid-May .
That trend will have to be evaluated post-pandemic “ in a new normal , ” said Dave Mahoney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public is saying look , your population is down , let ’ s learn from the forced lessons.
” Mr. Mahoney , who is also president of the National Sheriffs ’ Association , said his county is considering whether more people could be released without bail , conducting more teleconferences to speed up court hearings , and having judges hold court on the weekend “ to decrease the number of people who arrive on Thursday and are sitting until Tuesday or Wednesday ” in a cell .
In New York , the March @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to find alternatives to jail for those serving time at the Rikers Island correctional facility on minor offenses such as petty theft , drug possession , trespassing , and disorderly conduct , said Elizabeth Glazer , the head of the Mayor ’ s Office of Criminal Justice .
Such inmates are often caught in a loop between shelters , jail , and emergency rooms .
In Los Angeles , county supervisors have put an initiative on the November 3 ballot to redirect 10 % of unrestricted , county-generated revenue to programs supporting “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health and job services .
Nationwide , a major target is the bail system .
On the West Coast , the Judicial Council of California issued a statewide “ zero bail ” policy near the start of the pandemic , effectively eliminating bail requirements for arrestees charged with misdemeanors or low-level felonies .
The policy helped fuel a decline of more than 20,000 inmates in the state ’ s jail population before the council rescinded it in June , saying it “ may re-institute these measures if health conditions worsen or change.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drops in jail populations in nearly every corner of the U.S .
Between February and May , the number of detainees in 471 of the nation ’ s largest jails dropped by more than 100,000 , Reuters found .
In the same time , the state prison populations fell by at least 68,180 .
The Reuters tally doesn ’ t include the federal prison system , which holds fewer prisoners than jails and state prisons ; comparable data wasn ’ t available .
In all , state prisons and the large jails surveyed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inmates a day in February .
By May , that number had dropped to less than 1.4 million , by far the lowest point in at least a decade .
The releases were meant to slow the spread of coronavirus behind bars .
Public health specialists saw jails as especially vulnerable , because they often squeeze hundreds or thousands of people into confined quarters with limited medical care .
People tend to come and go from jail relatively quickly , making it easy to spread disease between the jail and community .
Through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s largest jails reported that a total of 79 inmates had died from COVID-19 .
Another 41 staff members died .
The jails said they had documented a total of about 11,000 cases of the virus , though limited testing in some facilities means the figure likely is an undercount .
By comparison , at least 53,730 inmates tested positive for the virus in state prison systems , which hold convicts serving significant sentences and were less able to free people to reduce crowding .
Records collected by Reuters show 551 died .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ steps to ease crowding .
In some cases , Reuters found in an examination of inmate discharges , the releases may have put the community at risk of infection .
In Decatur , Georgia , the DeKalb County Jail reported on April 27 that 13 inmates had been infected with the coronavirus .
By May 4 , that dropped to seven .
On May 11 , the jail declared itself free of the virus .
The infected inmates , however , were among 4,000 people released by the jail between March and May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and information on local health providers .
Holding an inmate cleared for release would violate an individual ’ s rights , the sheriff ’ s office said .
The mass releases , critics assert , put communities at risk of crime in a year when some major U.S. cities saw a rise in violence .
The number of murders in the first half of the year was nearly 15 % higher than the year before and serious assaults rose 5 % , the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported in September .
Overall numbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There ’ s no data available yet to test whether the violent crime wave is tied to the COVID-19 releases .
Release opponents cite a scattering of crimes committed by inmates .
In Tampa , Florida , a man released from pretrial custody on a heroin charge in March was charged with a killing the next day .
In Maryland , a man who persuaded a judge to free him because he feared COVID-19 was charged with fatally stabbing someone .
Several criminologists noted that the overall crime rate in most cities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That ’ s true of the type of crimes associated with low-level offenders released during the outbreak , such as drug possession and petty theft .
This spring and summer also saw the pandemic plunge the country into a recession and George Floyd ’ s death trigger a wave of unrest .
Those factors may have boosted violent crime as well .
“ It ’ s a real serious challenge to figure out because a lot of dramatic changes are happening at the same time , ” said David Abrams , a University @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economics , and public policy .
A September study , sponsored by the nonpartisan Council on Criminal Justice think tank , surveyed 375 jails and found that rearrest rates didn ’ t rise among those freed through July 20 .
