thebulwark--2020-08-28--International Conservatism Needs Trump to Lose

Presidential elections in the United States invariably attract a lot of foreign attention .
This is confusing to many Americans , who rarely follow other countries ’ elections .
Why should foreigners care how you vote ?
One big reason is that American politics is just more entertaining than politics in most European countries : You have primary elections and midterm elections , which provide for off-season excitement that would overwhelm my Swedish compatriots .
And you have attack ads .
I ’ m not saying that your insanely divided political climate is necessarily healthier than ours , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every American presidential election campaign since 2004 , when I was 13 years old .
Unlike most teenagers from the north of Sweden ( the heartland of the Swedish left ) , I always rooted for the GOP .
Until 2016 , that is .
I ’ m not going to rehash all the reasons the orange man is bad .
Instead , I ’ m going to tell you a strange story of the unexpected transatlantic appeal of Donald Trump .
Four years ago , Sweden was in the midst of something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the conservative-Euroskeptic Sweden Democrats party having doubled in less than four years .
Columnists , myself included , in Sweden ’ s conservative media sites took on the challenge to educate this movement—to provide facts to bolster new converts and arguments to attract even more .
With every column about the EU , Brexit , immigration , or foreign aid , we were self-consciously hoping to build something—a newer , fresher , more accountable , more vibrant version of European democracy .
In the month leading up to the U.S. presidential election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of columns critically examining Donald Trump and making the case that Swedish conservatives ought not to support him .
Suddenly , the tide turned .
I was accused—seriously and repeatedly from multiple sources—of being a paid agent of everyone from George Soros to the CIA , Hillary Clinton , the globalists , the Swedish Social Democratic Party , and of course the Rothschilds .
Such stories have become commonplace in America .
But this was in Sweden !
The people accusing me of being paid by the Clinton campaign were ordinary Swedes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infatuated with Donald Trump that even levelheaded criticism of him from someone they knew to be a like-minded political writer enraged them .
These people had no reason at all to be invested in Donald Trump .
They were not former factory workers in the Rust Belt whose jobs had been outsourced to China .
They were not border state inhabitants worried about the inflow of illegal immigrants and cartel violence .
They were not pro-life Christians willing to overlook anything for the chance to see Roe v. Wade overturned .
In fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out to them , Trump ’ s “ America First ” agenda would be directly harmful to Sweden .
Our economy is highly dependent on exports , and the United States is one of our biggest trading partners .
Trump ’ s tariffs would hurt Swedish businesses and workers .
His isolationism would make way for Russia ’ s influence on the global stage , and throughout history a powerful Russia has never meant good things for Sweden .
None of this mattered .
Trump ’ s cult of personality somehow enthralled people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from his election .
There was something else about him—who could say what ?
—that appealed to people below the level of reason .
Like so many conservative American publications , the one I wrote for catered ever more to the alt-right and surrendered to jingoistic , conspiratorial nationalism .
Whether it followed its readers or the other way around I ’ m not quite sure , but either way I was left behind .
Originally I was only a simple agent working for the globalists , but some readers accused me of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figure .
I quit writing when my editor stopped publishing pieces of mine he feared would anger Sweden ’ s Trumpists .
For me , this was sad , but my story was only one part of a larger tragedy in Sweden .
The Sweden Democrats ( who are very unlike American Democrats ) have long had a zero-tolerance policy about any form of racism or ethnic nationalism .
While the party was once the refuge of wingnuts and bigots , a decade-long reform of the party , including a purge of extremist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ status of a serious contributor to Swedish politics .
In the last election , the party received almost 18 percent of the vote .
Yet after Trump won the nomination and later the election , many of party ’ s conservative cheerleaders in the alternative media looked across the ocean to the likes of Milo Yiannopoulos for inspiration .
They began to copy everything from Trump ’ s red MAGA hats to his rhetoric .
Trump becoming the global symbol of border control was always going to be a problem for Swedish conservatives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more of migration-related problems , and countries like Sweden have by any measure welcomed more asylum seekers than we could realistically seek to assimilate into our society ( though the situation is not quite as dire as is sometimes claimed ) .
For years , the Sweden Democrats and its supporters , myself included , had worked hard to disassociate legitimate concerns about our immigration levels from racism , only to see our policies suddenly and inseparably associated with Donald Trump—of whom only 10 percent of the Swedish electorate approves .
The election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Europe , but just like in the United States , this happened at the expense of mainstream conservatives who wanted reasonable policy reforms .
The rise of the far-right in Europe hasn ’ t at all damaged the far-left .
Meanwhile , the rightward lurch has not helped the party ’ s electoral position .
It ’ s probably not a coincidence that a steep , positive polling trend broke just as Trump emerged as a serious candidate .
The idea that we could somehow win in Sweden by following Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always ridiculous .
In the first place , Trump was only able to win due to the uniquely American Electoral College ; it ’ s pretty much the exact opposite of Sweden ’ s proportional multi-party system in which a party simply can ’ t win without forming a coalition .
Using inflammatory language against your opponents before the election only ensures that they will refuse to cooperate with you after the election , leaving you out of power .
But such practical realities have not deterred the party ’ s media surrogates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Sweden Democrats to gain and hold power and the consequent policy results don ’ t seem to be a significant part of their calculus .
The party ’ s leadership has held its ground reasonably well so far , going to admirable lengths during the 2018 elections to force out a number of its MPs who had become too cozy with the alt-right .
However , should Trump be re-elected , I don ’ t know for how long the lines can hold .
This same pattern has repeated itself not only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Sensibly or not , American politics drives the internal and ideological politics in scores of countries , in much the same manner as American fashions and movies and music drive global tastes .
American conservatives gave the alt-right hope in 2016 , and the worldwide right followed it like lemmings off a cliff .
If Trump is re-elected , even narrowly , his image will be strengthened and more politicians—in the United States and around the world—will be convinced to follow his path .
At that point , the rest of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as David French so eloquently put it , head for St. Helena .
This would be tragic not only for non-American conservatives , but for America as well .
It ’ s no secret that American primacy depends on a system of alliances from Tokyo to Warsaw .
If , due to the catastrophic leadership of a Republican president , the international Reaganite-Thatcherite movement is debased and discredited , America will have lost its most enthusiastic and loyal friends abroad .
Conversely , a Trump loss just might pour the necessary amount of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is sweeping across the continents .
If he is soundly defeated , he might even serve as a cautionary tale to conservatives around the world .
The American-led international system enriched the United States while creating a period of global peace and economic growth unrivaled in human history .
For decades , American conservatives made it their mission to defend this system from internal and external threats .
If they abandon this mission by re-electing Trump , allied movements around the world might not survive .

