asiapacificresearch--2020-10-23--Thailand Protests Are Anti-Chinese, Not “Pro-Democracy”

Ongoing protests in Thailand appearing very similar to those recently seen in Hong Kong are no coincidence .
They are part of an admitted “ Pan-Asian Alliance ” that – while claiming to be “ pro-democracy ” are in reality created by the US government and aimed directly at Beijing .
Thailand has tilted too close to Beijing for Washington ’ s liking and as a response , has scheduled Thailand for destabilization and if possible , regime change .
China is Thailand ’ s largest and most important trading partner , its largest foreign direct investor , and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tourists coming to Thailand each year than all Western nations combined .
Thailand is also hosting one of the key routes of China ’ s One Belt , One Road ( OBOR ) initiative with construction already ongoing for high-speed rail that will connect China , Laos , Thailand , Malaysia , and eventually Singapore .
Finally and perhaps most upsetting for the US is that Thailand has begun replacing its aging US military hardware through a series of major Thai-Chinese arms deals including the purchasing of main battle tanks , other armored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 3 submarines , and jointly-developed arms programs like the DTI-1 multiple rocket launcher system .
Thailand has also recently replaced some of its US-built Blackhawk helicopters with Russian Mi-17V-5 ’ s .
To counter this , the US has mobilized opposition groups and NGOs it has funded in Thailand for years to now demand the current government step down and the nation ’ s constitution be rewritten , paving the way for US-backed billionaire-led opposition parties of Thaksin Shinawatra and Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit into power .
These are opposition parties that have long served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explicitly promised to roll back Thai-Chinese relations should they take power again .
US NED Was Behind Hong Kong ’ s Unrest , and Are Now Behind Thailand ’ s Unrest The US was indisputably behind the protests in Hong Kong with the political opposition and protest leaders confirmed to be recipients of US government cash via notorious regime change arm , the National Endowment for Democracy ( NED ) .
Many of the protest leaders literally flew to Washington DC or visited the US consulate in Hong Kong to receive aid , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Thailand too , virtually every aspect of the protests are funded by the US government .
Worse still is that the US is attempting to stitch these various movements together to form a regional front against Beijing with Thai protest leaders regularly traveling to meet their US-funded counterparts in Hong Kong and Taiwan and vice versa while creating an online army with the help of US-based social media giants to stack public narratives in their favor .
It will be a front that if regime change in any or all of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Asia is successful , will transform the region from a rising global economic power to a dysfunctional warzone not entirely unlike the Middle East .
The core leadership of Thailand ’ s protests includes Anon Nampa of the US NED-funded “ Thai Lawyers for Human Rights ” ( TLHR ) .
Anon Nampa leads every major rally , taking the stage and delivering the opposition ’ s demands to the current government including demands for regime change .
TLHR ’ s founder had in the past admitted that the organization “ receives all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in an interview given to the English-language newspaper , Bangkok Post .
TLHR ’ s US government funding was openly displayed on the US National Endowment for Democracy ( NED ) website in 2014 .
Its name has since been removed from NED ’ s website but continues to receive US funding through the NED via the “ Union for Civil Liberty ” ( UCL ) of which it is a member .
The UCL is still listed on NED ’ s current webpage for programs it funds in Thailand .
TLHR is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its official website next to other recipients of US NED funding including the Cross Cultural Foundation , the Human Rights Lawyers Association , and the Asian Network for Free Elections ( ANFREL ) .
US Funds Orgs Trying to Rewrite Thailand ’ s Constitution Another of Anon Nampa ’ s demands is the rewriting of the Thai constitution .
These efforts have been spearheaded by an organization called “ iLaw ” – also funded by the US NED .
Thai-based English-language newspaper The Nation in an article titled , “ iLaw launches petition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : The organization ’ s US government funding is not mentioned in the article , but can easily be found on NED ’ s official website under the name , “ Internet Law Reform Dialogue ” ( iLaw ) .On iLaw ’ s own website under “ About Us ” it admits : Other groups working to rewrite Thailand ’ s constitution include “ ConLab ” or “ Constitution Lab ” ( on Facebook ) who do so in partnership with US government-funded iLaw and which recently held an event at the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Chiang Mai University .
One can only wonder what the US response would be if Russian or Chinese-funded groups attempted to rewrite the US constitution .
US Even Funds Groups Padding out Rallies with “ Poor People ” Filling up rallies is done not only through the billionaire-led opposition parties of Pheu Thai and Move Forward ( previously Future Forward ) but also through groups like the “ Assembly of the Poor.
” Assembly of the Poor leader Baramee Chaiyarat has recently vowed to bring his supporters to any future mass rallies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protest leaders and legal arms of the protests , Assembly of the Poor is also funded by the US government via the NED .
On the NED ’ s official website an organization called “ Thai Poor Act ” has been listed for years , receiving millions of Thai Baht in funding .
Its funding falls under a section titled , “ Supporting Grassroots Engagement in Promoting Democracy , ” which is precisely what Assembly of the Poor claims to do .
Evidence proving that Thai Poor Act and Assembly of the Poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Thai Poor Act ’ s now disused Facebook page where it published a 2011 documented titled , “ Incorporation Contract of Establishment of a Body of Individuals ” listing Assembly of the Poor leader Baraemee Chaiyarat as “ manager ” of Thai Poor Act .
Thai Poor Act ’ s YouTube channel features only one video , but the video begins with a title stating clearly , “ Assembly of the Poor presents… ” Clearly they are the same organization , led by the same individual – Baramee Chaiyarat – and funded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests .
There are various fake news fronts posing as “ independent media ” in Thailand also funded by the US government via NED and providing lopsidedly positive coverage for the protests and each of the above mentioned organizations and individuals – never once mentioning their collective US government funding .
This includes Prachatai which receives millions of Thai Baht a year from the US government to advance narratives that divide and destabilize Thailand and promote US interests within Thai borders .
It is also an echo chamber for US State Department talking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ River , the South China Sea , and other opposition fronts the US backs in the region .
It is listed on the US NED ’ s official website under the name “ Foundation for Community Educational Media , ” which also appears at the very bottom of Prachatai ’ s website.The media front ’ s “ executive director ” Chiranuch Premchaiporn is also a “ fellow ” of the National Endowment for Democracy .
An editorial in the Taipei Times titled , “ Young alliance taking on Beijing , ” would claim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among netizens in Taiwan , Hong Kong , Thailand and the Philippines emerged this spring , trolling China ’ s increasingly jingoistic online army that lashes out and threatens celebrities , multinationals and anyone else who directly or indirectly challenges Beijing ’ s “ one China ” mantra .
Like the Sunflower movement and pro-democracy supporters over the past year or more in Hong Kong , the alliance is self-initiated and spontaneous , interested in greater democracy in their own countries and others , as well as countering Beijing ’ s cudgel diplomacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even if their own leaders are hesitant to do so .
Whether it is countering the CCP ’ s historical claims , China ’ s aggressive dam-building program that threatens those along the lower reaches of the Mekong River or Beijing militarizing the South China Sea , the power of the # MilkTeaAlliance is growing .
It is clearly false to portray this “ alliance ” as “ self-initiated and spontaneous ” with the summation of its agenda lifted directly from the US State Department ’ s daily briefings and each respective opposition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” having verified , documented ties directly to Washington .
The regionwide network of political interference and regime change the US is creating in Asia today is not unlike the network it created and used to carry out the “ Arab Spring ” in 2011 .
Even the New York Times in its article , “ U.S .
Groups Helped Nurture Arab Uprisings , ” would admit the role of organizations like NED in training , equipping , and funding protests that eventually led to regional death , despair , irreversible economic destruction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the groups and individuals directly involved in the revolts and reforms sweeping the region , including the April 6 Youth Movement in Egypt , the Bahrain Center for Human Rights and grass-roots activists like Entsar Qadhi , a youth leader in Yemen , received training and financing from groups like the International Republican Institute , the National Democratic Institute and Freedom House , a nonprofit human rights organization based in Washington , according to interviews in recent weeks and American diplomatic cables obtained by WikiLeaks .
The Republican and Democratic institutes are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Parties .
They were created by Congress and are financed through the National Endowment for Democracy , which was set up in 1983 to channel grants for promoting democracy in developing nations .
The National Endowment receives about $ 100 million annually from Congress .
Freedom House also gets the bulk of its money from the American government , mainly from the State Department .
While the NYT claims this money was spent “ promoting democracy ” it clearly served as cover for what was in reality a violent campaign of US-backed regime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military interventions , the destruction of Libya , and the near destruction of Syria .
One thing that never materialized was “ democracy.
” Also a product of the “ Arab Spring ” is US regime change efforts in Yemen and its military support for Saudi Arabia ’ s ongoing war against the country .
It has led to what the UN itself has called “ the world ’ s worst humanitarian crisis.
” Considering what US “ democracy promotion ” has done to North Africa and the Middle East – wider Asia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is openly creating and aiming at the region in the form of its “ Pan-Asian Alliance ” and all the US government-funded opposition fronts that make it up.Just as “ democracy ” was merely a slogan used to advance US primacy in North Africa and the Middle East during the “ Arab Spring , ” “ democracy ” is just a slogan now in Asia used to advance Washington ’ s real goal of encircling and containing China – thus preserving US primacy in Asia-Pacific .
