thebulwark--2020-11-26--There’s No War on Thanksgiving

There’s No War on Thanksgiving

This should be a time of national solidarity .
Our nurses and emergency-room doctors should be celebrated like conquering heroes .
Our leaders should raise us up and enjoin us to participate in this great struggle on behalf of our fellow man .
To triumph over the virus with the meeting of American innovation through the coming vaccines and our generous , frontier spirit .
To think of the day , six or nine months from now , when we can all feel the pride of a nation that suffered loss but rose to the occasion .
Here would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ channel their calls for patriotic pride for good—toward duty , unity , and shared sacrifice .
Instead we have a president whose focus is entirely on his effort to perpetrate a fraud on the American public and convince his voters that they live in a communist junta where elections are rigged—in order to protect his fragile ego and keep hold on his party during his impending exile from government .
Our president has uttered nary a word of sympathy for the sick or of condolence for the families of the dead .
Or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are spending this holiday alone or far from home—or with an empty seat at the table in remembrance of a lost loved one .
Instead , our president has emitted a constant stream of self-pitying tweets .
The only sympathy he expresses is for himself—for his treatment at the hands of the fake news .
He has spent significantly more energy this fall complaining about how the news media discussed the unimaginably high death toll on his watch ( “ COVID , COVID , COVID ” ) than he has trying to resolve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t offered solace to the Americans who are suffering from the pandemic that he mismanaged , he did find time on the eve of Thanksgiving to pardon his traitorous , grievance-laden national security advisor , who sold out our country ’ s interests to Turkey for a few hundred thousand shillings .
Meanwhile , Republican elected officials are too frightened , too submissive , and too self-serving to speak the truth about the president ’ s decisive electoral defeat or his illicit pardon .
Nor have they spooned out a dollop of concern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead preferring to carve for themselves yet another slice of culture war .
COME AND TAKE MY TURKEY , Ted Cruz exclaimed in one of the most asinine tweets ever shared on a platform that specializes in asininity .
Dan Crenshaw said that Thanksgiving COVID restrictions should be met with organized resistance from individuals and businesses that feel unfairly oppressed .
Rep. Lee Zeldin ( R-N.Y. ) echoed this call to flout the law , applauding a sheriff who is choosing not to enforce it .
Rep. Chip Roy ( R-Texas ) wanted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his big-boy pants by himself this year , saying “ I will do whatever I want on Thanksgiving.
” Well here ’ s the deal , Chip and Lee and Dan and Ted : We all want to do what we want this Thanksgiving .
But one thing that most people have learned by the time they are adults is that they don ’ t get to do whatever they want whenever they want .
And this year , we are in the middle of a fucking pandemic that has killed over 260,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overwhelm hospitals around the country , so our wants and desires conflict with the broader interests of our nation .
It ’ s a concept that grown men would understand .
And while nearly all of the prominent Democratic leaders are saying the right thing , it can ’ t go unmentioned that many of them are refusing to practice what they preach .
My hometown mayor , Michael Hancock , is flying to Mississippi—through Houston—to see his mother for Thanksgiving .
Three states !
Thirty minutes before his flight took off , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you can.
” You serious , Clark ?
!
Andrew Cuomo was bringing his mother up to Albany until he got shamed out of it .
Gavin Newsom held an indoor event at the posh French Laundry restaurant in Yountville .
This is part of the whole leadership deal : If you are asking other people to make sacrifices for the good of the whole , you have to do it too .
There is one person throughout all this who has actually done the right thing , time and again , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden .
For months , he was ridiculed by right-wing provocateurs and Trump himself for modeling responsible behavior .
“ Virtue signaling !
” they bellowed .
But he never bowed to their taunts .
He never caved when TV pundits mocked his drive-in rallies or his small , socially distant events .
And throughout the transition he has said and done the right things focused on getting his incoming administration ready to handle this crisis .
This is normal .
This is what we would expect from someone who strives to lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have common purpose and aspire to be the hope of the world .
As enraged as we all should be by the actions of these selfish turkeys who have made this time of hardship worse than it needed to be for their own political gain , I ’ m thankful that we have a president-elect who has held the line .
I ’ m thankful for all of you who have chosen to sacrifice fellowship for our benefit .
And I ’ m so thankful for all of those in health care who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shifts , putting themselves at risk , and on top of it all isolating from their vulnerable loved ones—to try to save one life at a time .
Hopefully they can be a model for the renewal of leadership that our nation so clearly requires .

This should be a time of national solidarity. Our nurses and emergency-room doctors should be celebrated like conquering heroes. Our leaders should raise us up and enjoin us to participate in this great struggle on behalf of our fellow man. To triumph over the virus with the meeting of American innovation through the coming vaccines and our generous, frontier spirit. To think of the day, six or nine months from now, when we can all feel the pride of a nation that suffered loss but rose to the occasion.
Here would be a moment for the so-called nationalists to channel their calls for patriotic pride for good—toward duty, unity, and shared sacrifice.
Instead we have a president whose focus is entirely on his effort to perpetrate a fraud on the American public and convince his voters that they live in a communist junta where elections are rigged—in order to protect his fragile ego and keep hold on his party during his impending exile from government.
Our president has uttered nary a word of sympathy for the sick or of condolence for the families of the dead. Or a kind word for the Americans who are spending this holiday alone or far from home—or with an empty seat at the table in remembrance of a lost loved one.
Instead, our president has emitted a constant stream of self-pitying tweets. The only sympathy he expresses is for himself—for his treatment at the hands of the fake news. He has spent significantly more energy this fall complaining about how the news media discussed the unimaginably high death toll on his watch (“COVID, COVID, COVID”) than he has trying to resolve it.
And while he hasn’t offered solace to the Americans who are suffering from the pandemic that he mismanaged, he did find time on the eve of Thanksgiving to pardon his traitorous, grievance-laden national security advisor, who sold out our country’s interests to Turkey for a few hundred thousand shillings.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Meanwhile, Republican elected officials are too frightened, too submissive, and too self-serving to speak the truth about the president’s decisive electoral defeat or his illicit pardon. Nor have they spooned out a dollop of concern about the health of their constituents, instead preferring to carve for themselves yet another slice of culture war.
COME AND TAKE MY TURKEY, Ted Cruz exclaimed in one of the most asinine tweets ever shared on a platform that specializes in asininity. Dan Crenshaw said that Thanksgiving COVID restrictions should be met with organized resistance from individuals and businesses that feel unfairly oppressed. Rep. Lee Zeldin (R-N.Y.) echoed this call to flout the law, applauding a sheriff who is choosing not to enforce it. Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) wanted to prove that he could put on his big-boy pants by himself this year, saying “I will do whatever I want on Thanksgiving.”
Well here’s the deal, Chip and Lee and Dan and Ted: We all want to do what we want this Thanksgiving. But one thing that most people have learned by the time they are adults is that they don’t get to do whatever they want whenever they want. And this year, we are in the middle of a fucking pandemic that has killed over 260,000 people and is once again starting to overwhelm hospitals around the country, so our wants and desires conflict with the broader interests of our nation. It’s a concept that grown men would understand.
And while nearly all of the prominent Democratic leaders are saying the right thing, it can’t go unmentioned that many of them are refusing to practice what they preach. My hometown mayor, Michael Hancock, is flying to Mississippi—through Houston—to see his mother for Thanksgiving. Three states! Thirty minutes before his flight took off, he tweeted “avoid travel, if you can.” You serious, Clark?! Andrew Cuomo was bringing his mother up to Albany until he got shamed out of it. Gavin Newsom held an indoor event at the posh French Laundry restaurant in Yountville.
This is part of the whole leadership deal: If you are asking other people to make sacrifices for the good of the whole, you have to do it too.
There is one person throughout all this who has actually done the right thing, time and again, and that’s our president-elect, Joe Biden.
Today offered a rather jarring contrast: – Biden spoke of unity and resolve during holiday remarks. – Trump phoned in to a hearing in PA, saying the election was "rigged," and pardoned Michael Flynn. https://t.co/Tv6EYXUqWY — Ben Swasey (@benswasey) November 25, 2020
For months, he was ridiculed by right-wing provocateurs and Trump himself for modeling responsible behavior. “Virtue signaling!” they bellowed. But he never bowed to their taunts. He never caved when TV pundits mocked his drive-in rallies or his small, socially distant events. And throughout the transition he has said and done the right things focused on getting his incoming administration ready to handle this crisis.
This is normal. This is what we would expect from someone who strives to lead a country made up of people who have common purpose and aspire to be the hope of the world.
As enraged as we all should be by the actions of these selfish turkeys who have made this time of hardship worse than it needed to be for their own political gain, I’m thankful that we have a president-elect who has held the line.
I’m thankful for all of you who have chosen to sacrifice fellowship for our benefit.
And I’m so thankful for all of those in health care who are working themselves to the bone—doing longer shifts, putting themselves at risk, and on top of it all isolating from their vulnerable loved ones—to try to save one life at a time.
Hopefully they can be a model for the renewal of leadership that our nation so clearly requires.


thebulwark--2020-11-26--Thanksgiving 2020 Sucks. And We Should Be Thankful For It Anyway.

