asiapacificresearch--2020-12-29--A Dalit and a Brahmin

A Dalit and a Brahmin

“ I hear the lower castes are finding this lack of monsoons rather difficult for their crops , ” droned Aashka ’ s father at their lavish supper ( as usual ) , in the midst of her father ’ s normal dull conversing with the other Brahmins .
The table was long and elegant and filled every night with rich Brahmins , such as Aashka ’ s family .
Most of them were reserved old men , who hardly spoke to Aashka save for reprimanding her that if she kept up her unladylike behavior she ’ d surely be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women were present of course , their faces drawn and lifeless as if no thoughts swam behind their dark eyes and extravagant cosmetics .
“ I have heard this as well , ” said Priest Sadiva , a burly old man at the end of the table .
“ It ’ s as if they have no idea where to find the food that does exist , for looking at this table , it obviously is present if you know where to look.
” He chuckled at his own joke .
“ Dalits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the cartload.
” said Priest Safal , a sour man who Aashka always avoided .
“ But they wouldn ’ t have achieved Moksha anyhow ; they led lives of great disregard for Brahman , the force that brings us all together.
” Aashka felt a familiar itchy heat rising inside her , as if somewhere inside her , a caged starling was struggling to escape .
You didn ’ t achieve Moksha in your past life either , she thought to herself .
“ That ’ s unfair , Priest Safal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally blurted .
“ They are not trying to starve , and they are decent people , just like any of us.
” Aashka looked around the table , as everyone looked sharply up at her .
The women gasped .
If I ’ m referring to this lot , I ’ m not sure the phrase ‘ Decent like you ’ ‘ is very effective , a little voice in the back of her brain piped up .
“ Aashka , ” said her father harshly .
“ We have not worked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our faith , to achieve Karma like this , to become the religious leaders to our people and compliment those who are below us.
” Priest Safal ’ s wife spoke up .
“ Sahistha , ” she said , speaking to Aashka ’ s father .
“ Children should be seen and not heard .
I am afraid your daughter has no hope of ever achieving Moksha , letting her soul be liberated with Brahman .
She has a complete disregard for Atman.
” That ’ s more words than she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Then she noticed her stepmother staring at her with a look of cold resentment and embarrassment plastered to her face .
Aashka ’ s real mother had become ill and passed away just over two years previously , the day before Aashka ’ s eleventh birthday .
Her father had married again last spring , and Aashka hated him for it .
Her mother had been the nicest thing about her life .
“ Servant , please escort Aashka from the table .
Thank you .
May Brahma bless you.
” said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a note of restrained fury in his voice .
The following morning , Aashka woke to find all the other Brahmins gone , and her father praying .
Aashka found her step-mother at the dining room table , being served breakfast by an ungainly young man who kept stumbling , apparently over his own feet .
Without acknowledging the presence of Aashka , her step-mother nibbled away slowly at her meal .
The young man served Aashka Aloo Paratha ( flatbread stuffed with potato ) and shuffled back towards the kitchen , tripping @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
” scolded her step-mother , her eyes widening into her signature “ you ’ re-on-thin-ice ” look .
“ Sorry , ” said Aashka , “ Only , why ’ d he keep falling over himself ?
” Aashka ’ s stepmother looked over her shoulder to make sure they were alone .
“ The stupid boy , ” she drawled , “ is new on the job and very nervous.
” “ We should give him some food.
” “ Priest Safal said people of lower castes are being buried by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thin .
I ’ m worried , ” said Aashka .
“ It ’ s not for us to mingle with Shudras.
” “ I know , I know .
Anyway , may I go out ?
I must…must pray at the temple for Brahma to forgive me for my er…rudeness last night.
” “ Very well.
” Aashka ’ s step-mother went back to her eating with a somber face .
“ And you ’ ll go again later as well .
You have a lot of apologizing to do.
” Aashka @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aloo Paratha still in her pocket .
She ran briskly , but kept her face down , hoping nobody would recognize a Brahmin girl running in such a rushed and improper fashion .
Aashka was not going to pray near the cattle .
The streets were more crowded than usual , as Aashka neared the poorer side of town .
Shudras were holding bowls out , begging for just a bit of rice .
Dalits were lurking in the shadows , eyes full of what they knew to be unrealistic longing .
Aashka @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in her pocket , tempted to stop right there and give it to the first person who asked .
No , she told herself .
You know someone who needs this badly .
She was beginning to stick out like a sore thumb , and she knew it .
Her clothes were too luxurious to be a member of the lower castes .
People turned to stare at her , shocked that she was still healthy and well-fed-looking .
For most people around here had been getting very thin lately , scarily thin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ribs sticking out like knives .
Girls brushed by with legs jutting out under dresses that were so thin it almost looked like they were floating .
You ’ re almost there , Aashka told herself , please don ’ t get all wish-washy .
For Aashka was what her Mama had called a “ mirror-girl.
” Anytime Aashka saw other people feeling sad , she would feel almost as bad as them .
Right now , there were a lot of starving , disconsolate people out , and Aashka felt it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plowed on .
She finally reached her destination , a tiny hut at the end of the street , and pushed inside .
A baby was crying in the corner , a woman rocked her back and forth in her thin arms .
A boy stood at the door , relieved at Aashka ’ s appearance .
The boy was Agavoli .
Agavoli was Aashka ’ s best friend .
“ What was your excuse , this time ?
” asked Agavoli , with an amused light in his eyes .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the temple , praying to Brahma to forgive me for my dreadful sins .
She ate it up like a kitten to cream , ” Aashka smirked .
Again , Agavoli ’ s eyes lit up , as if a candle burned within them .
Agavoli never laughed .
You had to know him well to figure out that this was his method of doing so .
“ What would you do if she found out ?
Or your father , if he found out ?
” “ I don ’ t want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , shaking her head .
Agavoli ’ s mother , Mrs. Tanwar , bustled over , with Diya , the baby girl of the family , in her arms .
“ Oh hello , Aashka dear , so good to see your face during this terrible famine , ” she crooned .
Diya let out a gurgly laugh , sucking her thumb .
Aashka thought back to the day she met Agavoli ’ s family .
Her mother had died that morning , forehead blazing , whispering to Aashka , “ Continue what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ begun to weep long and hard , her body convulsing , making more noise than she ever had .
Then she noticed her father , sitting stiffly , not even crying , just shaking his head back and forth , back and forth .
“ You monster !
” she had cried .
“ Don ’ t you even feel ?
Well , don ’ t you !
?
!
?
” And she had ran out , ran , ran , ran until she stumbled into Agavoli , at the time a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the opposite direction , crying .
Aashka could tell he was a Dalit from the way he was dressed , but against all she ’ d been taught , she did not back away .
Then Aashka had found out that Agavoli ’ s father had just died , the same as her mother .
“ Oh , yes , sorry.
” said Aashka , coming back to the present .
“ I have brought you some food.
” “ Agavoli !
Manners !
” scolded his mother while Aashka simultaneously pulled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Aloo Paratha.
” “ Sorry mother , ” said Agavoli , but in a sidetone to Aashka , “ May I have it ?
” Aashka handed him the flatbread , and with a look of someone who was rather tempted to disobey , handed it to his mother to be evenly divided .
“ Eat up , ” said his mother , “ I ’ ve got to go now clean the farm stalls out down the street.
” An hour later found Aashka running up her mansion ’ s steps , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together , as if she ’ d just come back from praying , not giving food to her Dalit friends .
But when she got in , her father and step-mother were in an uproar .
“ You-you…you !
” screamed her step-mother in an unbound fashion miraculously out of character .
( Aashka might have even laughed at it if not for the confusion seeping through her , like a thick fog . )
“ Never !
” wheezed her father madly , “ Never will I let you out of my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mine… ” And with that , he collapsed into a chair .
“ Oh I think you know what ’ s going on well enough !
” shouted her step-mother hoarsely , “ Priest Safal saw you conversing with a Dalit boy , that ’ s what ’ s going on !
” Oh no .
They ’ d seen her with Agavoli .
Everything was ruined .
His family would starve without her help .
Oh no !
“ Priest Safal was preaching to a group of dirty Shudras , that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s father stood up , and grabbed Aashka by the scruff of her neck .
Aashka saw his strong sturdy hand , flying through the air towards her face , saw her step-mother hastily disguising a look of surprise .
“ Oh yes , and the latest is a baby girl , ” said Aashka ’ s father , as he rolled his eyes .
Lately , he had been getting preaching jobs with the lower castes , teaching them the paths to Moksha , which he thought to be a grand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them.
” Aashka was always being dragged along lately , since she had lost her father ’ s trust .
“ Knowledge – Having a true understanding of all Hindu concepts .
Work – Doing things that are good for your community .
Devotion – Spending your entire life loving Brahma , ” she would hear her father say in his deep , leader voice again and again .
But at the mention of a dead baby girl , her ears pricked up with worry .
“ What ’ s the baby ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Her father looked at her warningly .
Aashka ’ s father began to turn purple .
“ I ’ m afraid you ’ ll have to excuse us Priest Safal.
” The man waddled away , and then Aashka ’ s father looked down at her , murderously .
“ AND DOES SHE MEAN ANYTHING TO YOU !
?
” “ Actually , ” she said , as a lump rose in her throat .
Don ’ t cry , she told herself .
Don ’ t you dare .
“ Yes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s sister !
” Aashka ’ s father looked simply livid .
Aashka ’ s hand flew to the bruises on her face .
“ HAVE I NOT TOLD YOU NOT TO MENTION THAT BOY ?
!
” he roared .
Aashka ’ s father went silent .
She was reminded strongly of a bomb about to explode .
Aashka looked timidly at her father ’ s big hands , scared to show her true feelings .
And she turned on her heels and dashed away to Agavoli .
Aashka walked with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sign on it read “ graveyard , ” but the two of them knew very well that this was where all Dalits were buried .
Agavoli scattered some wildflowers over the meadow and the two of them were silent for a minute as they…remembered .
After Diya died , Aashka ’ s father had it .
He had sent Aashka out onto the streets with a big basket of food to fend for herself and make sure to not forget ‘ Atman , ’ the spiritual component of the universe .
Aashka had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her , but she had known what to do , of course .
She had gone to the Tanwar ’ s and mourned with them ; then they had gotten busy .
Traded tears for dried meat to preserve on the walls .
Traded sadness for rice .
Traded remembrances for cheese that would keep for months .
Traded emotions for potatoes .
And nobody seemed to remember Aashka the Brahmin anymore .
Upper castes eyes slid from Agavoli to her , disgusted expressions never changing .
Aashka was fine with that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brahma , “ Please believe that I am the good person I claim to be.
” And that was enough for her .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
This short story was originally published on Behind the Curtain .
Sophie Michel is a 12-year-old writer with a social conscience from the United States of America .

