csmonitor--2020-09-29--Biden’s appeal: Is being the ‘anti-Trump’ enough?

“ He ’ s a 77-year-old comfortable shoe , ” says Ari Fleischer , who served in the George W. Bush administration .
“ People have a feel for him .
He ’ s not Hillary – he ’ s likable enough.
” Polls show the former longtime senator from Delaware doesn ’ t inspire intense passion so much as a kind of basic comfort .
But the flip side is that he doesn ’ t seem to inspire hatred , either – even among Republicans .
Tonight , Americans will get to see the contrast themselves , when Mr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their first televised debate .
And as the nation faces what may be its most consequential election in generations , the race may ultimately pivot on this question : Is being the anti-Trump enough to win Mr. Biden the White House ?
Mr. Biden is , in other words , different things to different people .
But almost everyone agrees on who he isn ’ t : President Donald Trump .
To some voters , Joe Biden is an everyman – a scrappy champion of the working class from Scranton , Pennsylvania .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ creature of the Senate who spent 47 years in “ the swamp.
” Supporters see the former vice president as a savvy moderate who can reach across the aisle .
Critics charge he ’ s an aging relic , or even a “ Trojan horse for socialism.
” In the summer of 1999 , law student Michael Migliore was working as a legal aide in then-Sen. Joe Biden ’ s office in Wilmington , Delaware .
While at a staff picnic at the Biden home , he ran into the senator himself in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talking – I ’ m not kidding – an hour and a half , ” says Mr. Migliore , now counsel to the New Castle County Council in Delaware .
“ We talked about everything under the sun – family , law school , civil rights , legislation he had worked on.
” “ Whether you ’ re royalty or a regular person , he has a knack for really relating to people , which most people don ’ t have , ” Mr. Migliore adds .
“ He makes you feel special.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Democratic nominee for president , are legion .
And if they involve a personal struggle – a loved one lost , a battle with stuttering , as he has had – Mr. Biden is on it .
His own stories of loss – of his first wife and baby daughter in a car crash and the death from cancer decades later of his son Beau – have given him a well of empathy and a sense of purpose .
This is the personal Mr. Biden that many constituents and those around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is an everyman , the scrappy champion of the working class from Scranton , Pennsylvania .
To others , he ’ s the ultimate Washington insider , a creature of the Senate who spent 47 years in “ the swamp.
” Supporters see the former vice president as a savvy moderate who knows how to reach across the aisle .
Critics charge he ’ s an aging relic , hopelessly out of step with his own party and even , to some Republicans , a “ Trojan horse for socialism.
” After 50 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in other words , many different things to many different people .
But almost everyone agrees on who Mr. Biden isn ’ t : President Donald Trump .
Tonight , Americans will get to see the contrast themselves , when Mr. Biden and President Trump go toe-to-toe in a 90-minute televised debate , the first of three .
Whether it can shake the dynamic of the presidential contest off its moorings seems unlikely .
Mr. Trump has been consistently behind in national polls and in key battleground states , though nobody is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nation faces what may be its most consequential election in generations – a choice made all the more stark amid a sudden , high-octane Supreme Court confirmation battle – the race may ultimately pivot on this question : Is being the anti-Trump enough to win Mr. Biden the White House ?
Polls show the former longtime senator from Delaware doesn ’ t inspire intense passion among supporters so much as a kind of basic comfort .
But the flip side is that he doesn ’ t seem to inspire hatred , either .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clinton engendered such dislike that many swing voters framed the choice between her and Mr. Trump as the lesser of two evils .
At Trump events today , anti-Hillary merchandise still abounds , while Mr. Biden seems almost an afterthought .
“ He ’ s a 77-year-old comfortable shoe with 47 years of Washington experience , ” says Ari Fleischer , who served in the George W. Bush administration .
“ People have a feel for him .
He ’ s not Hillary – he ’ s likable enough.
” Perhaps Mr. Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If elected , he ’ d be the oldest first-term president in American history – by eight years – and to some voters , he ’ s not as vigorous as he used to be .
Still , that may be undercut somewhat by the fact that Mr. Trump himself currently holds the record for oldest president ever elected to a first term .
And Democratic hands who go way back with Mr. Biden say he ’ s up to the task .
He would bring his decades of experience , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address the challenge of a lifetime – setting the nation and its politics on a path to some kind of normality and sense of unity .
“ By virtue of his personality and his willingness to listen to others , that ’ s a good way to begin the process , ” says Leon Panetta , a former member of Congress and Cabinet secretary in two Democratic administrations .
“ But that doesn ’ t guarantee success.
” Today , Mr. Biden ’ s immediate goal is winning on Nov. 3 .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or the multiple crises facing the nation , Democrats know that unseating an incumbent president won ’ t be easy .
The last to succeed was Bill Clinton , the charismatic young governor of Arkansas who rebranded the Democratic Party toward the center .
That was 1992 .
Twenty-eight years later , Democratic energy has shifted leftward , as the nation has grown more diverse and party activists focus on income inequality and racial grievances .
The pandemic , economic turmoil , urban unrest , and now the high-stakes Supreme Court vacancy all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In many ways , the Washington in which Mr. Biden thrived no longer exists .
In his presidential campaign , the centrist Mr. Biden has shifted leftward to meet the Democratic base – but not fully .
He supports adding a “ public option ” to the Obama-era health insurance law , but does not back “ Medicare for All.
” He has plans to address climate change , but did not endorse the Green New Deal .
He promises to roll back most , but not all , of the Trump tax @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police .
By mid-September , Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont , a self-described social democrat and runner-up for the Democratic presidential nomination , was urging the Biden campaign to do more to excite the left .
But Mr. Biden clearly favors a bigger Democratic tent , as seen at the party ’ s August convention , which featured several prominent anti-Trump Republicans .
To wit : Former Ohio Gov .
John Kasich was given a four-minute speaking slot , while Democratic New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , a darling of the left , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The calculation was that anti-Trump fervor would spur liberal Democrats to vote for Mr. Biden anyway – and that appealing to suburban moderates in battleground states was paramount .
Now , the Supreme Court vacancy has further galvanized partisans on both sides .
Mr. Trump ’ s quick move to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg , a hero to the left , heralds a reinforced conservative majority for years to come – a source of alarm to liberals and delight to conservatives .
From abortion and gun rights to affirmative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are potentially huge .
The question is how marginal voters – undecided voters , soft supporters of one candidate or the other , or those unsure if they ’ ll vote at all – might be swayed by the court battle .
At midsummer , the enthusiasm gap between the nominees was wide .
Some 66 % of Trump supporters said they backed their candidate strongly , versus just 46 % of Biden supporters who said the same of their candidate , according to a Pew Research Center poll .
So , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the relative lack of excitement over Mr. Biden could portend danger , too – the possibility that some of his voters don ’ t bother to turn out .
Alison Young , a Republican strategist based in Philadelphia , says the enthusiasm gap could be key .
Even though Mr. Biden is more conventionally “ likable , ” she says , Trump supporters like the president ’ s “ bombastic nature , that he goes after people.
” In the critical battleground state of Pennsylvania , Democrats have special concerns about turnout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote-by-mail rules could suppress turnout by discouraging some people from even trying to vote .
For Mr. Biden , Pennsylvania has personal meaning .
Though he and his family left Scranton amid financial difficulties when he was 10 years old , his “ origin story ” is very much tied to his place of birth .
Out-of-town reporters reinforce the Scranton angle with regular visits , if only to make the city a stand-in for blue-collar America .
CNN staged a town hall with Mr. Biden there Sept. 17 .
There may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to white non-college-educated voters .
In a mid-September Reuters poll , Mr. Trump ’ s edge among that demographic nationally had shrunk to 12 percentage points , well below his 34-point margin over Mrs. Clinton in 2016 .
In Pennsylvania , an electorate that skews older also makes the state a stand-in for outreach to those over age 65 .
Notably , polls show Mr. Biden beating Mr. Trump among that cohort – a trend that , if it holds , would make him the first Democratic nominee to win voters over 65 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ’ s Scranton roots give him a lift in that part of Pennsylvania , that doesn ’ t necessarily help in other parts of the state .
“ A lot of us see him as a guy from Delaware , ” says Bill Werts , an engineer from Greensburg , Pennsylvania .
“ Most of us see him as a guy from Washington.
” Mr. Werts voted for Mr. Trump in 2016 , but says he plans to vote for Mr. Biden in November , albeit without enthusiasm .
“ Don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s miles away from Donald Trump , ” Mr. Werts continues , saying Mr. Biden has preferable values .
“ But the progress that needs to be made will not be made by Joe Biden .
He ’ s a return to 2008 , 2012 , 1996 .
He is not the visionary that is needed.
” One critical bloc Democrats are eyeing nervously is young Black voters .
In a July poll , American University researchers found that in six battleground states – Wisconsin , Michigan , Pennsylvania , North Carolina , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % of Black voters ages 18 to 29 plan to vote for Mr. Biden , compared with 70 % of those ages 30 to 59 and 86 % of those 60 and over .
It ’ s not that young Black voters are flocking to the president ; it ’ s that many , 21 % , won ’ t vote at all .
Another 12 % plan to vote for someone else , 12 % aren ’ t sure , and 8 % are for Mr. Trump .
Some Democrats are having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama voters from 2012 stayed home – a third of them Black , according to data analysts .
In an election that turned on just 77,000 votes in three states , that shift may have been decisive .
There ’ s also a gender gap among Black voters .
A Wall Street Journal/NBC poll taken in March found that 24 % of Black men approved of Mr. Trump , while just 6 % of Black women did .
Democratic strategist Joel Payne points to younger , less-educated Black men as the “ soft @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , he says , has a certain “ cachet ” with some in this bloc .