History is a long series of inflection points where advances take place overnight and catastrophes are averted by razor-thin margins .
For instance : You may never have heard of Vasili Arkhipov or Stanislav Petrov , but you owe your life to these two men who , in two completely unrelated instances that took place 21 years apart , singlehandedly stopped the United States and the Soviet Union from annihilating each other ( and probably the rest of the world ) in a nuclear holocaust .
In both cases , the course of human history came down to a single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re all here to say “ whew ” but that ’ s just sheer luck .
I like to toast these guys on Thanksgiving and express my appreciation for their bravery and levelheadedness in moments of unthinkable stress and terror .
The election three weeks ago didn ’ t come down to the choice of a single man but to 80 million Americans who made a choice to bring the world a step back from some kind of catastrophe .
Certainly , the fate of the United States ( as we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the ballot .
I ’ m immensely grateful to everyone who voted Donald Trump out of office .
That said , I ’ m also grateful that those who voted for Trump have not , as he would seem to prefer , engaged in any sort of insurrection .
I say he would “ seem to prefer ” this because his rhetoric is that of someone who believes , and would like his followers to believe , that the election was rife with “ fraud ” and “ rigged ” and “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ true , then his followers would not only be justified but indeed expected to pour into the streets to defend their democracy against what would be a coup .
But—in spite of Trump ’ s ongoing malignant deceit—at least so far , his followers have resigned themselves to angry and incendiary Parler and Facebook posts .
I ’ m extremely grateful to them for their restraint .
Maybe this won ’ t continue indefinitely , but I see gratitude as a minute-by-minute , day-by-day , year-by-year activity .
If you wait to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ll live out your life perpetually disappointed and unsatisfied .
The time to be grateful is always right now .
We mustn ’ t temper our gratitude because things aren ’ t as good here as they are in some alternate universe .
We ought to express our gratitude for that which we actually have in our lives .
I don ’ t think I ’ m overstating anything when I say that people are exhausted .
They ’ re exhausted by the pandemic ( both by the practical hardships and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a front of the culture war ) .
They ’ re exhausted by the election drama and the post-election drama .
They ’ re exhausted having to feel awkward , or worse , angry around their friends and relatives with whom they now have such deep disagreement that the divide seems unbridgeable .
Alex Trebek and Eddie Van Halen were both taken by cancer .
And now , even as the vaccine cavalry is riding in , we are told that we still have months more to wait and both the winter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before we can start hugging one another again .
But in spite of all this , we can experience and express a huge sense of relief and gratitude that indeed there is a vaccine on the way and that the election is over and that whatever homegrown insurgency we may one day have to deal with hasn ’ t reared its ugly head .
And we didn ’ t all die in a fiery nuclear blast furnace either in the ’ 60s or in the ’ 80s or in any of the other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And you can go and revel in the brilliance of both Alex and Eddie and marvel at what they left behind for you as their legacy .
Indeed , even in our imperfect world , there is so much to be grateful for .
( When ?
Yes , yes .
.
.
right now ! )
We ’ re here—and we ’ ve dodged another bullet and with a little bit of luck we ’ ll dodge the next one .
But if we don ’ t , if the next one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heart—well , we can figure out what to be grateful for then .
But in the meantime , I ’ m celebrating right now and encourage you to do the same .
Thank you for everything .

History is a long series of inflection points where advances take place overnight and catastrophes are averted by razor-thin margins.
For instance: You may never have heard of Vasili Arkhipov or Stanislav Petrov, but you owe your life to these two men who, in two completely unrelated instances that took place 21 years apart, singlehandedly stopped the United States and the Soviet Union from annihilating each other (and probably the rest of the world) in a nuclear holocaust.
In both cases, the course of human history came down to a single human being’s decision and we’re all here to say “whew” but that’s just sheer luck. I like to toast these guys on Thanksgiving and express my appreciation for their bravery and levelheadedness in moments of unthinkable stress and terror.
The election three weeks ago didn’t come down to the choice of a single man but to 80 million Americans who made a choice to bring the world a step back from some kind of catastrophe. Certainly, the fate of the United States (as we have come to enjoy it) was probably on the ballot. I’m immensely grateful to everyone who voted Donald Trump out of office.
That said, I’m also grateful that those who voted for Trump have not, as he would seem to prefer, engaged in any sort of insurrection. I say he would “seem to prefer” this because his rhetoric is that of someone who believes, and would like his followers to believe, that the election was rife with “fraud” and “rigged” and “stolen.”
If these charges were literally true, then his followers would not only be justified but indeed expected to pour into the streets to defend their democracy against what would be a coup.
But—in spite of Trump’s ongoing malignant deceit—at least so far, his followers have resigned themselves to angry and incendiary Parler and Facebook posts. I’m extremely grateful to them for their restraint. Maybe this won’t continue indefinitely, but I see gratitude as a minute-by-minute, day-by-day, year-by-year activity. If you wait to be grateful until everything is perfect, you’ll live out your life perpetually disappointed and unsatisfied. The time to be grateful is always right now.
We mustn’t temper our gratitude because things aren’t as good here as they are in some alternate universe. We ought to express our gratitude for that which we actually have in our lives.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
I don’t think I’m overstating anything when I say that people are exhausted.
They’re exhausted by the pandemic (both by the practical hardships and the inane public debate which turned public health into a front of the culture war).
They’re exhausted by the election drama and the post-election drama.
They’re exhausted having to feel awkward, or worse, angry around their friends and relatives with whom they now have such deep disagreement that the divide seems unbridgeable.
Alex Trebek and Eddie Van Halen were both taken by cancer.
And now, even as the vaccine cavalry is riding in, we are told that we still have months more to wait and both the winter and spring holiday seasons to suffer through before we can start hugging one another again.
But in spite of all this, we can experience and express a huge sense of relief and gratitude that indeed there is a vaccine on the way and that the election is over and that whatever homegrown insurgency we may one day have to deal with hasn’t reared its ugly head. And we didn’t all die in a fiery nuclear blast furnace either in the ’60s or in the ’80s or in any of the other close calls that have happened since.
And you can go and revel in the brilliance of both Alex and Eddie and marvel at what they left behind for you as their legacy.
Indeed, even in our imperfect world, there is so much to be grateful for. (When? Yes, yes . . . right now!)
We’re here—and we’ve dodged another bullet and with a little bit of luck we’ll dodge the next one. But if we don’t, if the next one finally finds its way right to our heart—well, we can figure out what to be grateful for then.
But in the meantime, I’m celebrating right now and encourage you to do the same.
Thank you for everything.


thebulwark--2020-11-27--How to Use Anti-KKK Laws to Go After Trump

Donald Trump has the right to contest election law violations in court .
He is likewise free to peddle whatever conspiracy theories he likes outside of court .
But Trump and his team may be exposing themselves to liability for a different kind of conspiracy : one to suppress the counting of Black votes in violation of the Fifteenth Amendment .
After the Civil War , Southern whites launched a campaign of terror to deny newly freed slaves the right to vote .
In response , the Fifteenth Amendment barred discrimination against voting rights on the basis of race .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 , which , in Section 1985 ( 3 ) , creates a private right to sue those who , motivated by race , Trump ’ s post-election barrage of specious lawsuits ( 32 losses in 34 cases , so far ) is not enough on its own to support a Section 1985 ( 3 ) claim .
But in addition to these lawsuits , the Trump campaign has “ [ hindered ] the constituted authorities ” of the states in order to disqualify presidential votes in disproportionately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent Black ) , Detroit ( 78.6 percent ) , Atlanta ( 51.8 percent ) , and Milwaukee ( 38.8 percent ) .
Black voters in these jurisdictions can bring lawsuits .
Certification is a ministerial act , meaning that once the votes are counted and court challenges resolved , local and state election officials must certify the results .
Any interference is “ hindering ” this completion .
Michigan offers an example .
A Republican member of the Wayne County Board of Canvassers initially advocated denying certification for Detroit ballots , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican members then voted against certification ( deadlocking the board ) , before later reversing themselves .
Then , after a call from President Trump , they sought to rescind their votes to certify .
Next , Republican National Committee Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel and Michigan GOP Chair Laura Cox asked to delay state certification for 14 days , which would bump up against the December 7 statutory certification deadline .
There have also been requests to disqualify huge numbers of Wisconsin ballots and do a second Georgia recount .
The Trump campaign ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go beyond “ hindering ” to “ intimidation ” and “ threat.
” Donald Trump has a decades-long history of using litigation to intimidate opponents .
Given his pattern of retaliation against Republicans who deviate from absolute loyalty , the careers of current elected officials are at risk .
Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger , a Republican , reports being pressured to invalidate legally-cast ballots by South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham , a Trump loyalist who also contacted election officials in Arizona and Nevada .
Like other election officials in closely contested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ himself and his family .
He expects to be primaried in 2022 .
Trump himself called the Michigan legislature ’ s Republican leaders into the White House for a closed-door meeting .
Afterwards , the legislators issued a statement that the certification process should be “ free from threats and intimidation.
” Interesting that this would be their response to meeting the president of the United States .
If suits are filed , the discovery process would require participants in the voter suppression effort — including White House staff performing campaign duties — @ @ @ @ @ @ @ records relating to attempts to hinder certification and threaten officials .
Trump and his surrogates could be required to give sworn depositions .
The legitimate legal work of Trump ’ s election lawyers would be shielded by privilege — but not efforts to assist in election fraud , or unsupported allegations made to the public that are unconnected to legal work , such as Sidney Powell ’ s evidence-free accusation that Georgia Governor Brian Kemp and Raffensperger were taking payoffs .
Defendants who violate Section 1985 ( 3 ) have joint and several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump could be held liable for all acts of those associated with him , even if he did not directly make the threats himself .
And because these acts relate to his role as a candidate , rather than his official acts as president , he would have difficulty claiming immunity .
The damages could be substantial : in one case , plaintiffs were awarded $ 500 to $ 2,000 each when denied their voting rights .
There were hundreds of thousands of Black votes in the jurisdictions that Trump has sought to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of money .
Also , defendants who lose Section 1985 ( 3 ) suits have to pay the plaintiffs ’ attorneys ’ fees .
It is important to understand that President Trump ’ s assault on America ’ s electoral process is not normal post-election jockeying , and its lack of success should not affect liability for the attempt .
After all , terrorists are often convicted even when they have been arrested before carrying out their plots .
There ’ s the broader question of whether or not we should want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making it harder for the nation to heal .
But the failure to defend voting rights can result in their slow erosion : After post-Reconstruction courts turned the Ku Klux Klan Act into a dead letter , Southern Blacks were stripped of their voting rights over the course of a quarter-century .
Those rights were not restored until the 1960s .
And there is also no reason to believe that this attempt is a one-off .
Donald Trump ’ s post-election strategy has created a roadmap for suppressing votes on the basis of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faces no liability , future candidates will be held back by nothing but their sacred honor .
That ’ s not nothing , of course .
But it ’ s a thin reed on which to hang the future of our democracy .
Conservatives often lament the creation of new laws by saying that we should simply exercise existing laws more actively .
Well , in this case we have a law to deal with behavior like Donald Trump ’ s already on the books .
All that voters need is the will @ @ @ @

