asiapacificresearch--2020-12-08--Canada, India Mudslinging over Sikh Farmer Protests

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau ’ s comments in support of Sikh farmers protesting against new farm laws in India have been met with an unusually sharp rebuff from New Delhi .
Trudeau ’ s comments to Sikhs in Canada may have been aimed at cementing support for his government .
Canada ’ s 338-member House of Commons consists of 18 Sikh members , three of whom are in Trudeau ’ s cabinet .
About half a million Sikhs live in Canada , forming 1.4 % of the total population .
They are known to wield influence over other immigrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many Indian opportunity seekers .
A large number of Sikhs are second and third-generation Canadian citizens but most still retain connections with their roots and relatives in India ’ s Punjab state , most of whom are farmers .
Sikhs in Canada have long been a thorn in India ’ s side because of their history of supporting separatism in India .
Along with Sikhs in the US , UK and Europe , Sikhs in Canada gave moral support and money to Sikh separatists in the early 1980s .
The separatist movement to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seceding Punjab state died in the 1990s , but India remains wary of any rekindling of such activities .
Trudeau didn ’ t stop at that in commenting on India ’ s farmer protests , which have descended on the capital New Delhi in recent days .
Foreign policy experts in India read Trudeau comments as raising road doubts about the effective functioning of Indian democracy .
New Delhi ’ s response has been predictably sharp .
Soon after Trudeau ’ s comments , some Sikhs based overseas began voicing anger and support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ joined locally by actors , singers and sportsmen , increasing pressure on the Indian government .
An estimated 50,000 or so farmers mainly from Punjab and led by burly Sikhs have in recent days traveled some 450 kilometers on their tractors and tractor-trolleys prepared with bedding , cooking gas and food to last them up to four months on the streets of New Delhi .
The intermediate state of Haryana sprayed water cannons , put up metal and concrete roadblocks , barbed wire rolls and even dug up parts of the highway to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are asking the central government to withdraw three farm laws , which they say are against their interests and would expose them in the future to manipulation and exploitation by large corporates and middlemen against whom they would have little recourse .
Farmers are also demanding that the government enshrine in the new laws the Minimum Support Price for their produce .
The first round of talks between farmer unions and Agriculture Minister Narendra Singh Tomar on December 1 ended inconclusively .
The next round of talks will be on Thursday and could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Farmers from other states including Haryana , Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh , Bihar , Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka are reportedly supporting the protests , and many have joined the protesters in Delhi .
Other anti-government figures have begun joining in as well .
Protesters have blocked several main highways leading into Delhi , stopping the movement of passenger and goods traffic of essential supplies .
What worries the government most is that Sikhs also form a critical part of the armed forces and various security forces .
Taking advantage of separatism in the 1980s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ escalation with weapons , money and by declaring support for the creation of Khalistan .
That era of terrorism claimed thousands of lives , including that of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi .
On June 24 , 1985 , Sikh terrorists in Canada planted bombs on two Air India jumbo jets .
One crashed into the sea off Cork in Ireland , killing all 329 onboard .
The other bomb exploded at Tokyo ’ s Narita airport before the delayed aircraft could take off .
At the time , India was known to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flights to India originating from Canadian airports .
The government of Canada has been careful over the years not to hurt India ’ s sensitivities .
Yet its politicians , many of them depending on Sikh votes and elected members for support , often cross what New Delhi sees as a red diplomatic line .
Punjabi is the third most-spoken language in Canada after English and French .
A fifth of all Canadian Sikhs live in Surrey , British Columbia and Brampton , Ontario , while the rest are scattered throughout the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Punjabi separatists have tried to revive the cause sporadically without much response , though some Sikhs from the US and Canada still declare their support for the creation of an independent Khalistan .
Earlier this year , for instance , a group called “ Sikhs for Justice ” held a “ Punjab Referendum 2020 ” to muster support but failed .
Canada ’ s official line is that “ Canada respects the sovereignty , unity and territorial integrity of India and the government of Canada will not recognize the referendum.
’ ’ So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s unlikely but India these days has little to no tolerance for separatism and new waves of terrorism .
With China encroaching into Ladakh and encouraging Pakistan on the other side , the last thing India wants or needs is even the whiff of separatism in a border state .
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Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s comments in support of Sikh farmers protesting against new farm laws in India have been met with an unusually sharp rebuff from New Delhi.
“The situation is concerning and we are all very worried about family and friends. I know that it’s a reality for many of you,” Trudeau said on the occasion of the 551st anniversary of the birth of Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism.
Trudeau’s comments to Sikhs in Canada may have been aimed at cementing support for his government. Canada’s 338-member House of Commons consists of 18 Sikh members, three of whom are in Trudeau’s cabinet.
About half a million Sikhs live in Canada, forming 1.4% of the total population. They are known to wield influence over other immigrant groups.
Canada is a magnet for many Indian opportunity seekers. A large number of Sikhs are second and third-generation Canadian citizens but most still retain connections with their roots and relatives in India’s Punjab state, most of whom are farmers.
Sikhs in Canada have long been a thorn in India’s side because of their history of supporting separatism in India.
Along with Sikhs in the US, UK and Europe, Sikhs in Canada gave moral support and money to Sikh separatists in the early 1980s. The separatist movement to form a so-called “Khalistan” by seceding Punjab state died in the 1990s, but India remains wary of any rekindling of such activities.
Trudeau didn’t stop at that in commenting on India’s farmer protests, which have descended on the capital New Delhi in recent days.
“Let me remind you Canada will always be there to defend the rights of peaceful protest. We believe in the importance of dialogue,’’ he said. “We have reached out through multiple means directly to the Indian authorities to highlight our concerns.’’
Foreign policy experts in India read Trudeau comments as raising road doubts about the effective functioning of Indian democracy. New Delhi’s response has been predictably sharp.
“We have seen some ill-informed comments by Canadian leaders relating to farmers in India,’’ said Anurag Srivastava, spokesman for India’s Foreign Ministry. “Such comments are unwarranted, especially when pertaining to the internal affairs of a democratic country. It is also best that diplomatic conversations are not misrepresented for political purposes.’’
Soon after Trudeau’s comments, some Sikhs based overseas began voicing anger and support for the farmers. The chorus was joined locally by actors, singers and sportsmen, increasing pressure on the Indian government.
An estimated 50,000 or so farmers mainly from Punjab and led by burly Sikhs have in recent days traveled some 450 kilometers on their tractors and tractor-trolleys prepared with bedding, cooking gas and food to last them up to four months on the streets of New Delhi.
The intermediate state of Haryana sprayed water cannons, put up metal and concrete roadblocks, barbed wire rolls and even dug up parts of the highway to prevent them from reaching Delhi.
Farmers are asking the central government to withdraw three farm laws, which they say are against their interests and would expose them in the future to manipulation and exploitation by large corporates and middlemen against whom they would have little recourse.
Farmers are also demanding that the government enshrine in the new laws the Minimum Support Price for their produce. The first round of talks between farmer unions and Agriculture Minister Narendra Singh Tomar on December 1 ended inconclusively.
The next round of talks will be on Thursday and could include more senior central government ministers.
Farmers from other states including Haryana, Rajasthan Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka are reportedly supporting the protests, and many have joined the protesters in Delhi. Other anti-government figures have begun joining in as well.
Protesters have blocked several main highways leading into Delhi, stopping the movement of passenger and goods traffic of essential supplies.
What worries the government most is that Sikhs also form a critical part of the armed forces and various security forces. Taking advantage of separatism in the 1980s and early 1990s, Pakistan fueled the escalation with weapons, money and by declaring support for the creation of Khalistan.