Note to readers : please click the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Tony Cartalucci is a Bangkok-based geopolitical researcher and writer , especially for the online magazine “ New Eastern Outlook ” where this article was originally published .
He is a frequent contributor to Global Research .

Ongoing protests in Thailand appearing very similar to those recently seen in Hong Kong are no coincidence.
They are part of an admitted “Pan-Asian Alliance” that – while claiming to be “pro-democracy” are in reality created by the US government and aimed directly at Beijing.
Thailand has tilted too close to Beijing for Washington’s liking and as a response, has scheduled Thailand for destabilization and if possible, regime change.
Thailand Tilting “Too Close” To China
China is Thailand’s largest and most important trading partner, its largest foreign direct investor, and its largest source of tourism with more Chinese tourists coming to Thailand each year than all Western nations combined.
Thailand is also hosting one of the key routes of China’s One Belt, One Road (OBOR) initiative with construction already ongoing for high-speed rail that will connect China, Laos, Thailand, Malaysia, and eventually Singapore.
Finally and perhaps most upsetting for the US is that Thailand has begun replacing its aging US military hardware through a series of major Thai-Chinese arms deals including the purchasing of main battle tanks, other armored vehicles, naval vessels including up to 3 submarines, and jointly-developed arms programs like the DTI-1 multiple rocket launcher system.
Thailand has also recently replaced some of its US-built Blackhawk helicopters with Russian Mi-17V-5’s.
To counter this, the US has mobilized opposition groups and NGOs it has funded in Thailand for years to now demand the current government step down and the nation’s constitution be rewritten, paving the way for US-backed billionaire-led opposition parties of Thaksin Shinawatra and Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit into power. These are opposition parties that have long served US interests in the past and have explicitly promised to roll back Thai-Chinese relations should they take power again.
US NED Was Behind Hong Kong’s Unrest, and Are Now Behind Thailand’s Unrest
The US was indisputably behind the protests in Hong Kong with the political opposition and protest leaders confirmed to be recipients of US government cash via notorious regime change arm, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
Many of the protest leaders literally flew to Washington DC or visited the US consulate in Hong Kong to receive aid, directives, and other forms of support.
In Thailand too, virtually every aspect of the protests are funded by the US government.
Worse still is that the US is attempting to stitch these various movements together to form a regional front against Beijing with Thai protest leaders regularly traveling to meet their US-funded counterparts in Hong Kong and Taiwan and vice versa while creating an online army with the help of US-based social media giants to stack public narratives in their favor.
It will be a front that if regime change in any or all of the nations currently targeted by Washington in Asia is successful, will transform the region from a rising global economic power to a dysfunctional warzone not entirely unlike the Middle East.
US Funds Thai Protest Leaders
The core leadership of Thailand’s protests includes Anon Nampa of the US NED-funded “Thai Lawyers for Human Rights” (TLHR). Anon Nampa leads every major rally, taking the stage and delivering the opposition’s demands to the current government including demands for regime change.
TLHR’s founder had in the past admitted that the organization “receives all its funding from international donors,” in an interview given to the English-language newspaper, Bangkok Post.
TLHR’s US government funding was openly displayed on the US National Endowment for Democracy (NED) website in 2014.
Its name has since been removed from NED’s website but continues to receive US funding through the NED via the “Union for Civil Liberty” (UCL) of which it is a member.
The UCL is still listed on NED’s current webpage for programs it funds in Thailand. TLHR is listed as a member of UCL on its official website next to other recipients of US NED funding including the Cross Cultural Foundation, the Human Rights Lawyers Association, and the Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL).
US Funds Orgs Trying to Rewrite Thailand’s Constitution
Another of Anon Nampa’s demands is the rewriting of the Thai constitution. These efforts have been spearheaded by an organization called “iLaw” – also funded by the US NED.
Thai-based English-language newspaper The Nation in an article titled, “iLaw launches petition for charter rewrite,” would claim:
The Internet Law Reform Dialogue (iLaw), a human rights NGO, has launched a campaign seeking signatures from 50,000 voters to sponsor a motion for a Constitution rewrite.
The organization’s US government funding is not mentioned in the article, but can easily be found on NED’s official website under the name, “Internet Law Reform Dialogue” (iLaw).On iLaw’s own website under “About Us” it admits:
Between 2009 and 2014 iLaw has received funding support from the Open Society Foundation, the Heinrich Böll Foundation and a one-time support grant from Google. Between 2015 to present iLaw receives funding from funders as listed below1. Open Society Foundation (OSF)2. Heinrich Böll Stiftung (HBF)3. National Endowment for Democracy (NED)4. Fund for Global Human Rights (FGHR)5. American Jewish World Servic (AJWS)6. One-time support donation from Google and other independent donors
Other groups working to rewrite Thailand’s constitution include “ConLab” or “Constitution Lab” (on Facebook) who do so in partnership with US government-funded iLaw and which recently held an event at the US Embassy’s “American Corner” at Chiang Mai University.


asiapacificresearch--2020-10-23--Korea-Japan Relations in the Post-Abe Era

One of Shinzo Abe ’ s legacies inherited by Suga Yoshihide is the Korea bashing .
Korea bashing is essentially a by-product of Abe ’ s racism ; it is closely related to Abe ’ s refusal to admit wartime crimes committed by Japan against Koreans .
Korea bashing has taken the form of trade war in which Abe has paid a high price .
Ironically , Abe ’ s Korea bashing has allowed Korea to confront Japan as a sovereign nation and liberate itself from Japan ’ s new form of colonialism realized in close collaboration with the pro-Japan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new prime minister of Japan , Yoshihide Suga revises Japan ’ s traditional perception of Korea , accepts Korea as equal partner , gives up the misleading myth of the Japanese people ’ s racial superiority and works hand in hand with Korea for the creation of peaceful , prosperous and just Asia .
Japan ’ s Korea policy has evolved by two phases , namely , the phase of “ Korea controlling ” which had lasted 64 years ( 1948-2012 ) , and the phase of “ Korea bashing ” which begun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shinzo took power .
( 2012- ) .
The first phase was actually the continuation of 35-year Japanese colonial period ( 1910-1945 ) .
Japan could control Korea largely owing to the dedicated collaboration of Koreans who had served the Japanese interests ; they were the pro-Japan intellectuals , civil servants , policemen , business men and military personnel including Park Chung-hee who was a Japanese army officer in Manchuria .
They participated proactively in confiscating land and factories , capturing Korean patriots who resisted Japanese army , conscripting teen age girls for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slavery .
The irony of Korea ’ s post-WWII history was the continuation of the Japanese colonialism which may be called Japan ’ s neo-colonialism imposed on South Korea .
It began in 1945 when the U.S. army ruled South Korea through a military government .
Having no knowledge of Korea , the American military government hired pro-Japan Koreans who had served the Japanese colonial government .
Sygnman Rhee established the first Korean government in 1948 and inherited the same pro-Japan Koreans to run the government .
The Korean people protested for hiring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they were concerned .
They formed a committee to single out the traitors , but the pro-Japan police destroyed the documents containing the list of traitors and pro-Japan Koreans were able to create a solid foundation to rule Korea .
In 1962 , General Park Chung-hee became president after a coup d ’ état .
He was a faithful admirer of Japan ; he signed with his own blood the declaration of his dedication to the glory of Japan .
He was also very close to Nobusuke Kishi , grandfather of Abe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signed the Korea-Japan Basic Treaty of normalization for which Korea received $ US300 million as grants and US $ 200 million as loans .
These funds were provided as Japan ’ s economic aid .
In fact , almost the totality of this money was spent for the construction of social infrastructure , the Pohang Iron and Steel Company and the acquisition of raw materials .
It is true that these funds have contributed to the take-off of the Korean economy .
But , at the same time , it made Korea ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There was another episode which demonstrated further the subservient status of Korea .
In 1963 , Park Chung-hee received US $ 66 million from Nobusuke Kishi to establish the first Japan-funded Korean political party , the Democratic Republican Party of Korea ( DRPK ) .
Image on the right is from Money and Markets From thereon , Japan could dictate the Korea ’ s public policies .
The economic development model was that of the Meiji era based on the collusion between large corporations and the government .
Japan provided technologies ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cheap labour ; Japan created value chain for the benefit of Japanese enterprises .
Thus , Japan has played important role in the process of Korea ’ s economic development , trade and technological development .
However , in rerun , Korea was made subservient to Japan .
After decades-old trade with Japan , Korea has never had trade surplus with Japan .
In other words , Korea has been the object of Japan ’ s neo-colonialism .
Japan ’ s neo-colonialism in Korea was possible owing to the collaboration and complicity of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Korean collaborators , their descendents and a large number of Japanese who adopted Korean names .
There were several tens of thousands of Japanese who stayed in Korea for good after the end of WWII .