Donald Trump has the right to contest election law violations in court. He is likewise free to peddle whatever conspiracy theories he likes outside of court.
But Trump and his team may be exposing themselves to liability for a different kind of conspiracy: one to suppress the counting of Black votes in violation of the Fifteenth Amendment.
After the Civil War, Southern whites launched a campaign of terror to deny newly freed slaves the right to vote. In response, the Fifteenth Amendment barred discrimination against voting rights on the basis of race. To enforce this, Congress passed the Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871, which, in Section 1985(3), creates a private right to sue those who, motivated by race,
conspire . . . for the purpose of preventing or hindering the constituted authorities of any State . . . from giving . . . to all persons within such State . . . the equal protection of the laws; or . . . to prevent by force, intimidation, or threat, any citizen who is lawfully entitled to vote, from giving his support or advocacy . . . in favor of the election of any lawfully qualified person as an elector for President.
Trump’s post-election barrage of specious lawsuits (32 losses in 34 cases, so far) is not enough on its own to support a Section 1985(3) claim. But in addition to these lawsuits, the Trump campaign has “[hindered] the constituted authorities” of the states in order to disqualify presidential votes in disproportionately Black jurisdictions such as Philadelphia (42.3 percent Black), Detroit (78.6 percent), Atlanta (51.8 percent), and Milwaukee (38.8 percent). Black voters in these jurisdictions can bring lawsuits.
Certification is a ministerial act, meaning that once the votes are counted and court challenges resolved, local and state election officials must certify the results. Any interference is “hindering” this completion.
Michigan offers an example. A Republican member of the Wayne County Board of Canvassers initially advocated denying certification for Detroit ballots, but not those from whiter cities. Both Republican members then voted against certification (deadlocking the board), before later reversing themselves. Then, after a call from President Trump, they sought to rescind their votes to certify. Next, Republican National Committee Chairwoman Ronna McDaniel and Michigan GOP Chair Laura Cox asked to delay state certification for 14 days, which would bump up against the December 7 statutory certification deadline. There have also been requests to disqualify huge numbers of Wisconsin ballots and do a second Georgia recount.
The Trump campaign’s Section 1985(3) violations go beyond “hindering” to “intimidation” and “threat.” Donald Trump has a decades-long history of using litigation to intimidate opponents. Given his pattern of retaliation against Republicans who deviate from absolute loyalty, the careers of current elected officials are at risk.
Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a Republican, reports being pressured to invalidate legally-cast ballots by South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham, a Trump loyalist who also contacted election officials in Arizona and Nevada. Like other election officials in closely contested states, Raffensperger has reported threats to himself and his family. He expects to be primaried in 2022. Trump himself called the Michigan legislature’s Republican leaders into the White House for a closed-door meeting. Afterwards, the legislators issued a statement that the certification process should be “free from threats and intimidation.”
Interesting that this would be their response to meeting the president of the United States.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
If suits are filed, the discovery process would require participants in the voter suppression effort — including White House staff performing campaign duties — to produce emails, recordings and phone records relating to attempts to hinder certification and threaten officials. Trump and his surrogates could be required to give sworn depositions. The legitimate legal work of Trump’s election lawyers would be shielded by privilege — but not efforts to assist in election fraud, or unsupported allegations made to the public that are unconnected to legal work, such as Sidney Powell’s evidence-free accusation that Georgia Governor Brian Kemp and Raffensperger were taking payoffs.
Defendants who violate Section 1985(3) have joint and several liability for damages, meaning that Donald Trump could be held liable for all acts of those associated with him, even if he did not directly make the threats himself.
And because these acts relate to his role as a candidate, rather than his official acts as president, he would have difficulty claiming immunity. The damages could be substantial: in one case, plaintiffs were awarded $500 to $2,000 each when denied their voting rights. There were hundreds of thousands of Black votes in the jurisdictions that Trump has sought to disenfranchise, which would be a lot of money. Also, defendants who lose Section 1985(3) suits have to pay the plaintiffs’ attorneys’ fees.
It is important to understand that President Trump’s assault on America’s electoral process is not normal post-election jockeying, and its lack of success should not affect liability for the attempt. After all, terrorists are often convicted even when they have been arrested before carrying out their plots.
There’s the broader question of whether or not we should want to hold Trump accountable, fostering division and making it harder for the nation to heal. But the failure to defend voting rights can result in their slow erosion: After post-Reconstruction courts turned the Ku Klux Klan Act into a dead letter, Southern Blacks were stripped of their voting rights over the course of a quarter-century. Those rights were not restored until the 1960s.
And there is also no reason to believe that this attempt is a one-off. Donald Trump’s post-election strategy has created a roadmap for suppressing votes on the basis of race. So if the Trump campaign faces no liability, future candidates will be held back by nothing but their sacred honor. That’s not nothing, of course. But it’s a thin reed on which to hang the future of our democracy.
Conservatives often lament the creation of new laws by saying that we should simply exercise existing laws more actively. Well, in this case we have a law to deal with behavior like Donald Trump’s already on the books.
All that voters need is the will to invoke it.


thebulwark--2020-11-27--This Is How Biden Can Lead with Science

This Is How Biden Can Lead with Science

The Biden administration will soon take over America ’ s management of the COVID-19 pandemic .
There is a great deal of work to be done and it should start with Democrats and progressives making a realistic assessment of their own blind spots .
Last week Californians saw our governor , along with ( amazingly ) top executives from the California Medical Association , disregard their own advice , and dine maskless and indoors at the French Laundry .
In another instance , at least nine Golden State legislators ( both Democrats and Republicans ) flew to Maui ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s only all-suite and villa luxury resort ” —despite a health advisory on out-of-state travel , and ever-more intensive restrictions within the state as the virus surges .
Meanwhile , there has been a tendency to embrace the World Health Organization as the gold-standard , simply because it found itself in conflict with Donald Trump .
But the reality is that the WHO has revealed itself to be at least occasionally untrustworthy , by coddling China ’ s repressive regime , misrepresenting a COVID-19 outbreak at its own headquarters , and finding the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global pandemic , to spend hours bashing Israel .
None of this is meant to create a false equivalence with the scientific depredations of the Trump administration , which mismanaged this crisis in ways which stagger the mind .
And to his enormous credit , Joe Biden has exhibited laudably consistent behavior in his approach to COVID-19 risk , setting an example of personal conduct that his administration—all of America , actually—will do well to emulate .
But the responsibility of power is a double-edged sword .
Democrats will now have a greater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health .
But mistakes or hypocrisies—like those above—will be more damaging to public health .
Which is why it ’ s important for the party to have a clear-eyed view of itself .
A more difficult challenge for progressives will be resisting the tendency to substitute their own moral judgement for scientific judgement .
Consider the response of progressive public health advocates to this summer ’ s social justice marches .
Many explicitly argued that the virtue of the social justice protests more than offset the associated health risks .
Over 1,300 epidemiologists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , while previous anti-lockdown protests were “ rooted in white nationalism and run contrary to respect for Black lives , ” the social justice marches , which protested systemic racism , “ must be supported.
” “ As public health advocates , ” the letter said , “ we do not condemn these gatherings as risky for Covid-19 transmission .
We support them as vital to the national public health.
” This letter was a triumph of politics over science and one that ultimately hurt the credibility of the scientific establishment at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be measured in refrigerated mobile morgues .
We often idealize the process of science , imaging it as occurring in a distinct and sterile space , pursued by detached and disinterested researchers and evaluated by rigid , objective , and inviolable criteria .
That is a caricature .
Physicians and scientists are people , and their judgements can influenced—at least on the margins—by factors beyond the strictly scientific .
The influence of physician moral values on scientific evaluation was revealed in a remarkable 2012 New England Journal of Medicine ( NEJM ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a group of frequent industry critics .
The authors found that when identical scientific papers were presented to physicians , the doctors were much more likely to view the research as rigorous if it was described as government-funded than industry-funded—even though the actual substance of the work was exactly the same .
Capturing the implications of this powerful but disturbing study , Dr. Jeffrey Drazen , the Editor of the NEJM at the time , pleaded with physicians evaluating science to “ believe the data.
” That ’ s easier said than done @ @ @ @ @ @ @ causes we may agree with—like the summer ’ s social justice marches , perhaps —and for organizations like the WHO whose mission we may strongly support .
Consequently , we are drawn to afford these causes and organizations greater scientific leniency than their behavior or data may intrinsically merit .
Conversely , as demonstrated in the NEJM study , there ’ s a well-rehearsed reflex to resist data emanating from those with whom we oppose , whether it ’ s an academic competitor , an industry scientist , or simply someone whose political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will start with a great many challenges .
One of them will be to avoid the trap of replacing the destructive biases of the Trump administration with biases of their own .
By authentically welcoming a range of perspectives—and insisting on a common standard of evaluation for all science , rather than privileging data based on political affinity rather than scientific quality—the incoming team can ensure the very best science in the world is utilized to surface , articulate , and fashion the most effective solutions .
And by consistently walking the talk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that these solutions stick .