That era of terrorism claimed thousands of lives, including that of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. On June 24, 1985, Sikh terrorists in Canada planted bombs on two Air India jumbo jets. One crashed into the sea off Cork in Ireland, killing all 329 onboard.
The other bomb exploded at Tokyo’s Narita airport before the delayed aircraft could take off. At the time, India was known to be extremely upset with lax security for flights to India originating from Canadian airports.
The government of Canada has been careful over the years not to hurt India’s sensitivities. Yet its politicians, many of them depending on Sikh votes and elected members for support, often cross what New Delhi sees as a red diplomatic line.
Punjabi is the third most-spoken language in Canada after English and French. A fifth of all Canadian Sikhs live in Surrey, British Columbia and Brampton, Ontario, while the rest are scattered throughout the country with concentrations in Calgary and Abbotsford.
Punjabi separatists have tried to revive the cause sporadically without much response, though some Sikhs from the US and Canada still declare their support for the creation of an independent Khalistan.
Source: Wikimedia Commons
Earlier this year, for instance, a group called “Sikhs for Justice” held a “Punjab Referendum 2020” to muster support but failed.
Canada’s official line is that “Canada respects the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of India and the government of Canada will not recognize the referendum.’’
So could the fracas with Canada escalate?
It’s unlikely but India these days has little to no tolerance for separatism and new waves of terrorism. With China encroaching into Ladakh and encouraging Pakistan on the other side, the last thing India wants or needs is even the whiff of separatism in a border state.
*
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-09--Myanmar’s Salween Peace Park — A Place for All Living Things

According to our calendar , the Karen People have lived in our forest home for 2,758 years .
Our lands and waters play many important roles in everyday life and in our future prosperity .
They are core to the subsistence practices of our communities .
Karen territories boast fertile soil , where the ‘ Ku ’ shifting cultivation system is used to grow vegetables and other foods rotationally , allowing nature to recover .
The rivers of our Karen territories , including the Salween , provide a means of reliable transport and trade , as well as a rich @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for wild foods like bamboo shoots , banana fruits and flowers , honey , mushrooms , and edible ferns in verdant forests .
We peacefully coexist with rare and endangered animals like the Sun Bear .
Our communities gather forest materials to build and maintain homes , to make various tools and create art .
The Ancestral Territories of the Karen Our ancestral territories are a repository for our history , culture , and beliefs .
Karen communities are predominantly animist , and our practices and culture are deeply intertwined with and situated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call Kawthoolei .
For our communities , the conservation of nature is vital to the conservation of our own culture .
The health of one directly corresponds to the health and prosperity of the other .
This is expressed through cultural traditions and taboos that encourage sustainable use of some resources and forbid the harvesting or use of others .
They are observed seriously .
We are the best custodians of our ancestral territories .
This is demonstrated by the rich biodiversity of Kawthoolei , which is situated in the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservation .
Many areas in Myanmar have been deforested , with animal habitats destroyed , and plant species lost , but in our Karen homeland healthy populations of threatened and near threatened wildlife can thrive .
For decades our culture and Kawthoolei homeland have been under assault .
The conflict in this region is one of the longest-running civil wars in the world .
Since 1949 , a year after Myanmar gained independence from Britain , the Karen have been fighting for political independence from Myanmar .
In over 70 years of armed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have experienced genocide , torture , and sexual violence at the hands of the armed forces of Myanmar .
Hundreds of thousands of civilians have been displaced throughout the course of the conflict , with many fleeing to Thailand or becoming internally displaced peoples .
More recently , the main challenges that communities in Kawthoolei face derive from logging , mining , infrastructure projects including road and bridge construction , and a series of government-proposed mega-hydropower dams on the Salween River .
Communities also face threats from private agribusiness , logging and mining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outside interests and conducted within Karen ancestral territories without communities ’ permission or any form of compensation .
The Myanmar Government ’ s constitution claims all land , waters , and natural resources for the government .
Created without the involvement or consent of indigenous communities , these laws do not recognise the tenure rights and cultural practices of the Karen people .
They seek to evict Karen communities from ancestral territories and eradicate traditional forms of ‘ Ku ’ shifting cultivation .
The Myanmar Government ’ s push for territorial domination and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , conducted through military violence , is destructive to the Karen Peoples and our lands .
Mining activities continuously create challenges for our culture , livelihoods and traditional forms of conservation .
Common methods of gold mining are disruptive to local wildlife , destroying habitats and poisoning water sources with mercury and engine oil .
In parts of Kawthoolei , the sheer amount of soil and silt that have to be moved to access the subterranean gold has led to river sedimentation , reduced access to clean water for drinking and bathing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ runoffs and air pollution have also caused health issues , including skin and respiratory problems .
Yet gold and stone mining continue and recorded mining activities have increased since the 2012 ceasefire .
Karen communities have resisted these externally imposed destructive development projects since they began during the colonial era .
During the time of British colonial control , communities worked together to protest British logging concessions in Karen ancestral territories , and negotiated with local British administrative officers to resolve disputes between them and communities .
Since Burma ’ s independence , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recognition of their rights to their ancestral territories and a peaceful and stable life .
This has primarily taken the form of public protests , and the creation and dissemination of reports , documentaries , and songs about the issues of destructive development and impacts of armed conflict that we face .
In recent decades these protests have been primarily focused on the continued presence of the Burmese army in Karen territories , and the threat this poses to communities ’ lives and livelihoods .
Protests have also resisted Thai and Chinese-backed mega @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Salween River .
Peaceful public protests are an important part of the Karen people ’ s resistance to mega development projects .
( Source : Irrawaddy ) Karen communities have used a broad variety of strategies to resist unwanted and destructive activities in Karen areas .
Public protests and marches are conducted annually on March 14th , the International Day of Action for Rivers and Against Dams , while smaller protests are conducted throughout the year against specific proposed development and/or investment projects , and the increased militarisation of the area by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through celebration , gathering together to promote and strengthen Karen culture and history on important days throughout the year including August 9th , World Indigenous Peoples ’ Day , January 31st , Karen Revolution Day , and Karen New Year which is on a different day each year based on the Karen calendar .
Our most tangible success from these decades of resistance is the declaration of the Salween Peace Park in December 2018 , and subsequent election of its General Assembly and Governing Committee in April 2019 .
The Salween Peace Park @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Myanmar government and foreign companies ’ plans for destructive development in the Salween River basin .
The Salween Peace Park initiative is committed to preventing destructive development on the river basin .
( Source : KESAN ) Instead of massive dams on the Salween River , we propose small hydropower and decentralized solar power .
Instead of large-scale mining and rubber plantations , we call for eco-tourism , sustainable forest management , agroforestry and organic farming .
Instead of mega projects that create conflicts and threaten the resumption of war , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ecosystem where people live in harmony with nature .
The Salween Peace Park empowers our indigenous Karen communities to guide local development and conservation in line with traditional knowledge and cultural practices .
By basing local governance in the hands of the community , the Salween Peace Park enables the conservation of nature and Karen culture , and the pursuit of a peaceful and stable life for local communities , something that is denied to them by the Myanmar government ’ s laws and military ambitions .
In bringing the many efforts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coordinated unit , the SPP also seeks to upscale and strengthen the voices and aims of its communities .
The SPP General Assembly is comprised of representatives from individual communities and Karen governing bodies , allowing communities to voice their opinions and concerns , and support their neighbors to present a strong united front in opposition to the destructive development and militarisation that threatens their everyday lives .
Local governance structures have been established , with power stemming from the grassroots-level upwards , and a charter representing the principles laid out by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developed .