Presidential elections in the United States invariably attract a lot of foreign attention. This is confusing to many Americans, who rarely follow other countries’ elections. Why should foreigners care how you vote? One big reason is that American politics is just more entertaining than politics in most European countries: You have primary elections and midterm elections, which provide for off-season excitement that would overwhelm my Swedish compatriots. And you have attack ads. I’m not saying that your insanely divided political climate is necessarily healthier than ours, but it sure is flashier!
I have followed every American presidential election campaign since 2004, when I was 13 years old. Unlike most teenagers from the north of Sweden (the heartland of the Swedish left), I always rooted for the GOP. Until 2016, that is.
I’m not going to rehash all the reasons the orange man is bad. Instead, I’m going to tell you a strange story of the unexpected transatlantic appeal of Donald Trump.
Four years ago, Sweden was in the midst of something of a conservative revival, with support for the conservative-Euroskeptic Sweden Democrats party having doubled in less than four years. Columnists, myself included, in Sweden’s conservative media sites took on the challenge to educate this movement—to provide facts to bolster new converts and arguments to attract even more. With every column about the EU, Brexit, immigration, or foreign aid, we were self-consciously hoping to build something—a newer, fresher, more accountable, more vibrant version of European democracy.
In the month leading up to the U.S. presidential election in 2016, I wrote a series of columns critically examining Donald Trump and making the case that Swedish conservatives ought not to support him. Suddenly, the tide turned.
I was accused—seriously and repeatedly from multiple sources—of being a paid agent of everyone from George Soros to the CIA, Hillary Clinton, the globalists, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, and of course the Rothschilds.
Such stories have become commonplace in America. But this was in Sweden! The people accusing me of being paid by the Clinton campaign were ordinary Swedes, who for some reason had become so infatuated with Donald Trump that even levelheaded criticism of him from someone they knew to be a like-minded political writer enraged them.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
These people had no reason at all to be invested in Donald Trump. They were not former factory workers in the Rust Belt whose jobs had been outsourced to China. They were not border state inhabitants worried about the inflow of illegal immigrants and cartel violence. They were not pro-life Christians willing to overlook anything for the chance to see Roe v. Wade overturned.
In fact, and as I tried to point out to them, Trump’s “America First” agenda would be directly harmful to Sweden. Our economy is highly dependent on exports, and the United States is one of our biggest trading partners. Trump’s tariffs would hurt Swedish businesses and workers. His isolationism would make way for Russia’s influence on the global stage, and throughout history a powerful Russia has never meant good things for Sweden.
None of this mattered. Trump’s cult of personality somehow enthralled people who couldn’t even theoretically gain from his election. There was something else about him—who could say what?—that appealed to people below the level of reason.
Like so many conservative American publications, the one I wrote for catered ever more to the alt-right and surrendered to jingoistic, conspiratorial nationalism. Whether it followed its readers or the other way around I’m not quite sure, but either way I was left behind. Originally I was only a simple agent working for the globalists, but some readers accused me of being a secret transgender Jew. Go figure.
I quit writing when my editor stopped publishing pieces of mine he feared would anger Sweden’s Trumpists. For me, this was sad, but my story was only one part of a larger tragedy in Sweden.
The Sweden Democrats (who are very unlike American Democrats) have long had a zero-tolerance policy about any form of racism or ethnic nationalism. While the party was once the refuge of wingnuts and bigots, a decade-long reform of the party, including a purge of extremist members, has elevated it to the status of a serious contributor to Swedish politics. In the last election, the party received almost 18 percent of the vote. Yet after Trump won the nomination and later the election, many of party’s conservative cheerleaders in the alternative media looked across the ocean to the likes of Milo Yiannopoulos for inspiration. They began to copy everything from Trump’s red MAGA hats to his rhetoric.
Trump becoming the global symbol of border control was always going to be a problem for Swedish conservatives. Europe has its fair share or more of migration-related problems, and countries like Sweden have by any measure welcomed more asylum seekers than we could realistically seek to assimilate into our society (though the situation is not quite as dire as is sometimes claimed). For years, the Sweden Democrats and its supporters, myself included, had worked hard to disassociate legitimate concerns about our immigration levels from racism, only to see our policies suddenly and inseparably associated with Donald Trump—of whom only 10 percent of the Swedish electorate approves.
The election of Trump may have strengthened the far-right in Europe, but just like in the United States, this happened at the expense of mainstream conservatives who wanted reasonable policy reforms. The rise of the far-right in Europe hasn’t at all damaged the far-left. Meanwhile, the rightward lurch has not helped the party’s electoral position. It’s probably not a coincidence that a steep, positive polling trend broke just as Trump emerged as a serious candidate.
The idea that we could somehow win in Sweden by following Trump’s lead was, of course, always ridiculous. In the first place, Trump was only able to win due to the uniquely American Electoral College; it’s pretty much the exact opposite of Sweden’s proportional multi-party system in which a party simply can’t win without forming a coalition. Using inflammatory language against your opponents before the election only ensures that they will refuse to cooperate with you after the election, leaving you out of power.
But such practical realities have not deterred the party’s media surrogates, of course. The inability of the Sweden Democrats to gain and hold power and the consequent policy results don’t seem to be a significant part of their calculus.
The party’s leadership has held its ground reasonably well so far, going to admirable lengths during the 2018 elections to force out a number of its MPs who had become too cozy with the alt-right. However, should Trump be re-elected, I don’t know for how long the lines can hold.
This same pattern has repeated itself not only across Europe, but across the world. Sensibly or not, American politics drives the internal and ideological politics in scores of countries, in much the same manner as American fashions and movies and music drive global tastes. American conservatives gave the alt-right hope in 2016, and the worldwide right followed it like lemmings off a cliff. If Trump is re-elected, even narrowly, his image will be strengthened and more politicians—in the United States and around the world—will be convinced to follow his path. At that point, the rest of us might as well pack up and, as David French so eloquently put it, head for St. Helena.
This would be tragic not only for non-American conservatives, but for America as well. It’s no secret that American primacy depends on a system of alliances from Tokyo to Warsaw. If, due to the catastrophic leadership of a Republican president, the international Reaganite-Thatcherite movement is debased and discredited, America will have lost its most enthusiastic and loyal friends abroad.
Conversely, a Trump loss just might pour the necessary amount of cold water on the alt-right wildfire that is sweeping across the continents. If he is soundly defeated, he might even serve as a cautionary tale to conservatives around the world.
The American-led international system enriched the United States while creating a period of global peace and economic growth unrivaled in human history. For decades, American conservatives made it their mission to defend this system from internal and external threats. If they abandon this mission by re-electing Trump, allied movements around the world might not survive.


