Seattle Surrenders

Denny Park is Seattle ’ s oldest , dating back to 1883 .
Walking paths are lined with azaleas , rhododendrons , and trees from around the world including Japanese snowbells and Sawara cypress .
In 2017 , the park underwent a $ 2 million renovation with new planting beds and an automatic irrigation system .
The Seattle Times reported at the time that “ plans are in the works to also pump up the fun factor in the park , ” including food trucks , concerts , and movie nights .
The Seattle government ’ s website describes Denny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” where “ trees shield the grass and its sprawling occupants from city noises until it ’ s time to return to the working world.
” A pleasant fiction obscuring an ugly truth .
Today , Denny Park is a crime-ridden , garbage-strewn , rat-afflicted encampment which is avoided by all but the addicts and criminals who ’ ve taken it over .
Tents are everywhere .
In October , a KOMO TV News reporter spotted a pile of used needles near the children ’ s play area .
The Seattle police have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the park .
The place is dangerous and filthy .
Many other Seattle parks have been ruined .
The charming Ballard neighborhood—once the home of immigrant Scandinavian fishermen and boat builders—opened a new park in 2005 , occupying almost a full block , with a skate park , water feature , and long stretches of grass .
Five and six-story condominiums quickly sprang up with views overlooking it .
A neighborhood group , the Ballard Alliance , wants a new children ’ s play area in the park : “ Our vision is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ active play for young children and their families.
” Oops .
The last time I drove by the park , 24 tents filled it .
Gesturing widely and angrily , two men yelled at each other as I walked by .
A woman had nodded off , and was slumped sideways on a bench .
The day was sunny and warm but no children were in the park , no families .
A breeze lifted several pieces of garbage across the grass .
For a while , the city tried clearing the camps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ removed by Seattle ’ s Navigation Team , which is a group of outreach workers and policemen .
The tents pop back up as quickly as they are removed .
But what is the problem with parks filled with these unfortunate people ?
Why might we object to their squatting on public land ?
Crime , for one .
Jonathan Choe of KOMO TV News says that bicycle parts are the top selling items at the tent encampments .
At the Ballard Commons , a man was selling racing bicycles hidden under a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tony Clark , said none of the bikes had been stolen and , presumably with a straight face , told Choe that all his inventory was donated by strangers , collected on the streets , or picked up in the trash .
Security cameras around the Ballard Commons show drug use and persistent vandalism , according to Joel Moreno at KOMO .
Confrontations with neighboring business people are common .
Not all the crimes involve petty theft .
Five shootings were reported at the homeless camp in Seattle ’ s Pioneer Square in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who was badly injured .
Dearborn Street is lined with tents , and auto repair shop owner Curtis Marr told KOMO that a gun battle erupted , with one man receiving a bullet wound in his leg .
The encampment on Weller Street has about sixty tents .
In May there were three shootings , along with thefts and robberies .
Donald Mar owns property along Weller Street , and he told reporter Matt Markovich at KOMO , “ There ’ s so much crime here , it ’ s unbearable .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ siege.
” Oceans of trash fill the tent camps .
In 2017 , the city of Seattle cleaned up The Jungle , a tent camp near I-5 highway downtown , and removed 3,000 tons—not pounds : tons—of trash .
In the first quarter of 2019 , the city removed 355 tons of trash from 71 tent camps .
Needles are everywhere .
A Seattle police officer walking in Baker Park in the city ’ s Crown Hill neighborhood stepped on a used syringe in 2018 that penetrated his shoe and pierced his foot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treatment to prevent HIV and hepatis .
Many parents no longer take their children to Seattle parks .
Most Seattle politicians can not bring themselves to name the problem , insisting on the words homeless and—even less judgmentally—unsheltered .
These words infer that a poor fellow is living in the park because he just lost his job or that a family has been evicted by a heartless landlord .
This is not who are in the camps .
The roots of the problem are drug and alcohol addiction and mental illness .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m not ashamed to admit it , it ’ s the main reason and I can look at the camera and say this , the main reason people are out here is drugs , ” Chris Thompson told KOMO reporter Michelle Esteban .
Sitting on a chair in a camp near the Space Needle , Melissa Burns told KOMO ’ s Eric Johnson , “ I have not met anyone else on the street who is not in some phase of addiction .
… I would say a hundred percent of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are at some level of addiction .
A hundred percent.
” What is the city of Seattle doing about the takeover of its parks and other public spaces ?
So little as to amount to nothing .
For three years the Navigation Team visited camps to offer shelter and other services and then cleaned up the areas but it has been defunded by the city council , and in October the mayor suspended the team .
In late October , the council approved a homeless outreach plan , where the campers will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be involved .
When the Navigation team referred people living on the street to a shelter , only 25 percent enrolled in the shelter within two days .
Andrew Constantino , who has lived in a tent in Seattle , told the Seattle P.I .
that shelters take away a person ’ s agency over his own life .
The shelters have rules .
One of them is that you can ’ t take drugs , which may be the main reason offering shelter to the addicts on the street is such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” is more than a mere slogan in Seattle , where the latest city budget slashes police funding by eighteen percent .
Seattle ’ s Assistant Police Chief Deanna Nollette told KOMO , “ At this point we do not have the capability or support from the city to go after these low-level property crimes.
” Things may get worse .
Seattle council member Lisa Herbold , who chairs the council ’ s public safety committee , has proposed that misdemeanor charges be dismissed if the defendant can show signs of substance abuse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crime was related to poverty .
The Seattle Times concludes that “ Stalking , harassment , vehicle prowls , sexual exploitation , property destruction , hit-and-run , threatening someone with a gun—all would be minimized and easily defensible under Herbold ’ s plan.
” The folks in these camps need help .
If the funds were used effectively few Seattleites would object to money spent to assist the substance abusers and the mentally ill .
But millions of dollars have been devoted to trying to help people in the camps , and it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more campers .
What would work ?
Enlightened civil commitment laws for addicts , alcoholics , and the mentally ill who harm themselves and their communities may be the only solution .
But these laws are out of fashion and the prospect of them being reinstituted is small , especially in leftist Seattle .
So what will be done ?
Nothing may be too strong .
Not much is about right .
Seattle is awash in homeless camps and is likely to stay that way .