This article was written by Sophie Michel, a 12 year old American girl, living in the United States. She is Global Research’s youngest author.
***
“I hear the lower castes are finding this lack of monsoons rather difficult for their crops,” droned Aashka’s father at their lavish supper (as usual), in the midst of her father’s normal dull conversing with the other Brahmins.
The table was long and elegant and filled every night with rich Brahmins, such as Aashka’s family. Most of them were reserved old men, who hardly spoke to Aashka save for reprimanding her that if she kept up her unladylike behavior she’d surely be reincarnated as a stick bug. Some women were present of course, their faces drawn and lifeless as if no thoughts swam behind their dark eyes and extravagant cosmetics.
“I have heard this as well,” said Priest Sadiva, a burly old man at the end of the table.
“It’s as if they have no idea where to find the food that does exist, for looking at this table, it obviously is present if you know where to look.” He chuckled at his own joke.
“Dalits, Shudras and Vaishyas are being buried by the cartload.” said Priest Safal, a sour man who Aashka always avoided. “But they wouldn’t have achieved Moksha anyhow; they led lives of great disregard for Brahman, the force that brings us all together.”
Aashka felt a familiar itchy heat rising inside her, as if somewhere inside her, a caged starling was struggling to escape. You didn’t achieve Moksha in your past life either, she thought to herself.
“That’s unfair, Priest Safal, that really is!” she finally blurted. “They are not trying to starve, and they are decent people, just like any of us.”
Aashka looked around the table, as everyone looked sharply up at her. The women gasped.
If I’m referring to this lot, I’m not sure the phrase ‘Decent like you’ ‘is very effective, a little voice in the back of her brain piped up.
“Aashka,” said her father harshly. “We have not worked hard in our past lives, studying our faith, to achieve Karma like this, to become the religious leaders to our people and compliment those who are below us.”
Priest Safal’s wife spoke up. “Sahistha,” she said, speaking to Aashka’s father. “Children should be seen and not heard. I am afraid your daughter has no hope of ever achieving Moksha, letting her soul be liberated with Brahman. She has a complete disregard for Atman.”
That’s more words than she’s spoken all year, thought Aashka. Then she noticed her stepmother staring at her with a look of cold resentment and embarrassment plastered to her face. Aashka’s real mother had become ill and passed away just over two years previously, the day before Aashka’s eleventh birthday. Her father had married again last spring, and Aashka hated him for it. Her mother had been the nicest thing about her life.
“Servant, please escort Aashka from the table. Thank you. May Brahma bless you.” said Aashka’s father stiffly, with a note of restrained fury in his voice.
The following morning, Aashka woke to find all the other Brahmins gone, and her father praying. Aashka found her step-mother at the dining room table, being served breakfast by an ungainly young man who kept stumbling, apparently over his own feet. Without acknowledging the presence of Aashka, her step-mother nibbled away slowly at her meal. The young man served Aashka Aloo Paratha (flatbread stuffed with potato) and shuffled back towards the kitchen, tripping on his way out.
“What’s wrong with him?” asked Aashka.
“Aashka!” scolded her step-mother, her eyes widening into her signature “you’re-on-thin-ice” look.
“Sorry,” said Aashka, “Only, why’d he keep falling over himself?”
Aashka’s stepmother looked over her shoulder to make sure they were alone.
“The stupid boy,” she drawled, “is new on the job and very nervous.”
“We should give him some food.”
Aashka’s stepmother did a double take. “Whatever for?”
“Priest Safal said people of lower castes are being buried by the cartload. And he looks very thin. I’m worried,” said Aashka.
“It’s not for us to mingle with Shudras.”
“I know, I know. Anyway, may I go out? I must…must pray at the temple for Brahma to forgive me for my er…rudeness last night.”
“Very well.” Aashka’s step-mother went back to her eating with a somber face. “And you’ll go again later as well. You have a lot of apologizing to do.”
Aashka set out to town with half her Aloo Paratha still in her pocket. She ran briskly, but kept her face down, hoping nobody would recognize a Brahmin girl running in such a rushed and improper fashion. Aashka was not going to pray near the cattle.
The streets were more crowded than usual, as Aashka neared the poorer side of town. Shudras were holding bowls out, begging for just a bit of rice. Dalits were lurking in the shadows, eyes full of what they knew to be unrealistic longing. Aashka put her hand over the warm flatbread in her pocket, tempted to stop right there and give it to the first person who asked.
No, she told herself. You know someone who needs this badly.
She was beginning to stick out like a sore thumb, and she knew it. Her clothes were too luxurious to be a member of the lower castes. People turned to stare at her, shocked that she was still healthy and well-fed-looking. For most people around here had been getting very thin lately, scarily thin. Dalit boys trudged past with their ribs sticking out like knives. Girls brushed by with legs jutting out under dresses that were so thin it almost looked like they were floating.
You’re almost there, Aashka told herself, please don’t get all wish-washy.
For Aashka was what her Mama had called a “mirror-girl.” Anytime Aashka saw other people feeling sad, she would feel almost as bad as them. Right now, there were a lot of starving, disconsolate people out, and Aashka felt it was almost too much for her as she plowed on.
She finally reached her destination, a tiny hut at the end of the street, and pushed inside. A baby was crying in the corner, a woman rocked her back and forth in her thin arms. A boy stood at the door, relieved at Aashka’s appearance. The boy was Agavoli.
Agavoli was Aashka’s best friend. “What was your excuse, this time?” asked Agavoli, with an amused light in his eyes.
“I told my stepmother I was praying at the temple, praying to Brahma to forgive me for my dreadful sins. She ate it up like a kitten to cream,” Aashka smirked.
Again, Agavoli’s eyes lit up, as if a candle burned within them. Agavoli never laughed. You had to know him well to figure out that this was his method of doing so.
“What would you do if she found out? Or your father, if he found out?”
“I don’t want to think about it.” said Aashka, shaking her head.
Agavoli’s mother, Mrs. Tanwar, bustled over, with Diya, the baby girl of the family, in her arms. “Oh hello, Aashka dear, so good to see your face during this terrible famine,” she crooned.
Diya let out a gurgly laugh, sucking her thumb.
“Mama!”
“Yes, Diya, I’m Mama. Good!” said Mrs. Tanwar with a weary smile.
Aashka thought back to the day she met Agavoli’s family. Her mother had died that morning, forehead blazing, whispering to Aashka, “Continue what I started, dear.” Aashka had begun to weep long and hard, her body convulsing, making more noise than she ever had. Then she noticed her father, sitting stiffly, not even crying, just shaking his head back and forth, back and forth.
“You monster!” she had cried. “Don’t you even feel? Well, don’t you!?!?”
And she had ran out, ran, ran, ran until she stumbled into Agavoli, at the time a complete stranger, who had been running in the opposite direction, crying. Aashka could tell he was a Dalit from the way he was dressed, but against all she’d been taught, she did not back away.
“What’s happened to you?” she asked timidly.
“What’s happened to you?” Agavoli had countered.
Then Aashka had found out that Agavoli’s father had just died, the same as her mother.
“Aashka! Aashka?”
It was Agavoli.
“Oh, yes, sorry.” said Aashka, coming back to the present. “I have brought you some food.”
“Ooh!” said Agavoli gleefully, “What is it?”
“Agavoli! Manners!” scolded his mother while Aashka simultaneously pulled out her offering and said, “Aloo Paratha.”
“Sorry mother,” said Agavoli, but in a sidetone to Aashka, “May I have it?”
Aashka handed him the flatbread, and with a look of someone who was rather tempted to disobey, handed it to his mother to be evenly divided.
“Eat up,” said his mother, “I’ve got to go now clean the farm stalls out down the street.”
An hour later found Aashka running up her mansion’s steps, breathing hard but trying to look pulled together, as if she’d just come back from praying, not giving food to her Dalit friends.
But when she got in, her father and step-mother were in an uproar.
“You-you…you!” screamed her step-mother in an unbound fashion miraculously out of character. (Aashka might have even laughed at it if not for the confusion seeping through her, like a thick fog.)
“Never!” wheezed her father madly, “Never will I let you out of my sight again! Terrible…my reputation…no daughter of mine…” And with that, he collapsed into a chair.
“What’s going on?!” cried Aashka, alarmed.
“Oh I think you know what’s going on well enough!” shouted her step-mother hoarsely, “Priest Safal saw you conversing with a Dalit boy, that’s what’s going on!”
Oh no. They’d seen her with Agavoli. Everything was ruined. His family would starve without her help. Oh no!
“W-why was Priest Safal over there?”
“Priest Safal was preaching to a group of dirty Shudras, that’s why!”
Suddenly, Aashka’s father stood up, and grabbed Aashka by the scruff of her neck. Aashka saw his strong sturdy hand, flying through the air towards her face, saw her step-mother hastily disguising a look of surprise.
SLAP. SLAP. SLAP
One Week Later
Priest Safal asked, “More deaths by starvation?”
“Oh yes, and the latest is a baby girl,” said Aashka’s father, as he rolled his eyes. Lately, he had been getting preaching jobs with the lower castes, teaching them the paths to Moksha, which he thought to be a grand waste of time with “people like them.” Aashka was always being dragged along lately, since she had lost her father’s trust.
“Knowledge – Having a true understanding of all Hindu concepts. Work – Doing things that are good for your community. Devotion – Spending your entire life loving Brahma,” she would hear her father say in his deep, leader voice again and again.
But at the mention of a dead baby girl, her ears pricked up with worry.
“What’s the baby’s name?” she piped up.
Her father looked at her warningly.
“Just some worthless Dalit girl named Diya Tanwar.”
“Diya Tanwar? DIWA TANWAR?!!?” Aashka cried, filling with dread.
Aashka’s father began to turn purple. “I’m afraid you’ll have to excuse us Priest Safal.”
The man waddled away, and then Aashka’s father looked down at her, murderously.
“AND DOES SHE MEAN ANYTHING TO YOU!?”
Aashka hesitated. Agavoli’s sister was dead. Agavoli’s sister was dead.
“Actually,” she said, as a lump rose in her throat. Don’t cry, she told herself. Don’t you dare. “Yes she does! She is-was…my best friend’s sister!”
Aashka’s father looked simply livid. Aashka’s hand flew to the bruises on her face.
“HAVE I NOT TOLD YOU NOT TO MENTION THAT BOY?!” he roared.
“I-I wish I was a Dalit too!”
Aashka’s father went silent. She was reminded strongly of a bomb about to explode.
Aashka looked timidly at her father’s big hands, scared to show her true feelings.
Gogetoutdon’targuejustGETOUT, she told herself.
And she turned on her heels and dashed away to Agavoli.
Six months later
Aashka walked with Agavoli to an empty field. No sign on it read “graveyard,” but the two of them knew very well that this was where all Dalits were buried.
Agavoli scattered some wildflowers over the meadow and the two of them were silent for a minute as they…remembered.
After Diya died, Aashka’s father had it. He had sent Aashka out onto the streets with a big basket of food to fend for herself and make sure to not forget ‘Atman,’ the spiritual component of the universe. Aashka had felt sad at first, which surprised her, but she had known what to do, of course. She had gone to the Tanwar’s and mourned with them; then they had gotten busy. Traded tears for dried meat to preserve on the walls. Traded sadness for rice. Traded remembrances for cheese that would keep for months. Traded emotions for potatoes.
And nobody seemed to remember Aashka the Brahmin anymore. Upper castes eyes slid from Agavoli to her, disgusted expressions never changing. Aashka was fine with that.
She prayed every day, whispering to Brahma, “Please believe that I am the good person I claim to be.”
And that was enough for her.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
This short story was originally published on Behind the Curtain.
Sophie Michel is a 12-year-old writer with a social conscience from the United States of America.