thebulwark--2020-08-28--RNC 2020: Virtual Unreality

RNC 2020: Virtual Unreality

Though Donald Trump preens like an ersatz Mussolini , to compare his convention to fascist theater from the 1930s would be to stretch responsible historical analogy .
But they share a depressingly familiar fusion of lies , anger , paranoia , erasures of reality , toxic insularity , and blind fervor for a nihilistic leader who brooks no dissent .
Over four evenings , we witnessed a cult of personality rooted in mythologizing a mendacious pseudo-populist so irretrievably self-obsessed that he is redefining our democracy by inflaming the basest instincts of his followers .
Yet his party portrayed this narcissistic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civilization.
” The classic authoritarian narrative sweetens fear and anger with faux-nostalgia for an Edenic fatherland , beset by alien forces bent on extinguishing public safety and cultural virility—which , of course , can only be rescued by a leader whose singular gifts empower his indomitable will .
So it is with Trump , and the hallucinatory portrait of America his captive party presented starting on Monday night .
The New York Times aptly described the first day of the convention as presenting “ an alternate reality .
.
.
in which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the coronavirus.
” Instead , the mythic Trump ’ s proactive leadership had saved millions of American lives , while the highest job loss since the Great Depression became the lowest unemployment rate in 50 years .
Indeed , Trump himself warned in a preamble , the major danger from the pandemic was an epidemic of voting by mail , riddled by fraud , through which Democrats are “ using COVID to steal the election.
” Magically , Trump became African Americans ’ new best friend .
He claimed credit for driving , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reform and increased funding for historically black colleges .
In contrast , a black Republican congressional candidate warned , Democrats offer African-Americans in Baltimore “ abandoned buildings , liquor stores on every corner , drug addicts , guns on the street , ” the “ same cycle of decay [ that ] exists in many of America ’ s Democrat-run cities.
” But among the “ ordinary Americans ” who spoke on Trump ’ s behalf were Mark and Patricia McCloskey , the gun-toting couple from St. Louis who brandished their weapons at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home .
“ Your family will not be safe in the radical Democrats ’ America , ” Ms. McCloskey warned .
In the McCloskeys ’ telling , Joe Biden ’ s party wanted to “ abolish the suburbs altogether by ending single-family home zoning ” and , further , would “ defund the police ” because they “ no longer view the government ’ s job as protecting honest citizens from criminals , but rather protecting criminals from honest citizens.
” As evidence , Mr. McCloskey offered .
.
.
himself .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mob you saw at our house was charged with a crime .
But you know who was ?
We were.
” But no one saw that menacing black “ mob ” ; the marchers menaced no one .
What America saw on Monday night was two hysterical white people lying for Trump on national television .
More sympathetic , if no more edifying , was the Cuban-American businessman from Florida , Maximo Alvarez , who , when young , was clearly traumatized by Cuba ’ s Communist revolution .
Sixty years later , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see Joe Biden as the next Fidel Castro .
Whereas Trump is “ fighting the forces of anarchy and communism , ” Alvarez asserted , he had “ no doubt ” that Biden and his party “ will hand the country over to those dangerous forces.
” Sensing that he truly believed this , one felt badly for him .
The luminaries who followed on Monday night stirred no such ambiguous feelings .
Best to quote them—beyond that , little comment is required .
Congressman Matt Gaetz forecast the Hobbesian regime of President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a horror film , really .
They ’ ll disarm you , empty the prisons , lock you in your home , and invite MS-13 to live next door .
And the police aren ’ t coming when you call ; in Democrat-run cities , they ’ re already being defunded , disbanded.
” Ever his father ’ s intellectual doppelganger , Donald Trump Jr. offered a kindred account of America under “ Beijing Biden.
” A brief sampling : • “ The other party is attacking the very principles on which our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of speech , freedom of religion , the rule of law.
” • “ Joe Biden ’ s entire economic platform seems designed to crush the working man and woman.
” • “ Biden also wants to bring in more illegal immigrants to take jobs from American citizens.
” • “ People of faith are under attack .
You ’ re not allowed to go to church , but mass chaos in the streets gets a pass .
It ’ s almost like this election is shaping up to be church , work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and vandalism.
” Mournfully , Nikki Haley declared it “ so tragic to see so much of the Democratic party during a blind eye towards riots and rage.
” Abroad , she informed us , Biden is “ a godsend to everyone who wants America to apologize , abstain , and abandon our values.
” One can only anticipate , as Haley clearly does , her inspiring battle with Don Jr. for the GOP nomination in 2024 .
Even Tim Scott , the African-American senator who was Monday night ’ s least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Make no mistake : Joe Biden and Kamala Harris want a cultural revolution .
A fundamentally different America .
If we let them , they will turn our country into a socialist utopia , and history has taught us that path only leads to pain and misery , especially for hard-working people hoping to rise.
” Never in one evening had a major political party so completely defenestrated its intellectual and moral standing .
Tuesday ’ s proceedings lowered the decibel level while producing a jarring admixture of discordant notes echoing in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was Trump ’ s unprecedented appropriation of governmental functions and national iconography , notably the White House , to advance his re-election campaign .
This unremitting merger of state with self evoked the famous dictum of Louis XIV : “ I myself am the nation.
” As our self-appointed Sun King , Trump soared above the democratic modesties observed by prior presidents .
He used the White House to issue a made-for-TV pardon of an African American and stage a naturalization ceremony for nonwhite immigrants which belied his drastic cuts in legal immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , his wife from the Rose Garden she had newly reconfigured .
More than arguably violating the Hatch Act while flouting diplomatic norms by using Israel as a prop in Trump ’ s campaign , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo praised his leadership from a scenic rooftop in “ this very city of God , Jerusalem.
” COVID-19 was largely consigned to the margins—indeed , to history—vanquished by the heroic efforts of our indispensable leader .
Neither the conventions ’ stars nor the bit players wore masks , while Trump ’ s chief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose very persona enriches the word “ hack ” —spoke of the coronavirus in the past tense .
Lest we had forgotten , Kudlow reminded us that Trump had led an “ extraordinary rescue ” to “ successfully fight the COVID virus ” while spurring our economy to a “ V-shaped recovery.
” Indeed , Tuesday ’ s stabs at uplift not only conjured from the ether a different country , but an entirely new Trump .
A brace of officeholders and relatives introduced us to the Donald we never knew : an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friend to women driven to get things done by his unremitting concern for others .
This personality transplant bred some priceless moments of cognitive dissonance .
Tiffany Trump materialized from self-exile to vouch for her father ’ s selflessness : “ Fighting for America is something he will sacrifice anything for.
” Before one could list all the exceptions , his devoted wife—a woman too large-spirited to begrudge him Stormy Daniels and/or whoever—was upon us .
Expressing a sympathy for victims of the virus clearly beyond her husband ’ s capacity , Melania @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rest until he has done all he can to take care of everyone impacted by this terrible pandemic ” —an assertion all the more remarkable for its concession that COVID-19 still exists .
After decrying , in her accustomed affect-free way , that too often “ we only see the worst of people and politics on the evening news ” —exhibiting the epic talent for banishing the obvious that she first exemplified by her crusade against cyber-bullying—she praised Trump as a supportive husband .
Good to know .
Unsurprisingly , Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and blatant falsehoods .
Impervious to irony , Trump ’ s inveterate surrogate Pam Bondi recycled false charges that Joe Biden had assisted his son Hunter ’ s peddling of perceived influence in China—conveniently overlooking Ivanka Trump ’ s pursuit of trademarks and branding opportunities in , well , China .
Again , the family pitched in .
Daring to go where even Melania feared to tread , Tiffany complained about the mass proliferation of disinformation : “ Rather than allowing Americans the right to form our own beliefs , this misinformation system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they deem correct ” —save for , apparently , Trump ’ s exceedingly well-informed loyalists .
Worse yet , Tiffany protested , “ this has fostered unnecessary fear and divisiveness amongst us.
” With these words , irony dropped dead .
Trampling on its grave , Eric the Lesser claimed that Democrats “ want to destroy the monuments of our forefathers ” ; “ burn the Stars and Stripes ” ; and disrespect the Pledge of Allegiance .
Watching this Orwellian display , one assumed that it was meant to scare wavering Republicans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But viewership was trailing that for the Democratic convention , with the majority clustered in the hothouse of Fox News .
Of greater moment , perhaps , was the continuing racial unrest in the all-too-real America .
One suspected that , despite its excesses , the GOP ’ s evocation of violence might be landing with whites initially rendered sympathetic to protesters by the murder of George Floyd .
But the rush of events rendered augury difficult .
What , one wondered , would strike the nerve of undecided voters : the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after a policeman in Kenosha , Wisconsin shot him eight times in the back ; the incidents of lootings and vandalism which accompanied the resulting protests ; or the fatal shooting of two protesters ?
Clearly , Trump ’ s GOP thinks it knows the answer—a calculus which illuminated the two nights that remained .
Wednesday evening ’ s presentations were shadowed by Kenosha .
The dead protesters , it transpired , had been killed by a self-appointed teenage vigilante and Trump supporter who had traveled from Illinois .
A right-wing militia ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ internet .
In an unprecedented reaction to Blake ’ s shooting , professional sports teams in the NBA , WNBA , MLB , and MLS boycotted their games .
The GOP ’ s response mixed the banal and sinister .
The most flowery presentations melded into an interminable Fourth of July speech in search of an idea , a relentless march of platitudes so dissociated from anything at all that they opened new frontiers of awestruck disbelief .
More testaments from women gilded Trump ’ s makeover .
Kayleigh McEnany extolled his compassion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ omitting his efforts to terminate the ACA ’ s protections for those with pre-existing conditions .
Countering fresh evidence of the Trump family ’ s poisonous dysfunction , Lara Trump celebrated her marriage into such a “ warm and caring ” bunch .
Kellyanne Conway assured us that Trump ’ s empathy , so apparent for himself , included others .
But the GOP had other women .
Governor Kristi Noem proclaimed that “ Democrat-run cities across this country are being overrun by violent mobs , ” while the “ good , hard-working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ are left to fend for themselves.
” Senator Marsha Blackburn revealed that Democrats want to defund “ our military , our police , even ICE , to take away their tools to keep us safe ” and that , “ if the Democrats had their way , they would keep you locked in your house until you become dependent on the government for everything.
” Just for variety , former football coach Lou Holtz called Biden “ a Catholic in name only , ” appropriating papal powers of excommunication .
From there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tone .
Shattering the convention ’ s pre-existing record for mendacity , he falsely insinuated that Biden wanted to defund the police before asserting that Biden , “ would abolish fossil fuels ” ; “ end fracking ” ; “ is for open borders ” ; and “ wants to end school choice.
” Then he got worse .
Having failed to mention a single black man killed by police , Pence claimed that “ last week , Joe Biden didn ’ t say one word about the violence and chaos engulfing cities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truth , ” Pence warned , “ is you won ’ t be safe in Joe Biden ’ s America.
” As evidence , he mourned a homeland security officer killed in Oakland , never mentioning that he was murdered by an alt-right Boogaloo member .
Pence then proceeded to lay his gifts at the feet of his master .
He unfurled a series of untruths and exaggerations regarding Trump ’ s supposed revival of the military ; the impact of his ban on travel from China ; the magnitude of his tax @ @ @ @ @ @ @ VA ; and the success of his trade war against the Chinese .
By then the boundlessness of Pence ’ s cynicism defied easy description .
But there are no words for his grotesque inversion of Trump ’ s lethal response to the coronavirus , otherwise known as “ the greatest national mobilization since World War II ” —wherein , Pence recounted , “ President Trump marshaled the full resources of our federal government ” and “ directed us to forge a seamless partnership with governors across America in both political parties.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 180,000-plus dead Americans and counting would no doubt have expressed their undying gratitude to Donald Trump .
Fortunately , they had Pence to do it for them .
But the inescapable nadir came on Thursday—Trump himself .
First , Trump misappropriated the most iconic American symbol , the White House , as the setting for a blatantly divisive , dishonest , and self-celebratory political speech .
He spoke on the South Lawn , with the building behind him bathed in light and fronted with a plethora of American flags , conflating patriotism with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Among the human props in his audience were uniformed police ; his speech hailed the presence of officers from the Department of Homeland Security .
At moments one imagined a virtual Nuremberg rally , with Trump as America ’ s Leni Riefenstahl .
Near the climax of the speech , he turned to point at the White House , glowing and white , and said mockingly to Democrats : “ We ’ re here , and you ’ re not.
” It was hard to know what was more distasteful—the words themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uttering them .
The speech itself began conventionally enough , combining Panglossian boilerplate , an unblemished American history moving inexorably from one triumph to the next , and standard partisan lies and exaggerations .
Compared to his worst , this seemed sufficiently mild that one imagined Trump doing himself some good .
This modulation ended soon enough , though .
In Trump ’ s telling , Joe Biden was not simply wrong : “ He is the destroyer of America ’ s jobs , and if given the chance , he will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ China would own our country if Joe Biden got elected.
” Whereas Trump had “ launched the largest national mobilization since World War II ” in response to the coronavirus , “ instead of following the science , Joe Biden wants to inflict a painful shutdown on the entire country.
” Further , “ if we had listened to Joe , hundreds of thousands more Americans would have died.
” Wild promises— “ we ’ ll have a safe and effective vaccine this year , and together we will crush the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developed a wide array of effective treatments .
.
.
.
We are aggressively sheltering those at highest risk—especially the elderly—while allowing lower-risk Americans to safely return to work and to school.
” All this was good news , given that his audience on the South Lawn—roughly 1,500 people—was jammed together , mostly without masks .
Moving on , Trump repeated Pence ’ s untruths about Biden ’ s energy policy and his attitude toward school choice .
But what Trump most wanted to hammer home was that he alone personified law and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ black victims of police violence .
Instead , he informed those African Americans insufficiently grateful for his leadership that “ I have done more for the African-American community than any president since Abraham Lincoln.
” But the rhetoric which followed evoked George Wallace : • If the left gains power , they will demolish the suburbs , confiscate your guns , and appoint justices who will wipe away your Second Amendment and other constitutional freedoms .
• “ Make no mistake , if you give power to Joe Biden , the radical left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
.
.
.
No one will be safe in Biden ’ s America.
” • “ There is violence and danger in the streets of many Democrat-run cities throughout America.
” Ad-libbing , Trump added : “ Just call .
.
.
we will take care of your problem in a matter of hours .
Just call.
” • The Democrats call rioters and looters “ peaceful protesters ” Just imagine “ if the so-called peaceful demonstrators in the streets were in charge of every lever of power in the U.S. government.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ law enforcement , our police , back their power.
” There was more of this , and much else .
But were there any doubt before , one now knew with certainty that Trump meant to ride fear and racial animus to a second term in the majestic mansion backlit behind him .
At that moment his misuse of this storied site seemed not merely an abuse of office but a kind of civic sacrilege .