It appears that some of the founders of large corporations are Japanese and their descendents who did not return to Japan .
The pro-Japan conservative force is the linear descendents of the DRPK created by Park Chung-hee in 1963 with the money given by Nobuske Kishi .
Since then , the conservative force formed political parties of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years through variety of authoritarian regimes including police dictatorship , military dictatorship , CIA dictatorship made possible by complete control of corrupted courts and media .
The complicity between Japan and the pro-Japan conservatives has resulted in the development of a corruption community and the fruits of economic development have been concentrated in the hand of the conservative vested interest groups depriving the Korean people of their right to share the fruits of economic development .
As long as the conservative force kept power , the Korea-Japan relations have been relatively calm and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been stable .
It is true that there have been occasional frictions in the Korea-Japan relations , but these frictions have been solved by Korea ’ s conceding to Japanese claims .
The typical case was the inter-foreign minister agreement on the issue of the comfort women in 2015 .
Even President Park Geun-hye , daughter of General Park Chung-hee wanted to receive Japan ’ s government ’ s admission and apology for the sex slavery .
But under Japan ’ s pressure , she gave in and produced a document which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
However , when progressive Moon Jae-in took power in 2017 , the Korea-Japan relations had to go through radical change , because the pro-Japan conservatives who had been subservient political partner of Japan were no longer there to support Japan ’ s Korea controlling .
Hereon , Japan ’ s Korea policy changed from “ Korea Controlling ” to “ Korea Bashing ” .
When Moon Jae-in took over the power in 2017 , Abe Shinzo found himself in a rather difficult position for the simple reason that his faithful Korean supporter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerned with two principal sources of Japan-Korea frictions : the North-South peace dialogue and the dispute related to Japan ’ s war crimes .
To understand the Japan-Korea friction surrounding the North-South peace dialogue , it is useful to point out that , in South Korea , there are , in fact , two Koreas , the pro-Japan conservative Korea ( PJK ) and pro-Korea Korea ( PKK ) .
The core of PJK may be composed of about 1 % of the population , that is , about fifty thousand powerful individuals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it has been ruling Korea through dictatorship , fear politics and , at time , rigged elections .
Now , when PKK deals with Japan , it is dealing with Japan ( J ) plus the PJK .
The PJK acts as if it were a part of Japan .
This is particularly so , when the issues of the peace dialogue and the colonial history are concerned .
The alliance J-PJK resists the North-South peace dialogue with such force that one wonders why .
Here is why .
Abe ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peninsula , because it has facilitated the electoral wins of the far-right conservative party , the Liberal Democratic Party ( LDP ) , led by Abe .
Shinzo .
Moreover , the peace on the Korean peninsula and the possible unification of Koreas may be a security threat for Japan .
Now , as for the pro-Japan Korea conservative , PJK , the North-South tension has been one of the best electoral allies .
Besides , the tension brings a lot of bribe money deriving from the transactions of weapons .
Unfortunately for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dialogue meant the end of political and financial advantages .
There was another reason for Abe ’ s decision to punish the progressive government of Moon Je-in .
This reason was more important than the North-South peace dialogue .
It was the issue of the interpretation of Japan ’ s colonial past .
Japan wanted to forget the wartime crimes of imperial Japan .
The devoted pro-Japan Koreans also wanted to forget the past because they did all the dirty works for these crimes .
That is , Japan and PJK were co-offenders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pro-Japan governments of Lee Myong-bak ( 2007-2012 ) and Park Geun-hye ( 2013-2017 ) wanted to forget the past because of their guilty feeling or the fear of revenge by the former patriots and their descendents .
As for Abe , he does not want to admit Japan ’ s war crimes , because , in his mindset , the Japanese being the Yamato-race ( race of the divine emperor ) could not and did not commit such crimes .
The wish of Japan and PJK to forget their war time wrong doings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ history text- books .
In fact , both in Japan and Korea under PJK , the story of the crimes of sex slavery and other horror stories were taken out from the school history text-books .
Moreover , the Japanese invasion is reported to be motivated for the development of poor Korea .
It is interesting to add that Japan has been funding generously “ scholarly works ” in Korea conducted by the “ New Right ” pro-Japan assembly of far-right intellectuals and even some of the misled Christians in order to hide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the same time to justify and glorify Japan ’ s Korea invasion .
Another function of the New Right movement has been that of making Koreans feel inferior to Japanese .
As it is shown above , the Japan-Korea relations had been relatively stable for the simple reason that the PJK was acting as colonized servants and doing what Japan had asked to do .
This has suddenly changed .
The government of Moon Jae-in took power and spoiled the whole thing for the alliance J-PJK .
Korea has begun to behave as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subservient to Japan .
This has profoundly annoyed mighty Abe Shinzo and the whip of Korea bashing begun to hit hard the country of morning cal , which has come less calm .
Abe Shinzo decided to bash Korea because Moon Jae-in asked Abe to admit one of Japan ’ s wrong doings in the past , namely , the labour slavery of armies of Korean workers .
During WWII , Abe ’ s grandfather , Nobusuke Kishi , conscripted 670,000 Korans and forced them to work as slaves in Japanese mines and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the workers ; they had to live under living conditions so bad that every year 25,000 workers had to be replaced because of deaths and diseases .
After the war , some of the victims claimed compensation for their work and suffering .
But , the Japanese government refused , because , by paying the compensation , Japan had to admit its crimes , which Abe would not accept .
The victims went to the Japanese court with no results .
Then , they appealed to the Korea courts .
And , on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court of Korea ordered the Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal and the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries to pay the victims .
These companies were the principal Japanese companies which enslaved Korean workers during WWII .
It was reported that these companies were ready to pay , but Abe ordered them not to do so .
This was the starting line of the trade war between the two countries .
The Japan-Korea negotiation for the payment of compensation lasted a year with no results .
Then , on July 1 , 2019 , Abe shot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He restricted the exports of three chemicals – fluorinated polyimide , resists and hydrogen fluoride – essential for the production of semiconductors .
The Korean producers of semiconductors and mobile phones including the Samsung Group and the LG as well as SK depended heavily on the imports of Japanese chemicals .
Abe ’ s declaration of the trade war was undoubtedly the retaliation to the Korean Supreme Court ruling .
But , Abe wanted to ignore the ruling , because , if he accepted the ruling , he was admitting the labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the justification of his trade war .
He thought that he found the reason ; this was provided by no other person than Suga Yoshihide , the new prime minister of Japan who was then the Chief Cabinet Secretary came up with unbelievable story ; he said that the trade war was needed in order to prevent South Korea from sending some strategic technologies to North Korea .
But , it turned out that it was rather Japan that had been smuggling such technologies into North Korea for money .
Seeing that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court ruling , Ave shot the second salve of the trade war .
On August 2 , 2019 , Abe put South Korea off the “ White List ” which is the list of countries which enjoy the privileged trade treatment .
Korea reacted promptly .
On August 12 , 2019 , Korea eliminated Japan from Korea ’ s White List .
Such action of Korea would have been just impossible under the government of pro-Japan conservatives , for the conservatives think that the only way to keep power and perpetuate all sorts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Abe seemed to think that Korea would give up its claims .
He was right in part , for the pro-Japan conservative media led by thr Chosun Ilbo , the Joong-ang Ilbo and the Dong-ah Ilbo ( the Cho-Joong-Dong ) were advising the progressive government of Moon Jae-in to give in .
On its part , the pro-Japan conservative party , the Unified Future Part ( now Party of People ’ s Strength ) was arguing that , if Korea does not give in , the Korean economy would be ruined .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Japan lost for two reasons : the proactive reaction of Korean enterprises and people ’ s united movement of “ Boycotting of Japanese Goods !
” ( BJG ) .
At first , Korean producers of semiconductors and other telecommunication producers were much worried , but they could overcome the difficulties through the development of their own technology of the three chemicals on the one hand , and on the other , the diversification of the sources of product imports .
The results are surprising .
Korea has become almost self sufficient in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thus , Korea became free , at last , from economic and political dependence on Japan .
Many Koreans are saying that Korea is finally liberated from Japan ’ s neo-colonialism .
The Japanese producers of these chemicals relied much on Samsung and other Korean companies for their exports .
The exports of the chemicals has decreased so much that they were having serious problem of decreasing product sales .
One solution was to relocate their plants to Korea .
In fact , a number of Japanese firms moved to Korea .
Image @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s trade war does not seem to hurt Korean firms .
In fact , 84 % of Korean firms doing business with Japanese firms say that they are not affected ; 91 % say that their competitiveness is not weakened .
The more serious negative impact of Abe ’ s trade war with Korea was Korean people ’ s spontaneous movement of BJG .
The Korean conservative media , the Cho-Joong-Dong , was stating that the BJG would last only a few weeks .
But it lasted more than one year , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 2019 , the sale of Japanese cars in Korea dropped by 57 % ; the sale of Japanese beer fell by 97 % ; the sale of Japanese cosmetics was cut down y more than 60 % .
Above all , Korean tourists who account for more than 25 % of Japanese tourism fell by 90 % .