Members of the General Assembly are now working with knowledgeable community members in a series of working groups to strengthen the governing body and develop a series of initiatives to improve the lives of Karen communities inside the SPP .
A master plan is also being developed , guided by local communities , to build a roadmap towards achieving their aspirations of peace and self-determination , environmental integrity , and cultural survival .
The new Myanmar government has promised to lead the country toward a devolved , federal democracy , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Karen are not waiting idly for this : the Salween Peace Park is federal democracy in action .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

Karen Environmental and Social Action Network

According to our calendar, the Karen People have lived in our forest home for 2,758 years. Our lands and waters play many important roles in everyday life and in our future prosperity. They are core to the subsistence practices of our communities. Karen territories boast fertile soil, where the ‘Ku’ shifting cultivation system is used to grow vegetables and other foods rotationally, allowing nature to recover. The rivers of our Karen territories, including the Salween, provide a means of reliable transport and trade, as well as a rich source of fish. Our people forage for wild foods like bamboo shoots, banana fruits and flowers, honey, mushrooms, and edible ferns in verdant forests. We peacefully coexist with rare and endangered animals like the Sun Bear. Our communities gather forest materials to build and maintain homes, to make various tools and create art.
The Ancestral Territories of the Karen
Our ancestral territories are a repository for our history, culture, and beliefs. Karen communities are predominantly animist, and our practices and culture are deeply intertwined with and situated within our ancestral territories, which we call Kawthoolei. For our communities, the conservation of nature is vital to the conservation of our own culture. The health of one directly corresponds to the health and prosperity of the other. This is expressed through cultural traditions and taboos that encourage sustainable use of some resources and forbid the harvesting or use of others. They are observed seriously.
We are the best custodians of our ancestral territories. This is demonstrated by the rich biodiversity of Kawthoolei, which is situated in the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot and is of global significance to nature conservation. Many areas in Myanmar have been deforested, with animal habitats destroyed, and plant species lost, but in our Karen homeland healthy populations of threatened and near threatened wildlife can thrive.
Mines, Militarisation and Mega-dams
For decades our culture and Kawthoolei homeland have been under assault. The conflict in this region is one of the longest-running civil wars in the world. Since 1949, a year after Myanmar gained independence from Britain, the Karen have been fighting for political independence from Myanmar. In over 70 years of armed conflict, many thousands of Karen people have experienced genocide, torture, and sexual violence at the hands of the armed forces of Myanmar. Hundreds of thousands of civilians have been displaced throughout the course of the conflict, with many fleeing to Thailand or becoming internally displaced peoples.
A Karen medic treating displaced civilians. (Source: Wikimedia Commons)
More recently, the main challenges that communities in Kawthoolei face derive from logging, mining, infrastructure projects including road and bridge construction, and a series of government-proposed mega-hydropower dams on the Salween River. Communities also face threats from private agribusiness, logging and mining concessions, which are predominantly granted to outside interests and conducted within Karen ancestral territories without communities’ permission or any form of compensation.
The Myanmar Government’s constitution claims all land, waters, and natural resources for the government. Created without the involvement or consent of indigenous communities, these laws do not recognise the tenure rights and cultural practices of the Karen people. They seek to evict Karen communities from ancestral territories and eradicate traditional forms of ‘Ku’ shifting cultivation. The Myanmar Government’s push for territorial domination and the monetisation of natural resources and land, conducted through military violence, is destructive to the Karen Peoples and our lands.
Mining activities continuously create challenges for our culture, livelihoods and traditional forms of conservation. Common methods of gold mining are disruptive to local wildlife, destroying habitats and poisoning water sources with mercury and engine oil. In parts of Kawthoolei, the sheer amount of soil and silt that have to be moved to access the subterranean gold has led to river sedimentation, reduced access to clean water for drinking and bathing, and damaged aquatic ecosystems. Resultant chemical runoffs and air pollution have also caused health issues, including skin and respiratory problems. Yet gold and stone mining continue and recorded mining activities have increased since the 2012 ceasefire.
Decades of Resistance
Karen communities have resisted these externally imposed destructive development projects since they began during the colonial era. During the time of British colonial control, communities worked together to protest British logging concessions in Karen ancestral territories, and negotiated with local British administrative officers to resolve disputes between them and communities.
Since Burma’s independence, Karen communities have continuously called for the recognition of their rights to their ancestral territories and a peaceful and stable life. This has primarily taken the form of public protests, and the creation and dissemination of reports, documentaries, and songs about the issues of destructive development and impacts of armed conflict that we face.
In recent decades these protests have been primarily focused on the continued presence of the Burmese army in Karen territories, and the threat this poses to communities’ lives and livelihoods. Protests have also resisted Thai and Chinese-backed mega hydropower dams proposed to be built on the Salween River.
Peaceful public protests are an important part of the Karen people’s resistance to mega development projects. (Source: Irrawaddy)
Karen communities have used a broad variety of strategies to resist unwanted and destructive activities in Karen areas. Public protests and marches are conducted annually on March 14th, the International Day of Action for Rivers and Against Dams, while smaller protests are conducted throughout the year against specific proposed development and/or investment projects, and the increased militarisation of the area by the Myanmar Army.
Communities also resist through celebration, gathering together to promote and strengthen Karen culture and history on important days throughout the year including August 9th, World Indigenous Peoples’ Day, January 31st, Karen Revolution Day, and Karen New Year which is on a different day each year based on the Karen calendar.
Our most tangible success from these decades of resistance is the declaration of the Salween Peace Park in December 2018, and subsequent election of its General Assembly and Governing Committee in April 2019.
The People’s Hope: Salween Peace Park
‘A living vision, not just a national park’
The Salween Peace Park is a grassroots, people-centered alternative to the Myanmar government and foreign companies’ plans for destructive development in the Salween River basin.
The Salween Peace Park initiative is committed to preventing destructive development on the river basin. (Source: KESAN)
Instead of massive dams on the Salween River, we propose small hydropower and decentralized solar power. Instead of large-scale mining and rubber plantations, we call for eco-tourism, sustainable forest management, agroforestry and organic farming. Instead of mega projects that create conflicts and threaten the resumption of war, we seek a lasting peace and a thriving ecosystem where people live in harmony with nature.
The Salween Peace Park empowers our indigenous Karen communities to guide local development and conservation in line with traditional knowledge and cultural practices. By basing local governance in the hands of the community, the Salween Peace Park enables the conservation of nature and Karen culture, and the pursuit of a peaceful and stable life for local communities, something that is denied to them by the Myanmar government’s laws and military ambitions.
In bringing the many efforts of communities across the area together into a coordinated unit, the SPP also seeks to upscale and strengthen the voices and aims of its communities. The SPP General Assembly is comprised of representatives from individual communities and Karen governing bodies, allowing communities to voice their opinions and concerns, and support their neighbors to present a strong united front in opposition to the destructive development and militarisation that threatens their everyday lives.
Local governance structures have been established, with power stemming from the grassroots-level upwards, and a charter representing the principles laid out by the SPP’s communities has already been developed. Members of the General Assembly are now working with knowledgeable community members in a series of working groups to strengthen the governing body and develop a series of initiatives to improve the lives of Karen communities inside the SPP. A master plan is also being developed, guided by local communities, to build a roadmap towards achieving their aspirations of peace and self-determination, environmental integrity, and cultural survival.
The new Myanmar government has promised to lead the country toward a devolved, federal democracy, but, so far they have not delivered. The Karen are not waiting idly for this: the Salween Peace Park is federal democracy in action.