The Biden administration will soon take over America’s management of the COVID-19 pandemic. There is a great deal of work to be done and it should start with Democrats and progressives making a realistic assessment of their own blind spots.
Last week Californians saw our governor, along with (amazingly) top executives from the California Medical Association, disregard their own advice, and dine maskless and indoors at the French Laundry.
In another instance, at least nine Golden State legislators (both Democrats and Republicans) flew to Maui’s elegant Fairmont Kea Lani—“Hawaii’s only all-suite and villa luxury resort”—despite a health advisory on out-of-state travel, and ever-more intensive restrictions within the state as the virus surges.
Meanwhile, there has been a tendency to embrace the World Health Organization as the gold-standard, simply because it found itself in conflict with Donald Trump. But the reality is that the WHO has revealed itself to be at least occasionally untrustworthy, by coddling China’s repressive regime, misrepresenting a COVID-19 outbreak at its own headquarters, and finding the time, in the midst of a global pandemic, to spend hours bashing Israel.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
None of this is meant to create a false equivalence with the scientific depredations of the Trump administration, which mismanaged this crisis in ways which stagger the mind.
And to his enormous credit, Joe Biden has exhibited laudably consistent behavior in his approach to COVID-19 risk, setting an example of personal conduct that his administration—all of America, actually—will do well to emulate.
But the responsibility of power is a double-edged sword. Democrats will now have a greater ability to take actions that help public health. But mistakes or hypocrisies—like those above—will be more damaging to public health. Which is why it’s important for the party to have a clear-eyed view of itself.
A more difficult challenge for progressives will be resisting the tendency to substitute their own moral judgement for scientific judgement.
Consider the response of progressive public health advocates to this summer’s social justice marches. Many explicitly argued that the virtue of the social justice protests more than offset the associated health risks. Over 1,300 epidemiologists and health workers signed a letter contending that, while previous anti-lockdown protests were “rooted in white nationalism and run contrary to respect for Black lives,” the social justice marches, which protested systemic racism, “must be supported.”
“As public health advocates,” the letter said, “we do not condemn these gatherings as risky for Covid-19 transmission. We support them as vital to the national public health.”
This letter was a triumph of politics over science and one that ultimately hurt the credibility of the scientific establishment at a moment when the value of credibility can be measured in refrigerated mobile morgues.
We often idealize the process of science, imaging it as occurring in a distinct and sterile space, pursued by detached and disinterested researchers and evaluated by rigid, objective, and inviolable criteria. That is a caricature. Physicians and scientists are people, and their judgements can influenced—at least on the margins—by factors beyond the strictly scientific.
The influence of physician moral values on scientific evaluation was revealed in a remarkable 2012 New England Journal of Medicine (NEJM) paper—published, to their credit, by a group of frequent industry critics. The authors found that when identical scientific papers were presented to physicians, the doctors were much more likely to view the research as rigorous if it was described as government-funded than industry-funded—even though the actual substance of the work was exactly the same.
Capturing the implications of this powerful but disturbing study, Dr. Jeffrey Drazen, the Editor of the NEJM at the time, pleaded with physicians evaluating science to “believe the data.”
That’s easier said than done. We harbor a natural sympathy for causes we may agree with—like the summer’s social justice marches, perhaps —and for organizations like the WHO whose mission we may strongly support. Consequently, we are drawn to afford these causes and organizations greater scientific leniency than their behavior or data may intrinsically merit.
Conversely, as demonstrated in the NEJM study, there’s a well-rehearsed reflex to resist data emanating from those with whom we oppose, whether it’s an academic competitor, an industry scientist, or simply someone whose political views we dislike.
The Biden administration will start with a great many challenges. One of them will be to avoid the trap of replacing the destructive biases of the Trump administration with biases of their own.
By authentically welcoming a range of perspectives—and insisting on a common standard of evaluation for all science, rather than privileging data based on political affinity rather than scientific quality—the incoming team can ensure the very best science in the world is utilized to surface, articulate, and fashion the most effective solutions.
And by consistently walking the talk, the administration can increase the chance that these solutions stick.


thebulwark--2020-11-30--Six Steps for a Bipartisan Foreign Policy

President-elect Biden ’ s initial national security appointments look promising , as the individuals tapped for national security advisor , secretary of state , director of national intelligence , secretary of homeland security , and ambassador to the United Nations are all foreign policy professionals with solid government experience .
They are , along with some of President-elect Biden ’ s other cabinet picks , mostly pragmatists and institutionalists , as opposed to ideologues or radicals .
But despite the common saying , personnel isn ’ t policy—not all of it anyway .
If the Biden administration is to pursue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign theme of restoring traditional American habits and virtues—and one that might garner some Republican support—he will need lodestars for how to approach both perennial and novel foreign policy questions .
The below six points helped shape much of the foreign policy of modern era under Democrats and Republicans alike , and they might serve as a guide for the Biden team to balance thier foreign policy on a bipartisan footing .
1 ) American peace and prosperity is enhanced by international leadership .
The United States does not provide leadership from altruism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( though both impulses help shape our views ) but from a hard-headed recognition that the United States is one of the few countries in the world today that has the ability to shape outcomes by winning the trust and goodwill necessary to lead coalitions .
International leadership , not unilateralism , is foremost in the interest of the United States .
2 ) Multilateralism and participation in international organizations is not cost-free , but it is the best path for the United States .
Having friends can be expensive but having no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Human Rights Council that seats Cuba and Saudi Arabia should not be taken seriously , but how the United States presents itself at the UN , and how we use this presentation to win friends and influence global events , should be top priorities .
3 ) Be careful about foreign policy as a domestic political foil .
Harsh public language can make goals more difficult to attain .
Petulance is not a policy .
4 ) Carrots before sticks .
Classical statecraft , collegiality , clear-eyed negotiations , regular consultations , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you through 95 percent of your tasks , because 95 percent of the countries in the world today are status quo powers that seek peace and prosperity .
They have no territorial disputes , they hold no deterministic ideology , they are not engaged in tangles with their neighbors , nor are they undertaking arms buildups .
Besides status quo powers , there are also powers that are malevolent , predatory , or opportunistic .
This remaining 5 percent will provide the tests , challenges , surprises , and provocations .
Speak softly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States should lead on trade .
American non-participation in trade negotiations and agreements means other nations determine the standards , the relationships , and the benefits of the global economy .
Moving on trade can cause economic dislocation .
Standing still on trade will cause even more .
Don ’ t stand still .
6 ) Values matter .
We can debate to what extent democracy , liberty , and human rights should guide U.S. foreign policy , but the answer is not “ never.
” It is easier to forge working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also look for opportunities to collaborate with other countries even when values are not aligned , but these will be more transactional .
None of these guidelines , nor any combination of them , will be sufficient to address the predictable and unpredictable challenges the Biden administration will face .
But they can help .
These might only garner regular support from a handful of Republicans , but on key issues support could go deeper , and ignoring them will make bipartisanship all but impossible .
President-elect Biden ran on restoring and uniting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goal attained as much as we do .

President-elect Biden’s initial national security appointments look promising, as the individuals tapped for national security advisor, secretary of state, director of national intelligence, secretary of homeland security, and ambassador to the United Nations are all foreign policy professionals with solid government experience. They are, along with some of President-elect Biden’s other cabinet picks, mostly pragmatists and institutionalists, as opposed to ideologues or radicals. But despite the common saying, personnel isn’t policy—not all of it anyway. If the Biden administration is to pursue a foreign policy in line with his campaign theme of restoring traditional American habits and virtues—and one that might garner some Republican support—he will need lodestars for how to approach both perennial and novel foreign policy questions.
The below six points helped shape much of the foreign policy of modern era under Democrats and Republicans alike, and they might serve as a guide for the Biden team to balance their foreign policy on a bipartisan footing.
1) American peace and prosperity is enhanced by international leadership. The United States does not provide leadership from altruism or as a deduction from abstract morality (though both impulses help shape our views) but from a hard-headed recognition that the United States is one of the few countries in the world today that has the ability to shape outcomes by winning the trust and goodwill necessary to lead coalitions. International leadership, not unilateralism, is foremost in the interest of the United States.
2) Multilateralism and participation in international organizations is not cost-free, but it is the best path for the United States. Having friends can be expensive but having no friends is more expensive. A UN Human Rights Council that seats Cuba and Saudi Arabia should not be taken seriously, but how the United States presents itself at the UN, and how we use this presentation to win friends and influence global events, should be top priorities.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
3) Be careful about foreign policy as a domestic political foil. Harsh public language can make goals more difficult to attain. Petulance is not a policy.
4) Carrots before sticks. Classical statecraft, collegiality, clear-eyed negotiations, regular consultations, and shaping a convergence of views will get you through 95 percent of your tasks, because 95 percent of the countries in the world today are status quo powers that seek peace and prosperity. They have no territorial disputes, they hold no deterministic ideology, they are not engaged in tangles with their neighbors, nor are they undertaking arms buildups. Besides status quo powers, there are also powers that are malevolent, predatory, or opportunistic. This remaining 5 percent will provide the tests, challenges, surprises, and provocations. Speak softly and carry something.
5) The United States should lead on trade. American non-participation in trade negotiations and agreements means other nations determine the standards, the relationships, and the benefits of the global economy. Moving on trade can cause economic dislocation. Standing still on trade will cause even more. Don’t stand still.
6) Values matter. We can debate to what extent democracy, liberty, and human rights should guide U.S. foreign policy, but the answer is not “never.” It is easier to forge working relations with like-minded nations. We should also look for opportunities to collaborate with other countries even when values are not aligned, but these will be more transactional.
None of these guidelines, nor any combination of them, will be sufficient to address the predictable and unpredictable challenges the Biden administration will face. But they can help. These might only garner regular support from a handful of Republicans, but on key issues support could go deeper, and ignoring them will make bipartisanship all but impossible.
President-elect Biden ran on restoring and uniting the country. The world needs that goal attained as much as we do.