In some Japanese regions , Korean tourists account for as much as 80 % of total tourism of the regions .
Thus , the adverse impact of Abe ’ s ill conceived trade war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Japan .
There is another cost of Abe ’ s trade war , namely , Japan ’ s loss of the bilateral cooperation for the exchange of confidential military information .
In 2016 , Korea – under the conservative government of Park Geun-hye – and Japan signed the Global Security of Military Information Agreement ( GSOMIA ) .
By virtue of this agreement , each country should share military information .
What Japan wanted was the information on the movement of North Korea ’ s armed forces , especially the handling of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its geographical situation , South Korea knows the state of North Korea ’ s missile launching before Japan .
Therefore , the GSOMIA is very precious to Japan .
On the other hand , the military information provided by Japan to Korea has little usefulness .
In short , the agreement is much more important to Japan than it is to Korea .
But , because of Abe ’ s trade war against Korea , on August 23 , 2019 Korea said it could withdraw from GSOMIA .
If this happens , Japan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Korea .
Nonetheless , Korea was generous enough to renew the agreement for one more year .
To sum up , the post-WWII Korea-Japan relations have evolved so far from Korea-controlling to Korea-bashing .
But the post-Abe Korea-Japan relations should be one of mutual respect and mutual cooperation .
The pro-Japan ( PJK ) conservative force in Korea is still there but it is not strong enough to exert any significant influences on the bilateral relations between the country of morning calm and the country of rising sun .
With Suga , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ era of Korea-Japan relations of peace and cooperation .
But , such relations require some preconditions .
First , Suga should change Japan ’ s perception of Korea .
Up to now , as indicated above , Japan has treated Korea subservient inferior country .
Japan should accept it as a sovereign country and treat it as equal .
Korea has become a global middle power ; it is 12th global economic power ; it is one of the leading military powers in Asia , it is highly respected for its contribution to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ envied for its success in the antivirus war .
Above all , owing to the leadership of Moon Jae-in , Korea has become one of the few people- friendly democracies .
Second , Suga should refrain from trying to intervene in Korea ’ s internal policy and international relations through the pro-Japan conservatives .
It is true that the PJK has been uncontested force ; it has been effective collaborator for the continuation of Japan ’ s neo-colonialism .
But , in all probability , it will have difficulty in helping Japan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ distance from the PJK .
In this way , the Korea-Japan relations can be mutually beneficial .
Third , Suga should accept the Kono statement .
In August 1993 , Kono Yohei who was the Chief Cabinet Secretary of Japan made a statement in which he explicitly admitted and apologised for the sex slavery against Korean teen-age girls .
Abe does not recognize the Kono statement and the truth of the crime is omitted in the school textbooks .
It is advisable to make school history textbooks faithful to the history .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relations .
Some people argue that one can separate the issue of war-time crimes and economic relations .
Such argument may look attractive , but unless the issue of the war-time crimes are cleared up , it is difficult to develop bilateral relations based on trust .
Fourth , Japan should not hinder the North-South peace dialogue .
It is about the time to stop relying on the North-South tension for electoral wins and financial gains .
Fifth , Suga should recognize the heavy price Japan had to pay for the ill conceived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoped that Japan and Korea declare the end of the trade war and promote mutually beneficial trade .
To close , we are all behind the new Prime Minister , Suga Yoshihide for his task of restoring peaceful , stable , prosperous and especially racism-free Japan .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Professor Joseph H. Chung is professor of economics and co-director of the East Asia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Center for Integration and Globalization ( CEIM ) , Quebec University in Montreal ( UQAM ) .
He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization ( CRG ) .

One of Shinzo Abe’s legacies inherited by Suga Yoshihide is the Korea bashing. Korea bashing is essentially a by-product of Abe’s racism; it is closely related to Abe’s refusal to admit wartime crimes committed by Japan against Koreans. Korea bashing has taken the form of trade war in which Abe has paid a high price. Ironically, Abe’s Korea bashing has allowed Korea to confront Japan as a sovereign nation and liberate itself from Japan’s new form of colonialism realized in close collaboration with the pro-Japan Korean conservatives
It is hoped that the new prime minister of Japan, Yoshihide Suga revises Japan’s traditional perception of Korea, accepts Korea as equal partner, gives up the misleading myth of the Japanese people’s racial superiority and works hand in hand with Korea for the creation of peaceful, prosperous and just Asia.
Japan’s Korea policy has evolved by two phases, namely, the phase of “Korea controlling” which had lasted 64 years (1948-2012), and the phase of “Korea bashing” which begun in 2012, the year when Abe Shinzo took power. (2012-).
Korea Controlling
The first phase was actually the continuation of 35-year Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Japan could control Korea largely owing to the dedicated collaboration of Koreans who had served the Japanese interests; they were the pro-Japan intellectuals, civil servants, policemen, business men and military personnel including Park Chung-hee who was a Japanese army officer in Manchuria. They participated proactively in confiscating land and factories, capturing Korean patriots who resisted Japanese army, conscripting teen age girls for sex slavery and Korean workers for labour slavery.
The irony of Korea’s post-WWII history was the continuation of the Japanese colonialism which may be called Japan’s neo-colonialism imposed on South Korea. It began in 1945 when the U.S. army ruled South Korea through a military government. Having no knowledge of Korea, the American military government hired pro-Japan Koreans who had served the Japanese colonial government. Sygnman Rhee established the first Korean government in 1948 and inherited the same pro-Japan Koreans to run the government. The Korean people protested for hiring these people who were traitors as far as they were concerned. They formed a committee to single out the traitors, but the pro-Japan police destroyed the documents containing the list of traitors and pro-Japan Koreans were able to create a solid foundation to rule Korea.
In 1962, General Park Chung-hee became president after a coup d’état. He was a faithful admirer of Japan; he signed with his own blood the declaration of his dedication to the glory of Japan. He was also very close to Nobusuke Kishi, grandfather of Abe Shinzo.
In 1965, Park Chung-hee signed the Korea-Japan Basic Treaty of normalization for which Korea received $US300 million as grants and US$ 200 million as loans. These funds were provided as Japan’s economic aid. In fact, almost the totality of this money was spent for the construction of social infrastructure, the Pohang Iron and Steel Company and the acquisition of raw materials. It is true that these funds have contributed to the take-off of the Korean economy. But, at the same time, it made Korea’s economy subservient to the Japanese economy.
There was another episode which demonstrated further the subservient status of Korea. In 1963, Park Chung-hee received US$ 66 million from Nobusuke Kishi to establish the first Japan-funded Korean political party, the Democratic Republican Party of Korea (DRPK).
Image on the right is from Money and Markets
From thereon, Japan could dictate the Korea’s public policies. The economic development model was that of the Meiji era based on the collusion between large corporations and the government. Japan provided technologies; Japan invested in Korea taking advantage of cheap labour; Japan created value chain for the benefit of Japanese enterprises. Thus, Japan has played important role in the process of Korea’s economic development, trade and technological development. However, in rerun, Korea was made subservient to Japan. After decades-old trade with Japan, Korea has never had trade surplus with Japan. In other words, Korea has been the object of Japan’s neo-colonialism.
Japan’s neo-colonialism in Korea was possible owing to the collaboration and complicity of pro-Japan Korean conservative force composed of former Korean collaborators, their descendents and a large number of Japanese who adopted Korean names. There were several tens of thousands of Japanese who stayed in Korea for good after the end of WWII. It appears that some of the founders of large corporations are Japanese and their descendents who did not return to Japan.
The pro-Japan conservative force is the linear descendents of the DRPK created by Park Chung-hee in 1963 with the money given by Nobuske Kishi. Since then, the conservative force formed political parties of different names and ruled Korea for 58 years through variety of authoritarian regimes including police dictatorship, military dictatorship, CIA dictatorship made possible by complete control of corrupted courts and media.
The complicity between Japan and the pro-Japan conservatives has resulted in the development of a corruption community and the fruits of economic development have been concentrated in the hand of the conservative vested interest groups depriving the Korean people of their right to share the fruits of economic development.
As long as the conservative force kept power, the Korea-Japan relations have been relatively calm and the subservient status of Korea vis-a-vis Japan has been stable. It is true that there have been occasional frictions in the Korea-Japan relations, but these frictions have been solved by Korea’s conceding to Japanese claims. The typical case was the inter-foreign minister agreement on the issue of the comfort women in 2015. Even President Park Geun-hye, daughter of General Park Chung-hee wanted to receive Japan’s government’s admission and apology for the sex slavery. But under Japan’s pressure, she gave in and produced a document which any right minded Koreans could not accept.
However, when progressive Moon Jae-in took power in 2017, the Korea-Japan relations had to go through radical change, because the pro-Japan conservatives who had been subservient political partner of Japan were no longer there to support Japan’s Korea controlling. Hereon, Japan’s Korea policy changed from “Korea Controlling” to “Korea Bashing”.
Korea Bashing
When Moon Jae-in took over the power in 2017, Abe Shinzo found himself in a rather difficult position for the simple reason that his faithful Korean supporter were out of power. Abe was concerned with two principal sources of Japan-Korea frictions: the North-South peace dialogue and the dispute related to Japan’s war crimes.