*
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-09--Central Africa and South Asia: Worldlife Fund (WWF) Knew About Rights Abuses by Park Rangers, but Di

Central Africa and South Asia: Worldlife Fund (WWF) Knew About Rights Abuses by Park Rangers, but Didn’t Respond Effectively

In March 2019 , Buzzfeed News published the first of a series of articles tying international conservation giant WWF to violent and severe human rights abuses allegedly committed by park rangers working in Central Africa and South Asia .
Based largely on field investigations by the advocacy groups Survival International and the Rainforest Foundation UK ( RFUK ) , the reports sent shock waves through the conservation industry , depicting out-of-control eco-guards enforcing the boundaries of protected wildlife reserves through the torture , rape and murder of people living in nearby communities .
In response to the broad outcry that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by a panel of human rights experts that included a former UN high commissioner for human rights as well as luminaries in the fields of conservation and protected area management .
On Nov. 24 , after more than a year of interviews and review of internal WWF documents , the panel released a 160-page final report .
The report found that staff members working in WWF country offices , particularly those in Central Africa , knew for years that there were allegations of violence and misconduct by park rangers who were receiving support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After human rights organizations began to publicize the allegations , WWF International hired consultants to investigate their veracity , but in some cases their reports were either kept from the public or their language was softened before being presented to senior figures in the organization .
“ In some cases , however , it is clear that to avoid fueling criticism WWF decided not to publish commissioned reports , to downplay information received , or to overstate the effectiveness of its proposed responses , ” the panel wrote .
It also found that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local government agencies in charge of protected area management over the safety of nearby Indigenous communities .
While the panel emphasized that it found no evidence that WWF had specifically directed rangers to violate the human rights of local hunters and villagers , it found that WWF country managers failed to follow up on credible allegations of “ multiple human rights abuses ” in order to avoid offending host government agencies directly in charge of ranger operations .
To accompany the report , WWF published an unsigned management response , pointing to steps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ series , including a call for proposals to set up grievance processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo ( DRC ) , plans to hire an ombudsperson , and the establishment of a new “ international safeguards ” office .
Wally , drawing to educate and raise awareness about environmental conservation among his community neighboring the Salonga National Park , Monkoto , Tshuapa , Democratic republic of the Congo , October 2016 .
Photo by Leonora Baumann for Mongabay Years of troubling allegations with little follow-up The panel ’ s investigation focused on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Central African Republic , Cameroon , the Republic of Congo , Nepal and India .
In each country , WWF provided support to local government agencies in charge of managing protected areas , including by training park rangers and giving them salary bonuses if they met patrol benchmarks .
In some cases , WWF country offices have signed agreements to serve as co-managers of the national parks where those rangers worked .
According to the panel ’ s findings , as far back as 2008 WWF staff members heard credible reports of serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ park rangers , yet continued to provide them with support .
In Cameroon , for example , 15 representatives of the Indigenous Baka group attended a meeting at WWF ’ s local office on July 1 , 2008 , where they complained of “ extra-judicial beatings ” carried out by rangers against Baka people who had traditionally hunted and fished inside national parks .
Many of the most serious allegations , however , were brought to the attention of WWF senior managers between 2014 and 2018 .
Reports shared by Survival International and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigations carried out by consultants hired by WWF , detailed numerous and widespread allegations of rape and murder .
The report was particularly harsh in its findings on Salonga National Park , a sprawling 3.6-million-hectare ( 8.9-million-acre ) tract of protected rainforest in the DRC that was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1984 .
WWF has worked in Salonga since 2005 , and since 2015 has operated under a memorandum of understanding with the DRC agency in charge of protected wildlife reserves , L ’ Institut Congolais pour la Conservation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that authorizes it to act as co-manager of the park .
After a staff member at WWF DRC reported allegations of violence being committed by rangers working in Salonga in late 2016 , the country office ’ s senior management team decided that a consultant should be hired to investigate in greater detail .
But no follow-up action was taken , and when a staff member raised concerns over the failure with WWF ’ s regional head office for Africa , they were chastised by WWF DRC ’ s country director .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ . )
The panel said the country director and another senior staff member in charge of WWF ’ s operations in Salonga believed the abuses were “ not the responsibility of WWF and that ICCN would react negatively to an effort to investigate past human rights abuses.
” Subsequently , RFUK carried out a field investigation in 2018 along with APEM , a Congolese civil society group , where they visited 11 villages bordering Salonga .
Of the 231 people surveyed during the mission , nearly one in four said they ’ d @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of park rangers .
The testimony they collected included details of a gang rape committed against four women , two of whom were pregnant , by Salonga park rangers in 2015 .
In response to RFUK ’ s findings , WWF International hired two local civil society groups to investigate the allegations .
But according to the panel , they prevented those groups from determining whether there were abuses that had not yet been reported , instead limiting their investigation solely to incidents that had already surfaced .
One of those investigations , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out of the public eye after researchers found evidence of “ multiple instances of murder , rape , and torture committed by ecoguards.
” In February 2020 , WWF published a statement saying it had decided not to release the report “ out of concern for the health and safety of the alleged victims.
” The panel said the suppression of the investigation was part of a broader pattern of WWF obscuring or downplaying the severity of allegations against rangers to the public — and , in some cases , even to its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hired a consultant to investigate abuses in Cameroon , for example , the final report described “ widespread allegations ” against park rangers and growing numbers of complaints .
But by the time a briefing paper summarizing his findings was presented to WWF ’ s international board , it had been edited to leave out information about new allegations , instead portraying the abuses as having only occurred in years past .
In another case , a field report prepared by a consultant hired in 2017 to work on a proposed national park @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by WWF to remove a reference to Baka community members hiding in fear when they saw vehicles with WWF ’ s panda logo enter their village .
While the panel ’ s report detailed years of haphazard and inadequate responses to allegations of abuses by park rangers , it also praised WWF for taking more recent steps toward incorporating human rights protections into its operations .
In particular , it highlighted a nascent program in the Central African Republic where WWF provides support to a local human rights organization charged with receiving complaints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said it was a model for how WWF could address abuses in other countries .
WWF has said it is in the process of looking for a partner to implement a similar program in the DRC .
The report described local judicial processes in Central Africa that often failed to hold rangers accountable for abuses .
Of six rangers who were tried for a gang rape in the DRC , for example , five were acquitted .
The panel urged WWF to use its leverage with host governments to proactively prevent abuses from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by pushing for binding codes of conduct to be signed by rangers as well as stronger human rights provisions in future agreements with government agencies .
In its management response , WWF says it will hire an ombudsperson who will report directly to its international board and will have the authority to investigate some allegations of abuse .
However , the panel expressed concerns about the limited authority that WWF envisions for the role , saying that as currently proposed it “ will not make a judgment about the merits of a complaint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fault.
” The panel said that so far none of WWF ’ s agreements with host countries have been amended to include stronger human rights protections , nor have codes of conduct been adopted for park rangers in the Congo Basin .
And WWF has not yet established a promised new system to respond to allegations of mistreatment and abuse by rangers in Salonga , despite the severity of the abuses .
Late last year , WWF temporarily suspended its support for rangers in Salonga after a fisherman was found dead in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case was referred to the DRC ’ s military tribunal , the legal body that holds jurisdiction over rangers .
In an email to Mongabay , a WWF spokesperson said it is “ prepared to suspend our work ” in Salonga if human rights benchmarks are not met by ICCN and rangers working there .
Aside from the 2018 RFUK field investigation , there has been no effort to comprehensively catalog the full extent of abuses suffered by communities living near Salonga .
WWF has no plans to compensate local people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of rangers .
While public furor over the scandal has been directed toward WWF , advocates say it is not the only conservation organization that has provided support to rangers accused of human rights abuses .