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-29--Myanmar Government Eyes Town Status for Controversial China-Backed Project

Surveys have been conducted into granting town status to Shwe Kokko Myaing village , a controversial China-backed project in Myawaddy Township , Karen State .
The Moei River village on the Thai border , about 16km north of Myawaddy was once a Democratic Karen Buddhist Army ( DKBA ) base and now has 10,867 villagers in 1,647 homes .
Work began on the Shwe Kokko new city project in 2017 , sparking criticism over its lack of transparency , land confiscations , confusion over the scale of construction , the influx of Chinese money , suspected illicit activity and concerns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Known as “ China Town ” or the Shwe Kokko project , the planned new city is reported to be a US $ 15-billion ( 19.45-trillion-kyat ) collaboration between the Border Guard Force ( BGF ) , a military-backed armed group led by Colonel Saw Chit Thu and formerly known as the DKBA , and a Hong Kong-registered company , Yatai International Holding Group .
Both Myanmar ’ s military and government have asked for a suspension of the project after the scale of the construction far exceeded the proposal submitted to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BGF requested the Karen State government to designate Shwe Kokko Myaing and the 5,260-hectare site as a town .
But the state government turned down the request .
Shwe Kokko Myaing village covers less than 121 hectares .
“ They want to gain town status by combining Shwe Kokko Myaing with other villages .
There are forests in the proposed site , ” said Myawaddy Township general administrator U Phyo Zaw Ko Ko .
The BGF has submitted a request for town status for more than 590 hectares reaching the Chinese-backed project .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the direct supervision of the Karen State administrator .
In 1977-80 , the Karen National Union ( KNU ) established the Kawmoora camp which played an important role for the armed group , both militarily and financially , by the Moei River to the south of Shwe Kokko Myaing .
The base housed the KNU ’ s 101st Special Battalion , a special unit responsible for protecting the group ’ s leader , General Saw Bo Mya .
The DKBA split from the KNU , and when Myanmar ’ s military attacked the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government troops .
There were fierce clashes between 1984 and 1995 .
Many villagers fled to Thailand and the KNU was forced out of Kawmoora .
Shwe Dingar Myaing Hotel at the Shwe Kokko project .
/ Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy This followed Col .
Saw Chit Thu ’ s rise in the DKBA .
Shwe Kokko Myaing village emerged as the armed group resettled to the north of Kawmoora .
In 2010 , 13 battalions , including the one led by Col .
Saw Chit Thu , transformed into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the border force and Shwe Kokko Myaing became the BGF headquarters .
The project is a joint venture between Chit Lin Myaing Co run by the BGF and the Yatai group .
The Chinese firm is due to put up the capital and the profits are due to be shared with Chit Lin Myaing Co. on a 70-30 basis .
The project is due to feature international-standard hotels , casinos , luxury villas and other entertainment centers .
The government granted a permit for the construction of luxury homes on 10 hectares @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million ( 30 billion kyats ) but the project has already far exceeded the plans .
Construction work at the Shwe Kokko project .
/ Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy Villagers asked the government to control the project due to concerns over an influx of Chinese citizens and illicit activities involving the armed group .
The United States Institute of Peace also reported that investors have ties to Chinese criminal gangs .
President Office ’ s spokesman U Zaw Htay said in July that it is difficult to control projects like Shwe Kokko @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of armed groups .
The government said it will form an investigation committee .
Land surveys were conducted to designate Shwe Kokko Myaing as a town while the central government has reportedly not mentioned violations of investment regulations and the controversial Chinese investment .
Myawaddy residents have alleged that there is a tacit agreement between the government , military and BGF to proceed with the project .
They are also concerned that the BGF will have greater authority if the area gains town status .
Others have said the project is the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the area from the BGF .
To gain town status an area must meet 21 criteria , including having a school , hospital , football pitch , garbage dump and cemetery .
There must be at least an administration office , police station and agricultural and livestock offices .
U Phyo Zaw Ko Ko said : “ Shwe Kokko meets the requirements with almost all the infrastructure .
Even Sukali and Wawlei [ other towns in Myawaddy Township ] are not as lively as Shwe Kokko .
It can become a town .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to decide.
” Lower House lawmaker U Sein Bo for Myawaddy Township said upgrading the village will benefit residents .
“ If it becomes a town , there will be an administrative structure .
The BGF may have its own responsibilities but it is under the control of the Ministry of Defence .
If there is a civilian administration , there will be more division of responsibilities , ” said U Sein Bo .
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Surveys have been conducted into granting town status to Shwe Kokko Myaing village, a controversial China-backed project in Myawaddy Township, Karen State.
The Moei River village on the Thai border, about 16km north of Myawaddy was once a Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) base and now has 10,867 villagers in 1,647 homes.
Work began on the Shwe Kokko new city project in 2017, sparking criticism over its lack of transparency, land confiscations, confusion over the scale of construction, the influx of Chinese money, suspected illicit activity and concerns about the social impact of casinos.
Known as “China Town” or the Shwe Kokko project, the planned new city is reported to be a US$15-billion (19.45-trillion-kyat) collaboration between the Border Guard Force (BGF), a military-backed armed group led by Colonel Saw Chit Thu and formerly known as the DKBA, and a Hong Kong-registered company, Yatai International Holding Group.
A satellite photo of the Shwe Kokko project.
Both Myanmar’s military and government have asked for a suspension of the project after the scale of the construction far exceeded the proposal submitted to the investment authorities.
In 2018, the BGF requested the Karen State government to designate Shwe Kokko Myaing and the 5,260-hectare site as a town. But the state government turned down the request. Shwe Kokko Myaing village covers less than 121 hectares.
“They want to gain town status by combining Shwe Kokko Myaing with other villages. There are forests in the proposed site,” said Myawaddy Township general administrator U Phyo Zaw Ko Ko.
The BGF has submitted a request for town status for more than 590 hectares reaching the Chinese-backed project. Recent land surveys were carried out under the direct supervision of the Karen State administrator.
From rebel camp to town
In 1977-80, the Karen National Union (KNU) established the Kawmoora camp which played an important role for the armed group, both militarily and financially, by the Moei River to the south of Shwe Kokko Myaing. The base housed the KNU’s 101st Special Battalion, a special unit responsible for protecting the group’s leader, General Saw Bo Mya.
The DKBA split from the KNU, and when Myanmar’s military attacked the Kawmoora camp, the DKBA reportedly assisted the government troops.
There were fierce clashes between 1984 and 1995. Many villagers fled to Thailand and the KNU was forced out of Kawmoora.
Shwe Dingar Myaing Hotel at the Shwe Kokko project. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy
This followed Col. Saw Chit Thu’s rise in the DKBA. Shwe Kokko Myaing village emerged as the armed group resettled to the north of Kawmoora.
In 2010, 13 battalions, including the one led by Col. Saw Chit Thu, transformed into the BGF. He was appointed general secretary of the border force and Shwe Kokko Myaing became the BGF headquarters.
Chinese-backed new city
The project is a joint venture between Chit Lin Myaing Co run by the BGF and the Yatai group. The Chinese firm is due to put up the capital and the profits are due to be shared with Chit Lin Myaing Co. on a 70-30 basis.
The project is due to feature international-standard hotels, casinos, luxury villas and other entertainment centers.
The government granted a permit for the construction of luxury homes on 10 hectares with an investment of US$22.5 million (30 billion kyats) but the project has already far exceeded the plans.