To understand the Japan-Korea friction surrounding the North-South peace dialogue, it is useful to point out that, in South Korea, there are, in fact, two Koreas, the pro-Japan conservative Korea (PJK) and pro-Korea Korea (PKK). The core of PJK may be composed of about 1% of the population, that is, about fifty thousand powerful individuals. However, for last 58 years, it has been ruling Korea through dictatorship, fear politics and, at time, rigged elections.
Now, when PKK deals with Japan, it is dealing with Japan (J) plus the PJK. The PJK acts as if it were a part of Japan. This is particularly so, when the issues of the peace dialogue and the colonial history are concerned.
The alliance J-PJK resists the North-South peace dialogue with such force that one wonders why. Here is why. Abe’s Japan prefers permanent tension in the Korean peninsula, because it has facilitated the electoral wins of the far-right conservative party, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), led by Abe. Shinzo. Moreover, the peace on the Korean peninsula and the possible unification of Koreas may be a security threat for Japan.
Now, as for the pro-Japan Korea conservative, PJK, the North-South tension has been one of the best electoral allies. Besides, the tension brings a lot of bribe money deriving from the transactions of weapons. Unfortunately for PJK and Abe, the North-South peace dialogue meant the end of political and financial advantages.
There was another reason for Abe’s decision to punish the progressive government of Moon Je-in. This reason was more important than the North-South peace dialogue. It was the issue of the interpretation of Japan’s colonial past. Japan wanted to forget the wartime crimes of imperial Japan. The devoted pro-Japan Koreans also wanted to forget the past because they did all the dirty works for these crimes.
That is, Japan and PJK were co-offenders of these war time crimes.
The pro-Japan governments of Lee Myong-bak (2007-2012) and Park Geun-hye (2013-2017) wanted to forget the past because of their guilty feeling or the fear of revenge by the former patriots and their descendents. As for Abe, he does not want to admit Japan’s war crimes, because, in his mindset, the Japanese being the Yamato-race (race of the divine emperor) could not and did not commit such crimes.
The wish of Japan and PJK to forget their war time wrong doings has resulted in the rewriting of school history text- books. In fact, both in Japan and Korea under PJK, the story of the crimes of sex slavery and other horror stories were taken out from the school history text-books. Moreover, the Japanese invasion is reported to be motivated for the development of poor Korea.
It is interesting to add that Japan has been funding generously “scholarly works” in Korea conducted by the “New Right” pro-Japan assembly of far-right intellectuals and even some of the misled Christians in order to hide Japan’s war crimes and at the same time to justify and glorify Japan’s Korea invasion. Another function of the New Right movement has been that of making Koreans feel inferior to Japanese.
As it is shown above, the Japan-Korea relations had been relatively stable for the simple reason that the PJK was acting as colonized servants and doing what Japan had asked to do. This has suddenly changed. The government of Moon Jae-in took power and spoiled the whole thing for the alliance J-PJK. Korea has begun to behave as an independent country, not a country subservient to Japan. This has profoundly annoyed mighty Abe Shinzo and the whip of Korea bashing begun to hit hard the country of morning cal, which has come less calm.
Abe Shinzo decided to bash Korea because Moon Jae-in asked Abe to admit one of Japan’s wrong doings in the past, namely, the labour slavery of armies of Korean workers. During WWII, Abe’s grandfather, Nobusuke Kishi, conscripted 670,000 Korans and forced them to work as slaves in Japanese mines and factories. There was no pay for the workers; they had to live under living conditions so bad that every year 25,000 workers had to be replaced because of deaths and diseases. After the war, some of the victims claimed compensation for their work and suffering. But, the Japanese government refused, because, by paying the compensation, Japan had to admit its crimes, which Abe would not accept.
The victims went to the Japanese court with no results. Then, they appealed to the Korea courts. And, on October 30, 2018, the Supreme Court of Korea ordered the Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal and the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries to pay the victims. These companies were the principal Japanese companies which enslaved Korean workers during WWII. It was reported that these companies were ready to pay, but Abe ordered them not to do so. This was the starting line of the trade war between the two countries.
The Japan-Korea negotiation for the payment of compensation lasted a year with no results. Then, on July 1, 2019, Abe shot the first salve of the trade war. He restricted the exports of three chemicals – fluorinated polyimide, resists and hydrogen fluoride – essential for the production of semiconductors. The Korean producers of semiconductors and mobile phones including the Samsung Group and the LG as well as SK depended heavily on the imports of Japanese chemicals.
Abe’s declaration of the trade war was undoubtedly the retaliation to the Korean Supreme Court ruling. But, Abe wanted to ignore the ruling, because, if he accepted the ruling, he was admitting the labour slavery. Abe needed some other reasons for the justification of his trade war. He thought that he found the reason; this was provided by no other person than Suga Yoshihide, the new prime minister of Japan who was then the Chief Cabinet Secretary came up with unbelievable story; he said that the trade war was needed in order to prevent South Korea from sending some strategic technologies to North Korea. But, it turned out that it was rather Japan that had been smuggling such technologies into North Korea for money.
Seeing that Korea was insisting on honouring the Supreme Court ruling, Ave shot the second salve of the trade war. On August 2, 2019, Abe put South Korea off the “White List” which is the list of countries which enjoy the privileged trade treatment. Korea reacted promptly. On August 12, 2019, Korea eliminated Japan from Korea’s White List. Such action of Korea would have been just impossible under the government of pro-Japan conservatives, for the conservatives think that the only way to keep power and perpetuate all sorts of privileges is to please Japan.
Abe seemed to think that Korea would give up its claims. He was right in part, for the pro-Japan conservative media led by thr Chosun Ilbo, the Joong-ang Ilbo and the Dong-ah Ilbo (the Cho-Joong-Dong) were advising the progressive government of Moon Jae-in to give in. On its part, the pro-Japan conservative party, the Unified Future Part (now Party of People’s Strength) was arguing that, if Korea does not give in, the Korean economy would be ruined.
But, in the Korea-Japan trade war, Japan lost for two reasons: the proactive reaction of Korean enterprises and people’s united movement of “Boycotting of Japanese Goods!” (BJG).
At first, Korean producers of semiconductors and other telecommunication producers were much worried, but they could overcome the difficulties through the development of their own technology of the three chemicals on the one hand, and on the other, the diversification of the sources of product imports. The results are surprising. Korea has become almost self sufficient in the production of the three chemicals.
Thus, Korea became free, at last, from economic and political dependence on Japan.
Many Koreans are saying that Korea is finally liberated from Japan’s neo-colonialism.
The Japanese producers of these chemicals relied much on Samsung and other Korean companies for their exports. The exports of the chemicals has decreased so much that they were having serious problem of decreasing product sales. One solution was to relocate their plants to Korea. In fact, a number of Japanese firms moved to Korea.
Image below is from Oriental Review
Abe’s trade war does not seem to hurt Korean firms. In fact, 84% of Korean firms doing business with Japanese firms say that they are not affected; 91% say that their competitiveness is not weakened.
The more serious negative impact of Abe’s trade war with Korea was Korean people’s spontaneous movement of BJG. The Korean conservative media, the Cho-Joong-Dong, was stating that the BJG would last only a few weeks. But it lasted more than one year, it is still going on.
By August, 2019, the sale of Japanese cars in Korea dropped by 57%; the sale of Japanese beer fell by 97%; the sale of Japanese cosmetics was cut down y more than 60%. Above all, Korean tourists who account for more than 25% of Japanese tourism fell by 90%. In some Japanese regions, Korean tourists account for as much as 80% of total tourism of the regions. Thus, the adverse impact of Abe’s ill conceived trade war with Korea has imposed very high cost on Japan.
There is another cost of Abe’s trade war, namely, Japan’s loss of the bilateral cooperation for the exchange of confidential military information. In 2016, Korea – under the conservative government of Park Geun-hye – and Japan signed the Global Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA). By virtue of this agreement, each country should share military information.
What Japan wanted was the information on the movement of North Korea’s armed forces, especially the handling of ICBM which can threaten Japan. Given its geographical situation, South Korea knows the state of North Korea’s missile launching before Japan. Therefore, the GSOMIA is very precious to Japan. On the other hand, the military information provided by Japan to Korea has little usefulness. In short, the agreement is much more important to Japan than it is to Korea. But, because of Abe’s trade war against Korea, on August 23, 2019 Korea said it could withdraw from GSOMIA. If this happens, Japan would lose precious military information on North Korea. Nonetheless, Korea was generous enough to renew the agreement for one more year.
To sum up, the post-WWII Korea-Japan relations have evolved so far from Korea-controlling to Korea-bashing.
But the post-Abe Korea-Japan relations should be one of mutual respect and mutual cooperation. The pro-Japan (PJK) conservative force in Korea is still there but it is not strong enough to exert any significant influences on the bilateral relations between the country of morning calm and the country of rising sun.
With Suga, it may be possible to open a new era of Korea-Japan relations of peace and cooperation. But, such relations require some preconditions.