In the wake of Buzzfeed ’ s articles , legislators in the U.S. called for an investigation into whether aid money provided by the U.S. government had been used to support rangers that were implicated in abuse .
More than $ 12 million in financing for conservation organizations working in the Congo Basin was suspended .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , found that three grantees — WWF , the Wildlife Conservation Society ( WCS ) and African Parks — had each been confronted by accusations of abuse by rangers in recent years .
In response to the GAO ’ s investigation , the U.S. Department of the Interior announced in a September 2020 memo that it would cease funding conservation activities in the Congo Basin until “ additional controls ” were established , and that aid dollars could no longer be spent on supporting park rangers in the region .
The decision is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
According to the memo , the U.S. has given more than $ 150 million to WWF for “ anti-poaching and park management ” activities since 2004 , with an additional $ 19 million provided to WCS for similar purposes since 2010 .
In its response to the independent panel ’ s findings , WWF said it does not exercise operational control over park rangers , who are under the command and supervision of host governments .
In countries like the DRC , ensuring rangers follow human rights norms is “ more challenging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and weak rule of law , ” a WWF spokesperson told Mongabay .
But advocates say that while they acknowledge the challenges that organizations like WWF face in working with local government agencies , they could still be doing far more to pressure those agencies to prioritize human rights standards , particularly through their control over funding .
While WWF and other large conservation organizations may not have direct operational control over rangers , staff members are often involved in strategic planning and furnish substantial portions of their salaries and equipment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a difficult position .
The remote , forested protected areas where they work are often home to dwindling populations of endangered species like chimpanzees and elephants .
If they withdraw their support for those areas and the agencies that police them , they say those species and their habitats could be at higher risk of being exploited by logging and mining companies .
In addition , WWF says that pulling out of places like Salonga would have ripple effects for some of the communities they work in .
Critics say the issue is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ranger outposts .
In Central Africa , some protected areas may have been set up during the colonial era through forced evictions and land dispossession .
Baka communities living in Cameroon and the Republic of Congo , for example , say that being closed off from the forest has made it harder for them to feed themselves and carry out their traditional spiritual practices .
The approach of barring local Indigenous communities from protected areas and policing them with armed rangers has been referred to in the past as “ fortress conservation ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ publicly rejected for decades .
For outside audiences and donors , the term “ poachers ” often conjures up images of heavily armed gangs tracking and killing elephants .
But trespassers in national parks are often impoverished local people looking to shoot game either to eat or sell in markets .
As a campaign to protect 30 % of the planet ’ s wild spaces gains steam with conservation groups and national governments , Eisen says the issues that led to WWF ’ s scandal are becoming more urgent .
Michael Sutton , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , says he hopes the scandal won ’ t lead to permanent funding shortfalls for WWF and other organizations .
To reduce the likelihood of human rights abuses in the future , international organizations are going to have to be tougher on local government partners and Indigenous communities must be allowed a much more active role in protected area management , he said .
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Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums @ @ @ @ @ @ @ park rangers on patrol in Garamba National Park in DRC in 2017 .
Photo by Thomas Nicolon for Mongabay .

In March 2019, Buzzfeed News published the first of a series of articles tying international conservation giant WWF to violent and severe human rights abuses allegedly committed by park rangers working in Central Africa and South Asia. Based largely on field investigations by the advocacy groups Survival International and the Rainforest Foundation UK (RFUK), the reports sent shock waves through the conservation industry, depicting out-of-control eco-guards enforcing the boundaries of protected wildlife reserves through the torture, rape and murder of people living in nearby communities.
In response to the broad outcry that followed, WWF commissioned an independent investigation by a panel of human rights experts that included a former UN high commissioner for human rights as well as luminaries in the fields of conservation and protected area management. On Nov. 24, after more than a year of interviews and review of internal WWF documents, the panel released a 160-page final report.
The report found that staff members working in WWF country offices, particularly those in Central Africa, knew for years that there were allegations of violence and misconduct by park rangers who were receiving support from WWF that included salary bonuses. After human rights organizations began to publicize the allegations, WWF International hired consultants to investigate their veracity, but in some cases their reports were either kept from the public or their language was softened before being presented to senior figures in the organization.
“In some cases, however, it is clear that to avoid fueling criticism WWF decided not to publish commissioned reports, to downplay information received, or to overstate the effectiveness of its proposed responses,” the panel wrote.
It also found that WWF often chose to prioritize relationships with local government agencies in charge of protected area management over the safety of nearby Indigenous communities.
While the panel emphasized that it found no evidence that WWF had specifically directed rangers to violate the human rights of local hunters and villagers, it found that WWF country managers failed to follow up on credible allegations of “multiple human rights abuses” in order to avoid offending host government agencies directly in charge of ranger operations.
“WWF’s implementation of its social policies and human rights commitments has been inconsistent in the countries of concern to this report, and especially weak in the Congo Basin countries,” the panel wrote.
To accompany the report, WWF published an unsigned management response, pointing to steps the organization has taken since the Buzzfeed series, including a call for proposals to set up grievance processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), plans to hire an ombudsperson, and the establishment of a new “international safeguards” office.
“Human rights abuses are never acceptable, and we feel great sorrow and sympathy for the people who have suffered,” a WWF spokesperson said in a statement emailed to Mongabay.
Wally, drawing to educate and raise awareness about environmental conservation among his community neighboring the Salonga National Park, Monkoto, Tshuapa, Democratic republic of the Congo, October 2016. Photo by Leonora Baumann for Mongabay
Years of troubling allegations with little follow-up
The panel’s investigation focused on six countries: the DRC, the Central African Republic, Cameroon, the Republic of Congo, Nepal and India. In each country, WWF provided support to local government agencies in charge of managing protected areas, including by training park rangers and giving them salary bonuses if they met patrol benchmarks. In some cases, WWF country offices have signed agreements to serve as co-managers of the national parks where those rangers worked.
According to the panel’s findings, as far back as 2008 WWF staff members heard credible reports of serious human rights abuses being carried out by park rangers, yet continued to provide them with support. In Cameroon, for example, 15 representatives of the Indigenous Baka group attended a meeting at WWF’s local office on July 1, 2008, where they complained of “extra-judicial beatings” carried out by rangers against Baka people who had traditionally hunted and fished inside national parks.
Many of the most serious allegations, however, were brought to the attention of WWF senior managers between 2014 and 2018. Reports shared by Survival International and RFUK, and then later supported by investigations carried out by consultants hired by WWF, detailed numerous and widespread allegations of rape and murder.
The report was particularly harsh in its findings on Salonga National Park, a sprawling 3.6-million-hectare (8.9-million-acre) tract of protected rainforest in the DRC that was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1984. WWF has worked in Salonga since 2005, and since 2015 has operated under a memorandum of understanding with the DRC agency in charge of protected wildlife reserves, L’Institut Congolais pour la Conservation de la Nature (ICCN), that authorizes it to act as co-manager of the park.
After a staff member at WWF DRC reported allegations of violence being committed by rangers working in Salonga in late 2016, the country office’s senior management team decided that a consultant should be hired to investigate in greater detail. But no follow-up action was taken, and when a staff member raised concerns over the failure with WWF’s regional head office for Africa, they were chastised by WWF DRC’s country director. (No names were provided in the report.)
The panel said the country director and another senior staff member in charge of WWF’s operations in Salonga believed the abuses were “not the responsibility of WWF and that ICCN would react negatively to an effort to investigate past human rights abuses.”