Construction work at the Shwe Kokko project. / Htet Wai / The Irrawaddy
Villagers asked the government to control the project due to concerns over an influx of Chinese citizens and illicit activities involving the armed group. The United States Institute of Peace also reported that investors have ties to Chinese criminal gangs.
President Office’s spokesman U Zaw Htay said in July that it is difficult to control projects like Shwe Kokko in ethnic areas due to the involvement of armed groups. The government said it will form an investigation committee.
Land surveys were conducted to designate Shwe Kokko Myaing as a town while the central government has reportedly not mentioned violations of investment regulations and the controversial Chinese investment.
Myawaddy residents have alleged that there is a tacit agreement between the government, military and BGF to proceed with the project. They are also concerned that the BGF will have greater authority if the area gains town status.
Others have said the project is the government’s attempt to regain control of the area from the BGF.
Karen State administrators conduct a land survey. / Tay Zar Aung
To gain town status an area must meet 21 criteria, including having a school, hospital, football pitch, garbage dump and cemetery. There must be at least an administration office, police station and agricultural and livestock offices.
U Phyo Zaw Ko Ko said: “Shwe Kokko meets the requirements with almost all the infrastructure. Even Sukali and Wawlei [other towns in Myawaddy Township] are not as lively as Shwe Kokko. It can become a town. It is up to the Union government to decide.”
Lower House lawmaker U Sein Bo for Myawaddy Township said upgrading the village will benefit residents.
“If it becomes a town, there will be an administrative structure. The BGF may have its own responsibilities but it is under the control of the Ministry of Defence. If there is a civilian administration, there will be more division of responsibilities,” said U Sein Bo.
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Translated from Burmese by Thet Ko Ko
Htun Htun is Reporter at the Burmese edition of The Irrawaddy.


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-29--Tensions Between China and India May Soon Rise as Trump Approves Historic Tibet Act

US President Donald Trump signed into law on Sunday the historic Tibet bill .
US Congress had passed this bill on December 21 .
The Tibetan Policy and Support Act ( TPSA ) , which supports Tibet in key areas , even includes possible sanctions against Chinese authorities should they try to appoint the next Dalai Lama themselves and calls for building an international coalition to ensure such appointment is only carried out by the Tibetan Buddhist community .
The bill has bipartisan support and demands Beijing allow Washington to set up a consulate in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regarding the Tibetan environment calling for greater international cooperation to monitor this issue besides providing funds .
The Act also allocates $ 6 million for Tibetans living in India and 3 million for Tibetan governance , as well as $ 575,000 for scholar exchange programs , $ 675,000 for scholarships , and $ 1 million every year for the Special US Coordinator on Tibet .
The Act also extends to Taiwan ( another hot topic in the region ) , supporting its participation in United Nations bodies .
China sees such move as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responded by announcing it could start imposing visa bans against US officials .
In 1995 , the Chinese government arrested Gedhun Choekyi Nyima ( aged 6 then ) who was identified by the Dalai Lama as a reincarnation of the Panchen Lama who is the second most important figure in Tibetan Buddhism after the Dalai Lama himself .
Gedhun Choekyi Nyima remains detained by Beijing , residing along with his family in an undisclosed location since 1995 .
In light of this incident , there are concerns over the choice of the next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tenzin Gyatso , the 14th Dalai Lama , is now 85 years old .
From a Chinese perspective , Tibet is a domestic issue and the current 14th Dalai Lama ( exiled in India ) is a separatist .
The Dalai Lama , besides being a spiritual leader for Tibetan Buddhists , is the Head of state of the Central Tibetan Administration in exile based in Dharamshala , India .
Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin warned last week after Congress passed the bill , that such “ meddling in China ’ s internal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bilateral relations ” between Washington and Beijing .
Lobsang Sangay ( president of the Central Tibetan Administration ) , stated that the Act sends a “ powerful message ” of “ justice and hope ” for Tibetans .
Over 80,000 in exile Tibetans currently reside in India , and 150,000 others live in other countries , especially the US and in Europe .
On November 23 , Lobsang Sangay , Head of Tibet government-in-exile , visited the White House for first time in six decades .
In October , the US named Robert @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tibet , a post which had been vacant since 2017 .
The environmental provisions are clearly aimed at some Chinese projects in the Tibetan region .
Retired Indian official Amitabh Mathur stated that after Trump signing the bill , “ it ’ s time for India to also follow suit ” blacklisting companies engaged in environmental damage through mining and other actions .
The Tibet issue can potentially increase Chinese-Indian tensions , especially after the Ladakh standoff .
Tensions are already high .
On December 14 , Indian Chief of Defence Staff General @ @ @ @ @ @ @ development work going on in Tibet but this should not be a cause for concern because India was “ ready for any eventuality ” .
China in fact plans to build a historic hydropower project in Tibet on the Yarlung Zangbo River , which also passes through Bangladesh and India .
New Delhi is concerned that Chinese activities there could have ecological impacts .
Part of the Tibet Autonomous Region , controlled by China , is claimed by India : the Aksai Chin region which is part of the larger Kashmir region claimed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accused by Beijing of using the Tibet issue as a kind of bargaining card .
Tibet is also important for China to access Pakistan ( a traditional Indian rival ) since Beijing has orchestrated the China Pakistan Economic Corridor infrastructure projects since 2013 .
The China Pakistan Economic Corridor complements the so-called Western Development plan , which includes Xinjiang , Tibet and Qinghai .
One could say that in a number of ways , the Tibetan issue lies at the heart of India-China relations and tensions .
US President-Elect Joe Biden dreams of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new BECA US-India defence deal , and now such dream might become closer to reality .
This new development regarding Tibet might place India in a position to be pressured to strongly support Tibet , further increasing Chinese-Indian tensions .
As of now , India has its hands tied , so to speak .
Should New Delhi take a clear stand on Tibet now , Chinese retaliation would be sure to follow .
However , should the QUAD group ( US , India , Japan and Australia ) in fact become a kind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – as China fears – would India feel empowered enough to pursue such line of action regarding Tibet in the near future ?
For Beijing , its interests in Tibet ( as well as in the South China Sea ) are essential ; should New Delhi meddle into it , Beijing will retaliate .
Tensions could then escalate , maybe even leading to a new Chinese-Indian war – ironically over the same border issue of the 1962 war .
Biden is expected to continue pursuing a kind of “ dual containment ” policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden has signaled , that the US under his presidency will antagonize Russia mainly , trying to isolate it from Europe as a kind of rogue state – while treating China more “ cordially ” , so to speak , as a competitor while trying to forge closer ties with India and other Chinese rivals to “ counter ” Beijing .
That being so , Biden would be expected to back off from some of Trump ’ s policy regarding Tibet .
However , the bipartisan support for the bill in the Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights ” and “ care for the environment ” narrative will pressure him into not backing off .
So , as is also the case with Trump ’ s support for Morocco ( Trump ’ s “ parting gift ” to his successor , as it has been described ) , Biden might find himself with his hand tied too , in a way .
Once more , a US move has heightened tensions and may also have created a dilemma for all parties involved .
Note to readers : please click the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
This article was originally published on InfoBrics .
Uriel Araujo is a researcher with a focus on international and ethnic conflicts .
Credits to the owner of the featured image/taken via InfoBrics