First, Suga should change Japan’s perception of Korea. Up to now, as indicated above, Japan has treated Korea subservient inferior country. Japan should accept it as a sovereign country and treat it as equal. Korea has become a global middle power; it is 12th global economic power; it is one of the leading military powers in Asia, it is highly respected for its contribution to global trade and security; it is envied for its success in the antivirus war.
Above all, owing to the leadership of Moon Jae-in, Korea has become one of the few people- friendly democracies.
Second, Suga should refrain from trying to intervene in Korea’s internal policy and international relations through the pro-Japan conservatives. It is true that the PJK has been uncontested force; it has been effective collaborator for the continuation of Japan’s neo-colonialism. But, in all probability, it will have difficulty in helping Japan. It is advisable for Japan to keep distance from the PJK. In this way, the Korea-Japan relations can be mutually beneficial.
Third, Suga should accept the Kono statement. In August 1993, Kono Yohei who was the Chief Cabinet Secretary of Japan made a statement in which he explicitly admitted and apologised for the sex slavery against Korean teen-age girls. Abe does not recognize the Kono statement and the truth of the crime is omitted in the school textbooks. It is advisable to make school history textbooks faithful to the history. This allows a fresh start of the Korea-Japan relations. Some people argue that one can separate the issue of war-time crimes and economic relations. Such argument may look attractive, but unless the issue of the war-time crimes are cleared up, it is difficult to develop bilateral relations based on trust.
Fourth, Japan should not hinder the North-South peace dialogue. It is about the time to stop relying on the North-South tension for electoral wins and financial gains.
Fifth, Suga should recognize the heavy price Japan had to pay for the ill conceived trade war with Korea. It is hoped that Japan and Korea declare the end of the trade war and promote mutually beneficial trade.
To close, we are all behind the new Prime Minister, Suga Yoshihide for his task of restoring peaceful, stable, prosperous and especially racism-free Japan.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Professor Joseph H. Chung is professor of economics and co-director of the East Asia Observatory (OAE) of the Study Center for Integration and Globalization (CEIM), Quebec University in Montreal (UQAM). He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).


asiapacificresearch--2020-10-23--Tarnished Crown: Finding the Thorns of a Gambling Empire

The Crown Resorts Annual General Meeting last year , held inside the company ’ s now flagging flagship Melbourne casino , was an ill-tempered matter .
Members of the board were in no mood to please shareholders , many of whom have occupied the barricades of activism .
Crown executive chairman John Alexander had little time for those who had been muddying the good name of Australia ’ s foremost gambling brand .
“ There have been a number of sensationalist and unproven claims made , with many focused on allegations from over five years ago .
Let me be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ illegal activity by its employees or its patrons.
” At the same gathering , former government minister and current Crown Resorts chairman Helen Coonan also took issue with those “ unsubstantiated and unproven allegations that have been made against Crown , ” all of which had “ been deeply distressing to all of us.
” The meeting was conducted in conditions hostile to transparency .
It lacked a monitoring webcam .
There were no pictures or recordings .
One shareholder activist , the continuously plucky Stephen Mayne , daringly asked if there would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” fumed Alexander .
Mayne has been a shareholder warrior over the years , and the reply from Alexander would have come as no surprise .
He suggested to those in attendance that a “ crisis ” was afoot .
“ When are you going to address the concerns your own shareholders are expressing here to the tune of AU $ 1.5 billion worth of stock , or is this just going to be ignored or dismissed like everything else at Crown ?
” The organisation is suffering from a surfeit of attention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are breathing heavily down neck and body for a range of alleged irregularities from money laundering to old fashioned corruption .
A name long associated with James Packer , who still retains a 36 % stake in the company , has truly tarnished .
In August 2019 , the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity thought the claims serious enough to launch Operation Angove , an investigation into allegations of corruption between staff at the Department of Home Affairs regarding the provision of visas for Crown VIPs ; possible corruption between Australian Border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those VIPs at the Australian border ; and whether one ABF member “ engaged in corrupt conduct while employed by a VIP junket operator.
” Last month , the findings of Operation Angove were published .
While it promised exposing many smells in the relationship between Crown and Australian government authorities , officials in the ABF and Home Affairs could rest easy .
“ Our investigation did not find evidence of corrupt conduct by Home Affairs or ABF staff in relation to any of the three corruption issues which we investigated.
” No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but certainly some looming ethical questions .
The ACLEI noted that “ too much weight ” had been given by Home Affairs officials to Crown ’ s visa applications , effectively granting the organisation a special form of access for their high roller clients .
While “ face to passport checks ” for the passengers did take place on chartered flights , the inquiry was “ provided with insufficient information to comment on baggage checks , other than it appears that they were conducted rarely.
” The New South Wales Independent Liquor and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ receiving evidence into alleged breaches of the company ’ s Sydney license .
Interest was sparked by the sale of a 19.9 % stake in Crown Resorts to Lawrence Ho ’ s Hong Kong-based casino operation Melco Resorts & Entertainment Limited .
This was problematic , largely because the issuing of a licence to Crown in 2013 by the New South Wales state government had been made on the proviso that the company not involve itself with various companies run by Stanley Ho , Lawrence Ho ’ s billionaire father long suspected of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Lawrence might well be furiously clean , but Great Respect Ltd. , a company with links to his father , is on the NSW prohibited list and claims a stake in Melco .
Stanley would have seen the fun in this , having been previously frustrated by licensing regulators in Australia , Canada and the United States from expanding his casino imperium .
Coonan , in giving evidence to the inquiry on October 20 , was asked about Crown ’ s relationship with SunCity , a Macau-based outfit notorious for recruiting batteries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For doing so , the company had private rooms at various casino operators , including Crown , enabling millions to be frittered away in blissful , unscrutinised seclusion .
The activities piqued the interest of regulators given allegations of SunCity ’ s links to organised crime made last year by The Sydney Morning Herald , The Age and 60 Minutes .
Senior counsel assisting the inquiry , Naomi Sharp , asked Coonan why the private function room for SunCity had not been shut down despite evidence of money laundering .
“ Isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Resorts turning a blind eye to the prospects of money laundering occurring at its casino ?
” Coonan ’ s response was all fudge and qualification .
“ It may have been ineptitude or a lack of attention , I don ’ t think it was deliberately turning a blind eye , I do think it ’ s a different adjectival conclusion .
The last five years have been a bit too colourful , even by the standards of most casinos .
But it conforms to a pattern , where hubris eventually meets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ received a shudder in 2016 when Chinese authorities detained 19 Crown employees .
This was precipitated , in no small part , by the company ’ s “ whaling ” efforts that eventually caught the attention of the ACLEI : the program of recruiting wealthy Chinese gamblers on Australian trips , largely to cover revenue shortfalls from Beijing ’ s anti-corruption campaign .
This was a risky circumvention , given that Chinese law criminalises the practice of organising groups of more than 10 to gamble offshore .
Crown ’ s unconvincing argument was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more “ integrated resorts ” .
A warning had already been fired by Chinese authorities in their June 2015 arrest of thirteen South Korean casino managers , accused of “ enticing ” Chinese nationals to gamble in their casino .
The sweeteners were extensive : gratis tours , free accommodation and sexual services .
Convictions for the 19 Crown employees followed .
Packer decided to exit the once lucrative Macau scene .
The latest round of probing to be added to the dishonour board comes from the anti-money laundering government agency AUSTRAC ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to a statement from Crown , there were areas of alleged “ non-compliance ” including “ concerns in relation to ongoing customer due diligence , and adopting , maintaining and complying with an anti-money laundering/counter-terrorism financing program.
” The concerns surfaced during a compliance assessment commencing in September 2019 , with a focus on “ Crown Melbourne ’ s management of customers identified as high risk and politically exposed persons.
” As with much in the field of gambling and regulations , the regulators themselves can prove , if not inattentive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in .
The onus is left to the corporation to manage and self-regulate , filing reports on suspicious conduct .
AUSTRAC had already warned Crown in June 2017 that SunCity ’ s Macau-based executive Alvin Chau was a “ foreign PEP ” , otherwise known as a politically exposed person .
“ It is not acceptable , ” AUSTRAC CEO Nicole Rose explained to an Australian Senate hearing , “ for the entities to simply report and not to manage the risks.
” Much , then , to talk about for the shareholders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College , Cambridge .
He lectures at RMIT University , Melbourne .
He is a frequent contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research .
Email : [ email protected ]

The Crown Resorts Annual General Meeting last year, held inside the company’s now flagging flagship Melbourne casino, was an ill-tempered matter. Members of the board were in no mood to please shareholders, many of whom have occupied the barricades of activism.
Crown executive chairman John Alexander had little time for those who had been muddying the good name of Australia’s foremost gambling brand. “There have been a number of sensationalist and unproven claims made, with many focused on allegations from over five years ago. Let me be clear – Crown does not tolerate any illegal activity by its employees or its patrons.”
At the same gathering, former government minister and current Crown Resorts chairman Helen Coonan also took issue with those “unsubstantiated and unproven allegations that have been made against Crown,” all of which had “been deeply distressing to all of us.”