“ There is a machismo that Trump has manufactured that can be attractive to some Black male voters , ” says Mr. Payne , director of African American advertising for Mrs. Clinton ’ s 2016 presidential campaign .
“ A not insignificant number of Black men were falsely conditioned to view Donald Trump as a stand-in for success before he was a political figure.
” And what about Mr. Biden ’ s comments that he could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even Southern segregationists in his early years ?
Or his support for 1994 crime legislation that is now considered unduly harsh , especially toward people of color ?
Those were issues , along with busing to integrate schools , that California Democratic Sen. Kamala Harris attacked Mr. Biden for during the presidential primaries .
Now Senator Harris is his running mate , the first woman of color to serve on a major party presidential ticket , and could help shore up Black support for Mr. Biden .
More broadly , there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reservoir of goodwill with many African Americans .
Many feel a personal connection to the former vice president that ’ s about more than his eight years serving alongside former President Barack Obama .
He also , they say , exudes a basic humanity .
Rep. Jim Clyburn of South Carolina – the No .
3 Democrat in the House and its highest-ranking African American – swooped in three days before his state ’ s crucial primary on Feb. 29 and endorsed Mr. Biden .
Congressman Clyburn has been credited by some with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In an interview , Mr. Clyburn insists it was all Mr. Biden .
“ First and foremost , ” he says , “ Biden has by and large been very sensitive – and I would say empathetic – to the life experiences of the African American voter.
” After the 2015 massacre at a Black church in Charleston , South Carolina , Mr. Biden attended services there .
And in a Feb. 26 town hall , Mr. Biden had a breakout moment when he reconnected with a pastor whose wife died in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his wife , Emily , who died a year ago , used to talk regularly to Mr. Biden .
“ She told me , the party needs Joe Biden to carry the mantle against Trump , ” he says .
“ So when I stood up for Joe , I was really doing what my wife told me to do.
” Mr. Clyburn recalls how his wife liked campaign billboards , which Mr. Biden apparently knew .
A month ago , the congressman got a call from the former vice president : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in honor of Emily , ” he said , wanting to make sure it was OK. “ That ’ s the kind of guy he is , ” Mr. Clyburn says .
“ He remembers those conversations.
” As in many presidential campaigns , families are an issue .
The Biden clan is as tight as they come .
His sister , Valerie Biden Owens , has managed or advised all his campaigns from the very start of his political career .
When he traveled the world as vice president , he often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the more controversial aspects of Mr. Biden ’ s candidacy is his son Hunter Biden .
If Beau Biden , the former vice president ’ s older son , was the golden child – attorney general of Delaware and Iraq War veteran – then Hunter is the one best known for murky business deals and a turbulent personal life .
“ Where ’ s Hunter ?
” is a regular Trump barb .
A GOP Senate report released Sept. 23 found that Hunter ’ s role at a Ukrainian energy company was “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ show that it influenced the then-vice president or U.S. policy toward Ukraine .
Of course , Mr. Trump ’ s own dealings with Ukraine – including an apparent request to get the Ukrainian government to investigate Vice President Biden – lay at the center of the president ’ s 2019 impeachment .
And relatives of powerful American politicians on both sides of the aisle have long had business interests that intersect with their family members ’ government activities .
The Trump family is awash in alleged conflicts of interest .
When asked by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of both his son Hunter and his brothers , James and Frank , Mr. Biden promised “ an absolute wall ” between the government and his family ’ s financial interests if he ’ s elected president .
Richard Painter , former chief White House ethics lawyer under President George W. Bush , suggests the need for a “ firewall ” to protect the president .
“ You just have very clear instructions , ” says Mr. Painter , now a Democrat and law professor at the University of Minnesota .
Those instructions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to every political appointee throughout the administration : “ They ’ re not to do business with members of the Biden family or people who drop the Biden family name or say that they ’ re business associates with Hunter Biden or Vice President Biden ’ s brothers.
” Biden sightings around Wilmington , before the pandemic , contribute to his everyman image .
One resident speaks of running into the former vice president and some grandchildren at Home Depot , buying a lamp at the self-checkout .
“ He went about his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also pausing for photos with some of the staff , ” says the Wilmington resident , who works for the city and requested anonymity .
“ Delaware is a unique environment .
Folks in power are also your neighbor.
” Mr. Biden ’ s profile also extends well beyond U.S. borders , going back decades , as a longtime member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee .
Former Delaware Gov .
Jack Markell tells of a trip he took to Bosnia many years ago , after the war there had ended .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from , she perked up .
“ We know Delaware .
We know Joe Biden , ” she said , according to the former governor , a Democrat .
“ Joe Biden is the only one who stood up for us.
” Mr. Biden touts his international connections as a selling point to voters who like his promise to repair ties to allies and restore U.S. leadership on global issues , such as climate change and public health .
Trump supporters counter that he ’ s been on the wrong side of some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Gulf War in 1991 and for the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 , and his opposition to the raid that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011 .
As a senator , Mr. Biden also had a habit of turning up in early presidential primary states .
Former Republican Rep. Melissa Hart of Pennsylvania recalls running into then-Senator Biden in South Carolina around 2004 , at a party at a horse track .
“ He was a friendly guy , ” says the former congresswoman , a Trump supporter .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of people like Joe.
” But , Ms. Hart adds , “ we never would have gone to him to get something big done .
He was very focused on his issues , on what would benefit Delaware.
” As a senator , Mr. Biden was part of the old boys ’ network , most vividly on display when he presided over the 1992 confirmation hearing of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas .
Mr. Biden is seen by many as having mishandled the accusations of sexual harassment by Anita Hill , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ express his “ regret.
” At the time , Ms. Hill said the call left her unsatisfied .
Recently , however , she said she plans to vote for him in November and would be willing to work with a President Biden on issues of sexual harassment and gender discrimination .
And even if Mr. Biden ’ s long membership in the clubby Senate hurts his image with some voters , others see it as a strength .
He has a demonstrated ability to work in a bipartisan fashion and knows how the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a system increasingly ground down by dysfunction and distrust .
The larger point may be that Mr. Biden , on his third and final attempt at the presidency , has slowly but surely moved into the 21st century .
And sometimes he ’ s even been ahead of the game , as in 2012 , when he endorsed same-sex marriage before Mr. Obama did .
“ Retro or radical ?
” the cover of The Economist recently asked .
The answer may be neither .
If he loses in November , conventional wisdom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that being broadly “ acceptable ” is not enough .
But if he wins , the conclusion might be that in this age of extreme polarization – when partisans at both ends of the spectrum are invoking civil war and even cooler heads are wondering how the American experiment will survive – maybe a president who lowers the temperature offers the best way forward .
Young voters , in particular , seem skeptical of that idea .
“ With younger millennials , there ’ s a distrust in Joe Biden , ” says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ But there ’ s a distrust of everyone in Washington.
” Moe Vela , who advised the then-vice president on Latino and LGBTQ issues , hopes that stories of Mr. Biden ’ s decency can help break through the cynicism .
Four years after Mr. Vela left the White House , he got a call from Mr. Biden ’ s office : “ We have something for you.
” The vice president , who is Roman Catholic , had just met with Pope Francis at the Vatican , and had several sets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one to Mr. Vela .
“ I ’ m not a practicing Catholic anymore , but I will be buried with that rosary , ” Mr. Vela says .
“ It ’ s more than a religious symbol .
It ’ s about personal friendship , faith , and love .
”

“He’s a 77-year-old comfortable shoe,” says Ari Fleischer, who served in the George W. Bush administration. “People have a feel for him. He’s not Hillary – he’s likable enough.”
Polls show the former longtime senator from Delaware doesn’t inspire intense passion so much as a kind of basic comfort. But the flip side is that he doesn’t seem to inspire hatred, either – even among Republicans.
Tonight, Americans will get to see the contrast themselves, when Mr. Biden and President Trump go toe-to-toe in their first televised debate. And as the nation faces what may be its most consequential election in generations, the race may ultimately pivot on this question: Is being the anti-Trump enough to win Mr. Biden the White House?
Joe Biden doesn’t inspire strong enthusiasm – or hatred. In a year punctuated by a pandemic and economic and social turmoil, he’s positioning himself as a moderate who can set the nation aright.
Mr. Biden is, in other words, different things to different people. But almost everyone agrees on who he isn’t: President Donald Trump.
To some voters, Joe Biden is an everyman – a scrappy champion of the working class from Scranton, Pennsylvania. To others, he’s a creature of the Senate who spent 47 years in “the swamp.” Supporters see the former vice president as a savvy moderate who can reach across the aisle. Critics charge he’s an aging relic, or even a “Trojan horse for socialism.”
In the summer of 1999, law student Michael Migliore was working as a legal aide in then-Sen. Joe Biden’s office in Wilmington, Delaware. While at a staff picnic at the Biden home, he ran into the senator himself in the basement.
“Sit down!” Mr. Biden commanded. A lengthy conversation ensued.
“We ended up talking – I’m not kidding – an hour and a half,” says Mr. Migliore, now counsel to the New Castle County Council in Delaware. “We talked about everything under the sun – family, law school, civil rights, legislation he had worked on.”
Why We Wrote This Joe Biden doesn’t inspire strong enthusiasm – or hatred. In a year punctuated by a pandemic and economic and social turmoil, he’s positioning himself as a moderate who can set the nation aright.
“Whether you’re royalty or a regular person, he has a knack for really relating to people, which most people don’t have,” Mr. Migliore adds. “He makes you feel special.”
Lana Harris/AP/File View caption Hide caption Sen. Joe Biden, Democrat of Delaware, holds his daughter Ashley for a family portrait as Vice President George H.W. Bush reenacts his administering of the oath of office on Capitol Hill in 1985.