US President Donald Trump signed into law on Sunday the historic Tibet bill. US Congress had passed this bill on December 21. The Tibetan Policy and Support Act (TPSA), which supports Tibet in key areas, even includes possible sanctions against Chinese authorities should they try to appoint the next Dalai Lama themselves and calls for building an international coalition to ensure such appointment is only carried out by the Tibetan Buddhist community. The bill has bipartisan support and demands Beijing allow Washington to set up a consulate in the Tibetan capital of Lhasa. Finally, it has safety provisions regarding the Tibetan environment calling for greater international cooperation to monitor this issue besides providing funds.
The Act also allocates $6 million for Tibetans living in India and 3 million for Tibetan governance, as well as $575,000 for scholar exchange programs, $675,000 for scholarships, and $1 million every year for the Special US Coordinator on Tibet. The Act also extends to Taiwan (another hot topic in the region), supporting its participation in United Nations bodies.
China sees such move as interference in its internal affairs and has responded by announcing it could start imposing visa bans against US officials.
In 1995, the Chinese government arrested Gedhun Choekyi Nyima (aged 6 then) who was identified by the Dalai Lama as a reincarnation of the Panchen Lama who is the second most important figure in Tibetan Buddhism after the Dalai Lama himself. Gedhun Choekyi Nyima remains detained by Beijing, residing along with his family in an undisclosed location since 1995. In light of this incident, there are concerns over the choice of the next Dalai Lama. The current one, Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama, is now 85 years old. From a Chinese perspective, Tibet is a domestic issue and the current 14th Dalai Lama (exiled in India) is a separatist. The Dalai Lama, besides being a spiritual leader for Tibetan Buddhists, is the Head of state of the Central Tibetan Administration in exile based in Dharamshala, India.
Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin warned last week after Congress passed the bill, that such “meddling in China’s internal affairs” could harm “cooperation and bilateral relations” between Washington and Beijing. Lobsang Sangay (president of the Central Tibetan Administration), stated that the Act sends a “powerful message” of “justice and hope” for Tibetans.
Over 80,000 in exile Tibetans currently reside in India, and 150,000 others live in other countries, especially the US and in Europe.
On November 23, Lobsang Sangay, Head of Tibet government-in-exile, visited the White House for first time in six decades. In October, the US named Robert Destro as its Human Rights Envoy for Tibet, a post which had been vacant since 2017.
The environmental provisions are clearly aimed at some Chinese projects in the Tibetan region. Retired Indian official Amitabh Mathur stated that after Trump signing the bill, “it’s time for India to also follow suit” blacklisting companies engaged in environmental damage through mining and other actions.
The Tibet issue can potentially increase Chinese-Indian tensions, especially after the Ladakh standoff. Tensions are already high. On December 14, Indian Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat commented that there was Chinese development work going on in Tibet but this should not be a cause for concern because India was “ready for any eventuality”.
China in fact plans to build a historic hydropower project in Tibet on the Yarlung Zangbo River, which also passes through Bangladesh and India. New Delhi is concerned that Chinese activities there could have ecological impacts. Part of the Tibet Autonomous Region, controlled by China, is claimed by India: the Aksai Chin region which is part of the larger Kashmir region claimed by India. India has often been accused by Beijing of using the Tibet issue as a kind of bargaining card.
Tibet is also important for China to access Pakistan (a traditional Indian rival) since Beijing has orchestrated the China Pakistan Economic Corridor infrastructure projects since 2013. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor complements the so-called Western Development plan, which includes Xinjiang, Tibet and Qinghai. One could say that in a number of ways, the Tibetan issue lies at the heart of India-China relations and tensions.
US President-Elect Joe Biden dreams of a great US-India alliance – after the new BECA US-India defence deal, and now such dream might become closer to reality. This new development regarding Tibet might place India in a position to be pressured to strongly support Tibet, further increasing Chinese-Indian tensions. As of now, India has its hands tied, so to speak. Should New Delhi take a clear stand on Tibet now, Chinese retaliation would be sure to follow. However, should the QUAD group (US, India, Japan and Australia) in fact become a kind of Asian NATO or something resembling it – as China fears – would India feel empowered enough to pursue such line of action regarding Tibet in the near future?
For Beijing, its interests in Tibet (as well as in the South China Sea) are essential; should New Delhi meddle into it, Beijing will retaliate. Tensions could then escalate, maybe even leading to a new Chinese-Indian war – ironically over the same border issue of the 1962 war.
Biden is expected to continue pursuing a kind of “dual containment” policy on both China and Russia. Nonetheless Biden has signaled, that the US under his presidency will antagonize Russia mainly, trying to isolate it from Europe as a kind of rogue state – while treating China more “cordially”, so to speak, as a competitor while trying to forge closer ties with India and other Chinese rivals to “counter” Beijing. That being so, Biden would be expected to back off from some of Trump’s policy regarding Tibet. However, the bipartisan support for the bill in the Congress, under the guise of “human rights” and “care for the environment” narrative will pressure him into not backing off. So, as is also the case with Trump’s support for Morocco (Trump’s “parting gift” to his successor, as it has been described), Biden might find himself with his hand tied too, in a way.
Once more, a US move has heightened tensions and may also have created a dilemma for all parties involved.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
This article was originally published on InfoBrics.
Uriel Araujo is a researcher with a focus on international and ethnic conflicts.
Credits to the owner of the featured image/taken via InfoBrics


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-29--Stealth Fighters and Long-range Missiles: Japan’s Cabinet Greenlights Record-breaking Military Budge

Stealth Fighters and Long-range Missiles: Japan’s Cabinet Greenlights Record-breaking Military Budget