Denny Park is Seattle’s oldest, dating back to 1883. Walking paths are lined with azaleas, rhododendrons, and trees from around the world including Japanese snowbells and Sawara cypress. In 2017, the park underwent a $2 million renovation with new planting beds and an automatic irrigation system. The Seattle Times reported at the time that “plans are in the works to also pump up the fun factor in the park,” including food trucks, concerts, and movie nights. The Seattle government’s website describes Denny Park as a “peaceful green island” where “trees shield the grass and its sprawling occupants from city noises until it’s time to return to the working world.”
A pleasant fiction obscuring an ugly truth. Today, Denny Park is a crime-ridden, garbage-strewn, rat-afflicted encampment which is avoided by all but the addicts and criminals who’ve taken it over. Tents are everywhere. In October, a KOMO TV News reporter spotted a pile of used needles near the children’s play area. The Seattle police have said an active crime ring works within the park. The place is dangerous and filthy.
Many other Seattle parks have been ruined. The charming Ballard neighborhood—once the home of immigrant Scandinavian fishermen and boat builders—opened a new park in 2005, occupying almost a full block, with a skate park, water feature, and long stretches of grass. Five and six-story condominiums quickly sprang up with views overlooking it. A neighborhood group, the Ballard Alliance, wants a new children’s play area in the park: “Our vision is to provide a new opportunity for year-round active play for young children and their families.”
Oops. The last time I drove by the park, 24 tents filled it. Gesturing widely and angrily, two men yelled at each other as I walked by. A woman had nodded off, and was slumped sideways on a bench. The day was sunny and warm but no children were in the park, no families. A breeze lifted several pieces of garbage across the grass.
For a while, the city tried clearing the camps. In 2019, 833 camps were removed by Seattle’s Navigation Team, which is a group of outreach workers and policemen. The tents pop back up as quickly as they are removed.
But what is the problem with parks filled with these unfortunate people? Why might we object to their squatting on public land?
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Crime, for one. Jonathan Choe of KOMO TV News says that bicycle parts are the top selling items at the tent encampments. At the Ballard Commons, a man was selling racing bicycles hidden under a tarp. The seller, identified as Tony Clark, said none of the bikes had been stolen and, presumably with a straight face, told Choe that all his inventory was donated by strangers, collected on the streets, or picked up in the trash. Security cameras around the Ballard Commons show drug use and persistent vandalism, according to Joel Moreno at KOMO. Confrontations with neighboring business people are common.
Not all the crimes involve petty theft. Five shootings were reported at the homeless camp in Seattle’s Pioneer Square in April and May, including one victim who was badly injured. Dearborn Street is lined with tents, and auto repair shop owner Curtis Marr told KOMO that a gun battle erupted, with one man receiving a bullet wound in his leg. The encampment on Weller Street has about sixty tents. In May there were three shootings, along with thefts and robberies. Donald Mar owns property along Weller Street, and he told reporter Matt Markovich at KOMO, “There’s so much crime here, it’s unbearable. It’s almost like we are under siege.”
Oceans of trash fill the tent camps. In 2017, the city of Seattle cleaned up The Jungle, a tent camp near I-5 highway downtown, and removed 3,000 tons—not pounds: tons—of trash. In the first quarter of 2019, the city removed 355 tons of trash from 71 tent camps. Needles are everywhere. A Seattle police officer walking in Baker Park in the city’s Crown Hill neighborhood stepped on a used syringe in 2018 that penetrated his shoe and pierced his foot. At Harborview Hospital he was given treatment to prevent HIV and hepatis. Many parents no longer take their children to Seattle parks.
Most Seattle politicians cannot bring themselves to name the problem, insisting on the words homeless and—even less judgmentally—unsheltered. These words infer that a poor fellow is living in the park because he just lost his job or that a family has been evicted by a heartless landlord. This is not who are in the camps.
The roots of the problem are drug and alcohol addiction and mental illness. “I’m addicted to drugs I’m not ashamed to admit it, it’s the main reason and I can look at the camera and say this, the main reason people are out here is drugs,” Chris Thompson told KOMO reporter Michelle Esteban. Sitting on a chair in a camp near the Space Needle, Melissa Burns told KOMO’s Eric Johnson, “I have not met anyone else on the street who is not in some phase of addiction. … I would say a hundred percent of the people that I have met out here are at some level of addiction. A hundred percent.”
What is the city of Seattle doing about the takeover of its parks and other public spaces? So little as to amount to nothing. For three years the Navigation Team visited camps to offer shelter and other services and then cleaned up the areas but it has been defunded by the city council, and in October the mayor suspended the team. In late October, the council approved a homeless outreach plan, where the campers will be offered services. The Seattle police will not be involved.
When the Navigation team referred people living on the street to a shelter, only 25 percent enrolled in the shelter within two days. Andrew Constantino, who has lived in a tent in Seattle, told the Seattle P.I. that shelters take away a person’s agency over his own life. The shelters have rules. One of them is that you can’t take drugs, which may be the main reason offering shelter to the addicts on the street is such a failure.
“Defund the Police” is more than a mere slogan in Seattle, where the latest city budget slashes police funding by eighteen percent. Seattle’s Assistant Police Chief Deanna Nollette told KOMO, “At this point we do not have the capability or support from the city to go after these low-level property crimes.”
Things may get worse. Seattle council member Lisa Herbold, who chairs the council’s public safety committee, has proposed that misdemeanor charges be dismissed if the defendant can show signs of substance abuse, mental illness, or if the crime was related to poverty. The Seattle Times concludes that “Stalking, harassment, vehicle prowls, sexual exploitation, property destruction, hit-and-run, threatening someone with a gun—all would be minimized and easily defensible under Herbold’s plan.”
The folks in these camps need help. If the funds were used effectively few Seattleites would object to money spent to assist the substance abusers and the mentally ill. But millions of dollars have been devoted to trying to help people in the camps, and it has resulted only in more camps and more campers.
What would work? Enlightened civil commitment laws for addicts, alcoholics, and the mentally ill who harm themselves and their communities may be the only solution. But these laws are out of fashion and the prospect of them being reinstituted is small, especially in leftist Seattle.
So what will be done? Nothing may be too strong. Not much is about right. Seattle is awash in homeless camps and is likely to stay that way.


thebulwark--2020-12-08--Ted Cruz Wants to Toss Out 7 Million People’s Votes. Appalling.