Though Donald Trump preens like an ersatz Mussolini, to compare his convention to fascist theater from the 1930s would be to stretch responsible historical analogy. But they share a depressingly familiar fusion of lies, anger, paranoia, erasures of reality, toxic insularity, and blind fervor for a nihilistic leader who brooks no dissent.
Over four evenings, we witnessed a cult of personality rooted in mythologizing a mendacious pseudo-populist so irretrievably self-obsessed that he is redefining our democracy by inflaming the basest instincts of his followers. Yet his party portrayed this narcissistic bully as “the bodyguard of Western civilization.”
The classic authoritarian narrative sweetens fear and anger with faux-nostalgia for an Edenic fatherland, beset by alien forces bent on extinguishing public safety and cultural virility—which, of course, can only be rescued by a leader whose singular gifts empower his indomitable will. So it is with Trump, and the hallucinatory portrait of America his captive party presented starting on Monday night.
The New York Times aptly described the first day of the convention as presenting “an alternate reality . . . in which the nation was not nearing 180,000 deaths from the coronavirus.” Instead, the mythic Trump’s proactive leadership had saved millions of American lives, while the highest job loss since the Great Depression became the lowest unemployment rate in 50 years. Indeed, Trump himself warned in a preamble, the major danger from the pandemic was an epidemic of voting by mail, riddled by fraud, through which Democrats are “using COVID to steal the election.”
Magically, Trump became African Americans’ new best friend. He claimed credit for driving, as opposed to signing, criminal justice reform and increased funding for historically black colleges. In contrast, a black Republican congressional candidate warned, Democrats offer African-Americans in Baltimore “abandoned buildings, liquor stores on every corner, drug addicts, guns on the street,” the “same cycle of decay [that] exists in many of America’s Democrat-run cities.”
But among the “ordinary Americans” who spoke on Trump’s behalf were Mark and Patricia McCloskey, the gun-toting couple from St. Louis who brandished their weapons at peaceful Black Lives Matters protesters passing their home. “Your family will not be safe in the radical Democrats’ America,” Ms. McCloskey warned. In the McCloskeys’ telling, Joe Biden’s party wanted to “abolish the suburbs altogether by ending single-family home zoning” and, further, would “defund the police” because they “no longer view the government’s job as protecting honest citizens from criminals, but rather protecting criminals from honest citizens.”
As evidence, Mr. McCloskey offered . . . himself. “Not a single person in the out-of-control mob you saw at our house was charged with a crime. But you know who was? We were.”
But no one saw that menacing black “mob”; the marchers menaced no one. What America saw on Monday night was two hysterical white people lying for Trump on national television.
More sympathetic, if no more edifying, was the Cuban-American businessman from Florida, Maximo Alvarez, who, when young, was clearly traumatized by Cuba’s Communist revolution. Sixty years later, this formative experience has caused him to see Joe Biden as the next Fidel Castro. Whereas Trump is “fighting the forces of anarchy and communism,” Alvarez asserted, he had “no doubt” that Biden and his party “will hand the country over to those dangerous forces.” Sensing that he truly believed this, one felt badly for him.
The luminaries who followed on Monday night stirred no such ambiguous feelings. Best to quote them—beyond that, little comment is required.
Congressman Matt Gaetz forecast the Hobbesian regime of President Joe Biden. “It’s a horror film, really. They’ll disarm you, empty the prisons, lock you in your home, and invite MS-13 to live next door. And the police aren’t coming when you call; in Democrat-run cities, they’re already being defunded, disbanded.”
Ever his father’s intellectual doppelganger, Donald Trump Jr. offered a kindred account of America under “Beijing Biden.” A brief sampling:
“The other party is attacking the very principles on which our nation was founded—freedom of thought, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, the rule of law.”
“Joe Biden’s entire economic platform seems designed to crush the working man and woman.”
“Biden also wants to bring in more illegal immigrants to take jobs from American citizens.”
“People of faith are under attack. You’re not allowed to go to church, but mass chaos in the streets gets a pass. It’s almost like this election is shaping up to be church, work, and school versus rioting, looting, and vandalism.”
Mournfully, Nikki Haley declared it “so tragic to see so much of the Democratic party during a blind eye towards riots and rage.” Abroad, she informed us, Biden is “a godsend to everyone who wants America to apologize, abstain, and abandon our values.” One can only anticipate, as Haley clearly does, her inspiring battle with Don Jr. for the GOP nomination in 2024.
Even Tim Scott, the African-American senator who was Monday night’s least sulfurous presence, gave us this: “Make no mistake: Joe Biden and Kamala Harris want a cultural revolution. A fundamentally different America. If we let them, they will turn our country into a socialist utopia, and history has taught us that path only leads to pain and misery, especially for hard-working people hoping to rise.”
Never in one evening had a major political party so completely defenestrated its intellectual and moral standing.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Tuesday’s proceedings lowered the decibel level while producing a jarring admixture of discordant notes echoing in some alternate American fatherland. Remarkable throughout was Trump’s unprecedented appropriation of governmental functions and national iconography, notably the White House, to advance his re-election campaign.
This unremitting merger of state with self evoked the famous dictum of Louis XIV: “I myself am the nation.” As our self-appointed Sun King, Trump soared above the democratic modesties observed by prior presidents.
He used the White House to issue a made-for-TV pardon of an African American and stage a naturalization ceremony for nonwhite immigrants which belied his drastic cuts in legal immigration. His children spoke from government buildings, his wife from the Rose Garden she had newly reconfigured. More than arguably violating the Hatch Act while flouting diplomatic norms by using Israel as a prop in Trump’s campaign, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo praised his leadership from a scenic rooftop in “this very city of God, Jerusalem.”
COVID-19 was largely consigned to the margins—indeed, to history—vanquished by the heroic efforts of our indispensable leader. Neither the conventions’ stars nor the bit players wore masks, while Trump’s chief economic advisor, Larry Kudlow—a supply-side nitwit whose very persona enriches the word “hack”—spoke of the coronavirus in the past tense. Lest we had forgotten, Kudlow reminded us that Trump had led an “extraordinary rescue” to “successfully fight the COVID virus” while spurring our economy to a “V-shaped recovery.”
Indeed, Tuesday’s stabs at uplift not only conjured from the ether a different country, but an entirely new Trump. A brace of officeholders and relatives introduced us to the Donald we never knew: an occasionally bumptious but big-hearted truth-teller, a friend to women driven to get things done by his unremitting concern for others.
This personality transplant bred some priceless moments of cognitive dissonance. Tiffany Trump materialized from self-exile to vouch for her father’s selflessness: “Fighting for America is something he will sacrifice anything for.” Before one could list all the exceptions, his devoted wife—a woman too large-spirited to begrudge him Stormy Daniels and/or whoever—was upon us.
Expressing a sympathy for victims of the virus clearly beyond her husband’s capacity, Melania assured us that “Donald will not rest until he has done all he can to take care of everyone impacted by this terrible pandemic”—an assertion all the more remarkable for its concession that COVID-19 still exists. After decrying, in her accustomed affect-free way, that too often “we only see the worst of people and politics on the evening news”—exhibiting the epic talent for banishing the obvious that she first exemplified by her crusade against cyber-bullying—she praised Trump as a supportive husband. Good to know.
Unsurprisingly, Trump’s surreal facelift was commingled with cultural divisiveness and blatant falsehoods. Impervious to irony, Trump’s inveterate surrogate Pam Bondi recycled false charges that Joe Biden had assisted his son Hunter’s peddling of perceived influence in China—conveniently overlooking Ivanka Trump’s pursuit of trademarks and branding opportunities in, well, China.
Again, the family pitched in. Daring to go where even Melania feared to tread, Tiffany complained about the mass proliferation of disinformation: “Rather than allowing Americans the right to form our own beliefs, this misinformation system keeps people mentally enslaved to the ideas they deem correct”—save for, apparently, Trump’s exceedingly well-informed loyalists. Worse yet, Tiffany protested, “this has fostered unnecessary fear and divisiveness amongst us.”
With these words, irony dropped dead. Trampling on its grave, Eric the Lesser claimed that Democrats “want to destroy the monuments of our forefathers”; “burn the Stars and Stripes”; and disrespect the Pledge of Allegiance.
Watching this Orwellian display, one assumed that it was meant to scare wavering Republicans into supporting Trump for fear of worse. But viewership was trailing that for the Democratic convention, with the majority clustered in the hothouse of Fox News.
Of greater moment, perhaps, was the continuing racial unrest in the all-too-real America. One suspected that, despite its excesses, the GOP’s evocation of violence might be landing with whites initially rendered sympathetic to protesters by the murder of George Floyd.
But the rush of events rendered augury difficult. What, one wondered, would strike the nerve of undecided voters: the fresh tragedy of Jacob Blake, paralyzed after a policeman in Kenosha, Wisconsin shot him eight times in the back; the incidents of lootings and vandalism which accompanied the resulting protests; or the fatal shooting of two protesters?
Clearly, Trump’s GOP thinks it knows the answer—a calculus which illuminated the two nights that remained.
Wednesday evening’s presentations were shadowed by Kenosha. The dead protesters, it transpired, had been killed by a self-appointed teenage vigilante and Trump supporter who had traveled from Illinois. A right-wing militia’s call to arms surfaced on the internet. In an unprecedented reaction to Blake’s shooting, professional sports teams in the NBA, WNBA, MLB, and MLS boycotted their games.
The GOP’s response mixed the banal and sinister. The most flowery presentations melded into an interminable Fourth of July speech in search of an idea, a relentless march of platitudes so dissociated from anything at all that they opened new frontiers of awestruck disbelief.
More testaments from women gilded Trump’s makeover. Kayleigh McEnany extolled his compassion for her pre-existing health condition, conveniently omitting his efforts to terminate the ACA’s protections for those with pre-existing conditions. Countering fresh evidence of the Trump family’s poisonous dysfunction, Lara Trump celebrated her marriage into such a “warm and caring” bunch. Kellyanne Conway assured us that Trump’s empathy, so apparent for himself, included others.
But the GOP had other women. Governor Kristi Noem proclaimed that “Democrat-run cities across this country are being overrun by violent mobs,” while the “good, hard-working Americans” who can’t escape “are left to fend for themselves.” Senator Marsha Blackburn revealed that Democrats want to defund “our military, our police, even ICE, to take away their tools to keep us safe” and that, “if the Democrats had their way, they would keep you locked in your house until you become dependent on the government for everything.” Just for variety, former football coach Lou Holtz called Biden “a Catholic in name only,” appropriating papal powers of excommunication.
From there, Mike Pence proceeded to lower the tone.
Shattering the convention’s pre-existing record for mendacity, he falsely insinuated that Biden wanted to defund the police before asserting that Biden, “would abolish fossil fuels”; “end fracking”; “is for open borders”; and “wants to end school choice.” Then he got worse.
Having failed to mention a single black man killed by police, Pence claimed that “last week, Joe Biden didn’t say one word about the violence and chaos engulfing cities across this country.” “The hard truth,” Pence warned, “is you won’t be safe in Joe Biden’s America.” As evidence, he mourned a homeland security officer killed in Oakland, never mentioning that he was murdered by an alt-right Boogaloo member.
Pence then proceeded to lay his gifts at the feet of his master. He unfurled a series of untruths and exaggerations regarding Trump’s supposed revival of the military; the impact of his ban on travel from China; the magnitude of his tax cuts; his role in reforming the VA; and the success of his trade war against the Chinese.
By then the boundlessness of Pence’s cynicism defied easy description. But there are no words for his grotesque inversion of Trump’s lethal response to the coronavirus, otherwise known as “the greatest national mobilization since World War II”—wherein, Pence recounted, “President Trump marshaled the full resources of our federal government” and “directed us to forge a seamless partnership with governors across America in both political parties.”
Could they but address the convention, 180,000-plus dead Americans and counting would no doubt have expressed their undying gratitude to Donald Trump. Fortunately, they had Pence to do it for them.
But the inescapable nadir came on Thursday—Trump himself.
First, Trump misappropriated the most iconic American symbol, the White House, as the setting for a blatantly divisive, dishonest, and self-celebratory political speech. He spoke on the South Lawn, with the building behind him bathed in light and fronted with a plethora of American flags, conflating patriotism with Trump’s stunning assertion of proprietorship. Among the human props in his audience were uniformed police; his speech hailed the presence of officers from the Department of Homeland Security.
At moments one imagined a virtual Nuremberg rally, with Trump as America’s Leni Riefenstahl. Near the climax of the speech, he turned to point at the White House, glowing and white, and said mockingly to Democrats: “We’re here, and you’re not.” It was hard to know what was more distasteful—the words themselves, or Trump’s pleasure in uttering them.
The speech itself began conventionally enough, combining Panglossian boilerplate, an unblemished American history moving inexorably from one triumph to the next, and standard partisan lies and exaggerations. Compared to his worst, this seemed sufficiently mild that one imagined Trump doing himself some good.
This modulation ended soon enough, though. In Trump’s telling, Joe Biden was not simply wrong: “He is the destroyer of America’s jobs, and if given the chance, he will be the destroyer of American greatness.” Indeed, “China would own our country if Joe Biden got elected.”
Whereas Trump had “launched the largest national mobilization since World War II” in response to the coronavirus, “instead of following the science, Joe Biden wants to inflict a painful shutdown on the entire country.” Further, “if we had listened to Joe, hundreds of thousands more Americans would have died.”
Wild promises—“we’ll have a safe and effective vaccine this year, and together we will crush the virus”—became lies: “We developed a wide array of effective treatments. . . . We are aggressively sheltering those at highest risk—especially the elderly—while allowing lower-risk Americans to safely return to work and to school.” All this was good news, given that his audience on the South Lawn—roughly 1,500 people—was jammed together, mostly without masks.
Moving on, Trump repeated Pence’s untruths about Biden’s energy policy and his attitude toward school choice. But what Trump most wanted to hammer home was that he alone personified law and order.
Not once did he mention black victims of police violence. Instead, he informed those African Americans insufficiently grateful for his leadership that “I have done more for the African-American community than any president since Abraham Lincoln.” But the rhetoric which followed evoked George Wallace:
If the left gains power, they will demolish the suburbs, confiscate your guns, and appoint justices who will wipe away your Second Amendment and other constitutional freedoms.
“Make no mistake, if you give power to Joe Biden, the radical left will defund police departments all across America. . . . No one will be safe in Biden’s America.”
“There is violence and danger in the streets of many Democrat-run cities throughout America.” Ad-libbing, Trump added: “Just call . . . we will take care of your problem in a matter of hours. Just call.”
The Democrats call rioters and looters “peaceful protesters” Just imagine “if the so-called peaceful demonstrators in the streets were in charge of every lever of power in the U.S. government.”
“We have to give law enforcement, our police, back their power.”
There was more of this, and much else. But were there any doubt before, one now knew with certainty that Trump meant to ride fear and racial animus to a second term in the majestic mansion backlit behind him. At that moment his misuse of this storied site seemed not merely an abuse of office but a kind of civic sacrilege.
So ended the Republican convention.