Stories like this about Mr. Biden, the Democratic nominee for president, are legion. And if they involve a personal struggle – a loved one lost, a battle with stuttering, as he has had – Mr. Biden is on it. His own stories of loss – of his first wife and baby daughter in a car crash and the death from cancer decades later of his son Beau – have given him a well of empathy and a sense of purpose.
This is the personal Mr. Biden that many constituents and those around him know. To some, he is an everyman, the scrappy champion of the working class from Scranton, Pennsylvania. To others, he’s the ultimate Washington insider, a creature of the Senate who spent 47 years in “the swamp.”
Supporters see the former vice president as a savvy moderate who knows how to reach across the aisle. Critics charge he’s an aging relic, hopelessly out of step with his own party and even, to some Republicans, a “Trojan horse for socialism.”
After 50 years in politics, Mr. Biden is, in other words, many different things to many different people. But almost everyone agrees on who Mr. Biden isn’t: President Donald Trump.
Tonight, Americans will get to see the contrast themselves, when Mr. Biden and President Trump go toe-to-toe in a 90-minute televised debate, the first of three. Whether it can shake the dynamic of the presidential contest off its moorings seems unlikely. Mr. Trump has been consistently behind in national polls and in key battleground states, though nobody is counting him out.
But as the nation faces what may be its most consequential election in generations – a choice made all the more stark amid a sudden, high-octane Supreme Court confirmation battle – the race may ultimately pivot on this question: Is being the anti-Trump enough to win Mr. Biden the White House?
Polls show the former longtime senator from Delaware doesn’t inspire intense passion among supporters so much as a kind of basic comfort. But the flip side is that he doesn’t seem to inspire hatred, either.
Four years ago, Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton engendered such dislike that many swing voters framed the choice between her and Mr. Trump as the lesser of two evils. At Trump events today, anti-Hillary merchandise still abounds, while Mr. Biden seems almost an afterthought.
Matt Rourke/AP View caption Hide caption Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden greets a parishioner at a Baptist church in North Charleston, South Carolina, on Feb. 23, 2020.
“He’s a 77-year-old comfortable shoe with 47 years of Washington experience,” says Ari Fleischer, who served in the George W. Bush administration. “People have a feel for him. He’s not Hillary – he’s likable enough.”
Perhaps Mr. Biden’s biggest liability is his age. If elected, he’d be the oldest first-term president in American history – by eight years – and to some voters, he’s not as vigorous as he used to be.
Still, that may be undercut somewhat by the fact that Mr. Trump himself currently holds the record for oldest president ever elected to a first term.
And Democratic hands who go way back with Mr. Biden say he’s up to the task. He would bring his decades of experience, as well as his people skills, to address the challenge of a lifetime – setting the nation and its politics on a path to some kind of normality and sense of unity.
“By virtue of his personality and his willingness to listen to others, that’s a good way to begin the process,” says Leon Panetta, a former member of Congress and Cabinet secretary in two Democratic administrations. “But that doesn’t guarantee success.”
A party moving leftward
Today, Mr. Biden’s immediate goal is winning on Nov. 3. And regardless of what the polls say, or the multiple crises facing the nation, Democrats know that unseating an incumbent president won’t be easy.
The last to succeed was Bill Clinton, the charismatic young governor of Arkansas who rebranded the Democratic Party toward the center.
That was 1992. Twenty-eight years later, Democratic energy has shifted leftward, as the nation has grown more diverse and party activists focus on income inequality and racial grievances. The pandemic, economic turmoil, urban unrest, and now the high-stakes Supreme Court vacancy all add urgency to the November vote.
Roll Call/AP/File View caption Hide caption Senators Biden and Strom Thurmond, a Republican from South Carolina and onetime segregationist, chat in the chamber in 1995.
In many ways, the Washington in which Mr. Biden thrived no longer exists. In his presidential campaign, the centrist Mr. Biden has shifted leftward to meet the Democratic base – but not fully. He supports adding a “public option” to the Obama-era health insurance law, but does not back “Medicare for All.” He has plans to address climate change, but did not endorse the Green New Deal. He promises to roll back most, but not all, of the Trump tax cuts. He opposes cutting funding for police.
By mid-September, Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, a self-described social democrat and runner-up for the Democratic presidential nomination, was urging the Biden campaign to do more to excite the left.
But Mr. Biden clearly favors a bigger Democratic tent, as seen at the party’s August convention, which featured several prominent anti-Trump Republicans. To wit: Former Ohio Gov. John Kasich was given a four-minute speaking slot, while Democratic New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, a darling of the left, got just a minute and a half.
The calculation was that anti-Trump fervor would spur liberal Democrats to vote for Mr. Biden anyway – and that appealing to suburban moderates in battleground states was paramount.
Now, the Supreme Court vacancy has further galvanized partisans on both sides. Mr. Trump’s quick move to replace the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a hero to the left, heralds a reinforced conservative majority for years to come – a source of alarm to liberals and delight to conservatives.
From abortion and gun rights to affirmative action and health care, the implications are potentially huge. The question is how marginal voters – undecided voters, soft supporters of one candidate or the other, or those unsure if they’ll vote at all – might be swayed by the court battle.
George Widman/AP/File View caption Hide caption Sen. Joe Biden walks with his wife, Jill, after announcing his first candidacy for president in 1987.
At midsummer, the enthusiasm gap between the nominees was wide. Some 66% of Trump supporters said they backed their candidate strongly, versus just 46% of Biden supporters who said the same of their candidate, according to a Pew Research Center poll. So, while being an acceptable alternative has its advantages, the relative lack of excitement over Mr. Biden could portend danger, too – the possibility that some of his voters don’t bother to turn out.
Alison Young, a Republican strategist based in Philadelphia, says the enthusiasm gap could be key. Even though Mr. Biden is more conventionally “likable,” she says, Trump supporters like the president’s “bombastic nature, that he goes after people.”
In the critical battleground state of Pennsylvania, Democrats have special concerns about turnout – specifically that the state’s vote-by-mail rules could suppress turnout by discouraging some people from even trying to vote.
For Mr. Biden, Pennsylvania has personal meaning. Though he and his family left Scranton amid financial difficulties when he was 10 years old, his “origin story” is very much tied to his place of birth. Out-of-town reporters reinforce the Scranton angle with regular visits, if only to make the city a stand-in for blue-collar America. CNN staged a town hall with Mr. Biden there Sept. 17.
There may be something to Mr. Biden’s outreach to white non-college-educated voters. In a mid-September Reuters poll, Mr. Trump’s edge among that demographic nationally had shrunk to 12 percentage points, well below his 34-point margin over Mrs. Clinton in 2016.
Getty Images/File View caption Hide caption Senator-elect Biden and his first wife, Neilia, cut his 30th birthday cake at a party in Wilmington, Delaware, on Nov. 20, 1972.
In Pennsylvania, an electorate that skews older also makes the state a stand-in for outreach to those over age 65. Notably, polls show Mr. Biden beating Mr. Trump among that cohort – a trend that, if it holds, would make him the first Democratic nominee to win voters over 65 in two decades.
But if Mr. Biden’s Scranton roots give him a lift in that part of Pennsylvania, that doesn’t necessarily help in other parts of the state.
“A lot of us see him as a guy from Delaware,” says Bill Werts, an engineer from Greensburg, Pennsylvania. “Most of us see him as a guy from Washington.”
Mr. Werts voted for Mr. Trump in 2016, but says he plans to vote for Mr. Biden in November, albeit without enthusiasm.
“Don’t get me wrong, he’s miles away from Donald Trump,” Mr. Werts continues, saying Mr. Biden has preferable values. “But the progress that needs to be made will not be made by Joe Biden. He’s a return to 2008, 2012, 1996. He is not the visionary that is needed.”
Will young Black voters turn out?
One critical bloc Democrats are eyeing nervously is young Black voters. In a July poll, American University researchers found that in six battleground states – Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Florida, and Georgia – only 47% of Black voters ages 18 to 29 plan to vote for Mr. Biden, compared with 70% of those ages 30 to 59 and 86% of those 60 and over.
It’s not that young Black voters are flocking to the president; it’s that many, 21%, won’t vote at all. Another 12% plan to vote for someone else, 12% aren’t sure, and 8% are for Mr. Trump.
Greg Gibson/AP/File View caption Hide caption Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Joe Biden points at Clarence Thomas during Supreme Court confirmation hearings in 1991. Mr. Biden has been criticized for mishandling the hearings, which included accusations of sexual harassment against Mr. Thomas by Anita Hill.
Some Democrats are having flashbacks to 2016, when 4.4 million Obama voters from 2012 stayed home – a third of them Black, according to data analysts. In an election that turned on just 77,000 votes in three states, that shift may have been decisive.
There’s also a gender gap among Black voters. A Wall Street Journal/NBC poll taken in March found that 24% of Black men approved of Mr. Trump, while just 6% of Black women did.
Democratic strategist Joel Payne points to younger, less-educated Black men as the “soft place” for Mr. Biden. Mr. Trump, he says, has a certain “cachet” with some in this bloc.
“There is a machismo that Trump has manufactured that can be attractive to some Black male voters,” says Mr. Payne, director of African American advertising for Mrs. Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign. “A not insignificant number of Black men were falsely conditioned to view Donald Trump as a stand-in for success before he was a political figure.”
And what about Mr. Biden’s comments that he could work with anyone in the Senate, even Southern segregationists in his early years? Or his support for 1994 crime legislation that is now considered unduly harsh, especially toward people of color?
Those were issues, along with busing to integrate schools, that California Democratic Sen. Kamala Harris attacked Mr. Biden for during the presidential primaries. Now Senator Harris is his running mate, the first woman of color to serve on a major party presidential ticket, and could help shore up Black support for Mr. Biden.