“ Rebooking rates for people released after March 16 remained below pre-pandemic rebooking rates , ” it concluded .
Drew McWilliams is among the released inmates .
Mr. McWilliams had three weeks left on a nonviolent misdemeanor sentence at Rikers Island when the jail released him March 26 .
At home , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ father , a cancer survivor , and his two young daughters .
He has been taking courses from the nonprofit Fortune Society on becoming a guidance counselor for people getting out of jail .
“ I watched certain news channels where they essentially said that they should have just left us in there to die from COVID , ” he said .
“ I want people to see that everybody that has gotten released has not been doing badly .
A lot of us have been doing the right thing.
” Denver prosecutor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jails of many low-risk defendants .
Her office is tracking the fates of released inmates to analyze the question more definitively .
“ The virus has really assisted those of us who are of the mind that we do have too many people in jail , particularly awaiting trial , ” Ms. McCann said .
This story was reported by Reuters .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage .
It ’ s free .

Linda So, Brad Heath, Jason Szep, Ned Parker, and Peter Eisler

The population in America’s big jails and state prisons plunged by 170,000 this spring amid the coronavirus pandemic, Reuters has found in a survey of facilities around the country. All told, localities and states held 11% fewer inmates in their custody.
The unprecedented mass release was a crash effort to contain the disease. But it is also providing the United States with an opportunity to experiment with a big idea: unwinding the country’s signature practice of mass incarceration.
America locks away far more people – 2.1 million – than any other nation. In jails, which largely hold people awaiting trial, thousands have died behind bars without being convicted of the charges they faced, a Reuters investigation found.
With tens of thousands suddenly freed or diverted from entering jail, some governments see COVID-19 as a chance to change the policies that led many inmates to be locked up in the first place.
In February, as COVID-19 surged through a nursing home in Kirkland, Washington, in the first big U.S. outbreak, authorities assessed the risk to 1,945 inmates in the King County Correctional Facility in Seattle and the Maleng Regional Justice Center in Kent.
In March, the sheriff stopped jailing people for most nonviolent misdemeanor charges. Public defenders sought to release their clients from jail without posting bail. The sheriff suspended a work release program, releasing inmates who worked outside the jail during the day but stayed overnight in the facility. Civil and criminal cases were frozen.
By late May, the population in the two jails had dropped to about 1,300, down by a third. King County Executive Dow Constantine says he wants to keep it that way.
“Each month that goes by where we’re able to maintain the population at 1,300 instead of 1,900 shows that this is sustainable, this is possible,” he told Reuters.
Critics of the mass releases fear freeing inmates will lead to a surge in crime. “This is going to set us back. This is going to mean more crimes,” Sheriff Margaret Mims of Fresno County, California, said in a video posted on Facebook.
Some communities, to be sure, have begun re-filling their jails and reverting to old policies. Yet other counties are considering keeping temporary reforms in place.
Washington’s King County is weighing whether to make permanent some COVID-19-inspired booking restrictions, such as using fines for minor, nonviolent charges or only jailing people once they are convicted. In Wisconsin, the number of inmates in Dane County’s jail dropped from 710 to 452 between mid-February and mid-May. That trend will have to be evaluated post-pandemic “in a new normal,” said Dave Mahoney, the county sheriff. “The public is saying look, your population is down, let’s learn from the forced lessons.”
Mr. Mahoney, who is also president of the National Sheriffs’ Association, said his county is considering whether more people could be released without bail, conducting more teleconferences to speed up court hearings, and having judges hold court on the weekend “to decrease the number of people who arrive on Thursday and are sitting until Tuesday or Wednesday” in a cell.
In New York, the March COVID-19 releases are likely to hasten efforts to find alternatives to jail for those serving time at the Rikers Island correctional facility on minor offenses such as petty theft, drug possession, trespassing, and disorderly conduct, said Elizabeth Glazer, the head of the Mayor’s Office of Criminal Justice. Such inmates are often caught in a loop between shelters, jail, and emergency rooms.
In Los Angeles, county supervisors have put an initiative on the November 3 ballot to redirect 10% of unrestricted, county-generated revenue to programs supporting “alternatives to incarceration,” including mental health and job services.
Nationwide, a major target is the bail system. On the West Coast, the Judicial Council of California issued a statewide “zero bail” policy near the start of the pandemic, effectively eliminating bail requirements for arrestees charged with misdemeanors or low-level felonies. The policy helped fuel a decline of more than 20,000 inmates in the state’s jail population before the council rescinded it in June, saying it “may re-institute these measures if health conditions worsen or change.”