Japanese government has approved a hike in military spending to address an “ increasingly tough ” security environment , as the country struggles under the world ’ s largest debt and the pandemic-induced economic slump .
Japan ’ s cabinet approved on Monday the record-high $ 1.03 trillion budget proposal for the next fiscal year starting in April 2021 .
The package includes a stimulus for the economy which has been severely affected by the coronavirus pandemic and a hike in defense spending .
The military will receive $ 51.7 billion for new planes , missiles and aircraft carriers with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will strengthen the capacity necessary for national defense… in order to keep pace with the security environment which is becoming increasingly tough , ” said Chief Cabinet Secretary Katsunobu Kato at a briefing .
Some of the money will fund the development of long-range cruise missiles and warships , as well as an advanced stealth fighter jet by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd. with help from Lockheed Martin Corp. Six Lockheed stealth fighters will also be purchased .
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Japanese government has approved a hike in military spending to address an “increasingly tough” security environment, as the country struggles under the world’s largest debt and the pandemic-induced economic slump.
Japan’s cabinet approved on Monday the record-high $1.03 trillion budget proposal for the next fiscal year starting in April 2021. The package includes a stimulus for the economy which has been severely affected by the coronavirus pandemic and a hike in defense spending.
The military will receive $51.7 billion for new planes, missiles and aircraft carriers with greater range and power. “We will strengthen the capacity necessary for national defense… in order to keep pace with the security environment which is becoming increasingly tough,” said Chief Cabinet Secretary Katsunobu Kato at a briefing.
Some of the money will fund the development of long-range cruise missiles and warships, as well as an advanced stealth fighter jet by Mitsubishi Heavy Industries Ltd. with help from Lockheed Martin Corp. Six Lockheed stealth fighters will also be purchased.
Read full article here.
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-30--Hearts Full of Scepticism, Farmers Agree for Talks with Centre on Dec 30

Talks between farmers and the Centre are all set to take place on December 30 afternoon as the Sanyukta Kisan Morcha sends a letter to the government confirming the appointment on December 29 , 2020 .
However , they reminded the central government that discussion should focus on : • Modalities to be adopted to repeal the three Central Agricultural Laws • Procedure and provision for legal guarantee , procurement of profitable MSP as suggested by the National Farmers Commission for all farmers and agricultural commodities ; • Amendments to the “ Commission Ordinance for Air Quality Management in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 ” to exclude farmers from the penal provisions of the Ordinance • Procedure for withdrawal of draft ‘ Electricity Amendment Bill 2020 ’ to protect the interests of farmers .
“ A rational solution to the relevant issues would require that our dialogue run according to this agenda , ” said farmer leaders .
Additionally , Swaraj India leader Yogendra Yadav sent a video voicing concerns of farmers organisations .
The video may be viewed below : In a press release , the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee ( AIKSCC ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be discussed in the meetings stating that there is no “ possibility of any discussion in tomorrow ’ s talks until the agenda of repeal of the three farm Acts and the Electricity Bill 2020 is taken up first.
” It also asked the Agriculture Minister , whose department talked of making decisions on “ issues , logic and facts ” in the government letter , to keep in mind that the option of repealing the laws has been his table for the last seven months .
Regarding the Farmers ( Empowerment and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Farm Services Act , the Farmer ’ s Produce Trade and Commerce ( Promotion and Facilitation ) Act and the Essential Commodities ( Amendment ) Act , the AIKSCC said : “ It is illogical for the government to assert that these Acts benefit farmers .
Crores of farmers who know the reality of Companies better than him have been sitting at his doorstep for over a month .
The Acts will undermine government mandis , help bind farmers in contracts , create a large chain of middlemen for supervision , supply , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , raise farmer debts and lead both to increased alienation from land and suicides.
” Dubbing the laws , ‘ Contract Acts ’ , farmer leaders said they provide for farmers borrowing by mortgaging and for recovery of dues from land .
They alleged the government is deliberately misleading the nation by asserting that it will promise MSP and procurement , while its own NITI Ayog Vice Chairman Ramesh Kumar wrote that the government has massive storage problems and has no intention to buy .
Addressing local protests , the organisation hailed nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tuesday in solidarity the farmers ’ struggle .
They decried the lathi-charge that took place .
Similarly , they thanked the massive turnout witnessed at Thanjavur , Tamil Nadu .
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Talks between farmers and the Centre are all set to take place on December 30 afternoon as the Sanyukta Kisan Morcha sends a letter to the government confirming the appointment on December 29, 2020.
However, they reminded the central government that discussion should focus on:
Modalities to be adopted to repeal the three Central Agricultural Laws Procedure and provision for legal guarantee, procurement of profitable MSP as suggested by the National Farmers Commission for all farmers and agricultural commodities; Amendments to the “Commission Ordinance for Air Quality Management in the National Capital Region and adjoining areas, 2020” to exclude farmers from the penal provisions of the Ordinance Procedure for withdrawal of draft ‘Electricity Amendment Bill 2020’ to protect the interests of farmers.
“A rational solution to the relevant issues would require that our dialogue run according to this agenda,” said farmer leaders.
Additionally, Swaraj India leader Yogendra Yadav sent a video voicing concerns of farmers organisations. The video may be viewed below:
In a press release, the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee (AIKSCC) dismissed all rumours of alternate issues to be discussed in the meetings stating that there is no “possibility of any discussion in tomorrow’s talks until the agenda of repeal of the three farm Acts and the Electricity Bill 2020 is taken up first.”
It also asked the Agriculture Minister, whose department talked of making decisions on “issues, logic and facts” in the government letter, to keep in mind that the option of repealing the laws has been his table for the last seven months.
Regarding the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance & Farm Services Act, the Farmer’s Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, the AIKSCC said:
“It is illogical for the government to assert that these Acts benefit farmers. Crores of farmers who know the reality of Companies better than him have been sitting at his doorstep for over a month. The Acts will undermine government mandis, help bind farmers in contracts, create a large chain of middlemen for supervision, supply, etc., input costs, reduce prices, raise farmer debts and lead both to increased alienation from land and suicides.”
Dubbing the laws, ‘Contract Acts’, farmer leaders said they provide for farmers borrowing by mortgaging and for recovery of dues from land. They alleged the government is deliberately misleading the nation by asserting that it will promise MSP and procurement, while its own NITI Ayog Vice Chairman Ramesh Kumar wrote that the government has massive storage problems and has no intention to buy.
Addressing local protests, the organisation hailed nearly 10,000 farmers who assembled in Patna on Tuesday in solidarity the farmers’ struggle. They decried the lathi-charge that took place. Similarly, they thanked the massive turnout witnessed at Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu.
“AIKSCC has hailed all the participating farmers and their organizations for the exemplary discipline they have shown in their peaceful protest, despite repression. With rising BJP propaganda against farmers their fear of losing land and markets to Corporate rises,” said the AIKSCC.
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Featured image is from aajkitaazanews.com


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-30--US Government Role in Thailand’s “Student Protests”