Subsequently, RFUK carried out a field investigation in 2018 along with APEM, a Congolese civil society group, where they visited 11 villages bordering Salonga. Of the 231 people surveyed during the mission, nearly one in four said they’d personally experienced physical violence at the hands of park rangers.
The testimony they collected included details of a gang rape committed against four women, two of whom were pregnant, by Salonga park rangers in 2015.
In response to RFUK’s findings, WWF International hired two local civil society groups to investigate the allegations. But according to the panel, they prevented those groups from determining whether there were abuses that had not yet been reported, instead limiting their investigation solely to incidents that had already surfaced.
One of those investigations, conducted in late 2019, was kept out of the public eye after researchers found evidence of “multiple instances of murder, rape, and torture committed by ecoguards.” In February 2020, WWF published a statement saying it had decided not to release the report “out of concern for the health and safety of the alleged victims.”
The panel said the suppression of the investigation was part of a broader pattern of WWF obscuring or downplaying the severity of allegations against rangers to the public — and, in some cases, even to its own board of directors.
When WWF hired a consultant to investigate abuses in Cameroon, for example, the final report described “widespread allegations” against park rangers and growing numbers of complaints. But by the time a briefing paper summarizing his findings was presented to WWF’s international board, it had been edited to leave out information about new allegations, instead portraying the abuses as having only occurred in years past.
In another case, a field report prepared by a consultant hired in 2017 to work on a proposed national park in the Republic of Congo was edited by WWF to remove a reference to Baka community members hiding in fear when they saw vehicles with WWF’s panda logo enter their village.
“Internally, WWF’s focus on promoting ‘good news’ seems to have led to a culture in which Programme Offices have been unwilling to share or escalate the full extent of their knowledge about allegations of human rights abuses because of concern about scaring off donors or offending state partners,” the panel wrote in its final report.
Indigenous Baka “Pygmies” in southeast Cameroon. Photo courtesy of Greenpeace / Markus Mauthe.
Steps toward reform?
While the panel’s report detailed years of haphazard and inadequate responses to allegations of abuses by park rangers, it also praised WWF for taking more recent steps toward incorporating human rights protections into its operations. In particular, it highlighted a nascent program in the Central African Republic where WWF provides support to a local human rights organization charged with receiving complaints of abuses by rangers. The panel said it was a model for how WWF could address abuses in other countries. WWF has said it is in the process of looking for a partner to implement a similar program in the DRC.
The report described local judicial processes in Central Africa that often failed to hold rangers accountable for abuses. Of six rangers who were tried for a gang rape in the DRC, for example, five were acquitted.
The panel urged WWF to use its leverage with host governments to proactively prevent abuses from happening in the first place, including by pushing for binding codes of conduct to be signed by rangers as well as stronger human rights provisions in future agreements with government agencies.
“WWF support to rangers should be tied to compliance with the Code of Conduct, which should be public and disseminated to indigenous peoples and local communities in their own languages,” it wrote.
In its management response, WWF says it will hire an ombudsperson who will report directly to its international board and will have the authority to investigate some allegations of abuse.
However, the panel expressed concerns about the limited authority that WWF envisions for the role, saying that as currently proposed it “will not make a judgment about the merits of a complaint and will not impose solutions or find fault.”
The panel said that so far none of WWF’s agreements with host countries have been amended to include stronger human rights protections, nor have codes of conduct been adopted for park rangers in the Congo Basin. And WWF has not yet established a promised new system to respond to allegations of mistreatment and abuse by rangers in Salonga, despite the severity of the abuses.
Late last year, WWF temporarily suspended its support for rangers in Salonga after a fisherman was found dead in the park. But funding was resumed after the case was referred to the DRC’s military tribunal, the legal body that holds jurisdiction over rangers.
In an email to Mongabay, a WWF spokesperson said it is “prepared to suspend our work” in Salonga if human rights benchmarks are not met by ICCN and rangers working there.
Aside from the 2018 RFUK field investigation, there has been no effort to comprehensively catalog the full extent of abuses suffered by communities living near Salonga. WWF has no plans to compensate local people who say they suffered abuses at the hands of rangers.
A wake-up call for the conservation world
While public furor over the scandal has been directed toward WWF, advocates say it is not the only conservation organization that has provided support to rangers accused of human rights abuses.
“This is something that’s going on throughout Africa, and it can’t continue,” said Stephen Corry, CEO of Survival International. “People are wising up to it now that it’s getting exposure.”
In the wake of Buzzfeed’s articles, legislators in the U.S. called for an investigation into whether aid money provided by the U.S. government had been used to support rangers that were implicated in abuse. More than $12 million in financing for conservation organizations working in the Congo Basin was suspended.
In October, the U.S. General Accountability Office, found that three grantees — WWF, the Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) and African Parks — had each been confronted by accusations of abuse by rangers in recent years. In response to the GAO’s investigation, the U.S. Department of the Interior announced in a September 2020 memo that it would cease funding conservation activities in the Congo Basin until “additional controls” were established, and that aid dollars could no longer be spent on supporting park rangers in the region.
The decision is a significant blow to WWF and WCS. According to the memo, the U.S. has given more than $150 million to WWF for “anti-poaching and park management” activities since 2004, with an additional $19 million provided to WCS for similar purposes since 2010.
In its response to the independent panel’s findings, WWF said it does not exercise operational control over park rangers, who are under the command and supervision of host governments.
In countries like the DRC, ensuring rangers follow human rights norms is “more challenging when there is conflict, weak governance, and weak rule of law,” a WWF spokesperson told Mongabay.
But advocates say that while they acknowledge the challenges that organizations like WWF face in working with local government agencies, they could still be doing far more to pressure those agencies to prioritize human rights standards, particularly through their control over funding.
“I know ICCN and how they operate, and I can only imagine the difficulties in that relationship,” Joe Eisen, executive director of RFUK, said in an interview. “But when it gets to a point where you’re not willing to speak truth to this stuff there’s something seriously, seriously wrong.”
While WWF and other large conservation organizations may not have direct operational control over rangers, staff members are often involved in strategic planning and furnish substantial portions of their salaries and equipment.
“The reason the rangers are there is because of the conservation project,” Corry said. “And the government wants those projects, because they bring in money.”
Organizations like WWF say they are in a difficult position. The remote, forested protected areas where they work are often home to dwindling populations of endangered species like chimpanzees and elephants. If they withdraw their support for those areas and the agencies that police them, they say those species and their habitats could be at higher risk of being exploited by logging and mining companies.
In addition, WWF says that pulling out of places like Salonga would have ripple effects for some of the communities they work in.
“WWF’s work includes community-based natural resource management, livelihood generation, governance, access rights, biodiversity monitoring, and wildlife management, all of which bring benefits to local communities. If that support is suspended, it can impact local communities,” a WWF spokesperson told Mongabay.
Critics say the issue is larger than a few bad apples in ranger outposts. In Central Africa, some protected areas may have been set up during the colonial era through forced evictions and land dispossession. Baka communities living in Cameroon and the Republic of Congo, for example, say that being closed off from the forest has made it harder for them to feed themselves and carry out their traditional spiritual practices.
The approach of barring local Indigenous communities from protected areas and policing them with armed rangers has been referred to in the past as “fortress conservation” — a model that WWF itself has publicly rejected for decades.
“It took a long time to get conservation groups to realize that fortress conservation couldn’t be the ultimate answer to this, and a lot of people still haven’t quite gotten there,” said Michael Wright, who served as WWF’s senior vice president for international programs between 1979 and 1994.
For outside audiences and donors, the term “poachers” often conjures up images of heavily armed gangs tracking and killing elephants. But trespassers in national parks are often impoverished local people looking to shoot game either to eat or sell in markets.