Ladies and gentleman , Fox News reports—this is “ breaking , ” mind you—that the junior senator from Texas , Ted Cruz , has graciously agreed to argue on behalf of Rep. Mike Kelly ( R-Penn . )
, congressional candidate Sean Parnell , and Pennsylvania state representative candidate Wanda Logan , in a hypothetical oral argument in the Supreme Court regarding—as Cruz puts it— “ the constitutionality of the POTUS election results in PA. ” Hypothetically , this argument could occur on a hypothetical grant of Kelly ’ s hypothetical petition for certiorari from the unanimous decision by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s lawsuit seeking to cancel millions of votes cast by mail in Pennsylvania this cycle .
Given the severe time crunch—with electors set to vote across the nation on December 14—Kelly and crew last week filed an interim “ Emergency Application for Writ of Injunction Pending the Filing and Disposition of a Petition for Writ of Certiorari , ” which Justice Samuel Alito has authority to grant or deny .
And here comes Cruz to lend a hand : Whew !
Now that Cruz is on the constitutional job , we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t resolve anything—only five unelected individuals on the U.S. Supreme Court can resolve the election !
Cruz must know what he ’ s talking about , right ?
After all , he went to Harvard Law School , holds a degree in public policy from Princeton , served as Texas solicitor general , authored 70 Supreme Court briefs , and argued before the Court nine times .
And of course Cruz must have our best constitutional interests at heart , since he calls himself a “ constitutional conservative , ” has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and is an avowed opponent of “ judicial activism ” and supporter of “ judicial restraint.
” We are saved !
But let ’ s consider for a moment the lawsuit that Cruz promises to rescue from the clutches of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court—the highest court in the land on questions of Pennsylvania state law .
Act 77 of 2019 established universally available mail-in voting in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania : Any registered voter who wanted a mail-in ballot could apply for and receive one without having to explain why .
Team @ @ @ @ @ @ @ procedures are a matter of state law , the federal Constitution was violated when the Pennsylvania legislature decided to expand mail-in voting prior to the November 3 election because the Pennsylvania legislature in fact doesn ’ t have the power under the Pennsylvania constitution to authorize mail-in voting in Pennsylvania .
What ’ s more , Kelly ’ s lawyers argue , the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania ’ s dismissal of their case violated the individual constitutional rights of Kelly and the two candidates for office who joined him as plaintiffs .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amendments to the U.S. Constitution .
And as relief , they seek the vulgar disenfranchisement of up to 6.9 million voters—whose ballots were duly cast , counted , and certified pursuant to Pennsylvania law .
In other words , because these three candidates claim that their individual constitutional rights were violated , they argue that the Pennsylvania legislature should ignore the 6.9 million votes and unilaterally choose Pennsylvania ’ s electors in their stead .
For Trump , of course .
You got that right .
Cruz—the strict constructionist—is eager to stand before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Pennsylvania legislature had no power to allow universal mail-in voting , but does have the power to throw out every single vote cast in Pennsylvania and impose its own political will on the citizens of Pennsylvania , who chose Joe Biden for president by a nearly 82,000-vote margin over Donald Trump .
For its part , the unanimous Pennsylvania Supreme Court chided the plaintiffs for their “ failure to act with due diligence in commencing their facial constitutional challenge , which was ascertainable upon Act 77 ’ s enactment.
” Had they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago , millions of Pennsylvanians ’ votes would not now hang in the balance .
Too late , baby .
In response , Mike Kelly and company argue that they “ had no specialized knowledge ” to even know that they ’ d “ been harmed by an unconstitutional election.
” Kelly is only a sitting member of the U.S. House of Representatives , after all .
In fairness to him , Pennsylvania voters should have to remedy his injury by sacrificing their millions of constitutionally cast votes .
It doesn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tortured nature of these arguments , and the obvious reality that basic decency and fairness weigh in favor of Pennsylvania voters , full stop .
Keep in mind , too , that the U.S. Supreme Court has stated that “ our only power over state judgments is to correct them to the extent that they incorrectly adjudge federal rights.
” Without any federal interplay , the Pennsylvania Supreme Court is normally the last word on the Pennsylvania constitution .
The Kelly plaintiffs attempt an end-run around this inconvenience .
They argue that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Pennsylvania Supreme Court denied them the right to due process under the U.S. Constitution .
They filed a claim in court and it was rejected .
That ’ s “ process ” —i.e.
, elementary notice and an opportunity to be heard by a neutral tribunal .
At least that ’ s what regular people get in America .
And what about a “ strict constructionist , ” plain-language analysis under the Constitution—the kind that Cruz is so fond of ?
Well , Article I , Section 4 states that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ holding Elections for Senators and Representatives , shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature.
” For presidential elections , Article II , Section 1 states that “ each State shall appoint , in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct , a Number of Electors.
” Translation : State legislatures decide election laws , including those governing elections for president .
That happened here , counsel .

Ladies and gentleman, Fox News reports—this is “breaking,” mind you—that the junior senator from Texas, Ted Cruz, has graciously agreed to argue on behalf of Rep. Mike Kelly (R-Penn.), congressional candidate Sean Parnell, and Pennsylvania state representative candidate Wanda Logan, in a hypothetical oral argument in the Supreme Court regarding—as Cruz puts it—“the constitutionality of the POTUS election results in PA.”
Hypothetically, this argument could occur on a hypothetical grant of Kelly’s hypothetical petition for certiorari from the unanimous decision by the Pennsylvania Supreme Court to toss out Kelly’s lawsuit seeking to cancel millions of votes cast by mail in Pennsylvania this cycle. Given the severe time crunch—with electors set to vote across the nation on December 14—Kelly and crew last week filed an interim “Emergency Application for Writ of Injunction Pending the Filing and Disposition of a Petition for Writ of Certiorari,” which Justice Samuel Alito has authority to grant or deny.
And here comes Cruz to lend a hand:
As I said last week, the bitter division and acrimony we see across the Nation needs resolution. I believe #SCOTUS has a responsibility to the American People to ensure, within its powers, that we are following the law and following the Constitution. — Ted Cruz (@tedcruz) December 7, 2020
Whew! Now that Cruz is on the constitutional job, we can finally relax. The certified vote counts don’t resolve anything—only five unelected individuals on the U.S. Supreme Court can resolve the election!
Cruz must know what he’s talking about, right? After all, he went to Harvard Law School, holds a degree in public policy from Princeton, served as Texas solicitor general, authored 70 Supreme Court briefs, and argued before the Court nine times. And of course Cruz must have our best constitutional interests at heart, since he calls himself a “constitutional conservative,” has a long reputation as a strict constructionist, and is an avowed opponent of “judicial activism” and supporter of “judicial restraint.” We are saved!
But let’s consider for a moment the lawsuit that Cruz promises to rescue from the clutches of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court—the highest court in the land on questions of Pennsylvania state law.
Act 77 of 2019 established universally available mail-in voting in the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania: Any registered voter who wanted a mail-in ballot could apply for and receive one without having to explain why.
Team Kelly argues that, even though election procedures are a matter of state law, the federal Constitution was violated when the Pennsylvania legislature decided to expand mail-in voting prior to the November 3 election because the Pennsylvania legislature in fact doesn’t have the power under the Pennsylvania constitution to authorize mail-in voting in Pennsylvania.
What’s more, Kelly’s lawyers argue, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania’s dismissal of their case violated the individual constitutional rights of Kelly and the two candidates for office who joined him as plaintiffs. They claim transgressions of the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the U.S. Constitution. And as relief, they seek the vulgar disenfranchisement of up to 6.9 million voters—whose ballots were duly cast, counted, and certified pursuant to Pennsylvania law. In other words, because these three candidates claim that their individual constitutional rights were violated, they argue that the Pennsylvania legislature should ignore the 6.9 million votes and unilaterally choose Pennsylvania’s electors in their stead. For Trump, of course.
You got that right. Cruz—the strict constructionist—is eager to stand before the U.S. Supreme Court to argue that the Pennsylvania legislature had no power to allow universal mail-in voting, but does have the power to throw out every single vote cast in Pennsylvania and impose its own political will on the citizens of Pennsylvania, who chose Joe Biden for president by a nearly 82,000-vote margin over Donald Trump.
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For its part, the unanimous Pennsylvania Supreme Court chided the plaintiffs for their “failure to act with due diligence in commencing their facial constitutional challenge, which was ascertainable upon Act 77’s enactment.” Had they sued when the legislation passed a year ago, millions of Pennsylvanians’ votes would not now hang in the balance. Too late, baby.
In response, Mike Kelly and company argue that they “had no specialized knowledge” to even know that they’d “been harmed by an unconstitutional election.” Kelly is only a sitting member of the U.S. House of Representatives, after all. In fairness to him, Pennsylvania voters should have to remedy his injury by sacrificing their millions of constitutionally cast votes.
It doesn’t take a trained lawyer to grasp the tortured nature of these arguments, and the obvious reality that basic decency and fairness weigh in favor of Pennsylvania voters, full stop.
Keep in mind, too, that the U.S. Supreme Court has stated that “our only power over state judgments is to correct them to the extent that they incorrectly adjudge federal rights.” Without any federal interplay, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court is normally the last word on the Pennsylvania constitution.
The Kelly plaintiffs attempt an end-run around this inconvenience. They argue that, by refusing to hear their stale claim, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court denied them the right to due process under the U.S. Constitution. They filed a claim in court and it was rejected. That’s “process”—i.e., elementary notice and an opportunity to be heard by a neutral tribunal. At least that’s what regular people get in America.
And what about a “strict constructionist,” plain-language analysis under the Constitution—the kind that Cruz is so fond of?
Well, Article I, Section 4 states that “the Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature.” For presidential elections, Article II, Section 1 states that “each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors.”
Translation: State legislatures decide election laws, including those governing elections for president. That happened here, counsel.