thebulwark--2020-11-30--The GOP Is a Propaganda Party

The GOP Is a Propaganda Party

The parasite enters a fish through its gills , attaches to its tongue , consumes the tongue , and then becomes a sort of new tongue .
For the rest of the fish ’ s life , it swims around with the “ tongue-eating louse , ” as the isopod is known , operating its mouth .
At first , seeing a photo of it made me recoil .
Then , I realized it seemed oddly familiar : It reminds me of the relationship between what ’ s loosely defined as “ conservative media ” and the GOP .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media figures were content to swim alongside the GOP , flowing along in the same general direction .
Until Donald Trump came along .
Then they saw an opportunity to burrow deep inside the GOP and wield real power .
It worked .
So well that the GOP , as an institution , no longer controls its tongue and its craven media parasites are the only thing keeping it alive .
Ask yourself , “ Who are the actual leaders of the GOP ?
” Who truly influences Republican voters ?
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will nominate as its next chairman .
It ’ s not Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell or House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy , for God ’ s sake .
It ’ s the Fox News primetime lineup , the large galaxy of radio and digital outlets clamoring to place their personalities and stories on Fox News , and their vast array of fringy lower-tier knockoffs .
All day , every day , these talkers , writers , producers , and editors set the party agenda .
They act as the Republican party ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favored politicians airtime to solicit donations from their viewers .
They go negative on their political enemies .
Their stars even headline campaign events to rev up the base and get out the vote .
The ones who are good at it get paid far more by the likes of the Murdoch and the Mercer families to carry out the political agenda than any mere senator or congressman .
These talkers , not the elected officials stuck grubbing around shaking hands and campaigning in the streets , are the party ’ s real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afterthought in this context .
After all , where is Trump without the glow of the TV camera and his Twitter handle ?
Nowhere .
Long before he announced his candidacy in 2015 , Fox primed the GOP base for a candidate like him ; the network gave him more airtime than other candidates , including a longstanding call-in segment on Fox & Friends ; no one blinked an eye when Fox head Roger Ailes , who had a quarter-century friendship with Trump , began advising the Trump campaign soon after Ailes ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond and before Fox , the media—news , talk , and entertainment—always have been and always will be Trump ’ s source of political strength .
That will only become more true after he leaves office .
He will continue to seek out ratings , somewhere , as sustenance for relevance and survival .
The only question is what channel and whether he appears on the network , owns it , or licenses his name .
Knowing this dynamic within the GOP , it ’ s no wonder that ( to name just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has adopted the posture of an online Twitter troll instead of the constitutional scholar-turned-statesman of the biggest , most Republican state in the union .
One doesn ’ t amass a rabid grassroots following by passing bipartisan legislation , delivering on constituent services , or even acting to protect the homeland during a pandemic .
The demands of leading and governing in the public interest have never meshed well with the demands of winning and keeping office , but they have never before been so contradictory .
Propaganda Party rules dictate that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , retweets , and reactions online are the key to success .
In the absence of any policy platform , a new party operating philosophy has emerged among politicians and media figures alike : present Trump-friendly figures in the best light possible and depict anyone who stands in their way as some variation of a socialist , child-eating , Satan worshipper .
Plenty of deep-pocketed investors are down for it ; they ’ re looking to fund more media that will do exactly this .
In a piece published last night , New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a healthy appetite among media investors eager to “ convert Mr. Trump ’ s political profile into cash ” : “ There are a lot of well-capitalized people circling , ” said Michael Clemente , a former executive at ABC News and Fox News and former chief executive of Newsmax , who has been part of conversations as a potential leader of a new venture .
.
.
.
The noisiest effort is led by Hicks Equity Partners , the family business of a Republican National Committee co-chairman and friend of Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hicks group has sought to lead buyouts of both Newsmax and its smaller and stranger rival , the One America News Network .
.
.
.
Other possibilities for the president to cash in on his stature include creating a new Trump TV network from scratch , either as a television broadcast channel , a package of online video or even a way to direct cash into the Trump family political operation .
Dollar-for-dollar it ’ s a much better bang for their buck than funding candidates or ads .
It sure beats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too .
The only problem is , people outside of the GOP bubble are starting to think that publishing and promoting disinformation shouldn ’ t be so easy .
Hence , the GOP obsession with “ Big Tech ” —or what Tucker Carlson dubbed the “ censorship cartel.
” This is practically the only policy discussion that universally animates a major sect of top 2024 GOP presidential candidates , among whom , at least according to one poll , Carlson could be a plausible contender .
Makes sense .
The prospect that Google @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might enforce rules to bar politicians from dumping disinformation online is probably the biggest threat to their political model .
What happens next ?
It is said that when the host fish dies , Cymothoa exigua will release itself from the oral cavity and can be seen clinging to the fish ’ s head or body .
But , no one wants to be seen clinging to the husk of Trump ’ s dead Republican party .
Fox News ’ s Maria Bartiromo did her best to heave life into Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview on Sunday .
The Trump campaign has lost dozens of court cases contesting the election , yet she told Trump , “ The facts are on your side.
” Without any evidence she claimed , “ This is disgusting , and we can not allow America ’ s election to be corrupted.
” In the age of Trump , the former Money Honey has turned into a propaganda princess .
Newsmax CEO Chris Ruddy straight-up says that Trump ’ s baseless election lies are working out well for Ruddy .
He told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cycle is red-hot , and Newsmax is getting one million people per minute , according to Nielsen , tuning into Newsmax TV .
I think it ’ s good.
” He added , “ We have an editorial policy of being supportive of the President and his policies.
” Whatever those may be .
It doesn ’ t really matter .
He ’ ll swallow it .
Because people like Ruddy and the talk radio personalities and the Fox primetime hosts have only one primary function now : Keep Trump ’ s GOP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feed themselves and feed the political machine at once .
And , without them , the GOP in its current form will wither and die .
The propaganda is the party and the party is propaganda .
Sink or swim .