As a campaign to protect 30% of the planet’s wild spaces gains steam with conservation groups and national governments, Eisen says the issues that led to WWF’s scandal are becoming more urgent.
“It shows how risky that 30 percent is if we just do a little tinkering around the edges of the current model, which doesn’t work in Africa and parts of Asia,” he said.
Michael Sutton, executive director of the Goldman Environmental Foundation, says he hopes the scandal won’t lead to permanent funding shortfalls for WWF and other organizations. To reduce the likelihood of human rights abuses in the future, international organizations are going to have to be tougher on local government partners and Indigenous communities must be allowed a much more active role in protected area management, he said.
“When Indigenous people are given greater control of their own environment, they tend to take better care of it and accomplish more effective protection results,” he said. “It’s something we’ve learned over the years, and that we’re continuing to learn.”
*
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Featured image: ICCN park rangers on patrol in Garamba National Park in DRC in 2017. Photo by Thomas Nicolon for Mongabay.


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-09--Australia’s Coal Mines: Adani Was a Bad Investment in 2014. It’s an Even Worse One Now.

2020 has not been a good year for thermal coal .
Trends that were already underway have accelerated as a result of the pandemic .
As the energy source with the highest marginal cost of operation , coal has borne the brunt of reductions in electricity demand .
As a result , planned closures have been brought forward and new closures have been announced .
Financial institutions have announced ever more stringent divestiture policies , making new coal mines and coal-fired power stations increasingly uninsurable and unbankable .
Insurance premiums for new and existing coal projects have risen .
National @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , South Korea and Japan have announced plans to reach net zero emissions by 2050 or 2060 .
Reaching this target implies a rapid end to new coal projects , and an accelerated phase-out of existing ones .
It is striking , then , that emerging reports suggest that the State Bank of India ( SBI ) might lend $ 1 billion to Bravus , the absurdly renamed Adani Mining , to finance its Carmichael coal and rail project in the Galilee Basin .
A similar proposal , which reached the stage of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and rejected back in 2014 .
A source associated with the proposal has been quoted as saying the situation has changed : This is , at best , a half-truth .
Despite winning approvals and commencing construction , the mine is as controversial as ever .
Even if Bravus succeeds in shipping coal , the pressure to shut the project down will be relentless , and sooner or later , successful .
The toxicity of the project is such that even financial institutions without a strong general divestment policy have refused to touch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the proposed loan looks far worse than it did in 2014 , and not just because of the general decline of coal .
The original proposal was for a $ 6 billion dollar project , producing up to 60 million tonnes of coal a year by 2022 .
The exposure of SBI , as a senior secured lender , would have been a small fraction of the total project value .
In 2018 , however , Adani announced a revised project , with a cost of $ 2 billion , to produce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The proposed loan from SBI would amount to half the project ’ s value .
If the project falls short of its goals regarding output , sales price or cost efficiency , SBI will very likely be exposed to some of the loss .
The problems continue at the other end of the chain .
The project has always been envisaged as a “ pit to plug ” operation , with coal from Carmichael being delivered ( via Adani-owned railway , port and shipping ) to Adani ’ s power plants in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the proposed Godda power station , which has a contract to export power to Bangladesh at prices that aren ’ t competitive with low-cost renewable energy , or even with other coal-fired power .
Now that Bangladesh looks like abandoning or scaling back its coal-based strategy for domestic electricity generation , this contract could well be repudiated or renegotiated .
The only thing that has shifted in Adani ’ s favour is the domestic political situation in India .
In 2014 Narendra Modi was a populist demagogue , fond of cronyist politics , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy were functioning as checks on outright corruption .
During the Trump presidency , Modi has moved , like others of his kind , towards a personal dictatorship , where these constraints are weaker .
Perhaps he can push SBI to offer his good friend Gautam Adani a loan that is unlikely to be repaid .
However , it ’ s been some time since news leaked of the supposedly imminent decision on the loan .
Perhaps the board of SBI has seen sense .
Or perhaps the rumour was never solidly based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will simply fade away .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

2020 has not been a good year for thermal coal.
Trends that were already underway have accelerated as a result of the pandemic. As the energy source with the highest marginal cost of operation, coal has borne the brunt of reductions in electricity demand. As a result, planned closures have been brought forward and new closures have been announced.
Financial institutions have announced ever more stringent divestiture policies, making new coal mines and coal-fired power stations increasingly uninsurable and unbankable. Insurance premiums for new and existing coal projects have risen.
National governments including major coal consumers like China, South Korea and Japan have announced plans to reach net zero emissions by 2050 or 2060. Reaching this target implies a rapid end to new coal projects, and an accelerated phase-out of existing ones.
It is striking, then, that emerging reports suggest that the State Bank of India (SBI) might lend $1 billion to Bravus, the absurdly renamed Adani Mining, to finance its Carmichael coal and rail project in the Galilee Basin. A similar proposal, which reached the stage of a memorandum of understanding, was considered and rejected back in 2014.
A source associated with the proposal has been quoted as saying the situation has changed:
Much water has flowed in the last five to six years. The concerns raised in 2014 are no longer there. Most of the local regulatory approvals are in place and the company is expected to start producing coal from 2021 onward.
This is, at best, a half-truth. Despite winning approvals and commencing construction, the mine is as controversial as ever. Even if Bravus succeeds in shipping coal, the pressure to shut the project down will be relentless, and sooner or later, successful. The toxicity of the project is such that even financial institutions without a strong general divestment policy have refused to touch it.
Considered as a commercial investment, the proposed loan looks far worse than it did in 2014, and not just because of the general decline of coal. The original proposal was for a $6 billion dollar project, producing up to 60 million tonnes of coal a year by 2022. The exposure of SBI, as a senior secured lender, would have been a small fraction of the total project value.
In 2018, however, Adani announced a revised project, with a cost of $2 billion, to produce 10 million tonnes of coal a year. The proposed loan from SBI would amount to half the project’s value. If the project falls short of its goals regarding output, sales price or cost efficiency, SBI will very likely be exposed to some of the loss.
The problems continue at the other end of the chain. The project has always been envisaged as a “pit to plug” operation, with coal from Carmichael being delivered (via Adani-owned railway, port and shipping) to Adani’s power plants in India.
The most important candidate is the proposed Godda power station, which has a contract to export power to Bangladesh at prices that aren’t competitive with low-cost renewable energy, or even with other coal-fired power. Now that Bangladesh looks like abandoning or scaling back its coal-based strategy for domestic electricity generation, this contract could well be repudiated or renegotiated.
The only thing that has shifted in Adani’s favour is the domestic political situation in India. In 2014 Narendra Modi was a populist demagogue, fond of cronyist politics, but most of the institutions of Indian democracy were functioning as checks on outright corruption. During the Trump presidency, Modi has moved, like others of his kind, towards a personal dictatorship, where these constraints are weaker.
Perhaps he can push SBI to offer his good friend Gautam Adani a loan that is unlikely to be repaid.
However, it’s been some time since news leaked of the supposedly imminent decision on the loan. Perhaps the board of SBI has seen sense. Or perhaps the rumour was never solidly based. With luck, the whole idea will simply fade away.
*
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-09--India’s Gulf Strategy Is Chasing Chinese Phantoms

The Chinese statement of December 2 at the United Nations General Assembly in New York on the ‘ Question of Palestine and the Situation in the Middle East ’ should trigger introspection in New Delhi .
Without doubt , this must be one of the most forceful endorsements of the Palestinian cause in recent times by a great power .