thebulwark--2020-12-08--When Chuck Yeager Caught the Demon

When Chuck Yeager Caught the Demon

Chuck Yeager , best known as the first man to break the sound barrier and the test pilot immortalized in the novel and movie The Right Stuff , died yesterday at the age of 97 .
If Yeager hadn ’ t existed , Hollywood writers would ’ ve had to make him up .
His life is a uniquely American story , one that singularly defines the nation ’ s claim to greatness in the twentieth century .
Yeager came out of the hills of West Virginia with little education and lots of pluck .
He enlisted in the Army @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three months before the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor .
In spite of the fact he wasn ’ t eligible for pilot training upon entry because of his age and lack of education , he was subsequently reassigned from fixing airplanes to flying them , in part because of his 20/10 vision .
He had never flown in a plane before being accepted for pilot training .
When a pilot did take him up for the first time , Yeager threw up all over the plane , and thought to himself , “ Yeager @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Soon , though , he demonstrated a natural talent for flying .
Yeager was still an enlisted man when he shipped out late in 1943 , flying P-51 Mustangs from a base in England .
He had “ Glamorous Glennis ” painted on the nose of his fighter in honor of his girlfriend ( later wife ) back home .
He earned his first kill on his fifth mission and was shot down over France on his eighth .
He spent two months with resistance fighters , helping them build explosives , before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a harrowing escape into Spain , followed by repatriation back to England .
And although it was War Department policy that aviators who were shot down and returned not be allowed to fly combat sorties again for fear of what they might reveal under interrogation if they became POWs , Yeager personally convinced General Eisenhower to grant him permission to fly in combat again .
On October 12 , 1944 Yeager obtained “ ace in a day ” status after downing five enemy aircraft during a single mission .
Later he was one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ score a kill against an Me-262 , the Luftwaffe ’ s first operational jet aircraft .
He ended World War II with eleven kills and a commission as a second lieutenant .
Yeager ’ s experiences as a maintainer and decorated fighter pilot made him a perfect fit for test pilot duties in the California desert , a wide expanse now known as Edwards Air Force Base .
He famously got the gig that earned him the distinction of being the first man to break the speed of sound when Bell Aircraft ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Goodlin demanded $ 150,000 to attempt the feat .
No one knew for sure what conditions would be like at or above the speed of sound ; some scientists believed flight would be impossible .
Legend has it that , when asked how much he would charge for the same effort , Yeager quipped , “ I ’ m pretty sure the Air Force is already paying me.
” Yeager broke the sound barrier flying another airplane with “ Glamourous Glennis ” scrawled across the nose , this time a Bell X-1 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 1947 .
As documented in Tom Wolfe ’ s book The Right Stuff and the 1983 movie based on the book , Yeager needed the assistance of another test pilot and a cut-off broom handle to close the X-1 ’ s hatch because he ’ d broken a couple of ribs two days before after falling off of a horse .
After the flight , Yeager admitted that actually breaking the speed of sound was a letdown of sorts , since the airplane didn ’ t behave in any unusual way passing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thunderstruck , ” he wrote in a 1985 autobiography .
“ After all the anxiety , breaking the sound barrier turned out to be a perfectly paved speedway.
” However , the feat set the stage for the space program that followed .
“ The demon ” —the test-pilot nickname for the sound barrier—could be tamed .
About ten years later NASA was founded by President Eisenhower—the same man who had allowed Yeager to return to the fight after being shot down—and with it came layers of bureaucracy that made America ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an astronaut .
Astronauts needed college degrees and had to be graduates of an accredited military test pilot school .
( The U.S. military has two , administered by the Navy and Air Force . )
The Mercury program brought names like Shepard and Glenn into the spotlight while Yeager served in a supporting role , always close to the test community but never riding in the ticker-tape parade after a space mission .
In training , combat , his test pilot career , and his personal life , Yeager flew more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joke that he had only “ five more takeoffs than landings.
” He continued to serve in a variety of operational and test commands until his retirement at the rank of brigadier general on October 14 , 1997 , the fiftieth anniversary of breaking the speed of sound .
In retirement , his square jaw and steely-eyed gaze made him the perfect pitchman for AC Delco , the automotive parts division of General Motors .
( If General Yeager says a spark plug is reliable , then , gosh darn it , that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) The Air Force gave him one last chance to tame the demon in the backseat of an F-15 Eagle on October 14 , 2012 , the 65th anniversary of the original feat .
He was 89 .
In the era of MAGA , we critics often ask , “ What year of American greatness , exactly , are we talking about returning to here ?
” For me—a guy who was lucky enough to get paid to fly supersonic jets for most of my adult life—that year is 1947 , the year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used skills honed hunting deer to become a fighter ace as an enlisted man broke the speed of sound with two broken ribs and zero demand for financial compensation for assuming the massive risk he assumed with the flight .
Chuck Yeager ’ s accomplishments , not his rhetoric , give credence to his wife ’ s claim in her tweet announcing his death that he was “ America ’ s greatest pilot .
”