Cymothoa exigua is a terrifying creature.
The parasite enters a fish through its gills, attaches to its tongue, consumes the tongue, and then becomes a sort of new tongue. For the rest of the fish’s life, it swims around with the “tongue-eating louse,” as the isopod is known, operating its mouth.
At first, seeing a photo of it made me recoil. Then, I realized it seemed oddly familiar: It reminds me of the relationship between what’s loosely defined as “conservative media” and the GOP.
For a long time, most influential right-leaning media figures were content to swim alongside the GOP, flowing along in the same general direction. Until Donald Trump came along. Then they saw an opportunity to burrow deep inside the GOP and wield real power.
It worked. So well that the GOP, as an institution, no longer controls its tongue and its craven media parasites are the only thing keeping it alive.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Ask yourself, “Who are the actual leaders of the GOP?” Who truly influences Republican voters?
It’s not whoever the Republican National Committee will nominate as its next chairman. It’s not Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell or House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, for God’s sake. It’s the Fox News primetime lineup, the large galaxy of radio and digital outlets clamoring to place their personalities and stories on Fox News, and their vast array of fringy lower-tier knockoffs.
All day, every day, these talkers, writers, producers, and editors set the party agenda. They act as the Republican party’s “war room.” They give favored politicians airtime to solicit donations from their viewers. They go negative on their political enemies. Their stars even headline campaign events to rev up the base and get out the vote.
The ones who are good at it get paid far more by the likes of the Murdoch and the Mercer families to carry out the political agenda than any mere senator or congressman. These talkers, not the elected officials stuck grubbing around shaking hands and campaigning in the streets, are the party’s real leaders.
Donald Trump is almost an afterthought in this context. After all, where is Trump without the glow of the TV camera and his Twitter handle? Nowhere. Long before he announced his candidacy in 2015, Fox primed the GOP base for a candidate like him; the network gave him more airtime than other candidates, including a longstanding call-in segment on Fox & Friends; no one blinked an eye when Fox head Roger Ailes, who had a quarter-century friendship with Trump, began advising the Trump campaign soon after Ailes’s ouster from the network. And beyond and before Fox, the media—news, talk, and entertainment—always have been and always will be Trump’s source of political strength. That will only become more true after he leaves office. He will continue to seek out ratings, somewhere, as sustenance for relevance and survival.
The only question is what channel and whether he appears on the network, owns it, or licenses his name.
Knowing this dynamic within the GOP, it’s no wonder that (to name just one ambitious pol) Sen. Ted Cruz has adopted the posture of an online Twitter troll instead of the constitutional scholar-turned-statesman of the most Republican of the big states. One doesn’t amass a rabid grassroots following by passing bipartisan legislation, delivering on constituent services, or even acting to protect the homeland during a pandemic. The demands of leading and governing in the public interest have never meshed well with the demands of winning and keeping office, but they have never before been so contradictory.
Propaganda Party rules dictate that “owning the libz” and generating likes, retweets, and reactions online are the key to success. In the absence of any policy platform, a new party operating philosophy has emerged among politicians and media figures alike: present Trump-friendly figures in the best light possible and depict anyone who stands in their way as some variation of a socialist, child-eating, Satan worshipper.
Plenty of deep-pocketed investors are down for it; they’re looking to fund more media that will do exactly this. In a piece published last night, New York Times media reporter Ben Smith found a healthy appetite among media investors eager to “convert Mr. Trump’s political profile into cash”:
“There are a lot of well-capitalized people circling,” said Michael Clemente, a former executive at ABC News and Fox News and former chief executive of Newsmax, who has been part of conversations as a potential leader of a new venture. . . . The noisiest effort is led by Hicks Equity Partners, the family business of a Republican National Committee co-chairman and friend of Donald Trump Jr., Thomas Hicks Jr. The Hicks group has sought to lead buyouts of both Newsmax and its smaller and stranger rival, the One America News Network. . . . Other possibilities for the president to cash in on his stature include creating a new Trump TV network from scratch, either as a television broadcast channel, a package of online video or even a way to direct cash into the Trump family political operation.
Dollar-for-dollar it’s a much better bang for their buck than funding candidates or ads. It sure beats abiding by pesky campaign finance rules, too.
The only problem is, people outside of the GOP bubble are starting to think that publishing and promoting disinformation shouldn’t be so easy. Hence, the GOP obsession with “Big Tech”—or what Tucker Carlson dubbed the “censorship cartel.” This is practically the only policy discussion that universally animates a major sect of top 2024 GOP presidential candidates, among whom, at least according to one poll, Carlson could be a plausible contender.
Makes sense. The prospect that Google, Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram might enforce rules to bar politicians from dumping disinformation online is probably the biggest threat to their political model.
What happens next?
It is said that when the host fish dies, Cymothoa exigua will release itself from the oral cavity and can be seen clinging to the fish’s head or body. But, no one wants to be seen clinging to the husk of Trump’s dead Republican party.
Fox News’s Maria Bartiromo did her best to heave life into Trump’s dead 2020 prospects in his first post-election interview on Sunday. The Trump campaign has lost dozens of court cases contesting the election, yet she told Trump, “The facts are on your side.” Without any evidence she claimed, “This is disgusting, and we cannot allow America’s election to be corrupted.” In the age of Trump, the former Money Honey has turned into a propaganda princess.
Newsmax CEO Chris Ruddy straight-up says that Trump’s baseless election lies are working out well for Ruddy. He told the New Yorker, “The news cycle is red-hot, and Newsmax is getting one million people per minute, according to Nielsen, tuning into Newsmax TV. I think it’s good.”
He added, “We have an editorial policy of being supportive of the President and his policies.” Whatever those may be. It doesn’t really matter. He’ll swallow it.
Because people like Ruddy and the talk radio personalities and the Fox primetime hosts have only one primary function now: Keep Trump’s GOP alive, no matter what. They feed themselves and feed the political machine at once. And, without them, the GOP in its current form will wither and die.
The propaganda is the party and the party is propaganda. Sink or swim.


thebulwark--2020-11-30--School Closings (Probably) Work

School Closings (Probably) Work

Another surge of coronavirus cases is upon us , and it is horrifying .
The last seven days saw more than a million new cases in the United States .
Last week , there were two days in which the national tally of reported COVID-19 deaths rose above 2,000—for the first time since May .
Based on current projections , 60,000 to 90,000 additional deaths are expected by late January .
Any easing of masking or social distancing restrictions is likely to add to that total .
Despite ubiquitous warnings from news media and public health authorities about the risks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people who were infected over the Thanksgiving weekend will likely be in hospital beds around Christmas .
At the same time , the public-private partnership called Operation Warp Speed and a massive global research effort are on track to produce billions of doses of effective , safe vaccines that should help crush the pandemic over the next year .
We are about to cross a bridge that will take us out of the pandemic .
What matters now is getting as many people as we can across that bridge with as few @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible .
In this landscape of daunting challenges and surprising hope , we have , in the short term , a limited set of tools available to mitigate the pandemic .
These tools center on various expressions of social distancing .
Within this category , closing K-12 schools has probably been the most consequential decision—and the most contentious : Many places across the country have seen strident debate on the tradeoffs between the needs of children to be educated and socialized and the extent to which open schools contribute to the spread of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , from a scientific and public health perspective , the evidence strongly indicates school closures are among the most effective strategies we have for reducing the spread of viral infections .
In a new book , Apollo ’ s Arrow : The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way We Live , Yale physician and sociologist Nicholas Christakis reviews the historical and epidemiological data on this issue .
While not discounting the ambiguities and tradeoffs associated with school closings , he argues that “ the impact of banning occasional large gatherings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not even come close to that of school closure ” and that “ school closures are the most consequential [ public health measure ] that can be employed , short of requiring everyone to stay home.
” Moreover , Christakis says , the data show that these policies are most effective in reducing disease when they are imposed early , even before cases show up in a community , and are maintained for prolonged periods .
Christakis relies on data drawn from past pandemics within the United States and other countries .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 12 different countries showed that closing schools delayed and reduced epidemic peaks .
The longer schools were kept closed , the later the peak arrives .
Whether the peak arrives early or late , these closures have the benefit of reducing the final case count , thereby avoiding disease and death .
Within the United States , the evidence is even stronger .
A paper examining “ nonpharmaceutical interventions ” implemented during the 1918 pandemic examined more than forty U.S. cities and found that closing schools and restricting public gatherings helped significantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found that cities adopting these policies early and sustaining them over long periods , like St. Louis , Missouri , experienced outbreaks that were less brutal than other cities that did not adopt them early or sustain them as long .
One interesting factor here was that in some places , whether or not schools closed officially , absenteeism rose sharply at the peak of the epidemic—effectively a closure of the schools by the community rather than government edict .
Something similar happened this year : Especially during the early months , parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home even before schools had officially closed .
These closings are effective whether they are applied early in an epidemic or late .
Proactive closures ( i.e.
, before cases of a disease actually appear ) yield the best results but even reactive closures ( i.e.
, those executed after cases appear ) are also effective .
A reactive closure can reduce peak attack rates by up to 40 percent .
Early closures are hard and politically controversial but yield the best public health results .
COVID-19 is overwhelmingly a disease of adults @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the harder the disease hits .
Then why are school closures effective at reducing cases and deaths ?
The answer is that a school is a hub for community interactions and potential transmissions among parents and other adults .
School closings are effective because they reduce contact between and mobility of the adult population .
Parents aren ’ t interacting with teachers , other school staff , or one another as much .
Extracurricular activity halts or is moved online .
Parents stay home more to care for children thereby reducing their exposure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As we ’ ve noted in the past nine months , when schools close , life slows down and so does the transmission of the virus .
In short , school closures are not about protecting children per se as much as protecting the adult population on which those children depend .
School closures are an act of social and intergenerational solidarity , with children postponing the benefits of education and peer relationships while adults sacrifice the freedom to carry on with their normal personal , business , and professional lives .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less disease and death and , therefore , more parents and grandparents around to teach and nurture children in the future .
As other studies of the 1918 pandemic have suggested , policies that preserve human life , knowledge , skill , and wisdom provide the basis for restoring socioeconomic functioning after the pandemic .
The communities that imposed and sustained harsh social distancing measures and economic shutdowns had the earliest and strongest economic recoveries once the influenza passed .
Finally , the intergenerational compact needs to work in both directions .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adult recreational spaces , namely bars and restaurants , to remain open .
These can also be major sites of transmission , and the principle of solidarity demands they close as well with government support to ensure their ability to reopen later .
If school shutdowns are effective and necessary , it ’ s important that they be done carefully , predictably , and in the most logical and least burdensome way possible , with maximum coordination among government officials and between schools and parents .
The farcical behaviors , unpredictability , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de Blasio , Governor Andrew Cuomo , and parents and teachers in New York City is a model of bad policy made in the worst possible way .
The important thing to bear in mind at this point is that—as bad as things now look , with the case counts and death counts rising again—we are far closer to the end of the pandemic than the beginning .
Commitments made to limit social activity now , including school closures , are not meant to last indefinitely but have a specific time horizon as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drugs become available in the first half of 2021 .
While school closings in many ways involve painful tradeoffs , by imposing them for the next few months we can significantly reduce illness , disability , and death and look forward to a stronger recovery next summer .