Bail and other changes led to sharp drops in jail populations in nearly every corner of the U.S.
Between February and May, the number of detainees in 471 of the nation’s largest jails dropped by more than 100,000, Reuters found. In the same time, the state prison populations fell by at least 68,180. The Reuters tally doesn’t include the federal prison system, which holds fewer prisoners than jails and state prisons; comparable data wasn’t available.
In all, state prisons and the large jails surveyed by Reuters housed more than 1.5 million inmates a day in February. By May, that number had dropped to less than 1.4 million, by far the lowest point in at least a decade.
Coronavirus fears
The releases were meant to slow the spread of coronavirus behind bars. Public health specialists saw jails as especially vulnerable, because they often squeeze hundreds or thousands of people into confined quarters with limited medical care. People tend to come and go from jail relatively quickly, making it easy to spread disease between the jail and community.
Through mid-June, 443 of the nation’s largest jails reported that a total of 79 inmates had died from COVID-19. Another 41 staff members died. The jails said they had documented a total of about 11,000 cases of the virus, though limited testing in some facilities means the figure likely is an undercount.
By comparison, at least 53,730 inmates tested positive for the virus in state prison systems, which hold convicts serving significant sentences and were less able to free people to reduce crowding. Records collected by Reuters show 551 died.
Some jails saw major outbreaks despite taking steps to ease crowding. In some cases, Reuters found in an examination of inmate discharges, the releases may have put the community at risk of infection.
In Decatur, Georgia, the DeKalb County Jail reported on April 27 that 13 inmates had been infected with the coronavirus. By May 4, that dropped to seven. On May 11, the jail declared itself free of the virus.
The infected inmates, however, were among 4,000 people released by the jail between March and May. The inmates were given face masks and information on local health providers. Holding an inmate cleared for release would violate an individual’s rights, the sheriff’s office said.
Crime question
The mass releases, critics assert, put communities at risk of crime in a year when some major U.S. cities saw a rise in violence. The number of murders in the first half of the year was nearly 15% higher than the year before and serious assaults rose 5%, the Federal Bureau of Investigation reported in September. Overall numbers of violent and property crimes fell slightly.
There’s no data available yet to test whether the violent crime wave is tied to the COVID-19 releases. Release opponents cite a scattering of crimes committed by inmates. In Tampa, Florida, a man released from pretrial custody on a heroin charge in March was charged with a killing the next day. In Maryland, a man who persuaded a judge to free him because he feared COVID-19 was charged with fatally stabbing someone.
Several criminologists noted that the overall crime rate in most cities remains lower than before the pandemic. That’s true of the type of crimes associated with low-level offenders released during the outbreak, such as drug possession and petty theft. This spring and summer also saw the pandemic plunge the country into a recession and George Floyd’s death trigger a wave of unrest. Those factors may have boosted violent crime as well.
“It’s a real serious challenge to figure out because a lot of dramatic changes are happening at the same time,” said David Abrams, a University of Pennsylvania professor of law, business economics, and public policy.
A September study, sponsored by the nonpartisan Council on Criminal Justice think tank, surveyed 375 jails and found that rearrest rates didn’t rise among those freed through July 20. “Rebooking rates for people released after March 16 remained below pre-pandemic rebooking rates,” it concluded.
Drew McWilliams is among the released inmates.
Mr. McWilliams had three weeks left on a nonviolent misdemeanor sentence at Rikers Island when the jail released him March 26. At home, he quarantined for 14 days, avoiding his father, a cancer survivor, and his two young daughters. He has been taking courses from the nonprofit Fortune Society on becoming a guidance counselor for people getting out of jail. “I watched certain news channels where they essentially said that they should have just left us in there to die from COVID,” he said. “I want people to see that everybody that has gotten released has not been doing badly. A lot of us have been doing the right thing.”
Denver prosecutor Beth McCann believes the releases appropriately cleared jails of many low-risk defendants. Her office is tracking the fates of released inmates to analyze the question more definitively.
“The virus has really assisted those of us who are of the mind that we do have too many people in jail, particularly awaiting trial,” Ms. McCann said.
This story was reported by Reuters.
Editor’s note: As a public service, the Monitor has removed the paywall for all our coronavirus coverage. It’s free.