Chuck Yeager, best known as the first man to break the sound barrier and the test pilot immortalized in the novel and movie The Right Stuff, died yesterday at the age of 97. If Yeager hadn’t existed, Hollywood writers would’ve had to make him up. His life is a uniquely American story, one that singularly defines the nation’s claim to greatness in the twentieth century.
Yeager came out of the hills of West Virginia with little education and lots of pluck. He enlisted in the Army Air Corps soon after finishing high school—just three months before the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor. In spite of the fact he wasn’t eligible for pilot training upon entry because of his age and lack of education, he was subsequently reassigned from fixing airplanes to flying them, in part because of his 20/10 vision. He had never flown in a plane before being accepted for pilot training. When a pilot did take him up for the first time, Yeager threw up all over the plane, and thought to himself, “Yeager, you made a big mistake.” Soon, though, he demonstrated a natural talent for flying.
Yeager was still an enlisted man when he shipped out late in 1943, flying P-51 Mustangs from a base in England. He had “Glamorous Glennis” painted on the nose of his fighter in honor of his girlfriend (later wife) back home. He earned his first kill on his fifth mission and was shot down over France on his eighth. He spent two months with resistance fighters, helping them build explosives, before the Pyrenees snow melted enough to allow a harrowing escape into Spain, followed by repatriation back to England. And although it was War Department policy that aviators who were shot down and returned not be allowed to fly combat sorties again for fear of what they might reveal under interrogation if they became POWs, Yeager personally convinced General Eisenhower to grant him permission to fly in combat again.
On October 12, 1944 Yeager obtained “ace in a day” status after downing five enemy aircraft during a single mission. Later he was one of the few American fighter pilots to score a kill against an Me-262, the Luftwaffe’s first operational jet aircraft. He ended World War II with eleven kills and a commission as a second lieutenant.
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Yeager’s experiences as a maintainer and decorated fighter pilot made him a perfect fit for test pilot duties in the California desert, a wide expanse now known as Edwards Air Force Base. He famously got the gig that earned him the distinction of being the first man to break the speed of sound when Bell Aircraft’s corporate test pilot “Slick” Goodlin demanded $150,000 to attempt the feat. No one knew for sure what conditions would be like at or above the speed of sound; some scientists believed flight would be impossible. Legend has it that, when asked how much he would charge for the same effort, Yeager quipped, “I’m pretty sure the Air Force is already paying me.”
Yeager broke the sound barrier flying another airplane with “Glamourous Glennis” scrawled across the nose, this time a Bell X-1, over the Mojave Desert on October 14, 1947. As documented in Tom Wolfe’s book The Right Stuff and the 1983 movie based on the book, Yeager needed the assistance of another test pilot and a cut-off broom handle to close the X-1’s hatch because he’d broken a couple of ribs two days before after falling off of a horse.
After the flight, Yeager admitted that actually breaking the speed of sound was a letdown of sorts, since the airplane didn’t behave in any unusual way passing through Mach 1. “I was thunderstruck,” he wrote in a 1985 autobiography. “After all the anxiety, breaking the sound barrier turned out to be a perfectly paved speedway.” However, the feat set the stage for the space program that followed. “The demon”—the test-pilot nickname for the sound barrier—could be tamed.
About ten years later NASA was founded by President Eisenhower—the same man who had allowed Yeager to return to the fight after being shot down—and with it came layers of bureaucracy that made America’s most famous test pilot ineligible to be an astronaut. Astronauts needed college degrees and had to be graduates of an accredited military test pilot school. (The U.S. military has two, administered by the Navy and Air Force.) The Mercury program brought names like Shepard and Glenn into the spotlight while Yeager served in a supporting role, always close to the test community but never riding in the ticker-tape parade after a space mission.
In training, combat, his test pilot career, and his personal life, Yeager flew more than 360 varieties of planes—and he liked to joke that he had only “five more takeoffs than landings.” He continued to serve in a variety of operational and test commands until his retirement at the rank of brigadier general on October 14, 1997, the fiftieth anniversary of breaking the speed of sound. In retirement, his square jaw and steely-eyed gaze made him the perfect pitchman for AC Delco, the automotive parts division of General Motors. (If General Yeager says a spark plug is reliable, then, gosh darn it, that’s the one to buy.)
The Air Force gave him one last chance to tame the demon in the backseat of an F-15 Eagle on October 14, 2012, the 65th anniversary of the original feat. He was 89.
In the era of MAGA, we critics often ask, “What year of American greatness, exactly, are we talking about returning to here?” For me—a guy who was lucky enough to get paid to fly supersonic jets for most of my adult life—that year is 1947, the year a country boy from West Virginia who used skills honed hunting deer to become a fighter ace as an enlisted man broke the speed of sound with two broken ribs and zero demand for financial compensation for assuming the massive risk he assumed with the flight.
Chuck Yeager’s accomplishments, not his rhetoric, give credence to his wife’s claim in her tweet announcing his death that he was “America’s greatest pilot.”


thebulwark--2020-12-09--Four Steps to Restore Global Democracy

Four Steps to Restore Global Democracy

President Trump ’ s dangerous refusal to accept the U.S. election results calls to mind the behavior of authoritarian rulers around the globe who cling to power at all costs .
It also complicates one of the most urgent tasks facing President-elect Joe Biden when he takes office on January 20 : confronting a steady rise in authoritarianism and a parallel erosion of democracy , both at home and around the world .
The deterioration of democracy is not a new phenomenon .
Freedom House has documented 14 consecutive years of decline .
But the downward slide looks likely to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that is prompting many governments to restrict human rights and trample democratic norms .
Important stars in the democratic constellation are dimming—from Brazil and India to Poland and the Philippines , not to mention the United States itself .
This follows the earlier reversal of hopeful transformations in places like Hungary , Turkey , Lebanon , and Kyrgyzstan .
Meanwhile , the leaders of the unfree world—in countries such as China , Russia , and Iran—are not only repressing their own people but also exploiting the openness of democratic societies , attacking them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and election interference .
The weaker the international democratic order , the easier it is for these kleptocrats and dictators to abuse their citizens , steal resources , intimidate their neighbors , and escape accountability .
It also means the United States will increasingly face regimes that do not share our fundamental values , many of whom , emboldened by the president ’ s attacks on democratic norms , pose an increasing security risk .
If there is a tipping point for global democracy , we may be nearing it .
Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the center of his agenda .
“ The triumph of democracy and liberalism over fascism and autocracy created the free world , ” he wrote .
“ But this contest does not just define our past .
It will define our future , as well.
” If he is going to make good on this promise , there are at least four things he ’ ll have to do .
First , to set the tone for his administration , Biden should deliver a major speech in the first months of his term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s “ Four Freedoms ” and updates Ronald Reagan ’ s 1982 Westminster speech on democracy for a new era .
The speech should build a bridge between America ’ s past and its future , linking the need to safeguard our democratic values at home with the global struggle for democracy and human rights abroad .
It must also make clear that democracy is secured not by military might , but through support for those struggling to exercise their own rights and freedoms , and by making democracy deliver for everyone .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Summit on Democracy he promised to hold early in his presidency—inviting friends and putting adversaries on notice that American leadership is about building alliances rather than breaking them .
Second , Biden must place supporting democracy and confronting authoritarianism at the heart of his foreign policy .
The president and his team need to develop and resource a strategy across the whole government that recognizes these challenges and makes dealing with them a priority .
Too often , U.S. foreign policy leaders have spoken glowingly of democracy and human rights when convenient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the face of other , often short-term interests , such as access to markets and natural resources , or misguided security partnerships with undemocratic regimes .
A generational project to reverse the dangerous slide of democracy will require a deep reassessment of priorities , capabilities , relationships , alliances , and budgets ; we should start by conditioning economic and military support for both autocratic countries ( like Saudi Arabia ) and backsliding democratic allies ( like Hungary ) on respecting human rights and democratic norms .
Third , the U.S. will need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ renewed purpose .
In order to be effective , the proposed Summit on Democracy needs a clear , ambitious goal and lots of partners .
It should include not just the most powerful or the richest countries , but an array of democracies big and small , rich and poor , alongside private sector and civil society groups , all of which have an important role to play in achieving sustainable progress .
The summit should , however , have a “ price of admission ” —a series of commitments by each participant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like countering corruption , supporting independent media , addressing systemic discrimination and racism , and including all segments of society in political and economic life .
These promises should act as the democratic equivalent of the “ nationally determined contributions ” that countries are making for the Paris Climate Accords .
The Summit should also serve as the birthplace for a new annual forum—for example a “ D20 ” group of democracies dedicated to providing mutual support in the face of Chinese , Russian , or other authoritarian antagonism .
One item high @ @ @ @ @ @ @ independent media , defense of journalists , and intensive cooperation on combatting disinformation .
Promoting the truth and those who find it is a sine qua non of free countries in a world rocked by disease outbreaks , mass atrocities , rapid technological change , and mendacious autocrats and their enablers .
Finally , to be a credible leader in the world again , the United States must demonstrably improve its own democracy .
Our freedoms of speech and assembly , our striving for equality and innovation , our welcoming of new generations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engines that have made our economy and military strong—not the other way around .
The Biden administration should pursue a series of domestic reforms to ensure access to the ballot , address racial injustice , confront disinformation , reduce polarization , strengthen accountability , and rebuild confidence in the integrity of our elections .
The United States should , in cooperation with its partners and allies , pass beneficial ownership laws that would stop foreign kleptocrats from stashing their wealth in places like New York and London , and new tools to counter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at home and around the world .
These steps would demonstrate the resilience of our own democracy , and provide examples of how others can confront these challenges as well .
As we have seen in the troubled presidential transition period , other countries pay attention to what we do , not just what we say .
In preparation for the Summit , the Biden administration and whatever elements of Congress the President-elect can bring along should consult with civil society groups , business leaders , and others to inform the commitments the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the world , and encourage our partners abroad to do the same .
The beauty of democracy is not in any claim to perfection , but in its ability to self-correct , to right itself , and when it stumbles , to pick itself up .