Charles Rex Arbogast/AP/File View caption Hide caption Presidential hopefuls Barack Obama and Mr. Biden share a laugh before a candidates forum in Chicago in August 2007.
More broadly, there’s little question Mr. Biden enjoys a deep reservoir of goodwill with many African Americans. Many feel a personal connection to the former vice president that’s about more than his eight years serving alongside former President Barack Obama. He also, they say, exudes a basic humanity.
Rep. Jim Clyburn of South Carolina – the No. 3 Democrat in the House and its highest-ranking African American – swooped in three days before his state’s crucial primary on Feb. 29 and endorsed Mr. Biden. Congressman Clyburn has been credited by some with rescuing the former VP’s candidacy.
In an interview, Mr. Clyburn insists it was all Mr. Biden. “First and foremost,” he says, “Biden has by and large been very sensitive – and I would say empathetic – to the life experiences of the African American voter.”
After the 2015 massacre at a Black church in Charleston, South Carolina, Mr. Biden attended services there. And in a Feb. 26 town hall, Mr. Biden had a breakout moment when he reconnected with a pastor whose wife died in the shooting.
Mr. Clyburn mentions how his wife, Emily, who died a year ago, used to talk regularly to Mr. Biden. “She told me, the party needs Joe Biden to carry the mantle against Trump,” he says. “So when I stood up for Joe, I was really doing what my wife told me to do.”
Mr. Clyburn recalls how his wife liked campaign billboards, which Mr. Biden apparently knew. A month ago, the congressman got a call from the former vice president: “I want to put some billboards up in honor of Emily,” he said, wanting to make sure it was OK.
“That’s the kind of guy he is,” Mr. Clyburn says. “He remembers those conversations.”
Family ties
As in many presidential campaigns, families are an issue. The Biden clan is as tight as they come. His sister, Valerie Biden Owens, has managed or advised all his campaigns from the very start of his political career. When he traveled the world as vice president, he often brought a grandchild along.
One of the more controversial aspects of Mr. Biden’s candidacy is his son Hunter Biden. If Beau Biden, the former vice president’s older son, was the golden child – attorney general of Delaware and Iraq War veteran – then Hunter is the one best known for murky business deals and a turbulent personal life. “Where’s Hunter?” is a regular Trump barb.
A GOP Senate report released Sept. 23 found that Hunter’s role at a Ukrainian energy company was “problematic,” but didn’t show that it influenced the then-vice president or U.S. policy toward Ukraine.
Of course, Mr. Trump’s own dealings with Ukraine – including an apparent request to get the Ukrainian government to investigate Vice President Biden – lay at the center of the president’s 2019 impeachment.
And relatives of powerful American politicians on both sides of the aisle have long had business interests that intersect with their family members’ government activities. The Trump family is awash in alleged conflicts of interest.
When asked by reporters last year about the business activities of both his son Hunter and his brothers, James and Frank, Mr. Biden promised “an absolute wall” between the government and his family’s financial interests if he’s elected president.
Richard Painter, former chief White House ethics lawyer under President George W. Bush, suggests the need for a “firewall” to protect the president.
“You just have very clear instructions,” says Mr. Painter, now a Democrat and law professor at the University of Minnesota.
Those instructions, he says, need to go to every political appointee throughout the administration: “They’re not to do business with members of the Biden family or people who drop the Biden family name or say that they’re business associates with Hunter Biden or Vice President Biden’s brothers.”
At home and abroad
Biden sightings around Wilmington, before the pandemic, contribute to his everyman image. One resident speaks of running into the former vice president and some grandchildren at Home Depot, buying a lamp at the self-checkout.
Democratic National Convention/AP View caption Hide caption Grandchildren of presidential candidate Joe Biden – including Finnegan, Hunter, Natalie, Naomi, and Maisy – lead the Pledge of Allegiance during the virtual Democratic National Convention on Aug. 17, 2020.
“He went about his purchase like any other customer, while also pausing for photos with some of the staff,” says the Wilmington resident, who works for the city and requested anonymity. “Delaware is a unique environment. Folks in power are also your neighbor.”
Mr. Biden’s profile also extends well beyond U.S. borders, going back decades, as a longtime member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Former Delaware Gov. Jack Markell tells of a trip he took to Bosnia many years ago, after the war there had ended. When he told his interpreter where he was from, she perked up.
“We know Delaware. We know Joe Biden,” she said, according to the former governor, a Democrat. “Joe Biden is the only one who stood up for us.”
Mr. Biden touts his international connections as a selling point to voters who like his promise to repair ties to allies and restore U.S. leadership on global issues, such as climate change and public health. Trump supporters counter that he’s been on the wrong side of some crucial decisions, including his vote against the Gulf War in 1991 and for the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, and his opposition to the raid that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011.
As a senator, Mr. Biden also had a habit of turning up in early presidential primary states. Former Republican Rep. Melissa Hart of Pennsylvania recalls running into then-Senator Biden in South Carolina around 2004, at a party at a horse track.
“He was a friendly guy,” says the former congresswoman, a Trump supporter. “I like Joe, and I think a lot of people like Joe.”
But, Ms. Hart adds, “we never would have gone to him to get something big done. He was very focused on his issues, on what would benefit Delaware.”
Retro or radical?
As a senator, Mr. Biden was part of the old boys’ network, most vividly on display when he presided over the 1992 confirmation hearing of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas. Mr. Biden is seen by many as having mishandled the accusations of sexual harassment by Anita Hill, and last year he called Ms. Hill to express his “regret.” At the time, Ms. Hill said the call left her unsatisfied. Recently, however, she said she plans to vote for him in November and would be willing to work with a President Biden on issues of sexual harassment and gender discrimination.
Mike Segar/Reuters/File View caption Hide caption Mr. Biden, the Democratic vice presidential candidate, stands with his mother, Jean, at the 2008 Democratic National Convention in Denver.
And even if Mr. Biden’s long membership in the clubby Senate hurts his image with some voters, others see it as a strength. He has a demonstrated ability to work in a bipartisan fashion and knows how the levers of power work, albeit in a system increasingly ground down by dysfunction and distrust.
The larger point may be that Mr. Biden, on his third and final attempt at the presidency, has slowly but surely moved into the 21st century. And sometimes he’s even been ahead of the game, as in 2012, when he endorsed same-sex marriage before Mr. Obama did.
“Retro or radical?” the cover of The Economist recently asked. The answer may be neither.
If he loses in November, conventional wisdom is likely to coalesce around the notion that being broadly “acceptable” is not enough.
But if he wins, the conclusion might be that in this age of extreme polarization – when partisans at both ends of the spectrum are invoking civil war and even cooler heads are wondering how the American experiment will survive – maybe a president who lowers the temperature offers the best way forward.
Young voters, in particular, seem skeptical of that idea.
“With younger millennials, there’s a distrust in Joe Biden,” says Mr. Payne, the Democratic strategist. “But there’s a distrust of everyone in Washington.”
Moe Vela, who advised the then-vice president on Latino and LGBTQ issues, hopes that stories of Mr. Biden’s decency can help break through the cynicism.
Four years after Mr. Vela left the White House, he got a call from Mr. Biden’s office: “We have something for you.” The vice president, who is Roman Catholic, had just met with Pope Francis at the Vatican, and had several sets of rosary beads blessed. He gave one to Mr. Vela.
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“I’m not a practicing Catholic anymore, but I will be buried with that rosary,” Mr. Vela says. “It’s more than a religious symbol. It’s about personal friendship, faith, and love.”
Staff writer Story Hinckley contributed to this article.


csmonitor--2020-09-29--Heat lamps and hot cider. Can restaurants survive a pandemic winter?

“ We can ’ t predict people ’ s behavior , ” says one restaurant owner .
“ We will have to continue to rely on our incredibly supportive community to stay alive.
” Now , as winter approaches , another hurdle looms .
Restaurants are hopeful for federal aid – and local support .
One in 6 restaurants in the United States have shuttered during the pandemic , and 40 % of those still open say that , without federal relief , they are likely to close within six months .
The National Restaurant Association forecasts that restaurants will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The nod to alfresco dining has provided critical relief to the restaurant industry , which has been hit especially hard by COVID-19 .
He is petitioning the city to extend the Nov. 1 deadline for reopening the street .
He ’ s also busy trying out heat lamps and curating new dishes for the takeout menu .
“ We can ’ t afford not to , ” says Arryan Decatur , of the East Ender , a New American bistro .
In Portland , Maine , where several downtown streets closed to traffic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stretch of dry , sun-drenched summer days that filled their plein-air tables and boosted bottom lines .
But as autumn ’ s chill moves in , they are looking ahead .
Guido Oppizzi hoped that State Street , the main thoroughfare in his adopted hometown of Santa Barbara , California , and home to his popular bistro , could someday become a pedestrian promenade reminiscent of the cafe-packed piazzas in his native Italy .
“ Then the pandemic hit , ” he says .
“ It wasn ’ t the way anyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but the city decided in May to close State Street – and that actually saved my restaurant.
” Outdoor seating at Oppi ’ z expanded from seating for four to 50 thanks to alfresco dining on State Street , which is now oozing with the European-style ambiance Mr. Oppizzi had dreamed of .
All over the United States – in other small cities like Boulder , Colorado ; and Portland , Maine ; to mega metropolises such as San Francisco , Chicago , Las Vegas , Miami , and New York – streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and parking spaces converted into “ parklets ” to create outdoor dining opportunities amid pandemic restrictions .
Even if restaurants in some cities have opened indoors , capacity is limited , and diners wary of indoor spaces often opt instead for takeout , which by itself can not keep restaurants afloat .
The nod to alfresco dining has provided critical relief to the restaurant industry , which has been especially hard hit by COVID-19 .