Another surge of coronavirus cases is upon us, and it is horrifying. The last seven days saw more than a million new cases in the United States. Last week, there were two days in which the national tally of reported COVID-19 deaths rose above 2,000—for the first time since May. Based on current projections, 60,000 to 90,000 additional deaths are expected by late January. Any easing of masking or social distancing restrictions is likely to add to that total. Despite ubiquitous warnings from news media and public health authorities about the risks of holiday travel and visits, thousands of people who were infected over the Thanksgiving weekend will likely be in hospital beds around Christmas.
At the same time, the public-private partnership called Operation Warp Speed and a massive global research effort are on track to produce billions of doses of effective, safe vaccines that should help crush the pandemic over the next year. We are about to cross a bridge that will take us out of the pandemic. What matters now is getting as many people as we can across that bridge with as few infections, disabilities, and deaths as possible.
In this landscape of daunting challenges and surprising hope, we have, in the short term, a limited set of tools available to mitigate the pandemic. These tools center on various expressions of social distancing. Within this category, closing K-12 schools has probably been the most consequential decision—and the most contentious: Many places across the country have seen strident debate on the tradeoffs between the needs of children to be educated and socialized and the extent to which open schools contribute to the spread of infections. This is doubly unfortunate because, from a scientific and public health perspective, the evidence strongly indicates school closures are among the most effective strategies we have for reducing the spread of viral infections.
In a new book, Apollo’s Arrow: The Profound and Enduring Impact of Coronavirus on the Way We Live, Yale physician and sociologist Nicholas Christakis reviews the historical and epidemiological data on this issue. While not discounting the ambiguities and tradeoffs associated with school closings, he argues that “the impact of banning occasional large gatherings like sporting events or religious services does not even come close to that of school closure” and that “school closures are the most consequential [public health measure] that can be employed, short of requiring everyone to stay home.” Moreover, Christakis says, the data show that these policies are most effective in reducing disease when they are imposed early, even before cases show up in a community, and are maintained for prolonged periods.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Christakis relies on data drawn from past pandemics within the United States and other countries. A review of studies from 1957 to 2015 in 12 different countries showed that closing schools delayed and reduced epidemic peaks. The longer schools were kept closed, the later the peak arrives. Whether the peak arrives early or late, these closures have the benefit of reducing the final case count, thereby avoiding disease and death.
Within the United States, the evidence is even stronger. A paper examining “nonpharmaceutical interventions” implemented during the 1918 pandemic examined more than forty U.S. cities and found that closing schools and restricting public gatherings helped significantly reduce excess deaths. The same paper found that cities adopting these policies early and sustaining them over long periods, like St. Louis, Missouri, experienced outbreaks that were less brutal than other cities that did not adopt them early or sustain them as long. One interesting factor here was that in some places, whether or not schools closed officially, absenteeism rose sharply at the peak of the epidemic—effectively a closure of the schools by the community rather than government edict. Something similar happened this year: Especially during the early months, parents in some places starting keeping their children home even before schools had officially closed.
These closings are effective whether they are applied early in an epidemic or late. Proactive closures (i.e., before cases of a disease actually appear) yield the best results but even reactive closures (i.e., those executed after cases appear) are also effective. A reactive closure can reduce peak attack rates by up to 40 percent. Early closures are hard and politically controversial but yield the best public health results.
COVID-19 is overwhelmingly a disease of adults, and the older the adult is the harder the disease hits. Then why are school closures effective at reducing cases and deaths? The answer is that a school is a hub for community interactions and potential transmissions among parents and other adults. School closings are effective because they reduce contact between and mobility of the adult population. Parents aren’t interacting with teachers, other school staff, or one another as much. Extracurricular activity halts or is moved online. Parents stay home more to care for children thereby reducing their exposure to the disease in their workplaces. As we’ve noted in the past nine months, when schools close, life slows down and so does the transmission of the virus.
In short, school closures are not about protecting children per se as much as protecting the adult population on which those children depend. School closures are an act of social and intergenerational solidarity, with children postponing the benefits of education and peer relationships while adults sacrifice the freedom to carry on with their normal personal, business, and professional lives.
The payoffs of these policies are manifest: less disease and death and, therefore, more parents and grandparents around to teach and nurture children in the future. As other studies of the 1918 pandemic have suggested, policies that preserve human life, knowledge, skill, and wisdom provide the basis for restoring socioeconomic functioning after the pandemic. The communities that imposed and sustained harsh social distancing measures and economic shutdowns had the earliest and strongest economic recoveries once the influenza passed.
Finally, the intergenerational compact needs to work in both directions. It is unfair to close schools while allowing adult recreational spaces, namely bars and restaurants, to remain open. These can also be major sites of transmission, and the principle of solidarity demands they close as well with government support to ensure their ability to reopen later.
If school shutdowns are effective and necessary, it’s important that they be done carefully, predictably, and in the most logical and least burdensome way possible, with maximum coordination among government officials and between schools and parents. The farcical behaviors, unpredictability, and miscommunication among New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio, Governor Andrew Cuomo, and parents and teachers in New York City is a model of bad policy made in the worst possible way.
The important thing to bear in mind at this point is that—as bad as things now look, with the case counts and death counts rising again—we are far closer to the end of the pandemic than the beginning. Commitments made to limit social activity now, including school closures, are not meant to last indefinitely but have a specific time horizon as the pandemic crests and hard-won vaccines and drugs become available in the first half of 2021. While school closings in many ways involve painful tradeoffs, by imposing them for the next few months we can significantly reduce illness, disability, and death and look forward to a stronger recovery next summer.


thebulwark--2020-11-30--The ‘Kraken’ Lawsuit Was Released And It’s Way Dumber Than You Realize

Every time you think you have a grasp of how preposterous the Trump team ’ s election lawsuits are , another one comes out , dumber and more conspiracy-filled than the last .
The Pennsylvania monstrosity that was submitted by Rudy Giuliani , Jenna Ellis , and the Four Seasons Total Litigation supporting cast was terrible .
It made , according to a federal appeals court ruling , “ vague and conclusory ” allegations about alleged misconduct , tried to get the court to do things that would violate the U.S. Constitution , and had , in the court ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Their case was such complete nonsense that two courts and four judges decided it was too dumb to fix .
You want that to be the bottom .
You want the lawsuit that the president ’ s legal team lost , twice , for literally every reason it ’ s possible to lose the case to be the most preposterous election lawsuit we ’ re going to see this year .
You go to bed Wednesday night hoping that it was .
And you wake up disappointed Thursday morning because while you slept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Powell had been threatening to release the Kraken for the last week , which she spent “ practicing law on her own ” after being unpersoned by the Trump legal team following a press conference in which she spouted conspiracy theories so insane that even Giuliani ’ s hair dye was trying to get out of the room .
It wasn ’ t clear what the Kraken was until it was released and we learned that it had taken the form of matching his-and-hers lawsuits in Georgia and Michigan .
Lawsuits that have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t need to read far to see how truly awful these lawsuits are .
Start with the simplest and most eye-catchingly obvious : Complaints in federal lawsuits have set formatting—at the top of the first page are the words “ IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE ____ DISTRICT OF ____.
” It ’ s a ritual formula , it ’ s hard to mess up , and every lawyer I know who practices in federal courts uses a fill-in-the-blanks template .
Every lawyer except Sidney Powell , I guess—because between the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ word “ district ” four different ways , batting .250 on accuracy .
And things only got worse from there .
Much worse .
The two lawsuits , which are very similar to each other , reiterate more or less the same meritless claims that just got Rudy et al .
unceremoniously tossed out of the Third Circuit .
They seem to have been drafted by a spacebar-phobic first-year coming out the back end of a meth binge .
Consider this section of the legal background : Or this compelling excerpt from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That kind of spacing problem recurs throughout .
The document is practically unreadable .
But as specious the legal arguments are and as incomprehensible as the copy is , the craziest thing about the case is the substance .
This complaint reads like it was drafted at the afterparty for a three-day QAnon convention .
And it might have been , given that one of Powell ’ s more absurd “ witnesses ” is Ronald Watkins who , alongside his father , runs the imageboard where “ Q ” drops his messages .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this case is unclear .
Powell is claiming him as an expert in Dominion ’ s voting software , but you would hope that she could find someone better—like I don ’ t know , someone who has worked with it maybe ?
The basis of Watkins ’ s alleged expertise is the fact that he claims to have read the manual .
This may come as a surprise but reading a software manual does not qualify you to testify as an expert witness in a federal courtroom .
If you can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even the strangest witness .
The award would go to Mystery Man Lord Tensai .
Powell redacted this witness ’ s name from all the filings , including those sent to the defendants .
The Mystery Witness proclaims that he/she/it wants to “ let the world know the truth about the corruption , manipulation , and lies being committed by a conspiracy of people and companies ” that “ began more than a decade ago in Venezuela and has spread to countries all over the world.
” Our Mystery Witness , whom the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of sound mine ” [ sic .
.
.
lmao ] claims to have gathered the information about this conspiracy while serving on long-dead Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez ’ s security detail .
We don ’ t know this person ’ s name , but they tell us that if we doubt the veracity of their claims , we only have to—well , see for yourself .
Ah so the Mystery Witness also has a Mystery Corroborator !
For those who are not versed in the particulars of high-stakes lawsuits of this nature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you can not hide the identity of your star witness from the people you ’ re suing .
And no , you can not hide the identity of the people who will vouch for the veracity of your star witness .
This remains true no matter how many poorly explained diagrams with circles and lines and arrows your unnamed experts use in their declarations .
This is especially the case when the claim you are making is as bonkers ( that ’ s a term of art ) an expert declaration as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen using ACUTENIX , a website scanning software , to find vulnerabilities within Election company websites , confirmed to be used by the Iranian APT teams buy [ sic .
.
.
I think ? ]
seized cloud storage that I had personally captured and reported to higher authorities.
” This is all batshit crazy .
It is as stupid an elections lawsuit as I ’ ve ever seen .
And there ’ s no guarantee that it ’ s the worst case we ’ re going to see , because even though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extreme prejudice , when it comes to the political/propaganda aims of the litigants—this stuff works .
Once the true believers are on board , it ’ s hard to get them off .
The complaints that Sidney Powell filed in these two cases are full of so many misspellings and missing spaces that they ’ d drive a proofreader to drink .
The faithful think that ’ s nine-dimensional chess , intended to distract the media from the quality of the allegations .
If the faithful aren ’ t going to be scared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by someone who clearly thinks that the spacebar is an optional extra , they ’ re not going to be scared away when the case is inevitably dismissed by an “ activist judge.
” The Kraken is the stupidest election fraud lawsuit in history today .
But who knows what next week will bring .