President Trump’s dangerous refusal to accept the U.S. election results calls to mind the behavior of authoritarian rulers around the globe who cling to power at all costs. It also complicates one of the most urgent tasks facing President-elect Joe Biden when he takes office on January 20: confronting a steady rise in authoritarianism and a parallel erosion of democracy, both at home and around the world.
The deterioration of democracy is not a new phenomenon. Freedom House has documented 14 consecutive years of decline. But the downward slide looks likely to continue in the wake of a pandemic that is prompting many governments to restrict human rights and trample democratic norms. Important stars in the democratic constellation are dimming—from Brazil and India to Poland and the Philippines, not to mention the United States itself. This follows the earlier reversal of hopeful transformations in places like Hungary, Turkey, Lebanon, and Kyrgyzstan.
Meanwhile, the leaders of the unfree world—in countries such as China, Russia, and Iran—are not only repressing their own people but also exploiting the openness of democratic societies, attacking them through disinformation, corruption, technological infiltration, and election interference. The weaker the international democratic order, the easier it is for these kleptocrats and dictators to abuse their citizens, steal resources, intimidate their neighbors, and escape accountability. It also means the United States will increasingly face regimes that do not share our fundamental values, many of whom, emboldened by the president’s attacks on democratic norms, pose an increasing security risk.
If there is a tipping point for global democracy, we may be nearing it.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Biden has vowed to put revitalizing democracy at the center of his agenda. “The triumph of democracy and liberalism over fascism and autocracy created the free world,” he wrote. “But this contest does not just define our past. It will define our future, as well.”
If he is going to make good on this promise, there are at least four things he’ll have to do.
First, to set the tone for his administration, Biden should deliver a major speech in the first months of his term that builds on Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms” and updates Ronald Reagan’s 1982 Westminster speech on democracy for a new era. The speech should build a bridge between America’s past and its future, linking the need to safeguard our democratic values at home with the global struggle for democracy and human rights abroad. It must also make clear that democracy is secured not by military might, but through support for those struggling to exercise their own rights and freedoms, and by making democracy deliver for everyone. This speech should outline his goals for the Summit on Democracy he promised to hold early in his presidency—inviting friends and putting adversaries on notice that American leadership is about building alliances rather than breaking them.
Second, Biden must place supporting democracy and confronting authoritarianism at the heart of his foreign policy. The president and his team need to develop and resource a strategy across the whole government that recognizes these challenges and makes dealing with them a priority.
Too often, U.S. foreign policy leaders have spoken glowingly of democracy and human rights when convenient, but left them to wilt in the face of other, often short-term interests, such as access to markets and natural resources, or misguided security partnerships with undemocratic regimes. A generational project to reverse the dangerous slide of democracy will require a deep reassessment of priorities, capabilities, relationships, alliances, and budgets; we should start by conditioning economic and military support for both autocratic countries (like Saudi Arabia) and backsliding democratic allies (like Hungary) on respecting human rights and democratic norms.
Third, the U.S. will need to approach its alliances—both old and new—with renewed purpose. In order to be effective, the proposed Summit on Democracy needs a clear, ambitious goal and lots of partners. It should include not just the most powerful or the richest countries, but an array of democracies big and small, rich and poor, alongside private sector and civil society groups, all of which have an important role to play in achieving sustainable progress.
The summit should, however, have a “price of admission”—a series of commitments by each participant that will build momentum on critical issues like countering corruption, supporting independent media, addressing systemic discrimination and racism, and including all segments of society in political and economic life. These promises should act as the democratic equivalent of the “nationally determined contributions” that countries are making for the Paris Climate Accords.
The Summit should also serve as the birthplace for a new annual forum—for example a “D20” group of democracies dedicated to providing mutual support in the face of Chinese, Russian, or other authoritarian antagonism. One item high on the agenda should be support for independent media, defense of journalists, and intensive cooperation on combatting disinformation. Promoting the truth and those who find it is a sine qua non of free countries in a world rocked by disease outbreaks, mass atrocities, rapid technological change, and mendacious autocrats and their enablers.
Finally, to be a credible leader in the world again, the United States must demonstrably improve its own democracy. Our freedoms of speech and assembly, our striving for equality and innovation, our welcoming of new generations of Americans from abroad—these have been the engines that have made our economy and military strong—not the other way around. The Biden administration should pursue a series of domestic reforms to ensure access to the ballot, address racial injustice, confront disinformation, reduce polarization, strengthen accountability, and rebuild confidence in the integrity of our elections. The United States should, in cooperation with its partners and allies, pass beneficial ownership laws that would stop foreign kleptocrats from stashing their wealth in places like New York and London, and new tools to counter digital authoritarianism that will be of use at home and around the world. These steps would demonstrate the resilience of our own democracy, and provide examples of how others can confront these challenges as well.
As we have seen in the troubled presidential transition period, other countries pay attention to what we do, not just what we say. In preparation for the Summit, the Biden administration and whatever elements of Congress the President-elect can bring along should consult with civil society groups, business leaders, and others to inform the commitments the United States will make to itself and the world, and encourage our partners abroad to do the same.
The beauty of democracy is not in any claim to perfection, but in its ability to self-correct, to right itself, and when it stumbles, to pick itself up.