A National Restaurant Association survey recently found that 1 in 6 restaurants in the U.S. have shuttered during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still open say that , without federal relief , they are likely to close within six months .
The organization forecasts that restaurants will lose $ 240 billion this year .
Thousands of chefs and restaurant owners have formed a trade group , the Independent Restaurant Coalition , and are calling for a $ 120 billion grant to help them keep their stoves lit through 2020 .
But with the change of seasons , an air of uncertainty now looms .
Winter is coming , and for many in the restaurant industry , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Portland , Maine , where several downtown streets have closed to traffic since June 1 , restaurateurs are glad for the stretch of dry , sun-drenched summer days that filled their plein-air tables and boosted bottom lines .
But as autumn ’ s chill moves in , they are looking ahead .
“ We can ’ t afford not to , ” says Arryan Decatur , general manager of the East Ender , a New American bistro .
He and East Ender owner Karl Deuben , along with their neighbors , are petitioning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deadline for reopening the street .
He ’ s also busy trying out heat lamps , curating new dishes for the takeout menu , and researching ventilation systems for when they open their cozy , two-story restaurant .
No one can afford to sit idle .
Others are also pleading with city leaders for more time outdoors , and investing in tents , sophisticated air-filtration systems , and propane heat lamps .
Indeed , among the enormous challenges facing restaurateurs this year is the need to balance hospitality with new safety protocols and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Even in an outdoor setting , many health authorities advise that restaurants follow social distancing , staff wear masks ( and diners wear them when not seated ) , and cleanliness and sanitation remain on the front burner .
“ We have been as eager to create a fun experience as we have been careful in our planning , ” says Mr. Decatur .
For many restaurants , local communities have been a boon .
In Boston ’ s South End , where streets are heavily traveled and not easily closed to traffic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grassroots efforts .
At Frenchie , for example , owner Sandrine Rossi tried unsuccessfully for months to obtain a permit for outdoor seating .
Eventually , patrons in her neighborhood joined with the South End Business Alliance to clinch permits for four parking spaces in front of the French bistro , quadrupling seating from about eight to 30 .
“ I am so grateful to my community , ” says Ms. Rossi .
“ When the lockdown happened , I got really scared and thought I wouldn ’ t make it , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s such a blessing.
” Ms. Rossi and her husband are both from the south of France and would love to visit family there soon , but they don ’ t feel they can leave just yet .
With the change in seasons and the deadline approaching for reopening those parking spaces , she ’ s bracing for what ’ s next .
“ We can ’ t predict people ’ s behavior , ” she says .
“ We will have to continue to rely on our incredibly supportive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also helped buoy 11 restaurants in the predominantly Black neighborhood of Chatham on Chicago ’ s South Side thanks to the 75th Street Boardwalk Project , an initiative to transform this neighborhood into an attractive outdoor dining area .
Using $ 250,000 raised by the city and donors , local artists and community youth transformed plywood once used to board up restaurants during Black Lives Matter protests into material for lime-green parklets , which provide space for dining and children ’ s play areas .
Brown Sugar Bakery is one of the neighborhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the expanded seating and pretty , eye-catching spaces .
Co-owner Zoie Reams speaks glowingly of the project not just for its boost to her award-winning bakery , but also for the neighborhood .
“ I love that the wood is being used for something so positive and exciting , ” she says .
“ It ’ s transformed our community .
People don ’ t always think about how a community looks .
It can look desolate , but changes like these – lime-green paint , plants , games for kids – can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Perhaps no city has been more dramatically changed by pedestrianized streets than New York , where some 10,000 restaurants have opened outdoor dining on 87 streets and nine pedestrian plazas .
Many streets are only car-free for alfresco dining from Friday afternoons to Sunday nights , but the initiative has been a boon to restaurants and a much-needed morale boost for residents .
“ New York has done this so well , ” says Mike Lydon , founder of the urban planning organization Street Plans .
“ It ’ s not easy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything , but the city quickly realized it could not process and oversee every application , so it provided safety criteria that restaurants had to meet and then let them self-certify .
Permits could then be issued in just a couple of days.
” The initiative , he says , has boosted restaurants , as well as access to public spaces , a sense of community , and basic livability .
“ New York was brutalized by the pandemic in March , and there was still a lot of trauma in May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York being New York , the city has a strong sense of identity and a spirit that we ’ re here for the collective good , so people have been sticking to the program , wearing masks on the subway and all.
” Mr. Lydon is optimistic that when restaurants can open indoors at 25 % capacity on Sept. 30 , as was recently announced , it will help business when the temperatures turn nippy .
“ Everyone knows , though , that won ’ t be enough , ” he says @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to follow the lead of Nordic countries and dine outside in January if he can sit beside a heat lamp wrapped in a blanket .
This will now be an option , as the city recently announced that outdoor dining , originally scheduled to end Oct. 31 , will be permitted year-round .
Fellow New Yorker Henry Rinehart , a former restaurant owner , also hopes diners will adopt this Scandinavian model to support restaurateurs .
“ In so-called normal times , ” he explains , “ restaurant folks are highly motivated , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health , and this year , they ’ ve demonstrated those qualities even more than ever.
” “ If we as consumers can treat food-service workers as our partners and do whatever we can to support them , even if it means bundling up , ” he adds , “ there ’ s a pretty good chance for a happy-ish ending.
” Editor ’ s note : As a public service , we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories .

“We can’t predict people’s behavior,” says one restaurant owner. “We will have to continue to rely on our incredibly supportive community to stay alive.”
Now, as winter approaches, another hurdle looms. Restaurants are hopeful for federal aid – and local support.
One in 6 restaurants in the United States have shuttered during the pandemic, and 40% of those still open say that, without federal relief, they are likely to close within six months. The National Restaurant Association forecasts that restaurants will lose $240 billion this year.
The nod to alfresco dining has provided critical relief to the restaurant industry, which has been hit especially hard by COVID-19.
He is petitioning the city to extend the Nov. 1 deadline for reopening the street. He’s also busy trying out heat lamps and curating new dishes for the takeout menu.
Outdoor dining and street closures have buoyed the embattled restaurant industry. But as winter threatens the alfresco appeal, restaurants are hopeful that ingenuity, federal aid, and community support will help them survive.
“We can’t afford not to,” says Arryan Decatur, of the East Ender, a New American bistro.
In Portland, Maine, where several downtown streets closed to traffic this summer, restaurateurs are glad for the stretch of dry, sun-drenched summer days that filled their plein-air tables and boosted bottom lines. But as autumn’s chill moves in, they are looking ahead.
Guido Oppizzi hoped that State Street, the main thoroughfare in his adopted hometown of Santa Barbara, California, and home to his popular bistro, could someday become a pedestrian promenade reminiscent of the cafe-packed piazzas in his native Italy.
“Then the pandemic hit,” he says. “It wasn’t the way anyone would have wanted it to happen, but the city decided in May to close State Street – and that actually saved my restaurant.”
Outdoor seating at Oppi’z expanded from seating for four to 50 thanks to alfresco dining on State Street, which is now oozing with the European-style ambiance Mr. Oppizzi had dreamed of.
Why We Wrote This Outdoor dining and street closures have buoyed the embattled restaurant industry. But as winter threatens the alfresco appeal, restaurants are hopeful that ingenuity, federal aid, and community support will help them survive.
All over the United States – in other small cities like Boulder, Colorado; and Portland, Maine; to mega metropolises such as San Francisco, Chicago, Las Vegas, Miami, and New York – streets have been closed, sidewalks opened, and parking spaces converted into “parklets” to create outdoor dining opportunities amid pandemic restrictions.
Even if restaurants in some cities have opened indoors, capacity is limited, and diners wary of indoor spaces often opt instead for takeout, which by itself cannot keep restaurants afloat.
The nod to alfresco dining has provided critical relief to the restaurant industry, which has been especially hard hit by COVID-19.
A National Restaurant Association survey recently found that 1 in 6 restaurants in the U.S. have shuttered during the pandemic and 40% of those still open say that, without federal relief, they are likely to close within six months. The organization forecasts that restaurants will lose $240 billion this year.
Thousands of chefs and restaurant owners have formed a trade group, the Independent Restaurant Coalition, and are calling for a $120 billion grant to help them keep their stoves lit through 2020.
But with the change of seasons, an air of uncertainty now looms. Winter is coming, and for many in the restaurant industry, it brings a deeper chill.
In Portland, Maine, where several downtown streets have closed to traffic since June 1, restaurateurs are glad for the stretch of dry, sun-drenched summer days that filled their plein-air tables and boosted bottom lines. But as autumn’s chill moves in, they are looking ahead.
“We can’t afford not to,” says Arryan Decatur, general manager of the East Ender, a New American bistro.
He and East Ender owner Karl Deuben, along with their neighbors, are petitioning the city to extend the Nov. 1 deadline for reopening the street. He’s also busy trying out heat lamps, curating new dishes for the takeout menu, and researching ventilation systems for when they open their cozy, two-story restaurant.
Carlo Allegri/Reuters View caption Hide caption People eat at a mostly empty restaurant with tables on the street, in the financial district during the coronavirus pandemic in the Manhattan borough of New York City, New York, September 9, 2020.
No one can afford to sit idle. Others are also pleading with city leaders for more time outdoors, and investing in tents, sophisticated air-filtration systems, and propane heat lamps.
Indeed, among the enormous challenges facing restaurateurs this year is the need to balance hospitality with new safety protocols and also to plan for seasonal changes. Even in an outdoor setting, many health authorities advise that restaurants follow social distancing, staff wear masks (and diners wear them when not seated), and cleanliness and sanitation remain on the front burner.
“We have been as eager to create a fun experience as we have been careful in our planning,” says Mr. Decatur.