thebulwark--2020-08-28--Who Was Trump Talking To?

Who Was Trump Talking To?

This week ’ s Republican National Convention was a spectacle , as we always knew it would be .
If the Democrats ’ conclave was dark , as the GOP claimed , Trump ’ s week was the event horizon of a political black hole .
As he told the country on Thursday night , “ This election will decide whether we will defend the American way of life , or whether we allow a radical movement to completely dismantle and destroy it.
” Traditionally—and that word should be retired after this election—national party conventions are meant to introduce nominees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governing vision for the future , and rally the faithful .
Donald Trump needs no introduction .
His entire life is a case study in overexposure .
Despite this , his internal psychology seems to demand not only that he be on television , but that he be able to see himself on television .
Like Jim Carrey ’ s character in The Cable Guy , for Trump , if it doesn ’ t happen on the magic box , it didn ’ t happen .
The Republican party no longer has any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the GOP is preternaturally incapable , as is Trump , of projecting into the future .
Even with three years under their belt , they couldn ’ t come up with a platform on which to run .
There ’ s a reason for that : Because the GOP no longer has any core beliefs that exist outside of Trump ’ s whims .
So they can ’ t commit to anything ahead of time because they don ’ t know where he might land in the future .
As Timothy Snyder notes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not look into the future , because they can ’ t control it .
Like all good authoritarians , Trump and his collaborators understand that the past is where they plant their flag .
Look at how America used to be , they proclaim .
Trump will make it so again .
We must re-elect him or they will take all you ’ ve worked for , all you hold dear , your very way of life .
How and when will Trump do this ?
If he is so powerful , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existential threat three years into his administration ?
Will there ever be another election where the stakes are not literal life-and-death ?
These are questions Republicans do not ask because they have no answers .
And in any case , they would be beside the point .
Trump has power because tens of millions of “ his people ” believe in him .
Republicans are either with these people , or against them , and deserve ’ s got nothing to do with it .
Authoritarians are little more than gangs on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no mistake : The leaders of today ’ s Republican party , from Trump on down , are a gang .
Their only objectives are , for a select few , to obtain and maintain power , enrich themselves , and take and hold territory .
The Democratic convention was a traditional affair in the sense that it was a carnival of outreach bringing Democrats , Republicans , and independents together in an attempt to persuade voters to join a specific vision for the country .
It featured people as far apart from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders .
The Republican convention featured mostly Donald Trump , his family members , and his most obsequious aiders and abettors—Mike Pompeo , Kellyanne Conway , Matt Gaetz .
The RNC had no interest in reaching Democrats , independents , or anyone who might be persuadable .
The rhetoric was so over the top that they weren ’ t even trying to reach Trump-skeptical Republicans .
So whom were they speaking to ?
Exactly the same 28 percent to 32 percent of the country who live in the Trump-Fox-Bannon-Limbaugh flywheel of doom .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ literally no interest beyond those who follow him unconditionally .
Anyone else , to his gangster ’ s mind , is not worthy of his attention .
Just ask blue state residents .
Trump and his campaign look at their polling and know he can ’ t win a majority of the vote .
They ’ re not even trying .
Instead , Trump is hoping to do nothing more than keep the election from being a total blowout on Election Day .
That way he has a chance to roll the dice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way .
Or , failing that , utilize his goon squad to stir up trouble , contest the election and make the transition from his administration to Biden ’ s incredibly disruptive and painful .
Not for him , of course , but for the country , and its 330 million residents .
Know this : The race between Joe Biden and Donald Trump will tighten this fall .
The numbers will close as both Republicans and Democrats come home to their respective tribes .
As usual , it will be those 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a handful of states that will ultimately make the decision about which direction America will take .
What ’ s lucky for us , Donald Trump doesn ’ t care about them any more than he cares about the rest of us .