thebulwark--2020-12-09--Pragmatists, Professionals, and Patriots on Biden’s National Security Team

Now that President-elect Joe Biden has tapped retired Gen. Lloyd Austin to be secretary of defense , the choices for the new administration ’ s national security team are nearly complete .
So far , they are solid picks .
For the most part , Biden has selected men and women who have vast experience in foreign affairs , understand the importance of treating our allies with respect , have diverse backgrounds , and recognize the need for the United States to lead by example .
Most of Biden ’ s picks have worked with him for decades ; they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in their new capacities , they will represent his views .
We have worked with many of them in the past , and we believe that they are exceptionally well qualified to advise the president and manage U.S. national security policy .
All Americans , Republicans included , have an interest in seeing the Biden administration succeed , whether dealing with the coronavirus pandemic and reviving the economy to keeping America safe and repairing our badly frayed relations with allies .
Biden is in the process of building a team to do just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chance .
It is disappointing that some Republicans are already criticizing Biden ’ s national security team .
On a recent Fox & Friends appearance , Sen. Tom Cotton blasted the picks for signaling a “ return of the Obama administration ’ s foreign policy , ” which “ had disastrous consequences for our nation.
” He went on to tweet that Biden has “ picked a national security team that is weak on China.
” Sen. John Cornyn tweeted that the Senate is “ not obligated to confirm anyone , ” citing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nominees , a concern voiced by few Republicans when considering highly conflicted nominees of President Trump .
Sen. Josh Hawley derided the picks as “ a group of corporatists and war enthusiasts.
” It ’ s hard to find similar Hawley complaints about Trump appointees with private sector backgrounds .
Sen. Marco Rubio was even more caustic .
“ Biden ’ s cabinet picks went to Ivy League schools , have strong resumes , attend all the right conferences & will be polite & orderly caretakers of America ’ s decline , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ greatness .
And I have no interest in returning to the ‘ normal ’ that left us dependent on China.
” The senators ’ comments suggest the confirmation hearings for Biden ’ s nominees will be contentious and partisan .
It ’ s possible the hearings will devolve into silly attacks over the nominees ’ Ivy League degrees and corporate ties—concerns that Republicans never raised when Mike Pompeo was being considered for CIA director or secretary of state despite his Harvard Law degree , or when Wilbur Ross was confirmed for commerce secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if the confirmation hearings go beyond political theater and focus more on substance , they could offer a window into the GOP ’ s foreign policy thinking post-Trump .
Will the Republican party return to its roots of stressing American leadership in the world , rooted in values and working closely with allies , or remain an anti-establishment party pushing disengagement and isolationism , which essentially sums up the past four years of Trump ’ s “ America First ?
” After all , Trump ’ s foreign policies have not made America @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a number of surveys , the international standing of the United States has plummeted under the Trump administration .
America is no longer viewed as a reliable and engaged ally .
North Korea and Iran are further along in their development of nuclear weapons capability than they were four years ago .
Transatlantic relations are the worst they have been in decades .
The United States is no longer , as Ronald Reagan once said , a “ shining city on a hill.
” With the exceptions of former Defense Secretary James Mattis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coats , and one or two others , Trump ’ s national security team has been weak and has not commanded the same respect as its predecessors in Republican and Democratic administrations .
Many heads of the various departments lacked the necessary experience for their positions and engaged in unethical behavior .
They have badly politicized the departments they have run and demoralized the staff who work there .
And they have damaged America ’ s national interests .
• Take for example Tony Blinken versus Mike Pompeo .
A former deputy secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advisor , Blinken is a decent , thoughtful person who will restore morale at State and return the department to the lead role in foreign affairs .
Pompeo ’ s reputation for exploding at his staff , failing to defend career diplomats , attacking journalists , and misusing State Department resources for political events won ’ t be repeated under Blinken .
Both Biden and Blinken care about human rights and democracy , and that alone will be a welcome change from Trump and Pompeo , both of whom have defended authoritarian governments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump administration ’ s national security strategy made no mention of advancing human rights .
Biden and Blinken won ’ t hesitate to condemn the appalling human rights record of Russian leader Vladimir Putin , “ fall in love ” with North Korea ’ s brutal dictator Kim Jong-un , or call Egypt ’ s authoritarian strongman “ my favorite dictator.
” • Avril Haines will be a similarly welcome change as director of national intelligence .
A former deputy director of the CIA and deputy national security adviser , she is well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence adviser and to lead the intelligence community .
One of her top priorities will be to restore morale and reverse the damage done by her predecessors Ric Grenell and John Ratcliffe , who politicized the intelligence community and selectively declassified intelligence to serve Trump ’ s political interests .
• We both worked with Linda Thomas-Greenfield at the State Department and expect her to be an outstanding ambassador to the United Nations .
As a career foreign service officer for 35 years , she has vast knowledge and experience representing the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will restore the position , downgraded under Trump , to cabinet-rank .
• Jake Sullivan , who will become national security advisor , has been a close advisor to Biden for years .
He has extensive foreign policy knowledge , respects the role of the cabinet departments , and understands that his job is to gather and distill the best options for the president to make informed decisions .
• Alejandro Mayorkas , the nominee for secretary of Homeland Security , was an immigrant from Cuba who served as deputy secretary under President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trump administration ’ s mean-spirited approach to immigration , including its separation of immigrant children from their parents and attacks against foreigners and asylum-seekers .
Although we disagreed with many of the foreign policy decisions made by the Obama administration , we believe it is premature to criticize Biden ’ s national security team based on the policies of President Obama .
As we await more announcements for top national security positions , including CIA director , none of the ones announced so far is unqualified for the positions to which they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be given an opportunity to show what they can do .
Trump used to brag that we will get “ tired of winning so much.
” We are exhausted , but not from winning .
The past four years have been a train wreck , and Trump has been the conductor .
Biden has vowed that the next administration will emphasize American leadership together with revitalization of our alliances—and just as importantly , that it will return to decency , normalcy , compassion , and predictability , none of which we have seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should welcome that and so should the rest of the world .