“Grateful to my community”
For many restaurants, local communities have been a boon.
In Boston’s South End, where streets are heavily traveled and not easily closed to traffic, some restaurants got a boost from grassroots efforts.
At Frenchie, for example, owner Sandrine Rossi tried unsuccessfully for months to obtain a permit for outdoor seating. Eventually, patrons in her neighborhood joined with the South End Business Alliance to clinch permits for four parking spaces in front of the French bistro, quadrupling seating from about eight to 30.
“I am so grateful to my community,” says Ms. Rossi. “When the lockdown happened, I got really scared and thought I wouldn’t make it, but today we’re in good shape. It’s such a blessing.”
Ms. Rossi and her husband are both from the south of France and would love to visit family there soon, but they don’t feel they can leave just yet. With the change in seasons and the deadline approaching for reopening those parking spaces, she’s bracing for what’s next.
“We can’t predict people’s behavior,” she says. “We will have to continue to rely on our incredibly supportive community to stay alive.”
Grassroots efforts also helped buoy 11 restaurants in the predominantly Black neighborhood of Chatham on Chicago’s South Side thanks to the 75th Street Boardwalk Project, an initiative to transform this neighborhood into an attractive outdoor dining area.
Using $250,000 raised by the city and donors, local artists and community youth transformed plywood once used to board up restaurants during Black Lives Matter protests into material for lime-green parklets, which provide space for dining and children’s play areas.
Brown Sugar Bakery is one of the neighborhood’s businesses that has benefited from the expanded seating and pretty, eye-catching spaces. Co-owner Zoie Reams speaks glowingly of the project not just for its boost to her award-winning bakery, but also for the neighborhood.
“I love that the wood is being used for something so positive and exciting,” she says. “It’s transformed our community. People don’t always think about how a community looks. It can look desolate, but changes like these – lime-green paint, plants, games for kids – can really change one’s mindset.”
“A happy-ish ending”
Perhaps no city has been more dramatically changed by pedestrianized streets than New York, where some 10,000 restaurants have opened outdoor dining on 87 streets and nine pedestrian plazas. Many streets are only car-free for alfresco dining from Friday afternoons to Sunday nights, but the initiative has been a boon to restaurants and a much-needed morale boost for residents.
“New York has done this so well,” says Mike Lydon, founder of the urban planning organization Street Plans. “It’s not easy in this huge city to get permission to do anything, but the city quickly realized it could not process and oversee every application, so it provided safety criteria that restaurants had to meet and then let them self-certify. Permits could then be issued in just a couple of days.”
The initiative, he says, has boosted restaurants, as well as access to public spaces, a sense of community, and basic livability.
“New York was brutalized by the pandemic in March, and there was still a lot of trauma in May,” he says. “But New York being New York, the city has a strong sense of identity and a spirit that we’re here for the collective good, so people have been sticking to the program, wearing masks on the subway and all.”
Mr. Lydon is optimistic that when restaurants can open indoors at 25% capacity on Sept. 30, as was recently announced, it will help business when the temperatures turn nippy.
“Everyone knows, though, that won’t be enough,” he says, adding that he’s game to follow the lead of Nordic countries and dine outside in January if he can sit beside a heat lamp wrapped in a blanket.
This will now be an option, as the city recently announced that outdoor dining, originally scheduled to end Oct. 31, will be permitted year-round.
Fellow New Yorker Henry Rinehart, a former restaurant owner, also hopes diners will adopt this Scandinavian model to support restaurateurs. “In so-called normal times,” he explains, “restaurant folks are highly motivated, compliant, and careful guardians of public health, and this year, they’ve demonstrated those qualities even more than ever.”
“If we as consumers can treat food-service workers as our partners and do whatever we can to support them, even if it means bundling up,” he adds, “there’s a pretty good chance for a happy-ish ending.”
Editor’s note: As a public service, we have removed our paywall for all pandemic-related stories.


csmonitor--2020-09-29--Despite pandemic, three LA college students pursue their dreams

All three are taking steps to finish their education and improve their situations .
But their focus isn ’ t solely on themselves .
While frightened by racial profiling and harassment , one recognizes that race relations are more nuanced than black and white .
Another helps immigrants with Temporary Protected Status who live in limbo regarding their legal status .
The third , comparing South Korea and America , sees the value of collective well-being over individual gain .
As one of them puts it , “ We could be doing a much better job if we would all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as important as our own.
” Imagine trying to learn remotely without a computer , or getting accepted into your dream school but then having to “ attend ” it from home .
Or perhaps you pushed pause on your education to join the military – two days after your wedding .
Now you ’ re stuck on a base on the other side of the world due to pandemic-related restrictions .
Those are true stories for three 20-somethings .
Though from different backgrounds , they all share one thing in common – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reconnect with them during the pandemic .
What did she find ?
Dreams deferred but not destroyed .
In his poem “ Harlem , ” African American poet Langston Hughes describes what could go wrong when hopes and aspirations are interrupted – or sidelined altogether – because of powerful forces beyond one ’ s control .
But the young people of color I ’ ve talked with – former students of mine at Compton College – aren ’ t giving up on their dreams , despite the detours they ’ ve encountered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but a love of learning Racheal Gaffney , 27 , a biracial restaurant cashier , has put her dream of earning an associate degree on the back burner for now .
A lover of contemporary art museums and Kabuki theater , Racheal stopped attending school because most of the colleges in her home state of California have gone to online learning and she doesn ’ t have a computer .
For the time being , Racheal works part time , hangs out with friends , and dotes on her 2-year-old niece , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ferociously , especially posts about the ongoing demonstrations against police brutality and in favor of the Black Lives Matter movement .
“ I proudly wear a BLM T-shirt and dare a Karen to get in my face , ” Racheal laughs , referring to the slang term for white women who assert their racial privilege , sometimes by falsely accusing nonwhites of wrongdoing .
The steady barrage of news stories about Black people being killed by police has made Racheal fearful of being racially profiled and harassed .
And the pandemic has forced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead of being out and about as much as she used to be .
That ’ s not all bad , though .
Racheal says she feels more comfortable “ around my people – Blacks and Mexicans.
” Yet she recognizes that race relations are nuanced .
“ I know not all white people are racist , ” she says .
“ In fact , I saw a sign painted on the side of a house in the white area of Redondo Beach that said , ‘ No justice , no peace.
’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of letting this delay in her schooling stop her from graduating .
She is saving up to buy a laptop and plans to return to college .
Stephanie Zacatares , 23 , is persevering , too .
She was shocked when she found out her dream school , University of California , Santa Barbara had shut down on-campus classes because of the pandemic .
That meant she would likely complete her undergraduate studies via remote learning from her home in Los Angeles .
Despite this change in circumstances , Stephanie still plans to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Stephanie ’ s father , Mario , inspired her passion for social justice .
“ My dad is a TPS [ Temporary Protected Status ] holder from El Salvador and has had TPS for over 20 years .
He is currently awaiting his green card and hopefully will finally become a U.S. resident.
” The road for TPS recipients recently became more precarious when the Trump administration ended TPS status for people from El Salvador , Haiti , Nicaragua , and Sudan .
However , a lawsuit opposing the decision has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of it for now .
Stephanie doesn ’ t think the ruling will affect her father , but she believes immigrants overall would be treated more fairly under a different administration .
“ For the past four years , the current president has demonstrated through his actions and his words [ that ] he is not willing to work with undocumented immigrants , ” Stephanie says , “ especially not people of color.
” Outside of school , Stephanie works with the National TPS Alliance , an advocacy group formed , as its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Protected Status for all beneficiaries ... and to devise legislation that creates a path to permanent residency ... ” Overall , she says , “ We could be doing a much better job if we would all agree that others ’ safety is just as important as our own.
” That conviction drives her determination not to let the pandemic prevent her from achieving her goals .
She may have lost the rich campus experience she ’ d hoped for , but she ’ s not giving up on her higher education .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world in South Korea , demonstrators took to the streets in solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement and in acknowledgement of the racism immigrants experience there .
That ’ s the context where U.S. Army Specialist Anthony Caro , 23 , finds himself living out his dream .
Always on a fast track , Anthony began taking community college classes at the age of 16 , went on to study philosophy at UC Berkeley for a couple of years , and is currently taking online classes at Arizona State University .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ married Mitzi Pérez-Caro , a teacher .
He entered the military two days later .
“ Because of the pandemic , I ’ m restricted to staying on base here at Camp Humphreys , ” he explains .
“ l haven ’ t seen my wife … since February .
...
I had plans to travel all [ around ] Asia , but those were put on hold .
My Mexican grandparents were also due to visit me , but those plans have been postponed for now.
” Because of the high number @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Anthony is not allowed to travel home to California either , but he finds a lot to appreciate about his current location .
“ South Korea is a very disciplined country , ” he says .
While South Korea was in shelter in place , the United States was still fighting over toilet paper .
People here think of the collective rather than just of themselves.
” That focus on the collective rings true to Anthony .
It ’ s part of the reason he founded Citizens Power Network , a nonprofit educating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civic engagement .
Doing what ’ s best for others also helps him make peace with the roadblocks the pandemic has put in his path .
Even if his military experience isn ’ t exactly what he ’ d imagined , he ’ s still living his dream of being a soldier .
Editor ’ s note : As a public service , all our pandemic coverage is free .

With education and career plans derailed by the pandemic, college students have drawn on reserves of resilience they didn’t know they had. Meet three who, despite delays and disappointments, are doing what it takes to complete their degrees.
All three are taking steps to finish their education and improve their situations. But their focus isn’t solely on themselves. While frightened by racial profiling and harassment, one recognizes that race relations are more nuanced than black and white. Another helps immigrants with Temporary Protected Status who live in limbo regarding their legal status. The third, comparing South Korea and America, sees the value of collective well-being over individual gain. As one of them puts it, “We could be doing a much better job if we would all agree that others’ safety is just as important as our own.”