This article was originally published in August 2020 .
The Southeast Asian Kingdom of Thailand has tilted too far toward China for Washington ’ s liking .
The country – with nearly 70 million people and the second largest economy in Southeast Asia – counts China as its biggest trade partner , its largest source of foreign direct investment , the largest source of tourism with China providing more tourists per year than all Western nations combined , and a key partner in developing infrastructure including the already under-construction China-Laos-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore high-speed rail link that will only further cement these ties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US military hardware with Chinese alternatives including Chinese-made main battle tanks , armored personnel carriers , infantry fighting vehicles , naval vessels including the Kingdom ’ s first modern submarines , and jointly developed projects like the DTI-1 multiple rocket launcher system .
Thailand and China have also conducted joint military exercises in recent years .
To reverse this trend – the United States is attempting to destabilize Thailand politically and economically – topple the current government and place into power a political opposition led by abusive billionaires who have specifically vowed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manifested in protests the Western corporate media has claimed are “ student-led ” and “ organic ” despite what are clearly centrally led protests with easily identifiable leaders tied directly to US government funding .
The protests are leveraging a nation-wide network created by US government organizations like the National Endowment for Democracy ( NED ) , USAID , and other funding mechanisms to overwrite Thailand ’ s indigenous institutions with Western-style alternatives across Thailand educational , labor , media , and political spaces .
The protests also have direct ties to US-backed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thaksin Shinawatra ’ s Pheu Thai Party and corrupt billionaire Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit of Future Forward/Move Forward Party and even foreign opposition movements the US is funding in China ’ s territories of Taiwan and Hong Kong .
Thailand ’ s political opposition – while portrayed by the Western media as “ progressive liberals , ” is in fact run by two corrupt billionaires .
One – Thaksin Shinawatra – is a convicted criminal who currently hides abroad as a fugitive .
Despite this – he still openly runs his political party Pheu Thai @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in their 2013 article , “ Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand Wields Influence from Afar.
” Thaksin also runs a number of nominee parties operating in lockstep with Pheu Thai – including Future Forward/Move Forward Party headed by fellow billionaire Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit .
Thaksin had served as Thai prime minister from 2001-2006 and openly and repeatedly served US interests at the expense of Thailand ’ s own best interests .
• In the late 1990 ’ s , Thaksin was an adviser to notorious private equity firm , the Carlyle Group .
He pledged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office , he would still serve as a “ matchmaker ” between the US equity fund and Thai businesses .
It would represent the first of many compromising conflicts of interest that would undermine Thailand ’ s sovereign under his rule .
• Thaksin was Thailand ’ s prime minister from 2001-2006 .
Has since dominated the various reincarnations of his political party – and still to this day runs the country by proxy , via his nepotist appointed sister , Yingluck Shinawatra .
• In 2001 he privatized Thailand ’ s resources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ oil conglomerate PTT – much to Wall Street ’ s delight .
• In 2003 , he would commit Thai troops to the US invasion of Iraq , despite widespread protests from both the Thai military and the public .
Thaksin would also allow the CIA to use Thailand for its abhorrent rendition program .
• In 2004 , Thaksin attempted to ramrod through a US-Thailand Free-Trade Agreement ( FTA ) without parliamentary approval , backed by the US-ASEAN Business Council who just before the 2011 elections that saw Thaksin ’ s sister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the leaders of Thaksin ’ s “ red shirt ” “ United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship ” ( UDD ) in Washington DC .
Ahead of Thailand ’ s 2019 elections Thaksin Shinawatra would create a myriad of nominee political parties in the event one or more of his core parties were disbanded by courts for the obvious fact he is a fugitive and those acting on his behalf are aiding and abetting a criminal .
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This article was originally published in August 2020.
The Southeast Asian Kingdom of Thailand has tilted too far toward China for Washington’s liking.
The country – with nearly 70 million people and the second largest economy in Southeast Asia – counts China as its biggest trade partner, its largest source of foreign direct investment, the largest source of tourism with China providing more tourists per year than all Western nations combined, and a key partner in developing infrastructure including the already under-construction China-Laos-Thailand-Malaysia-Singapore high-speed rail link that will only further cement these ties.
Thailand is also replacing its aging US military hardware with Chinese alternatives including Chinese-made main battle tanks, armored personnel carriers, infantry fighting vehicles, naval vessels including the Kingdom’s first modern submarines, and jointly developed projects like the DTI-1 multiple rocket launcher system. Thailand and China have also conducted joint military exercises in recent years.
To reverse this trend – the United States is attempting to destabilize Thailand politically and economically – topple the current government and place into power a political opposition led by abusive billionaires who have specifically vowed to roll back Thai-Chinese relations.
This has manifested in protests the Western corporate media has claimed are “student-led” and “organic” despite what are clearly centrally led protests with easily identifiable leaders tied directly to US government funding.
The protests are leveraging a nation-wide network created by US government organizations like the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), USAID, and other funding mechanisms to overwrite Thailand’s indigenous institutions with Western-style alternatives across Thailand educational, labor, media, and political spaces.
The protests also have direct ties to US-backed opposition parties including those of fugitive billionaire Thaksin Shinawatra’s Pheu Thai Party and corrupt billionaire Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit of Future Forward/Move Forward Party and even foreign opposition movements the US is funding in China’s territories of Taiwan and Hong Kong.
Thailand’s US-backed Billionaire-led Opposition
Thailand’s political opposition – while portrayed by the Western media as “progressive liberals,” is in fact run by two corrupt billionaires.
One – Thaksin Shinawatra – is a convicted criminal who currently hides abroad as a fugitive. Despite this – he still openly runs his political party Pheu Thai – as New York Times would note in their 2013 article, “Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand Wields Influence from Afar.”
Thaksin also runs a number of nominee parties operating in lockstep with Pheu Thai – including Future Forward/Move Forward Party headed by fellow billionaire Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit.
Thaksin had served as Thai prime minister from 2001-2006 and openly and repeatedly served US interests at the expense of Thailand’s own best interests.
These ties and interests included:
In the late 1990’s, Thaksin was an adviser to notorious private equity firm, the Carlyle Group. He pledged to his foreign contacts that upon taking office, he would still serve as a “matchmaker” between the US equity fund and Thai businesses. It would represent the first of many compromising conflicts of interest that would undermine Thailand’s sovereign under his rule.
Thaksin was Thailand’s prime minister from 2001-2006. Has since dominated the various reincarnations of his political party – and still to this day runs the country by proxy, via his nepotist appointed sister, Yingluck Shinawatra.
In 2001 he privatized Thailand’s resources and infrastructure including the nation’s oil conglomerate PTT – much to Wall Street’s delight.
Ahead of Thailand’s 2019 elections Thaksin Shinawatra would create a myriad of nominee political parties in the event one or more of his core parties were disbanded by courts for the obvious fact he is a fugitive and those acting on his behalf are aiding and abetting a criminal.
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-30--As World Sours on Coal, Top Producer Indonesia Tries to Sweeten It at Home