Every time you think you have a grasp of how preposterous the Trump team’s election lawsuits are, another one comes out, dumber and more conspiracy-filled than the last.
The Pennsylvania monstrosity that was submitted by Rudy Giuliani, Jenna Ellis, and the Four Seasons Total Litigation supporting cast was terrible. It made, according to a federal appeals court ruling, “vague and conclusory” allegations about alleged misconduct, tried to get the court to do things that would violate the U.S. Constitution, and had, in the court’s words, “no merit.” Their case was such complete nonsense that two courts and four judges decided it was too dumb to fix.
You want that to be the bottom. You want the lawsuit that the president’s legal team lost, twice, for literally every reason it’s possible to lose the case to be the most preposterous election lawsuit we’re going to see this year. You go to bed Wednesday night hoping that it was.
And you wake up disappointed Thursday morning because while you slept Sidney Powell released the #Kraken.
Powell had been threatening to release the Kraken for the last week, which she spent “practicing law on her own” after being unpersoned by the Trump legal team following a press conference in which she spouted conspiracy theories so insane that even Giuliani’s hair dye was trying to get out of the room. It wasn’t clear what the Kraken was until it was released and we learned that it had taken the form of matching his-and-hers lawsuits in Georgia and Michigan. Lawsuits that have redefined rock bottom.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
You don’t need to read far to see how truly awful these lawsuits are. Start with the simplest and most eye-catchingly obvious: Complaints in federal lawsuits have set formatting—at the top of the first page are the words “IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE ____ DISTRICT OF ____.” It’s a ritual formula, it’s hard to mess up, and every lawyer I know who practices in federal courts uses a fill-in-the-blanks template. Every lawyer except Sidney Powell, I guess—because between the two filings she managed to spell the word “district” four different ways, batting .250 on accuracy.
And things only got worse from there. Much worse.
The two lawsuits, which are very similar to each other, reiterate more or less the same meritless claims that just got Rudy et al. unceremoniously tossed out of the Third Circuit. They seem to have been drafted by a spacebar-phobic first-year coming out the back end of a meth binge.
Consider this section of the legal background:
Or this compelling excerpt from the section titled “JURISDICTION ANDVENUE”:
ThejurisdictionoftheCourttograntdeclaratoryreliefisconferredby28U.S.C. §§ 2201 and 2202 and by Rule 57, Fed. R. Civ. P.
That kind of spacing problem recurs throughout. The document is practically unreadable.
But as specious the legal arguments are and as incomprehensible as the copy is, the craziest thing about the case is the substance. This complaint reads like it was drafted at the afterparty for a three-day QAnon convention. And it might have been, given that one of Powell’s more absurd “witnesses” is Ronald Watkins who, alongside his father, runs the imageboard where “Q” drops his messages. Hmmmm. The reason Watkins is part of this case is unclear. Powell is claiming him as an expert in Dominion’s voting software, but you would hope that she could find someone better—like I don’t know, someone who has worked with it maybe?
The basis of Watkins’s alleged expertise is the fact that he claims to have read the manual. This may come as a surprise but reading a software manual does not qualify you to testify as an expert witness in a federal courtroom.
If you can believe this, Watkins isn’t even the strangest witness. The award would go to Mystery Man Lord Tensai. Powell redacted this witness’s name from all the filings, including those sent to the defendants. The Mystery Witness proclaims that he/she/it wants to “let the world know the truth about the corruption, manipulation, and lies being committed by a conspiracy of people and companies” that “began more than a decade ago in Venezuela and has spread to countries all over the world.” Our Mystery Witness, whom the declaration assures us is “an adult of sound mine” [sic . . . lmao] claims to have gathered the information about this conspiracy while serving on long-dead Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez’s security detail. We don’t know this person’s name, but they tell us that if we doubt the veracity of their claims, we only have to—well, see for yourself.
Ah so the Mystery Witness also has a Mystery Corroborator!
For those who are not versed in the particulars of high-stakes lawsuits of this nature, let me affirm that, no, you cannot hide the identity of your star witness from the people you’re suing. And no, you cannot hide the identity of the people who will vouch for the veracity of your star witness.
This remains true no matter how many poorly explained diagrams with circles and lines and arrows your unnamed experts use in their declarations.
This is especially the case when the claim you are making is as bonkers (that’s a term of art) an expert declaration as this: “Iranian APT teams were seen using ACUTENIX, a website scanning software, to find vulnerabilities within Election company websites, confirmed to be used by the Iranian APT teams buy [sic . . . I think?] seized cloud storage that I had personally captured and reported to higher authorities.”
This is all batshit crazy. It is as stupid an elections lawsuit as I’ve ever seen. And there’s no guarantee that it’s the worst case we’re going to see, because even though their legal arguments are being dismissed with extreme prejudice, when it comes to the political/propaganda aims of the litigants—this stuff works. Once the true believers are on board, it’s hard to get them off.
The complaints that Sidney Powell filed in these two cases are full of so many misspellings and missing spaces that they’d drive a proofreader to drink. The faithful think that’s nine-dimensional chess, intended to distract the media from the quality of the allegations.
If the faithful aren’t going to be scared away by a complaint that was drafted by someone who clearly thinks that the spacebar is an optional extra, they’re not going to be scared away when the case is inevitably dismissed by an “activist judge.”
The Kraken is the stupidest election fraud lawsuit in history today. But who knows what next week will bring.


thebulwark--2020-11-30--Trump Lawyer: Former DHS Senior Official Should Be Executed

On Monday President Trump ’ s campaign lawyer and former U.S. Attorney Joe diGenova said that fired Trump cybersecurity chief Chris Krebs should be executed for saying that the election was the “ most secure in United States history.
” DiGenova , appearing on the Howie Carr show , which simulcasts on Newsmax , took aim at Krebs as an aside during a wheels-off segment full of false claims about how the United States election had been rigged .
“ Anybody who thinks that this election went well , like that idiot Krebs who used to be the head of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guy is a class A moron .
He should be drawn and quartered .
Taken out at dawn and shot , ” diGenova said .
This is not just a random Parler troll trying to get attention .
This is an attorney speaking on behalf of the President of the United States ’ re-election campaign .
And while it may read like a macabre joke , the direct nature of diGenova ’ s comments make it impossible to interpret as anything other than a real wish/threat against a public servant for offering truthful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an awkward pause and a laugh and then changed the subject .
Some shit is so weird that it even makes Newsmax people uncomfortable .
DiGenova ’ s execution wishcasting comes on the heels of a Krebs interview with 60 Minutes in which he debunked the Trump team ’ s outlandish and conspiratorial claims about the election .
Krebs is a lifelong Republican who Trump put in charge of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency , which had oversight of election security .
( Trump fired Krebs via tweet . )
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course of the interview diGenova made ominous and false suggestions about “ circuit breakers ” shutting down on election night in multiple states , which allowed for vote fraud ; millions of votes showing up in dump trucks , tow trucks , and vans without detection ; and he called on state legislatures to have the “ cojones ” to overturn the results of the election .
In other words : Just a normal day for Elite Strike Force .
Update 8:05 P.M. John Whitehouse at Media Matters obtained the video of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

On Monday President Trump’s campaign lawyer and former U.S. Attorney Joe diGenova said that fired Trump cybersecurity chief Chris Krebs should be executed for saying that the election was the “most secure in United States history.”
DiGenova, appearing on the Howie Carr show, which simulcasts on Newsmax, took aim at Krebs as an aside during a wheels-off segment full of false claims about how the United States election had been rigged.
“Anybody who thinks that this election went well, like that idiot Krebs who used to be the head of cybersecurity [for Trump]. That guy is a class A moron. He should be drawn and quartered. Taken out at dawn and shot,” diGenova said.
This is not just a random Parler troll trying to get attention. This is an attorney speaking on behalf of the President of the United States’ re-election campaign. And while it may read like a macabre joke, the direct nature of diGenova’s comments make it impossible to interpret as anything other than a real wish/threat against a public servant for offering truthful testimony.
Carr responded to the statement with an awkward pause and a laugh and then changed the subject. Some shit is so weird that it even makes Newsmax people uncomfortable.
DiGenova’s execution wishcasting comes on the heels of a Krebs interview with 60 Minutes in which he debunked the Trump team’s outlandish and conspiratorial claims about the election. Krebs is a lifelong Republican who Trump put in charge of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, which had oversight of election security. (Trump fired Krebs via tweet.)
In addition to threatening Krebs, over the course of the interview diGenova made ominous and false suggestions about “circuit breakers” shutting down on election night in multiple states, which allowed for vote fraud; millions of votes showing up in dump trucks, tow trucks, and vans without detection; and he called on state legislatures to have the “cojones” to overturn the results of the election.
In other words: Just a normal day for Elite Strike Force.
Update 8:05 P.M. John Whitehouse at Media Matters obtained the video of the exchange, you can watch it here.