This week’s Republican National Convention was a spectacle, as we always knew it would be. If the Democrats’ conclave was dark, as the GOP claimed, Trump’s week was the event horizon of a political black hole. As he told the country on Thursday night, “This election will decide whether we will defend the American way of life, or whether we allow a radical movement to completely dismantle and destroy it.”
Traditionally—and that word should be retired after this election—national party conventions are meant to introduce nominees to the country, lay out a governing vision for the future, and rally the faithful.
Donald Trump needs no introduction. His entire life is a case study in overexposure. Despite this, his internal psychology seems to demand not only that he be on television, but that he be able to see himself on television. Like Jim Carrey’s character in The Cable Guy, for Trump, if it doesn’t happen on the magic box, it didn’t happen.
The Republican party no longer has any guiding or governing philosophy. Today, the GOP is preternaturally incapable, as is Trump, of projecting into the future. Even with three years under their belt, they couldn’t come up with a platform on which to run. There’s a reason for that: Because the GOP no longer has any core beliefs that exist outside of Trump’s whims. So they can’t commit to anything ahead of time because they don’t know where he might land in the future. As Timothy Snyder notes in On Authoritarianism, cults of personality cannot look into the future, because they can’t control it.
Like all good authoritarians, Trump and his collaborators understand that the past is where they plant their flag.
Look at how America used to be, they proclaim. Trump will make it so again.
We must re-elect him or they will take all you’ve worked for, all you hold dear, your very way of life.
How and when will Trump do this? If he is so powerful, why do his supporters still face an existential threat three years into his administration? Will there ever be another election where the stakes are not literal life-and-death? These are questions Republicans do not ask because they have no answers.
And in any case, they would be beside the point. Trump has power because tens of millions of “his people” believe in him. Republicans are either with these people, or against them, and deserve’s got nothing to do with it.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Authoritarians are little more than gangs on a national scale. And we should make no mistake: The leaders of today’s Republican party, from Trump on down, are a gang. Their only objectives are, for a select few, to obtain and maintain power, enrich themselves, and take and hold territory.
Consider the conventions.
The Democratic convention was a traditional affair in the sense that it was a carnival of outreach bringing Democrats, Republicans, and independents together in an attempt to persuade voters to join a specific vision for the country. It featured people as far apart from one another as John Kasich and Bernie Sanders.
The Republican convention featured mostly Donald Trump, his family members, and his most obsequious aiders and abettors—Mike Pompeo, Kellyanne Conway, Matt Gaetz. The RNC had no interest in reaching Democrats, independents, or anyone who might be persuadable. The rhetoric was so over the top that they weren’t even trying to reach Trump-skeptical Republicans.
So whom were they speaking to? Exactly the same 28 percent to 32 percent of the country who live in the Trump-Fox-Bannon-Limbaugh flywheel of doom. That’s it. Trump has literally no interest beyond those who follow him unconditionally. Anyone else, to his gangster’s mind, is not worthy of his attention. Just ask blue state residents.
Trump and his campaign look at their polling and know he can’t win a majority of the vote. They’re not even trying. Instead, Trump is hoping to do nothing more than keep the election from being a total blowout on Election Day. That way he has a chance to roll the dice and hit the Electoral College the hard way. Or, failing that, utilize his goon squad to stir up trouble, contest the election and make the transition from his administration to Biden’s incredibly disruptive and painful.
Not for him, of course, but for the country, and its 330 million residents.
Know this: The race between Joe Biden and Donald Trump will tighten this fall. The numbers will close as both Republicans and Democrats come home to their respective tribes. As usual, it will be those 10 to 15 percent of swing voters in a handful of states that will ultimately make the decision about which direction America will take.
What’s lucky for us, Donald Trump doesn’t care about them any more than he cares about the rest of us.


thebulwark--2020-08-28--Biden Needs a Sister Souljah Month

Biden Needs a Sister Souljah Month

I suggested a little while ago that Joe Biden needs a Sister Souljah moment , a reference to an incident in the 1992 presidential campaign when Bill Clinton criticized a race-baiting black rapper .
Facing steep odds of winning the White House , Clinton took the chance of slightly alienating the radical wing of the Democratic party for the sake of reassuring centrists and conservative Democrats .
When I suggested this , the riots had abated for a while in favor of peaceful protests , and Biden held a strong lead in the polls .
The cautious option was for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pat .
This week of protests and riots in Kenosha has changed that calculation .
Public opinion is turning against the Black Lives Matter protests .
A Marquette Law School poll completed before Kenosha showed support in Wisconsin for Black Lives Matter protests falling from 61-36—nearly a two-to-one approval-to-disapproval ratio—down to 48-48 .
We should assume it has gone done farther since then .
Republicans will spend hundreds of millions of dollars over the next ten weeks trying to convince voters that they should punish Democrats for tolerating or excusing lawless violence .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Joe Biden released a video making largely the correct argument : “ [ P ] rotesting brutality is a right and absolutely necessary .
But burning down communities is not protest , it ’ s needless violence—violence that endangers lives , violence that guts businesses and shutters businesses that serve the community .
That ’ s wrong.
” This is about the best we could expect from the Man in the Middle .
In his statement , Biden acknowledged the legitimate grievance of the Black Lives Matter moment and made a small @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of “ anti-racism ” by using the phrase “ systemic racism ” —but he also used a quote from Jacob Blake ’ s mother disavowing the violence as protective cover so he could offer a straightforward rejection of riots as “ needless violence.
” It was a good start .
But it was only a start .
Democrats do not seem to realize how much credibility on this issue they are in danger of losing .
A New York Times reporter talking to people in Wisconsin sounded the alarm : Ellen Ferwerda , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just blocks from the worst of the destruction that is now closed , said that she was desperate for Mr. Trump to lose in November but that she had “ huge concern ” the unrest in her town could help him win .
She added that local Democratic leaders seemed hesitant to condemn the mayhem .
“ I think they just don ’ t know what to say , ” she said .
“ People are afraid to take a stance either way , but I do think it ’ s strange they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our mayor has disappeared .
It ’ s like , ‘ Where is he ? '
” Or consider another exchange caught on video : a store owner shouting out from his shattered window , “ Are they trying to get Trump re-elected ?
” A protester replies , “ These people don ’ t represent our movement.
” His rejoinder : “ I ’ m sorry , but they ’ re with you.
” That ’ s the problem in a nutshell .
The anarchist and revolutionary wing of the protest movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with not nearly enough resistance from either elected Democrats or the left-leaning media .
Consider , for example , the role of the press in sugar-coating the dark side of these protests .
There is the way they described the takeover of downtown Seattle as having a “ festive ” atmosphere—which Seattle ’ s mayor compared to the Summer of Love—and only later printed the stories of residents and business owners intimidated by lawless mobs .
Or the way CNN characterized the burning of businesses in downtown Kenosha as “ fiery but mostly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” has become a running joke as an evasive way to describe a violent mob .
Is there a big difference between a protest and a riot ?
Absolutely .
I just wish the media would remember this and stop blurring the difference between them .
Add to this the increasingly widespread use of brutish intimidation tactics , as with a group of Black Lives Matter protesters who surrounded outdoor diners at a restaurant in Washington , D.C. , and demanded that they raise their fists to show symbolic solidarity with the cause @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Is Violence.
” When one woman refused , they surrounded her in a literally howling mob .
The woman , Lauren B. Victor , stood firm , explaining that “ she felt there was something wrong about being coerced to show support.
” The whole thing bears a striking visual similarity to the Two Minutes Hate , including the raised fists , and that ’ s what gives it such a totalitarian flavor : the venting of unreasoning hatred against even the smallest signs of dissent .
This is precisely the sort of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Trump by making his opponents seem like weak and timid men afraid to confront the violent brutes .
Is this Joe Biden ’ s Sister Souljah moment ?
Maybe , but he needs more than a moment .
The Democratic party needs a Sister Souljah month .
A month in which Democratic mayors and governors stop trying to appease the rioters and instead shut them down .
A month in which the media and commentators stop making excuses for the rioters and start exposing the viciousness of their destruction .
What they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to say to the American people , is that how you fight for a cause says a lot about what that cause actually is .
If you resort to violence , you undermine your claim to fight for peace .
If you unleash hatred , you undermine your claim to fight for love .
If you target random businesses and passersby , dealing out the very kind of indiscriminate violence you are supposedly protesting against , you undermine your claim to fight for justice .
If you lust to build a guillotine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is the nature of coalition politics that every party attracts a crazy , illiberal fringe .
It is also in the nature of these coalitions that they risk being captured by their crazy fringe—that they grow so used to regarding them as “ their people , ” as their allies and fellow travelers , that they can not bring themselves to disavow the fringe ’ s most repellent notions .
On the Republican side , Donald Trump has done this repeatedly , most recently by his refusal to disavow the QAnon conspiracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week ’ s Democratic convention is that their crazy fringe is not in charge , that the sober , reasonable liberals are running the show .
But Democrats now have to back that message with very specific words casting out the rioters from among their company .
And it would help if these words were backed by actions of local elected Democrats and by liberal activists .
Only the Democrats can really do this .
Only they seem to be willing and able to credibly recognize the grievances driving these protests .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shake off the fear of their radical wing and stand for the rule of law .
There is no nobler cause than to crusade for the equal protection of the laws .
But the equal protection of the laws requires the protection of the laws .
It implies a society run by the rule of law , not the rule of the mob .
Biden ’ s recent statement on this is a beginning .
But Democrats need to treat it as only a beginning .