Imagine trying to learn remotely without a computer, or getting accepted into your dream school but then having to “attend” it from home. Or perhaps you pushed pause on your education to join the military – two days after your wedding. Now you’re stuck on a base on the other side of the world due to pandemic-related restrictions. Those are true stories for three 20-somethings. Though from different backgrounds, they all share one thing in common – a community college instructor who cared enough to reconnect with them during the pandemic. What did she find? Dreams deferred but not destroyed.
In his poem “Harlem,” African American poet Langston Hughes describes what could go wrong when hopes and aspirations are interrupted – or sidelined altogether – because of powerful forces beyond one’s control. But the young people of color I’ve talked with – former students of mine at Compton College – aren’t giving up on their dreams, despite the detours they’ve encountered due to the pandemic.
No computer, but a love of learning
Racheal Gaffney, 27, a biracial restaurant cashier, has put her dream of earning an associate degree on the back burner for now. A lover of contemporary art museums and Kabuki theater, Racheal stopped attending school because most of the colleges in her home state of California have gone to online learning and she doesn’t have a computer.
Why We Wrote This With education and career plans derailed by the pandemic, college students have drawn on reserves of resilience they didn’t know they had. Meet three who, despite delays and disappointments, are doing what it takes to complete their degrees.
For the time being, Racheal works part time, hangs out with friends, and dotes on her 2-year-old niece, Royalty. She also consumes social media ferociously, especially posts about the ongoing demonstrations against police brutality and in favor of the Black Lives Matter movement.
“I proudly wear a BLM T-shirt and dare a Karen to get in my face,” Racheal laughs, referring to the slang term for white women who assert their racial privilege, sometimes by falsely accusing nonwhites of wrongdoing. The steady barrage of news stories about Black people being killed by police has made Racheal fearful of being racially profiled and harassed. And the pandemic has forced her to stay in close quarters, instead of being out and about as much as she used to be. That’s not all bad, though. Racheal says she feels more comfortable “around my people – Blacks and Mexicans.”
Yet she recognizes that race relations are nuanced. “I know not all white people are racist,” she says. “In fact, I saw a sign painted on the side of a house in the white area of Redondo Beach that said, ‘No justice, no peace.’”
Racheal says she has no intention of letting this delay in her schooling stop her from graduating. She is saving up to buy a laptop and plans to return to college.
Still law school bound
Courtesy of Robyn McGee View caption Hide caption Stephanie Zacatares and her father attend Compton College instructor Robyn McGee's book signing. Ms. Zacatares now attends UC Santa Barbara remotely. After the pandemic hit, she moved back home with her family in Los Angeles and advocates for Temporary Protected Status for immigrants.
Stephanie Zacatares, 23, is persevering, too. She was shocked when she found out her dream school, University of California, Santa Barbara had shut down on-campus classes because of the pandemic. That meant she would likely complete her undergraduate studies via remote learning from her home in Los Angeles. Despite this change in circumstances, Stephanie still plans to attend law school and become a lawyer.
Stephanie’s father, Mario, inspired her passion for social justice. “My dad is a TPS [Temporary Protected Status] holder from El Salvador and has had TPS for over 20 years. He is currently awaiting his green card and hopefully will finally become a U.S. resident.”
The road for TPS recipients recently became more precarious when the Trump administration ended TPS status for people from El Salvador, Haiti, Nicaragua, and Sudan. However, a lawsuit opposing the decision has been filed and an injunction has halted implementation of it for now. Stephanie doesn’t think the ruling will affect her father, but she believes immigrants overall would be treated more fairly under a different administration.
“For the past four years, the current president has demonstrated through his actions and his words [that] he is not willing to work with undocumented immigrants,” Stephanie says, “especially not people of color.”
Outside of school, Stephanie works with the National TPS Alliance, an advocacy group formed, as its website explains, “to save Temporary Protected Status for all beneficiaries ... and to devise legislation that creates a path to permanent residency ...”
Overall, she says, “We could be doing a much better job if we would all agree that others’ safety is just as important as our own.”
That conviction drives her determination not to let the pandemic prevent her from achieving her goals. She may have lost the rich campus experience she’d hoped for, but she’s not giving up on her higher education.
Always moving forward
Meanwhile, on the other side of the world in South Korea, demonstrators took to the streets in solidarity with the Black Lives Matter movement and in acknowledgement of the racism immigrants experience there. That’s the context where U.S. Army Specialist Anthony Caro, 23, finds himself living out his dream.
Courtesy of Anthony Caro View caption Hide caption Anthony Caro, a former humanities student at Compton College in Los Angeles, is serving in the U.S. military in Seoul, Korea, where he says he sees the virtues of focusing on collective well-being in a pandemic.
Always on a fast track, Anthony began taking community college classes at the age of 16, went on to study philosophy at UC Berkeley for a couple of years, and is currently taking online classes at Arizona State University. On Nov. 18, 2018, Anthony married Mitzi Pérez-Caro, a teacher. He entered the military two days later.
“Because of the pandemic, I’m restricted to staying on base here at Camp Humphreys,” he explains. “l haven’t seen my wife … since February. ... I had plans to travel all [around] Asia, but those were put on hold. My Mexican grandparents were also due to visit me, but those plans have been postponed for now.”
Because of the high number of COVID-19 cases in the U.S., Anthony is not allowed to travel home to California either, but he finds a lot to appreciate about his current location. “South Korea is a very disciplined country,” he says. While South Korea was in shelter in place, the United States was still fighting over toilet paper. People here think of the collective rather than just of themselves.”
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That focus on the collective rings true to Anthony. It’s part of the reason he founded Citizens Power Network, a nonprofit educating citizens about the importance of voting and civic engagement. Doing what’s best for others also helps him make peace with the roadblocks the pandemic has put in his path. Even if his military experience isn’t exactly what he’d imagined, he’s still living his dream of being a soldier.
Editor’s note: As a public service, all our pandemic coverage is free.


csmonitor--2020-09-29--Kuwait's Sheikh Sabah remembered for his diplomatic approach

Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Sabah , the ruler of Kuwait who died Tuesday , drew on his decades of experience as the oil-rich nation ’ s top diplomat to push for closer ties to Iraq after the 1990 Gulf War and solutions to other regional crises .
Sheikh Sabah stood out for his efforts at pushing for diplomacy to resolve a bitter dispute between Qatar and other Arab nations that continues to this day .
His 2006 ascension in Kuwait , a staunch U.S. ally since the American-led war that expelled occupying Iraqi troops , came after parliament voted unanimously to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saad al-Abdullah al-Sabah , just nine days into his rule .
Yet as Kuwait ’ s ruling emir , he struggled with internal political disputes , the fallout of the 2011 Arab Spring protests , and seesawing crude oil prices that chewed into a national budget providing cradle-to-grave subsidies .
“ He represents the older generation of Gulf leaders who valued discretion and moderation and the importance of personal ties amongst fellow monarchs , ” said Kristin Diwan , a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington who studies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suffered from the lack of deference and respect shown by the younger and more brash young princes holding power today.
” State television announced his death after playing Quranic prayers , with Royal Court Minister Sheikh Ali Jarrah al-Sabah reading a brief statement , his hands shaking .
“ With great sadness and sorrow , the Kuwaiti people , the Arab and Islamic nations , and the friendly peoples of the world mourn the death of the late His Highness Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber al-Sabah , emir of the state of Kuwait who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” the sheikh said .
Sheikh Sabah is expected to be succeeded by his half brother , the crown prince Sheikh Nawaf al-Ahmad al-Sabah .
The high regard for Sheikh Sabah could be seen in the outpouring of support for him across the Mideast as he suddenly fell ill in July 2020 , leading to a quick hospitalization and surgery in Kuwait City amid the ongoing coronavirus pandemic .
Authorities did not say what ailed him .
A United States Air Force C-17 flying hospital then transported Sheikh Sabah from Kuwait to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flagship campus of the Mayo Clinic – an extraordinary gesture by the American government for a foreign head of state .
The Mayo Clinic did not immediately respond to requests for comment .
Sheikh Sabah ’ s life spanned two very different Kuwaits .
He was born June 16 , 1929 , just as the country ’ s pearl-diving industry would collapse .
Within the decade , Kuwait would strike oil .
Engineers would eventually confirm that the tiny country , slightly smaller than the U.S. state of New Jersey , had the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Sheikh Sabah became Kuwait ’ s foreign minister in 1963 after holding a number of other governmental posts .
He would remain in that position for four decades , making him one of the world ’ s longest-serving foreign ministers .
His country ’ s greatest crisis came in 1990 , when Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait and occupied the nation for seven months .
Fleeing with other Kuwaiti officials to neighboring Saudi Arabia , Sheikh Sabah collapsed and lost consciousness at one particularly stormy meeting of Arab leaders .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and their allies stormed into Kuwait .
It ended 100 hours later .
The United States suffered only 148 combat deaths during the whole campaign , while over 20,000 Iraqi soldiers were killed .
Even before the U.S. entered Kuwait , Sheikh Sabah and others began suggesting a permanent American presence in the region might provide them protection from Iraq and others .
“ One learns from the past and learns about it for the future , ” Sheikh Sabah reportedly said .
“ One has to consider arrangements that would make not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whole area stable.
” Today , Kuwait hosts some 13,500 American troops , many at Camp Arifjan south of Kuwait City , which is also home to the forward command of U.S. Army Central .
In 2003 , his half brother and Kuwait ’ s then-emir , Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmad al-Sabah , named Sheikh Sabah as the country ’ s prime minister .