With consumption , travel and commuting all suppressed due to the COVID-19 pandemic , researchers from the Global Carbon Project calculate carbon dioxide emissions fell a record 7 % in 2020 .
One key driver was lower demand for fossil fuels , including coal , the consumption of which is expected to fall by 8 % this year — the largest drop since the end of World War II .
For many in Indonesia ’ s government , this is no reason to celebrate .
Coal is the country ’ s largest export , and the pandemic has severely impacted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , which in 2019 was the world ’ s biggest thermal coal exporter , has seen demand drop in key export markets including China and India .
Domestic consumption is also at risk , as electricity demand from coal-fired power plants drops , exacerbating existing concerns around overcapacity .
The Indonesian government ’ s solution ?
Support the coal industry , in part by building local demand through a new technology : coal gasification , turning solid coal into the liquid fuels methanol and dimethyl ether ( DME ) that can replace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Coal industry advocates and proponents in the Indonesian government say gasification plans will benefit the economy by enabling the use of more domestic energy , preserving jobs and investment in the coal industry .
However , critics have raised concerns about the environmental and climate impacts of this coal-based technology , and question the wisdom of government spending on a project with questionable economic viability .
A worker operates an excavator at an open pit-coal mine in Samboja , East Kalimantan , Indonesian Borneo .
Image by Kemal Jufri/Greenpeace .
Converting coal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In fact , this technology has been around for more than a century .
It was a key energy source in Europe before World War II , but was largely replaced by petroleum and natural gas since the 1940s .
It has really only been since the turn of the millennium , after coal electricity generation peaked in Europe and the U.S. , that the global coal industry began pushing gasification .
To date , large-scale coal gasification exists only in coal-rich but LPG-poor China , but even there it has fallen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ costs and growing climate concerns .
South Africa also has a small gasification industry that provides fuel for domestic use .
In Indonesia , coal gasification plans are quite far along .
State-owned coal miner PT Bukit Asam is looking to build a gasification plant that would start operation in 2023 or 2024 , while the country ’ s largest private coal miner , PT Bumi Resources , plans to invest more than $ 1 billion into a similar facility .
In June , a U.S.-based company , Air Products , announced it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it calls a “ world-scale ” project in Bengalon , in East Kalimantan province , in partnership with two other private coal giants : PT Bakrie Capital , part of the Bakrie Group that also controls Bumi Resources , and PT Ithaca Resources .
It is unclear how emissions or waste from coal gasification plants will be regulated .
In 2020 , Indonesia passed two sweeping pieces of legislation which included clauses seen as highly favorable to extractive industries .
A revision to the coal and mineral mining law was passed in May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mining Association .
It makes it easier for the industry to extend permits , quadrupled the maximum size of traditional mining zones , and allowed permissions for mining activities in river- and seabeds .
For gasification proponents , however , the biggest and most beneficial change came with the passing of the highly controversial omnibus law on job creation in October .
Alongside clauses that lessened requirements for environmental impact assessments , weakened land rights , and eliminated an existing 30 % minimum forest area requirement , were regulations that eliminated royalties for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ — like gasification .
The change means less revenue for both Jakarta and local governments , but provides a windfall for miners , and cost savings for gasification plants .
There is potentially more .
Indonesia ’ s parliament is currently debating a new and renewable energy law , with the goal of helping expand alternative energies to help meet Indonesia ’ s Paris Agreement commitments .
But the concern is exactly how “ new ” is defined .
Coal barges on the Mahakam river in Samarinda , East Kalimantan .
Image by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the government ’ s robust support for coal gasification plans , have raised concerns that Indonesia will be further locked into its dependence on coal , leading to increased greenhouse gas emissions and the ongoing devastation of landscapes in coal-mining regions of the country .
Coal advocates say the technology has improved in recent years , and that gasification should be considered a “ next generation clean coal technology , ” for which both pollution and greenhouse gas emissions would be limited .
Others are more skeptical that gasification can ever be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ itself has pollution control technology , there are numerous venues for leakage due to the long journey that coal must take from mining to gasification , and then all the downstream applications such as chemical plants and vehicles .
Ghee Peh , an energy finance analyst at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis ( IEEFA ) , a U.S.-based think tank , agrees , saying the technology is inherently dirty .
Economically , the plan could also be incredibly costly , requiring significant government subsidies to make the gasification plants cost-effective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chemical plants can accept coal-based fuels in place of LPG .
A recent analysis from the IEEFA estimated that the Bukit Asam plant would lose $ 377 million per year and result in consumers spending more for less energy .
And that is beyond the infrastructure costs .
Aerial view of the PT Borneo Indobara coal mine in South Kalimantan , part of Indonesian Borneo .
Image by Daniel Beltran/Greenpeace .
Peh said he would ideally like to see an open discussion , based on the economic and environmental facts , about whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energy source for Indonesia and if government investment would not be better used to support the country ’ s nascent renewable energy sector .
Prasetiyo agreed , saying there ’ s a lot of opportunity to redirect Indonesia away from coal dependence toward a more decentralized , sustainable energy future .
At this stage , though , the priorities of the government , and President Joko Widodo , who in October ordered an acceleration of the coal derivative industry , seem to be on making an old energy new , and not on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or Thailand in shifting toward renewables .
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Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
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With consumption, travel and commuting all suppressed due to the COVID-19 pandemic, researchers from the Global Carbon Project calculate carbon dioxide emissions fell a record 7% in 2020. One key driver was lower demand for fossil fuels, including coal, the consumption of which is expected to fall by 8% this year — the largest drop since the end of World War II.
For many in Indonesia’s government, this is no reason to celebrate. Coal is the country’s largest export, and the pandemic has severely impacted Indonesia’s coal industry. The country, which in 2019 was the world’s biggest thermal coal exporter, has seen demand drop in key export markets including China and India. Domestic consumption is also at risk, as electricity demand from coal-fired power plants drops, exacerbating existing concerns around overcapacity.
The Indonesian government’s solution? Support the coal industry, in part by building local demand through a new technology: coal gasification, turning solid coal into the liquid fuels methanol and dimethyl ether (DME) that can replace imported liquefied petroleum gas (LPG).
“The Indonesian coal industry is trying to secure their market domestically,” said Andri Prasetiyo, program manager with Trend Asia, a Jakarta-based NGO. “The coal gasification conversation is coming up because global coal demand is decreasing.”
Coal industry advocates and proponents in the Indonesian government say gasification plans will benefit the economy by enabling the use of more domestic energy, preserving jobs and investment in the coal industry. However, critics have raised concerns about the environmental and climate impacts of this coal-based technology, and question the wisdom of government spending on a project with questionable economic viability.
A worker operates an excavator at an open pit-coal mine in Samboja, East Kalimantan, Indonesian Borneo. Image by Kemal Jufri/Greenpeace.
Coal gasification plans attracting major players, big investments
Converting coal into a liquid fuel is not new. In fact, this technology has been around for more than a century. It was a key energy source in Europe before World War II, but was largely replaced by petroleum and natural gas since the 1940s.
It has really only been since the turn of the millennium, after coal electricity generation peaked in Europe and the U.S., that the global coal industry began pushing gasification. To date, large-scale coal gasification exists only in coal-rich but LPG-poor China, but even there it has fallen out of favor due to persistent high costs and growing climate concerns. South Africa also has a small gasification industry that provides fuel for domestic use.
In Indonesia, coal gasification plans are quite far along. State-owned coal miner PT Bukit Asam is looking to build a gasification plant that would start operation in 2023 or 2024, while the country’s largest private coal miner, PT Bumi Resources, plans to invest more than $1 billion into a similar facility. In June, a U.S.-based company, Air Products, announced it was investing $2 billion in what it calls a “world-scale” project in Bengalon, in East Kalimantan province, in partnership with two other private coal giants: PT Bakrie Capital, part of the Bakrie Group that also controls Bumi Resources, and PT Ithaca Resources.
“Air Products will be the owner/operator taking coal and selling methanol back to PT Bakrie Capital,” said Ian Reid, a combustion technology specialist at the IEA Clean Coal Centre, an industry-supported program under the auspices of the International Energy Agency. “Air Products own the Shell and [General Electric] gasification technologies, which represent the majority of gasification installations worldwide.”
It is unclear how emissions or waste from coal gasification plants will be regulated. In 2020, Indonesia passed two sweeping pieces of legislation which included clauses seen as highly favorable to extractive industries. A revision to the coal and mineral mining law was passed in May with strong support from the Indonesian Coal Mining Association. It makes it easier for the industry to extend permits, quadrupled the maximum size of traditional mining zones, and allowed permissions for mining activities in river- and seabeds.
For gasification proponents, however, the biggest and most beneficial change came with the passing of the highly controversial omnibus law on job creation in October. Alongside clauses that lessened requirements for environmental impact assessments, weakened land rights, and eliminated an existing 30% minimum forest area requirement, were regulations that eliminated royalties for coal destined for downstream value-added domestic use — like gasification. The change means less revenue for both Jakarta and local governments, but provides a windfall for miners, and cost savings for gasification plants.
“It shows how powerful the coal industry is, to influence public policy and regulations. They successfully revised the mineral and coal law and the omnibus law,” Prasetiyo said. “It’s a grand policy to help the coal industry survive and generate profits.”
There is potentially more. Indonesia’s parliament is currently debating a new and renewable energy law, with the goal of helping expand alternative energies to help meet Indonesia’s Paris Agreement commitments. But the concern is exactly how “new” is defined.
“Coal gasification is considered part of new energy,” Prasetiyo said. “The discussion is not focusing on wind and solar, but on coal gasification and nuclear.”
Coal barges on the Mahakam river in Samarinda, East Kalimantan. Image by Kemal Jufri/Greenpeace.
The clean coal debate
These regulatory changes, and the government’s robust support for coal gasification plans, have raised concerns that Indonesia will be further locked into its dependence on coal, leading to increased greenhouse gas emissions and the ongoing devastation of landscapes in coal-mining regions of the country.
“This coal gasification project is dangerous,” Prasetiyo said. “It will make it harder for Indonesia to achieve its Paris Agreement commitments, will have no significant benefit for the economy, and will harm the environment because it will result in more coal exploitation.”
Coal advocates say the technology has improved in recent years, and that gasification should be considered a “next generation clean coal technology,” for which both pollution and greenhouse gas emissions would be limited.
“Gasification can meet the pollution criteria of clean coal use with available technologies, even though more process steps are involved for product purification than in petroleum or gas installations,” Reid said. He added he hopes to see this technology used in the Kalimantan facility.
Others are more skeptical that gasification can ever be made clean. Even if the plant itself has pollution control technology, there are numerous venues for leakage due to the long journey that coal must take from mining to gasification, and then all the downstream applications such as chemical plants and vehicles.
“The only way that it would have zero climate impact if there was zero methane leakage from the coal mine, and everywhere that the fuel is combusted there was carbon capture and sequestration, and that was 100 percent effective,” said Jonathan Buonocore, a coal, climate and public health expert at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health.
Ghee Peh, an energy finance analyst at the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA), a U.S.-based think tank, agrees, saying the technology is inherently dirty.
“You’re crushing 4.5 tons of coal, pressuring it, and eventually you’re going to burn it,” Peh said. “How can that not have a CO2 impact? It’s just a really bad idea for the environment.”
Economically, the plan could also be incredibly costly, requiring significant government subsidies to make the gasification plants cost-effective, and investment in ensuring that downstream chemical plants can accept coal-based fuels in place of LPG. A recent analysis from the IEEFA estimated that the Bukit Asam plant would lose $377 million per year and result in consumers spending more for less energy. And that is beyond the infrastructure costs.
“It’s insane the amount of money they are going to need,” said Peh, who conducted the analysis. “$2 billion for the plant, and then another $1 billion to convert downstream plants, and then the market will be loss-making every year.”
Aerial view of the PT Borneo Indobara coal mine in South Kalimantan, part of Indonesian Borneo. Image by Daniel Beltran/Greenpeace.
Exploring the options
Peh said he would ideally like to see an open discussion, based on the economic and environmental facts, about whether or not coal gasification is a feasible energy source for Indonesia and if government investment would not be better used to support the country’s nascent renewable energy sector.
“Indonesia as a nation does not necessarily have to go down this route,” he said. “Its people deserve an open discussion about all these options.”
Prasetiyo agreed, saying there’s a lot of opportunity to redirect Indonesia away from coal dependence toward a more decentralized, sustainable energy future.
“The decrease of coal prices should be the moment when the government shifts to renewable energy,” he said. “Instead, when coal is facing pressure internationally, they are trying to secure the domestic market.”
At this stage, though, the priorities of the government, and President Joko Widodo, who in October ordered an acceleration of the coal derivative industry, seem to be on making an old energy new, and not on joining neighbors India, China, Vietnam or Thailand in shifting toward renewables.
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-30--Hearts Full of Scepticism, Indian Farmers Agree for Talks with Delhi Government