I suggested a little while ago that Joe Biden needs a Sister Souljah moment, a reference to an incident in the 1992 presidential campaign when Bill Clinton criticized a race-baiting black rapper. Facing steep odds of winning the White House, Clinton took the chance of slightly alienating the radical wing of the Democratic party for the sake of reassuring centrists and conservative Democrats.
When I suggested this, the riots had abated for a while in favor of peaceful protests, and Biden held a strong lead in the polls. The cautious option was for Biden to take no chances and stand pat.
This week of protests and riots in Kenosha has changed that calculation. Public opinion is turning against the Black Lives Matter protests. A Marquette Law School poll completed before Kenosha showed support in Wisconsin for Black Lives Matter protests falling from 61-36—nearly a two-to-one approval-to-disapproval ratio—down to 48-48. We should assume it has gone done farther since then. Republicans will spend hundreds of millions of dollars over the next ten weeks trying to convince voters that they should punish Democrats for tolerating or excusing lawless violence.
Which is why, on Wednesday afternoon, Joe Biden released a video making largely the correct argument: “[P]rotesting brutality is a right and absolutely necessary. But burning down communities is not protest, it’s needless violence—violence that endangers lives, violence that guts businesses and shutters businesses that serve the community. That’s wrong.”
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
This is about the best we could expect from the Man in the Middle. In his statement, Biden acknowledged the legitimate grievance of the Black Lives Matter moment and made a small obeisance toward the left’s dogma of “anti-racism” by using the phrase “systemic racism”—but he also used a quote from Jacob Blake’s mother disavowing the violence as protective cover so he could offer a straightforward rejection of riots as “needless violence.”
It was a good start. But it was only a start.
Democrats do not seem to realize how much credibility on this issue they are in danger of losing. A New York Times reporter talking to people in Wisconsin sounded the alarm:
Ellen Ferwerda, who owns an antique furniture store downtown just blocks from the worst of the destruction that is now closed, said that she was desperate for Mr. Trump to lose in November but that she had “huge concern” the unrest in her town could help him win. She added that local Democratic leaders seemed hesitant to condemn the mayhem. “I think they just don’t know what to say,” she said. “People are afraid to take a stance either way, but I do think it’s strange they’re all being so quiet. Our mayor has disappeared. It’s like, ‘Where is he?'”
Or consider another exchange caught on video: a store owner shouting out from his shattered window, “Are they trying to get Trump re-elected?” A protester replies, “These people don’t represent our movement.” His rejoinder: “I’m sorry, but they’re with you.”
That’s the problem in a nutshell. The anarchist and revolutionary wing of the protest movement has run riot—quite literally—among the non-violent protesters with not nearly enough resistance from either elected Democrats or the left-leaning media.
Consider, for example, the role of the press in sugar-coating the dark side of these protests. There is the way they described the takeover of downtown Seattle as having a “festive” atmosphere—which Seattle’s mayor compared to the Summer of Love—and only later printed the stories of residents and business owners intimidated by lawless mobs. Or the way CNN characterized the burning of businesses in downtown Kenosha as “fiery but mostly peaceful protests.”
“Mostly peaceful protest” has become a running joke as an evasive way to describe a violent mob. Is there a big difference between a protest and a riot? Absolutely. I just wish the media would remember this and stop blurring the difference between them.
Add to this the increasingly widespread use of brutish intimidation tactics, as with a group of Black Lives Matter protesters who surrounded outdoor diners at a restaurant in Washington, D.C., and demanded that they raise their fists to show symbolic solidarity with the cause, chanting the Orwellian slogan “Silence Is Violence.” When one woman refused, they surrounded her in a literally howling mob. The woman, Lauren B. Victor, stood firm, explaining that “she felt there was something wrong about being coerced to show support.” The whole thing bears a striking visual similarity to the Two Minutes Hate, including the raised fists, and that’s what gives it such a totalitarian flavor: the venting of unreasoning hatred against even the smallest signs of dissent.
This is precisely the sort of thing that could tip the election back to Trump by making his opponents seem like weak and timid men afraid to confront the violent brutes.
Is this Joe Biden’s Sister Souljah moment? Maybe, but he needs more than a moment. The Democratic party needs a Sister Souljah month. A month in which Democratic mayors and governors stop trying to appease the rioters and instead shut them down. A month in which the media and commentators stop making excuses for the rioters and start exposing the viciousness of their destruction.
What they need to recognize, and what they need to say to the American people, is that how you fight for a cause says a lot about what that cause actually is.
If you resort to violence, you undermine your claim to fight for peace.
If you unleash hatred, you undermine your claim to fight for love.
If you target random businesses and passersby, dealing out the very kind of indiscriminate violence you are supposedly protesting against, you undermine your claim to fight for justice.
If you lust to build a guillotine, you are not a humanitarian.
It is the nature of coalition politics that every party attracts a crazy, illiberal fringe. It is also in the nature of these coalitions that they risk being captured by their crazy fringe—that they grow so used to regarding them as “their people,” as their allies and fellow travelers, that they cannot bring themselves to disavow the fringe’s most repellent notions. On the Republican side, Donald Trump has done this repeatedly, most recently by his refusal to disavow the QAnon conspiracy theorists.
The overriding message of last week’s Democratic convention is that their crazy fringe is not in charge, that the sober, reasonable liberals are running the show. But Democrats now have to back that message with very specific words casting out the rioters from among their company.
And it would help if these words were backed by actions of local elected Democrats and by liberal activists.
Only the Democrats can really do this. Only they seem to be willing and able to credibly recognize the grievances driving these protests. But they have to find the courage to shake off the fear of their radical wing and stand for the rule of law. There is no nobler cause than to crusade for the equal protection of the laws.
But the equal protection of the laws requires the protection of the laws.
It implies a society run by the rule of law, not the rule of the mob.
Biden’s recent statement on this is a beginning. But Democrats need to treat it as only a beginning.


thebulwark--2020-08-28--What Does Biden Have To Do to Show He’s Tough on Riots?

Okay , so we all agree that Joe Biden needs a “ Sister Souljah moment ” to prove to swing voters that he won ’ t tolerate riots in the street .
But it ’ s more complicated than that .
Because Sister Souljah isn ’ t the whole story for the “ Sister Souljah moment.
” Back in 1992 , Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton knew he would lose a general election if he looked soft on crime .
Democrats had been vulnerable on the issue since the race riots of 1968 , which is why , by 1992 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ term in the preceding 22 years .
Clinton knew exactly what George H.W .
Bush did to Mike Dukakis with Willie Horton , too .
That led Clinton to denounce Sister Souljah that June .
Everyone remembers this .
What many people don ’ t remember is that Sister Souljah was only the second half of his demonstration .
The first came in January of 1992 when Governor Clinton executed a mentally incapacitated black man to show voters that he was a new kind of law-and-order Democrat .
The man ’ s name @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is one of the more grotesque stories in modern American politics .
Rector was black Arkansan who had killed two men—including a police officer—before turning the gun around and shooting himself in the forehead .
He survived , but needed a lobotomy to save his life .
Which resulted in severe mental incapacitation .
Rector was convicted on both counts and sentenced to death , just as the Democrats were debating the subject during the 1992 presidential primary .
As governor , Clinton was asked to give Rector a commutation , due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Clinton not only refused , he doubled down .
On January 24 , 1992 , just before the primaries kicked off , Clinton made a show of leaving the campaign trail to travel back home to oversee the execution .
Personally .
Not that Rector had any clue his death was about to become a stunt .
When Rector was served his last meal before his execution , he left a slice of pecan pie behind .
He told the guards he was “ saving it for later.
” We don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we do Sister Souljah , though .
Still , they are the two sides of the political pincer movement Clinton performed that allowed him to convince Americans that he was a new , different kind of Democrat and that it was safe to let him occupy the White House .
It ’ s not clear that either of them would have worked without the other .
So what is Joe Biden supposed to do ?
Show up in Kenosha with an AR-15 and stand guard outside a liquor store ?
Obviously not .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ if there were a Ricky Ray Rector-type option on the table , he probably wouldn ’ t take it .
Note , for instance , that Biden hasn ’ t even tried to turn the story around by going hard at Kyle Rittenhouse , which would be the easy play .
That sort of ghoulishness just isn ’ t in his makeup .
( Thank goodness . )
But clearly Biden needs to do something more than the statement he gave on Wednesday , which will be more effective if it , too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What could Biden do to appeal to swing voters ?
Here ’ s a trio of free ideas from a conservative Republican—me—who wants to see real leadership to end the violence and restore peace in the streets .
First , issue a statement condemning the violence and looting we have witnessed in too many beautiful American cities in clear and unequivocal terms .
Every American has a right to protest , but no one has the right to inflict harm upon their American brothers and sisters .
The Biden team wants to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are.
” Go ahead and tell us what that looks like and what it doesn ’ t .
Fan out your surrogates on every media channel possible with this message .
Then go to Kenosha .
Call your volunteers to take to the streets that have been damaged by protests and ask them to help restore them to their previous state .
Request that they scrub graffiti and lock arms with business owners who have watched their stores be burned and looted .
Take a week off fundraising to support a national GoFundMe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what they lost .
Finally , launch a national call for unity and prayer .
Biden held a successful virtual convention using Zoom-like technology .
Bring us together again for the shared purpose of renewing our American spirit which so deeply yearns for the leadership people are looking for Biden to provide .
This moment calls for bigness .
A statement isn ’ t enough .
Biden needs to show voters he means business .
And unlike Bill Clinton , he can do it in a way that ’ s both strong and @ @ @ @