John B. Bellinger III and David J. Kramer

Now that President-elect Joe Biden has tapped retired Gen. Lloyd Austin to be secretary of defense, the choices for the new administration’s national security team are nearly complete. So far, they are solid picks. For the most part, Biden has selected men and women who have vast experience in foreign affairs, understand the importance of treating our allies with respect, have diverse backgrounds, and recognize the need for the United States to lead by example.
Gen. Austin, while qualified to be secretary of defense, doesn’t have as much high-level political experience as Biden’s other national security picks. His military service was distinguished and honorable, but lack of civilian leadership experience raises some legitimate concerns.
Most of Biden’s other picks have worked with him for decades; they have his trust and when they speak in their new capacities, they will represent his views. We have worked with many of them in the past, and we believe that they are exceptionally well qualified to advise the president and manage U.S. national security policy.
All Americans, Republicans included, have an interest in seeing the Biden administration succeed, whether dealing with the coronavirus pandemic and reviving the economy to keeping America safe and repairing our badly frayed relations with allies. Biden is in the process of building a team to do just that.
Podcast · August 15 2023 A.B. Stoddard: All the Ex-President’s Conspirators Donald Trump has been a low-rent mobster for his entire career, and now he’s getting…
Republicans should give him a chance. It is disappointing that some Republicans are already criticizing Biden’s national security team. On a recent Fox & Friends appearance, Sen. Tom Cotton blasted the picks for signaling a “return of the Obama administration’s foreign policy,” which “had disastrous consequences for our nation.” He went on to tweet that Biden has “picked a national security team that is weak on China.”
Sen. John Cornyn tweeted that the Senate is “not obligated to confirm anyone,” citing financial industry ties of some of the nominees, a concern voiced by few Republicans when considering highly conflicted nominees of President Trump. Sen. Josh Hawley derided the picks as “a group of corporatists and war enthusiasts.” It’s hard to find similar Hawley complaints about Trump appointees with private sector backgrounds.
Sen. Marco Rubio was even more caustic. “Biden’s cabinet picks went to Ivy League schools, have strong resumes, attend all the right conferences & will be polite & orderly caretakers of America’s decline,” he tweeted. “I support American greatness. And I have no interest in returning to the ‘normal’ that left us dependent on China.”
The senators’ comments suggest the confirmation hearings for Biden’s nominees will be contentious and partisan. It’s possible the hearings will devolve into silly attacks over the nominees’ Ivy League degrees and corporate ties—concerns that Republicans never raised when Mike Pompeo was being considered for CIA director or secretary of state despite his Harvard Law degree, or when Wilbur Ross was confirmed for commerce secretary despite his myriad business interests.
But if the confirmation hearings go beyond political theater and focus more on substance, they could offer a window into the GOP’s foreign policy thinking post-Trump. Will the Republican party return to its roots of stressing American leadership in the world, rooted in values and working closely with allies, or remain an anti-establishment party pushing disengagement and isolationism, which essentially sums up the past four years of Trump’s “America First?”
After all, Trump’s foreign policies have not made America great around the world. According to a number of surveys, the international standing of the United States has plummeted under the Trump administration. America is no longer viewed as a reliable and engaged ally. North Korea and Iran are further along in their development of nuclear weapons capability than they were four years ago. Transatlantic relations are the worst they have been in decades. The United States is no longer, as Ronald Reagan once said, a “shining city on a hill.”
With the exceptions of former Defense Secretary James Mattis, former Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats, and one or two others, Trump’s national security team has been weak and has not commanded the same respect as its predecessors in Republican and Democratic administrations. Many heads of the various departments lacked the necessary experience for their positions and engaged in unethical behavior. They have badly politicized the departments they have run and demoralized the staff who work there. And they have damaged America’s national interests.
Biden’s picks will be marked improvements.
Take for example Tony Blinken versus Mike Pompeo. A former deputy secretary of state and former deputy national security advisor, Blinken is a decent, thoughtful person who will restore morale at State and return the department to the lead role in foreign affairs. Pompeo’s reputation for exploding at his staff, failing to defend career diplomats, attacking journalists, and misusing State Department resources for political events won’t be repeated under Blinken. Both Biden and Blinken care about human rights and democracy, and that alone will be a welcome change from Trump and Pompeo, both of whom have defended authoritarian governments and alienated our democratic allies. The Trump administration’s national security strategy made no mention of advancing human rights. Biden and Blinken won’t hesitate to condemn the appalling human rights record of Russian leader Vladimir Putin; they won’t “fall in love” with North Korea’s brutal dictator Kim Jong-un, or call Egypt’s authoritarian strongman “my favorite dictator.”
versus Mike Pompeo. A former deputy secretary of state and former deputy national security advisor, Blinken is a decent, thoughtful person who will restore morale at State and return the department to the lead role in foreign affairs. Pompeo’s reputation for exploding at his staff, failing to defend career diplomats, attacking journalists, and misusing State Department resources for political events won’t be repeated under Blinken. Both Biden and Blinken care about human rights and democracy, and that alone will be a welcome change from Trump and Pompeo, both of whom have defended authoritarian governments and alienated our democratic allies. The Trump administration’s national security strategy made no mention of advancing human rights. Biden and Blinken won’t hesitate to condemn the appalling human rights record of Russian leader Vladimir Putin; they won’t “fall in love” with North Korea’s brutal dictator Kim Jong-un, or call Egypt’s authoritarian strongman “my favorite dictator.” Avril Haines will be a similarly welcome change as director of national intelligence. A former deputy director of the CIA and deputy national security adviser, she is well prepared to be Biden’s principal intelligence adviser and to lead the intelligence community. One of her top priorities will be to restore morale and reverse the damage done by her predecessors Ric Grenell and John Ratcliffe, who politicized the intelligence community and selectively declassified intelligence to serve Trump’s political interests.
will be a similarly welcome change as director of national intelligence. A former deputy director of the CIA and deputy national security adviser, she is well prepared to be Biden’s principal intelligence adviser and to lead the intelligence community. One of her top priorities will be to restore morale and reverse the damage done by her predecessors Ric Grenell and John Ratcliffe, who politicized the intelligence community and selectively declassified intelligence to serve Trump’s political interests. We both worked with Linda Thomas-Greenfield at the State Department and expect her to be an outstanding ambassador to the United Nations. As a career foreign service officer for 35 years, she has vast knowledge and experience representing the United States. We are glad that Biden will restore the position, downgraded under Trump, to cabinet-rank.
at the State Department and expect her to be an outstanding ambassador to the United Nations. As a career foreign service officer for 35 years, she has vast knowledge and experience representing the United States. We are glad that Biden will restore the position, downgraded under Trump, to cabinet-rank. Jake Sullivan , who will become national security advisor, has been a close advisor to Biden for years. He has extensive foreign policy knowledge, respects the role of the cabinet departments, and understands that his job is to gather and distill the best options for the president to make informed decisions.
, who will become national security advisor, has been a close advisor to Biden for years. He has extensive foreign policy knowledge, respects the role of the cabinet departments, and understands that his job is to gather and distill the best options for the president to make informed decisions. Alejandro Mayorkas, the nominee for secretary of Homeland Security, was an immigrant from Cuba who served as deputy secretary under President Obama. He represents a repudiation of the Trump administration’s mean-spirited approach to immigration, including its separation of immigrant children from their parents and attacks against foreigners and asylum-seekers.
Although we disagreed with many of the foreign policy decisions made by the Obama administration, we believe it is premature to criticize Biden’s national security team based on the policies of President Obama. As we await more announcements for top national security positions, including CIA director, none of the ones announced so far is unqualified for the positions to which they are being nominated, and they should be given an opportunity to show what they can do.
Trump used to brag that we will get “tired of winning so much.” We are exhausted, but not from winning. The past four years have been a train wreck, and Trump has been the conductor. Biden has vowed that the next administration will emphasize American leadership together with revitalization of our alliances—and just as importantly, that it will return to decency, normalcy, compassion, and predictability, none of which we have seen over the past four years. Republicans should welcome that and so should the rest of the world.
Editor’s note, Dec. 9, 2020, 9:40a.m.: This article was updated to reflect the formal announcement of Gen. Lloyd Austin as secretary of defense-designate.