The meeting was conducted in conditions hostile to transparency. It lacked a monitoring webcam. There were no pictures or recordings. One shareholder activist, the continuously plucky Stephen Mayne, daringly asked if there would be a transcript. “No,” fumed Alexander.
Mayne has been a shareholder warrior over the years, and the reply from Alexander would have come as no surprise. He suggested to those in attendance that a “crisis” was afoot. “When are you going to address the concerns your own shareholders are expressing here to the tune of AU$1.5 billion worth of stock, or is this just going to be ignored or dismissed like everything else at Crown?”
The organisation is suffering from a surfeit of attention, and for good reason. Regulators are breathing heavily down neck and body for a range of alleged irregularities from money laundering to old fashioned corruption. A name long associated with James Packer, who still retains a 36% stake in the company, has truly tarnished.
In August 2019, the Australian Commission for Law Enforcement Integrity thought the claims serious enough to launch Operation Angove, an investigation into allegations of corruption between staff at the Department of Home Affairs regarding the provision of visas for Crown VIPs; possible corruption between Australian Border Force (ABF) staff regarding clearing those VIPs at the Australian border; and whether one ABF member “engaged in corrupt conduct while employed by a VIP junket operator.”
Last month, the findings of Operation Angove were published. While it promised exposing many smells in the relationship between Crown and Australian government authorities, officials in the ABF and Home Affairs could rest easy. “Our investigation did not find evidence of corrupt conduct by Home Affairs or ABF staff in relation to any of the three corruption issues which we investigated.” No concrete instances of corruption, perhaps, but certainly some looming ethical questions. The ACLEI noted that “too much weight” had been given by Home Affairs officials to Crown’s visa applications, effectively granting the organisation a special form of access for their high roller clients. While “face to passport checks” for the passengers did take place on chartered flights, the inquiry was “provided with insufficient information to comment on baggage checks, other than it appears that they were conducted rarely.”
The New South Wales Independent Liquor and Gaming Authority has also been busying itself receiving evidence into alleged breaches of the company’s Sydney license. Interest was sparked by the sale of a 19.9% stake in Crown Resorts to Lawrence Ho’s Hong Kong-based casino operation Melco Resorts & Entertainment Limited. This was problematic, largely because the issuing of a licence to Crown in 2013 by the New South Wales state government had been made on the proviso that the company not involve itself with various companies run by Stanley Ho, Lawrence Ho’s billionaire father long suspected of being linked to organised crime in Macau. Lawrence might well be furiously clean, but Great Respect Ltd., a company with links to his father, is on the NSW prohibited list and claims a stake in Melco. Stanley would have seen the fun in this, having been previously frustrated by licensing regulators in Australia, Canada and the United States from expanding his casino imperium.
Coonan, in giving evidence to the inquiry on October 20, was asked about Crown’s relationship with SunCity, a Macau-based outfit notorious for recruiting batteries of heavily cashed gamblers from China. For doing so, the company had private rooms at various casino operators, including Crown, enabling millions to be frittered away in blissful, unscrutinised seclusion. The activities piqued the interest of regulators given allegations of SunCity’s links to organised crime made last year by The Sydney Morning Herald, The Age and 60 Minutes.
Senior counsel assisting the inquiry, Naomi Sharp, asked Coonan why the private function room for SunCity had not been shut down despite evidence of money laundering. “Isn’t it a quintessential example of Crown Resorts turning a blind eye to the prospects of money laundering occurring at its casino?” Coonan’s response was all fudge and qualification. “It may have been ineptitude or a lack of attention, I don’t think it was deliberately turning a blind eye, I do think it’s a different adjectival conclusion.
The last five years have been a bit too colourful, even by the standards of most casinos. But it conforms to a pattern, where hubris eventually meets nemesis. Crown’s Macau operations received a shudder in 2016 when Chinese authorities detained 19 Crown employees. This was precipitated, in no small part, by the company’s “whaling” efforts that eventually caught the attention of the ACLEI: the program of recruiting wealthy Chinese gamblers on Australian trips, largely to cover revenue shortfalls from Beijing’s anti-corruption campaign. This was a risky circumvention, given that Chinese law criminalises the practice of organising groups of more than 10 to gamble offshore. Crown’s unconvincing argument was that it did not operate casinos, more “integrated resorts”.
A warning had already been fired by Chinese authorities in their June 2015 arrest of thirteen South Korean casino managers, accused of “enticing” Chinese nationals to gamble in their casino. The sweeteners were extensive: gratis tours, free accommodation and sexual services. Convictions for the 19 Crown employees followed. Packer decided to exit the once lucrative Macau scene.
The latest round of probing to be added to the dishonour board comes from the anti-money laundering government agency AUSTRAC (Australian Transaction Reports and Analysis Centre). According to a statement from Crown, there were areas of alleged “non-compliance” including “concerns in relation to ongoing customer due diligence, and adopting, maintaining and complying with an anti-money laundering/counter-terrorism financing program.” The concerns surfaced during a compliance assessment commencing in September 2019, with a focus on “Crown Melbourne’s management of customers identified as high risk and politically exposed persons.”
As with much in the field of gambling and regulations, the regulators themselves can prove, if not inattentive, then unwilling to sink their teeth in. The onus is left to the corporation to manage and self-regulate, filing reports on suspicious conduct. AUSTRAC had already warned Crown in June 2017 that SunCity’s Macau-based executive Alvin Chau was a “foreign PEP”, otherwise known as a politically exposed person. “It is not acceptable,” AUSTRAC CEO Nicole Rose explained to an Australian Senate hearing, “for the entities to simply report and not to manage the risks.” Much, then, to talk about for the shareholders at the October 22 Annual General Meeting.
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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. He is a frequent contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research. Email: [email protected]
Featured image is from Casino.org


asiapacificresearch--2020-10-25--Philippine Court Upholds Open-pit Mining Ban in Mindanao

A court in the Philippines has dealt another setback to the company looking to mine Southeast Asia ’ s largest untapped deposits of copper and gold , ruling to uphold a ban on the type of destructive mining being proposed .
In its Oct. 12 ruling , the court in South Cotabato province dismissed a petition for an injunction against the ban on open-pit mining that has been in effect in the province for the past 10 years .
Sagittarius Mines , Inc. ( SMI ) , the developer of the planned mine in the South Cotabato town of Tampakan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ case .
The ruling comes two months after councilors in Tampakan , where the deposits are located , terminated the town ’ s municipal principal agreement ( MPA ) with SMI .
The agreement , governing the development of the proposed mine , laid out the rental rates for the land under the Indigenous Blaan communities , among the company ’ s other financial and social obligations .
In its Aug. 10 resolution , the municipal council announced it was no longer interested in reviewing or updating the 2009 MPA with the company @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or formulating a new agreement , which meant SMI could still pursue the $ 5.9 billion Tampakan project under a new municipal agreement .
But the recent court ruling makes that prospect less likely .
It comes in response to a petition lodged in January 2019 by pro-mining groups seeking to rescind the ban on open-pit mining that ’ s been enshrined in South Cotabato ’ s environmental code since 2010 .
SMI had acknowledged before the ban was imposed that the most viable way to get at the copper and gold reserves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite being awarded its permit in 1995 , the company but has never begun operations .
Power lines supply electricity to residents within the Tampakan project in this photo taken on January 16 , 2020 .
Image by Bong S. Sarmiento The dismissed petition was filed by the original Tampakan concession holders from the 1980s , SouthCot Mining Corp. and Tampakan Mining Corp. , along with the government-recognized “ Indigenous cultural communities ” of Bongmal , Danlag and Fulo Bato .
The latter are not necessarily the formal leadership structures as recognized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is Kiblawan CADT-26 , the titled holder of a certificate of ancestral domain for part of the land that the project would occupy .
The Tampakan project has the potential to yield an average of 375,000 tons of copper and 360,000 ounces of gold in concentrate per annum over the proposed 17-year life of the mine .
The site straddles the provinces of South Cotabato , where the bulk of deposits lie , and Sultan Kudarat and Davao del Sur , all on the southern island of Mindanao .
In the South Cotabato @ @ @ @ @ @ @ copy of which Mongabay obtained on Oct. 16 , Judge Vicente Peña ruled that the provincial ban on open-pit mining “ is not invalid , ” as the petitioners had argued , and is in fact consistent with higher laws and regulations , including the Philippine Constitution .
He added it ’ s also in line with a 2017 order from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources , “ Banning the Open-pit Method of Mining for Copper , Gold , Silver and Complex Ores in the Country.
” Peña noted the ban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trend , with governments across the globe asserting domestic environmental regimes to stall or stop open-pit mining.
” In Central America , Costa Rica and El Salvador have imposed restrictions on future mining in their territories , with the former imposing a nationwide ban on open-pit gold mining while the latter was the first country to impose a blanket ban on all forms of metal mining , Peña wrote .
The history of mining in the Philippines “ shows that most , if not all , open pits have ended up as perpetual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ environment , ” the judge added , “ particularly due to the generation of acidic and/or heavy metal-laden water , erosion of mine waste dumps and/or vulnerability of tailings dams to geological hazards.