Okay, so we all agree that Joe Biden needs a “Sister Souljah moment” to prove to swing voters that he won’t tolerate riots in the street. But it’s more complicated than that. Because Sister Souljah isn’t the whole story for the “Sister Souljah moment.”
Back in 1992, Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton knew he would lose a general election if he looked soft on crime. Democrats had been vulnerable on the issue since the race riots of 1968, which is why, by 1992, there had been only one Democratic presidential term in the preceding 22 years. Clinton knew exactly what George H.W. Bush did to Mike Dukakis with Willie Horton, too.
That led Clinton to denounce Sister Souljah that June. Everyone remembers this. What many people don’t remember is that Sister Souljah was only the second half of his demonstration. The first came in January of 1992 when Governor Clinton executed a mentally incapacitated black man to show voters that he was a new kind of law-and-order Democrat.
The man’s name was Ricky Ray Rector and his fate is one of the more grotesque stories in modern American politics. Rector was black Arkansan who had killed two men—including a police officer—before turning the gun around and shooting himself in the forehead. He survived, but needed a lobotomy to save his life. Which resulted in severe mental incapacitation. Rector was convicted on both counts and sentenced to death, just as the Democrats were debating the subject during the 1992 presidential primary.
As governor, Clinton was asked to give Rector a commutation, due to his obvious incapacitation at time of trial. Clinton not only refused, he doubled down. On January 24, 1992, just before the primaries kicked off, Clinton made a show of leaving the campaign trail to travel back home to oversee the execution. Personally. Not that Rector had any clue his death was about to become a stunt. When Rector was served his last meal before his execution, he left a slice of pecan pie behind. He told the guards he was “saving it for later.”
We don’t recall Ricky Ray Rector the way we do Sister Souljah, though. Still, they are the two sides of the political pincer movement Clinton performed that allowed him to convince Americans that he was a new, different kind of Democrat and that it was safe to let him occupy the White House.
It’s not clear that either of them would have worked without the other.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
So what is Joe Biden supposed to do? Show up in Kenosha with an AR-15 and stand guard outside a liquor store?
Obviously not. The thing about Biden is that even if there were a Ricky Ray Rector-type option on the table, he probably wouldn’t take it. Note, for instance, that Biden hasn’t even tried to turn the story around by going hard at Kyle Rittenhouse, which would be the easy play. That sort of ghoulishness just isn’t in his makeup. (Thank goodness.)
But clearly Biden needs to do something more than the statement he gave on Wednesday, which will be more effective if it, too, is part of a pincer movement.
What could Biden do to appeal to swing voters? Here’s a trio of free ideas from a conservative Republican—me—who wants to see real leadership to end the violence and restore peace in the streets.
First, issue a statement condemning the violence and looting we have witnessed in too many beautiful American cities in clear and unequivocal terms. Every American has a right to protest, but no one has the right to inflict harm upon their American brothers and sisters. The Biden team wants to make this campaign about “who we are.” Go ahead and tell us what that looks like and what it doesn’t. Fan out your surrogates on every media channel possible with this message.
Then go to Kenosha. Call your volunteers to take to the streets that have been damaged by protests and ask them to help restore them to their previous state. Request that they scrub graffiti and lock arms with business owners who have watched their stores be burned and looted. Take a week off fundraising to support a national GoFundMe campaign to help business owners get back what they lost.
Finally, launch a national call for unity and prayer. Biden held a successful virtual convention using Zoom-like technology. Bring us together again for the shared purpose of renewing our American spirit which so deeply yearns for the leadership people are looking for Biden to provide.
This moment calls for bigness. A statement isn’t enough. Biden needs to show voters he means business. And unlike Bill Clinton, he can do it in a way that’s both strong and generous and compassionate.


thebulwark--2020-08-29--The Other Side of the College Reopening Story

One of my students captured the mood of many returning to our COVID-19-masked and socially-distanced residential college at this historic moment when she wrote , “ I am scared of returning to school .
.
.
.
I am scared of the unknowns and the emptiness and the distance .
Of sterility replacing warmth .
Of building a new home on a campus where vestiges of the home I had already built are strewn everywhere , none of them salvageable , due to the virus.
” In the same piece , however , she vowed that she and her fellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fear.
” “ Right now , every part of me wants a storm I can stand before .
Wants a wind that will knock me over , just so I can remember how to stand back up , ” she wrote .
Her inspiring words reminded me of both the possibilities and challenges that will unfold this semester because of—and despite—what one of my students described as “ the dark and dangerous times ” in which we will teach and learn .
Many of my fellow faculty members and I may be buffeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possibly even knocked down when we return to teaching .
But we will remember how to stand back up .
Confronting such crises are a familiar part of the cycle for an academic like me who has been teaching for a while ( in my case , since the 1970s ) .
From Vietnam to Watergate , from the aftermath of 9/11 to the War in Iraq , from the 2008 financial collapse to the current pandemic , colleges and college teachers have regularly had to find ways to get on with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In such moments of extreme instability , teachers have had to find the right balance of helping our students understand the crisis of the moment while also keeping the world at least a little at bay , so that education can go on .
Only this time , in our strange COVID-19-transformed world , many of us will have to do so with students seen only in the framed boxes of our Zoom classrooms .
Classes at my own institution started on Monday , August 24 and students I have talked with over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aware of those conditions .
They were also overwhelmingly grateful to be returning to campus .
The student who described these days as dark and dangerous also made a point of expressing to me his desire to take on the work of being on a campus during a time of national crisis .
Of course , the perspectives of such thoughtful students have been drowned out by overheated media coverage of students behaving badly at colleges and universities across the country .
News stories have focused almost exclusively on their failure to abide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A video of several hundred students at the University of North Georgia flouting those rules quickly went viral .
It was taken as proof of the folly of bringing students who care most about their social lives back to campus .
A recent article in The New York Times about what is going on in residence halls at Cornell University quoted a dorm supervisor describing the behavior of undergraduates as “ constant insanity and madness.
” These stories miss the fact that the majority of returning college students are , and will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ colleges impose as a condition of their reopening .
Most of those students will do so because they are eager to learn and return to the classroom .
When my college began the carefully orchestrated process of helping students move into their residential halls , I felt my own usual sense of excitement about greeting new arrivals and helping carry their belongings to their rooms .
Unfortunately , given the dangers this year , I had to make a promise to myself that I would stay away , grudgingly acknowledging my status during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
My promise didn ’ t hold for very long .
On the first day , I put on my mask , packed up my fear of COVID-19 and went to campus to welcome a few students back .
And then I went back the next day to see a few more , and the next .
And the next .
Students and their loved ones will need to be patient and have faith that what we do in the classroom during the pandemic will help them realize their personal aspirations if we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and prepare the next generation of engaged citizens .
Theirs is a generation that must be readied to repair a world seemingly beyond redemption—a world struggling with not just COVID-19 but also racial and political unrest , violence , unemployment and so much more .
I know fear will be my unwelcome co-teacher this semester .
Fear will share my classroom ( well , Zoom screen ) as I discuss the readings I assign students in my seminar Secrets and Lies , a course I have offered many times in my 40+ year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be kept at bay the way it has always been : by teaching .
In times of crisis and calm , teaching is more than an act of hope .
It is a commitment to a better future .
An unfolding and unknown one—but a better one just the same .

One of my students captured the mood of many returning to our COVID-19-masked and socially-distanced residential college at this historic moment when she wrote, “I am scared of returning to school. . . . I am scared of the unknowns and the emptiness and the distance. Of sterility replacing warmth. Of building a new home on a campus where vestiges of the home I had already built are strewn everywhere, none of them salvageable, due to the virus.”
In the same piece, however, she vowed that she and her fellow students will not be “afraid of fear.”
“Right now, every part of me wants a storm I can stand before. Wants a wind that will knock me over, just so I can remember how to stand back up,” she wrote.
Her inspiring words reminded me of both the possibilities and challenges that will unfold this semester because of—and despite—what one of my students described as “the dark and dangerous times” in which we will teach and learn. Many of my fellow faculty members and I may be buffeted by the storm and, yes, possibly even knocked down when we return to teaching. But we will remember how to stand back up.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Confronting such crises are a familiar part of the cycle for an academic like me who has been teaching for a while (in my case, since the 1970s). From Vietnam to Watergate, from the aftermath of 9/11 to the War in Iraq, from the 2008 financial collapse to the current pandemic, colleges and college teachers have regularly had to find ways to get on with the business of teaching during difficult times.
In such moments of extreme instability, teachers have had to find the right balance of helping our students understand the crisis of the moment while also keeping the world at least a little at bay, so that education can go on. Only this time, in our strange COVID-19-transformed world, many of us will have to do so with students seen only in the framed boxes of our Zoom classrooms.
Classes at my own institution started on Monday, August 24 and students I have talked with over the last several days were very much aware of those conditions. They were also overwhelmingly grateful to be returning to campus. The student who described these days as dark and dangerous also made a point of expressing to me his desire to take on the work of being on a campus during a time of national crisis.
Of course, the perspectives of such thoughtful students have been drowned out by overheated media coverage of students behaving badly at colleges and universities across the country.
News stories have focused almost exclusively on their failure to abide by COVID-inspired restrictions on social gatherings. A video of several hundred students at the University of North Georgia flouting those rules quickly went viral. It was taken as proof of the folly of bringing students who care most about their social lives back to campus.
A recent article in The New York Times about what is going on in residence halls at Cornell University quoted a dorm supervisor describing the behavior of undergraduates as “constant insanity and madness.”
These stories miss the fact that the majority of returning college students are, and will be, abiding by the rules that their colleges impose as a condition of their reopening. Most of those students will do so because they are eager to learn and return to the classroom.
When my college began the carefully orchestrated process of helping students move into their residential halls, I felt my own usual sense of excitement about greeting new arrivals and helping carry their belongings to their rooms. Unfortunately, given the dangers this year, I had to make a promise to myself that I would stay away, grudgingly acknowledging my status during our pandemic as an at-risk 72-year-old man.
My promise didn’t hold for very long. On the first day, I put on my mask, packed up my fear of COVID-19 and went to campus to welcome a few students back. And then I went back the next day to see a few more, and the next. And the next.
Students and their loved ones will need to be patient and have faith that what we do in the classroom during the pandemic will help them realize their personal aspirations if we are going to be able to mentor and prepare the next generation of engaged citizens. Theirs is a generation that must be readied to repair a world seemingly beyond redemption—a world struggling with not just COVID-19 but also racial and political unrest, violence, unemployment and so much more.
I know fear will be my unwelcome co-teacher this semester. Fear will share my classroom (well, Zoom screen) as I discuss the readings I assign students in my seminar Secrets and Lies, a course I have offered many times in my 40+ year career. I also know my fear will be kept at bay the way it has always been: by teaching.
In times of crisis and calm, teaching is more than an act of hope. It is a commitment to a better future. An unfolding and unknown one—but a better one just the same.