Although the move kept members of the Sabah family firmly in control of Kuwait , it was seen as a modest step toward reform as it marked the first time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crown prince – the next in line to the throne – were split .
It also formalized Sheikh Sabah ’ s role in running the daily affairs of the country – a responsibility he had increasingly assumed while the former prime minister , Sheikh Saad , had health problems .
Despite those health problems , Sheikh Saad took power in 2006 after the death of Sheikh Jaber .
Concerns mounted during his brief reign as he was seen in public only in a wheelchair and did not speak .
Parliament ended up voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , following a similar Cabinet decision .
Sheikh Saad then submitted a letter of resignation .
The vote , while largely symbolic , marked a small victory for democracy among the autocratic Gulf Arab states .
It was the first time in Kuwait ’ s history that the legislature had a role in choosing the emir .
“ Sheikh Sabah proved a savvy player of the internal politics of the ruling family , ” Ms. Diwan said .
Domestically , Sheikh Sabah faced the challenge of falling oil prices in recent years .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ kept questioning appointed government ministers , some of them members of his extended family .
As the 2011 Arab Spring swept the region , Sheikh Sabah ordered $ 3,559 grants and free food coupons for every Kuwaiti .
But allegations swirled at the time that some lawmakers had been bribed $ 350 million by the government to sway their votes , along with rumors that they were involved in embezzling state funds .
Amid strikes and confrontations with police , protesters briefly entered parliament , waving flags , and singing the country ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maintained power while still allowing protests , a rarity among Gulf leaders .
Internationally , Sheikh Sabah embraced Iraq after the U.S.-led 2003 invasion that toppled Saddam .
He twice visited the country and helped Iraq and Kuwait reach a $ 500 million deal in 2012 to settle a long-running legal dispute between their state airlines over allegations of large-scale theft by Saddam .
The emir also hosted a summit in 2018 that saw $ 30 billion pledged to help rebuild Iraq after the war against the Islamic State group .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reparations from Saddam ’ s 1990 invasion .
Sheikh Sabah also played a role in raising aid funds for Syrians suffering as a result of that country ’ s civil war , hosting international donor conferences in 2013 and 2014 , and pledging hundreds of millions of dollars of Kuwaiti wealth .
One of his greatest challenges as a diplomat , however , came with the boycott of Qatar by four Arab nations that began in 2017 .
Sheikh Sabah positioned himself as a mediator for the political dispute , which he warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could have led to an armed conflict .
“ Thank God , now , what is important is that we have stopped any military action , ” Sheikh Sabah said .
Those mediation efforts have yet to resolve the crisis , but he did manage to get Qatar ’ s prime minister to shake hands on live television with Saudi King Salman at a 2019 meeting in Mecca .
“ We believe that wisdom will prevail , ” Sheikh Sabah once said .
A longtime widower , Sheikh Sabah lived for years in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which was named after his daughter Salwa , who died in 2002 .
He is survived by two sons .
This story was reported by The Associated Press .
AP writer Isabel DeBre contributed to this report .

Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Sabah, the ruler of Kuwait who died Tuesday, drew on his decades of experience as the oil-rich nation’s top diplomat to push for closer ties to Iraq after the 1990 Gulf War and solutions to other regional crises.
Sheikh Sabah stood out for his efforts at pushing for diplomacy to resolve a bitter dispute between Qatar and other Arab nations that continues to this day.
His 2006 ascension in Kuwait, a staunch U.S. ally since the American-led war that expelled occupying Iraqi troops, came after parliament voted unanimously to oust his predecessor, the ailing Sheikh Saad al-Abdullah al-Sabah, just nine days into his rule.
Yet as Kuwait’s ruling emir, he struggled with internal political disputes, the fallout of the 2011 Arab Spring protests, and seesawing crude oil prices that chewed into a national budget providing cradle-to-grave subsidies.
“He represents the older generation of Gulf leaders who valued discretion and moderation and the importance of personal ties amongst fellow monarchs,” said Kristin Diwan, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington who studies Kuwait. “No question he has suffered from the lack of deference and respect shown by the younger and more brash young princes holding power today.”
State television announced his death after playing Quranic prayers, with Royal Court Minister Sheikh Ali Jarrah al-Sabah reading a brief statement, his hands shaking.
“With great sadness and sorrow, the Kuwaiti people, the Arab and Islamic nations, and the friendly peoples of the world mourn the death of the late His Highness Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber al-Sabah, emir of the state of Kuwait who moved to the realm of the Lord,” the sheikh said.
Sheikh Sabah is expected to be succeeded by his half brother, the crown prince Sheikh Nawaf al-Ahmad al-Sabah.
The high regard for Sheikh Sabah could be seen in the outpouring of support for him across the Mideast as he suddenly fell ill in July 2020, leading to a quick hospitalization and surgery in Kuwait City amid the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. Authorities did not say what ailed him.
A United States Air Force C-17 flying hospital then transported Sheikh Sabah from Kuwait to Rochester, Minnesota, home of the flagship campus of the Mayo Clinic – an extraordinary gesture by the American government for a foreign head of state. The Mayo Clinic did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Sheikh Sabah’s life spanned two very different Kuwaits. He was born June 16, 1929, just as the country’s pearl-diving industry would collapse. Within the decade, Kuwait would strike oil. Engineers would eventually confirm that the tiny country, slightly smaller than the U.S. state of New Jersey, had the world’s sixth-largest known oil reserves.
Sheikh Sabah became Kuwait’s foreign minister in 1963 after holding a number of other governmental posts. He would remain in that position for four decades, making him one of the world’s longest-serving foreign ministers.
His country’s greatest crisis came in 1990, when Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait and occupied the nation for seven months. Fleeing with other Kuwaiti officials to neighboring Saudi Arabia, Sheikh Sabah collapsed and lost consciousness at one particularly stormy meeting of Arab leaders.
On Feb. 24, 1991, U.S. troops and their allies stormed into Kuwait. It ended 100 hours later. The United States suffered only 148 combat deaths during the whole campaign, while over 20,000 Iraqi soldiers were killed.
Even before the U.S. entered Kuwait, Sheikh Sabah and others began suggesting a permanent American presence in the region might provide them protection from Iraq and others.
“One learns from the past and learns about it for the future,” Sheikh Sabah reportedly said. “One has to consider arrangements that would make not only my country stable but make the whole area stable.”
Today, Kuwait hosts some 13,500 American troops, many at Camp Arifjan south of Kuwait City, which is also home to the forward command of U.S. Army Central.
In 2003, his half brother and Kuwait’s then-emir, Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmad al-Sabah, named Sheikh Sabah as the country’s prime minister. Although the move kept members of the Sabah family firmly in control of Kuwait, it was seen as a modest step toward reform as it marked the first time that the roles of prime minister and crown prince – the next in line to the throne – were split.
It also formalized Sheikh Sabah’s role in running the daily affairs of the country – a responsibility he had increasingly assumed while the former prime minister, Sheikh Saad, had health problems.
Despite those health problems, Sheikh Saad took power in 2006 after the death of Sheikh Jaber. Concerns mounted during his brief reign as he was seen in public only in a wheelchair and did not speak.
Parliament ended up voting 64-0 to have Sheikh Sabah become emir, following a similar Cabinet decision. Sheikh Saad then submitted a letter of resignation. The vote, while largely symbolic, marked a small victory for democracy among the autocratic Gulf Arab states. It was the first time in Kuwait’s history that the legislature had a role in choosing the emir.
“Sheikh Sabah proved a savvy player of the internal politics of the ruling family,” Ms. Diwan said.
Domestically, Sheikh Sabah faced the challenge of falling oil prices in recent years. He dissolved parliament several times as lawmakers kept questioning appointed government ministers, some of them members of his extended family.
As the 2011 Arab Spring swept the region, Sheikh Sabah ordered $3,559 grants and free food coupons for every Kuwaiti. But allegations swirled at the time that some lawmakers had been bribed $350 million by the government to sway their votes, along with rumors that they were involved in embezzling state funds.
Amid strikes and confrontations with police, protesters briefly entered parliament, waving flags, and singing the country’s national anthem. Sheikh Sabah nevertheless maintained power while still allowing protests, a rarity among Gulf leaders.
Internationally, Sheikh Sabah embraced Iraq after the U.S.-led 2003 invasion that toppled Saddam. He twice visited the country and helped Iraq and Kuwait reach a $500 million deal in 2012 to settle a long-running legal dispute between their state airlines over allegations of large-scale theft by Saddam.
The emir also hosted a summit in 2018 that saw $30 billion pledged to help rebuild Iraq after the war against the Islamic State group.
That’s even as Iraq still owes Kuwait reparations from Saddam’s 1990 invasion.
Sheikh Sabah also played a role in raising aid funds for Syrians suffering as a result of that country’s civil war, hosting international donor conferences in 2013 and 2014, and pledging hundreds of millions of dollars of Kuwaiti wealth.
One of his greatest challenges as a diplomat, however, came with the boycott of Qatar by four Arab nations that began in 2017. Sheikh Sabah positioned himself as a mediator for the political dispute, which he warned in a White House appearance in 2017 could have led to an armed conflict.
“Thank God, now, what is important is that we have stopped any military action,” Sheikh Sabah said.
Those mediation efforts have yet to resolve the crisis, but he did manage to get Qatar’s prime minister to shake hands on live television with Saudi King Salman at a 2019 meeting in Mecca.
“We believe that wisdom will prevail,” Sheikh Sabah once said.
Get stories that
empower and uplift daily. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Policy Already a subscriber? Log in to hide ads.
A longtime widower, Sheikh Sabah lived for years in a palace known as Dar Salwa, which was named after his daughter Salwa, who died in 2002. He is survived by two sons.
This story was reported by The Associated Press. AP writer Isabel DeBre contributed to this report.