” Map of Tampakan ’ s mining claim and the watersheds .
Image courtesy of CCCP He also chided the petitioners for failing to submit certified copies of documents and other exhibits during the hearing .
In his final ruling , he denied the petitioners ’ bid for an injunction against the ban .
The decision comes days after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coalition of various organizations , including the local diocese of the Catholic Church , that are staunchly opposed to the mining project .
Bishop Cirilo Casicas , who heads the Diocese of Marbel , said the coalition has been revived to “ ignite a systematic and sustained opposition ” to the project .
SMI has not issued a response to the court ruling or the revival of the Tampakan Forum .
It also didn ’ t respond to the termination of its MPA by the Tampakan municipal council .
Bae Dalena Samling , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which supports SMI ’ s venture , said they were perplexed to learn that the court had rejected their petition .
“ We are talking with our lawyers to appeal the case , ” she told Mongabay by phone .
Jerome Millan , director of the diocese ’ s Social Action Center , welcomed the court ’ s decision as “ an answered prayer.
” “ The decision comes at a propitious time when our natural resources need the most protection , when the natural environment is threatened by human actions , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coincides with the Catholic Church ’ s “ Season of Creation , ” in which Pope Francis has called on the faithful the world over to pray and care for nature .
“ The Church remains steadfast in its mission to safeguard nature and to oppose projects which desecrate what God created , ” Millan said .
Maya Quirino , advocacy coordinator of the Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center–Friends of the Earth Philippines , said the ruling “ is heartening and gives courage to other local governments to follow suit.
” Site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operation in Mindanao .
Image courtesy of SMI According to Quirino , the Tampakan project “ threatens a critical biodiversity area and could displace communities.
” Also welcoming the decision is the Philippine Misereor Partnership , Inc. ( PMPI ) , a network of some 250 civil society organizations advocating for the protection of people ’ s rights , especially in small communities , and the rights of nature.PMPI said in a statement that South Cotabato ’ s ban on open-pit mining “ has for many years protected the community from being fully @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Jesuit Institute of Environmental Science for Social Change ( ESSC ) and World Resources Institute ( WRI ) found that the Tampakan project site “ belongs to an area of high ecological values , high groundwater vulnerability , medium-high vulnerability to watershed stress , medium social vulnerability , and high seismic risk.
” It said the mining project , which would cover around 10,000 hectares ( 24,700 acres ) , “ will remove topsoil and destroy wildlife in an area with high unique biodiversity , with over 1,000 floral species and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 % are endemic to the Philippines , and over 50 species are already under threat of extinction .
The excavation itself will break into , disrupt , de-water and degrade the aquifer in the area.
” Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

A court in the Philippines has dealt another setback to the company looking to mine Southeast Asia’s largest untapped deposits of copper and gold, ruling to uphold a ban on the type of destructive mining being proposed.
In its Oct. 12 ruling, the court in South Cotabato province dismissed a petition for an injunction against the ban on open-pit mining that has been in effect in the province for the past 10 years. Sagittarius Mines, Inc. (SMI), the developer of the planned mine in the South Cotabato town of Tampakan, was not a petitioner in the case.
The ruling comes two months after councilors in Tampakan, where the deposits are located, terminated the town’s municipal principal agreement (MPA) with SMI. The agreement, governing the development of the proposed mine, laid out the rental rates for the land under the Indigenous Blaan communities, among the company’s other financial and social obligations.
In its Aug. 10 resolution, the municipal council announced it was no longer interested in reviewing or updating the 2009 MPA with the company, but was still open to creating or formulating a new agreement, which meant SMI could still pursue the $5.9 billion Tampakan project under a new municipal agreement.
But the recent court ruling makes that prospect less likely. It comes in response to a petition lodged in January 2019 by pro-mining groups seeking to rescind the ban on open-pit mining that’s been enshrined in South Cotabato’s environmental code since 2010. SMI had acknowledged before the ban was imposed that the most viable way to get at the copper and gold reserves in Tampakan would be through open-pit mining. Despite being awarded its permit in 1995, the company but has never begun operations.
Power lines supply electricity to residents within the Tampakan project in this photo taken on January 16, 2020. Image by Bong S. Sarmiento
The dismissed petition was filed by the original Tampakan concession holders from the 1980s, SouthCot Mining Corp. and Tampakan Mining Corp., along with the government-recognized “Indigenous cultural communities” of Bongmal, Danlag and Fulo Bato. The latter are not necessarily the formal leadership structures as recognized by the Indigenous communities. Another petitioner is Kiblawan CADT-26, the titled holder of a certificate of ancestral domain for part of the land that the project would occupy.
The Tampakan project has the potential to yield an average of 375,000 tons of copper and 360,000 ounces of gold in concentrate per annum over the proposed 17-year life of the mine. The site straddles the provinces of South Cotabato, where the bulk of deposits lie, and Sultan Kudarat and Davao del Sur, all on the southern island of Mindanao.
In the South Cotabato court’s 31-page ruling, a copy of which Mongabay obtained on Oct. 16, Judge Vicente Peña ruled that the provincial ban on open-pit mining “is not invalid,” as the petitioners had argued, and is in fact consistent with higher laws and regulations, including the Philippine Constitution. He added it’s also in line with a 2017 order from the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, “Banning the Open-pit Method of Mining for Copper, Gold, Silver and Complex Ores in the Country.”
Peña noted the ban is also part of “a global trend, with governments across the globe asserting domestic environmental regimes to stall or stop open-pit mining.”
In Central America, Costa Rica and El Salvador have imposed restrictions on future mining in their territories, with the former imposing a nationwide ban on open-pit gold mining while the latter was the first country to impose a blanket ban on all forms of metal mining, Peña wrote.
The history of mining in the Philippines “shows that most, if not all, open pits have ended up as perpetual liabilities, causing adverse impacts to the environment,” the judge added, “particularly due to the generation of acidic and/or heavy metal-laden water, erosion of mine waste dumps and/or vulnerability of tailings dams to geological hazards.”
Map of Tampakan’s mining claim and the watersheds. Image courtesy of CCCP
He also chided the petitioners for failing to submit certified copies of documents and other exhibits during the hearing. In his final ruling, he denied the petitioners’ bid for an injunction against the ban.
The decision comes days after the revival of the Tampakan Forum, a coalition of various organizations, including the local diocese of the Catholic Church, that are staunchly opposed to the mining project. Bishop Cirilo Casicas, who heads the Diocese of Marbel, said the coalition has been revived to “ignite a systematic and sustained opposition” to the project.
SMI has not issued a response to the court ruling or the revival of the Tampakan Forum. It also didn’t respond to the termination of its MPA by the Tampakan municipal council. Bae Dalena Samling, chieftain of the Danlag tribal council, which supports SMI’s venture, said they were perplexed to learn that the court had rejected their petition.
“We are talking with our lawyers to appeal the case,” she told Mongabay by phone. Jerome Millan, director of the diocese’s Social Action Center, welcomed the court’s decision as “an answered prayer.” “The decision comes at a propitious time when our natural resources need the most protection, when the natural environment is threatened by human actions,” he said, adding that the ruling coincides with the Catholic Church’s“Season of Creation,” in which Pope Francis has called on the faithful the world over to pray and care for nature. “The Church remains steadfast in its mission to safeguard nature and to oppose projects which desecrate what God created,” Millan said.
Maya Quirino, advocacy coordinator of the Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center–Friends of the Earth Philippines, said the ruling “is heartening and gives courage to other local governments to follow suit.”
“The court decision affirms the autonomy of local governments over the stewardship and protection of the environment as enshrined in the law,” she said.
Site of the SMI’s Tampakan mining operation in Mindanao. Image courtesy of SMI
According to Quirino, the Tampakan project “threatens a critical biodiversity area and could displace communities.”
Also welcoming the decision is the Philippine Misereor Partnership, Inc. (PMPI), a network of some 250 civil society organizations advocating for the protection of people’s rights, especially in small communities, and the rights of nature.PMPI said in a statement that South Cotabato’s ban on open-pit mining “has for many years protected the community from being fully plundered by SMI.”
It added, “this victory will help efforts to save Mindanao biodiversity of both land and water resources, the very source of life and culture for the Blaan ethnic tribe, Muslims and Christians, and the source of livelihood for South Cotabato farmers and fishers.”
A risk-mapping assessment by the Jesuit Institute of Environmental Science for Social Change (ESSC) and World Resources Institute (WRI) found that the Tampakan project site “belongs to an area of high ecological values, high groundwater vulnerability, medium-high vulnerability to watershed stress, medium social vulnerability, and high seismic risk.”
It said the mining project, which would cover around 10,000 hectares (24,700 acres), “will remove topsoil and destroy wildlife in an area with high unique biodiversity, with over 1,000 floral species and 280 recorded fauna species, of which 30% are endemic to the Philippines, and over 50 species are already under threat of extinction. The excavation itself will break into, disrupt, de-water and degrade the aquifer in the area.”
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