It comes at a time when the narrative in India , scripted by the pro-US , pro-Israeli lobbyists in the media , has crystallised that Palestine cause is dead and India must ‘ move on ’ .
The government , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paying lip service to the Palestinian problem but it can not deceive onlookers .
Beijing , taking a diametrically opposite stance , places the Palestine cause “ at the heart of Middle East situation , ” impacting regional peace .
The Chinese statement hails President Xi Jinping ’ s congratulatory message on the occasion of the International Day of solidarity with Palestinian people on December 1 reiterating that “ China firmly supports the just cause of the Palestinian people to restore their legitimate national rights , as well as all the efforts conducive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue.
” Has Prime Minister Narendra Modi greeted the Palestinian people ?
Doubtful .
Certainly , it was no less important to do so than telephoning Boris Johnson , the prime minister of Britain , our erstwhile colonial master , to personally invite him as the chief guest at the Republic Day celebrations in January 2022 .
Contrary to the Indian narrative , in the Chinese understanding , Palestine-Israel relations are “ becoming increasingly tense and the peace process is dragging on in difficulty , and the risk of regional conflict is on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ divergence here between the Indian and Chinese reading of the Middle Eastern tea leaves .
The Modi government identifies the Abraham Accords as a defining moment .
The External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar went out of the way to hail the Abraham Accords and to follow up with a tour of Manama and Abu Dhabi last week .
He literally followed the US Secretary Mike Pompeo ’ s footfalls .
However , China insists that the “ two-state solution is a bottom line of international justice , there ’ s no going against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resolutions , the land for peace principle , and the two-state solution… are important parameters in the Middle East peace process… ( and ) are the basis for solving the Palestinian question , and should be duly observed and implemented.
” The Chinese statement calls on both sides to “ seek an early solution to the issue of the occupied Palestinian territory pursuant to the relevant UN resolutions , delineate the final Palestine-Israel border through peace talks , and refrain from any action that might fuel the tensions.
” China has welcomed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international peace conference early next year .
Indirectly referring to the killing of the Iranian scientist recently , the Chinese statement concludes , The contrast couldn ’ t be sharper .
There is deafening silence in Delhi apropos of the state-sponsored terrorism by Israel in Iran , notwithstanding the chorus of condemnation by India ’ s extended neighobourhood of the killing of the Iranian scientist — Afghanistan , Pakistan , Saudi Arabia , UAE , Kuwait , Oman , Qatar , Jordan , Turkey , etc .
This stunning silence grates against breast-beating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in France .
On December 7 , Modi telephoned French president Emmanuel Macron to convey his condolences for the “ terror attacks ” in France and to reiterate India ’ s “ full support ” to that country in its “ fight against terrorism , extremism and radicalism.
” Make no mistake , China is positioning itself on the right side of history even as a US retrenchment is commencing in the Middle East .
What the one-dimensional policymakers in Delhi fail to grasp is that China is crafting a ‘ win-win ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China is discussing the draft of a 25-year strategic cooperation deal with Iran envisaging cooperation to the tune of $ 400 billion over a twenty-five year period .
Essentially , China has a significant economic incentive and is quietly preparing itself to play a larger role in the Middle East diplomacy that explicitly rejects US unilateralism abroad .
Given the serious doubts over the capacity of the Joe Biden presidency to push through a game changing accord with Iran , China hopes to get space to get more directly involved in Tehran ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing .
Again , Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi recently unveiled an initiative to help resolve security issues facing the Gulf region and the Middle East through political and diplomatic means while also safeguarding the Iran nuclear deal .
Wang did this after meeting with the visiting Iranian counterpart Javed Zarif at Tengchong , Yunnan province , on October 10 .
This proposal devolving upon a regional multilateral dialogue platform is intended as a key template of a series of rapid Chinese policy shifts towards diplomatic intervention in the Middle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , while implicitly competing with the US ’ recent moves , such as the Abraham Accords , outflanks them .
Interestingly , Wang underscored that nations taking part in the new Middle East forum would be required to sign onto the Iran nuclear deal .
Now , all this must be seen in the backdrop of the Middle Eastern leaderships increasingly pivoting towards China as a strategic partner , including Saudi Arabia and the UAE .
China ’ s achievement of diversified regional partnerships is astounding — in terms of planned investments to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the region .
Reports have appeared that in October , Saudi Arabia ’ s National Centre for Artificial Intelligence signed agreements with Chinese companies Huawei Technologies Co. and Alibaba Cloud as part of its new AI strategy .
At the other extreme , China is widely perceived as the leading candidate to rebuild Syria ’ s drastically damaged infrastructure after the long years of war .
Estimates of the cost of rebuilding Syria range from from a modest $ 200 billion to more pessimistic forecasts in the region of $ 1 trillion .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ reliance on the Middle East ’ s energy supply , which is an anchor sheet of its regional diplomacy .
Meanwhile , the China-Arab States Political Parties Dialogue is a relatively new platform that includes 60 leaders from political parties across the Arab states , including Assad and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas , which meshes with a larger matrix that China hopes to lead .
Fundamentally , China ’ s diplomatic exchanges in the Middle East are motivated by its long-term economic rise .
Put differently , China ’ s economic ambitions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accessory – to its foreign policy decision-making .
Quintessentially , this is the difference between the Indian and Chinese approaches to the Gulf .
The China-Middle East forum projects a diplomatic agenda rather than advancing a geopolitical agenda .
Jaishankar ’ s exciting trip to Manama , Abu Dhabi and Victoria , on the other hand , was directed against China ’ s perceived interventionist agenda in the Arabian Gulf and western Indian Ocean , where none really exists , which essentially views the region as a proxy for US-China tensions .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be wasteful , unproductive and ultimately unsustainable — and can not be any different in its outcome from the predicament that the US is encountering vis-a-vis the ASEAN .
The text of the Chinese statement at the UNGA is here .
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The Chinese statement of December 2 at the United Nations General Assembly in New York on the ‘Question of Palestine and the Situation in the Middle East’ should trigger introspection in New Delhi. Without doubt, this must be one of the most forceful endorsements of the Palestinian cause in recent times by a great power.
It comes at a time when the narrative in India, scripted by the pro-US, pro-Israeli lobbyists in the media, has crystallised that Palestine cause is dead and India must ‘move on’. The government, of course, indulges in dissimulation, paying lip service to the Palestinian problem but it cannot deceive onlookers.
Beijing, taking a diametrically opposite stance, places the Palestine cause “at the heart of Middle East situation,” impacting regional peace. The Chinese statement hails President Xi Jinping’s congratulatory message on the occasion of the International Day of solidarity with Palestinian people on December 1 reiterating that “China firmly supports the just cause of the Palestinian people to restore their legitimate national rights, as well as all the efforts conducive to the peaceful settlement of the Palestinian issue.”
Has Prime Minister Narendra Modi greeted the Palestinian people? Doubtful. Certainly, it was no less important to do so than telephoning Boris Johnson, the prime minister of Britain, our erstwhile colonial master, to personally invite him as the chief guest at the Republic Day celebrations in January 2022.
Contrary to the Indian narrative, in the Chinese understanding, Palestine-Israel relations are “becoming increasingly tense and the peace process is dragging on in difficulty, and the risk of regional conflict is on the rise.” There is a fundamental divergence here between the Indian and Chinese reading of the Middle Eastern tea leaves.
The Modi government identifies the Abraham Accords as a defining moment. The External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar went out of the way to hail the Abraham Accords and to follow up with a tour of Manama and Abu Dhabi last week. He literally followed the US Secretary Mike Pompeo’s footfalls.
However, China insists that the “two-state solution is a bottom line of international justice, there’s no going against the tide of history… The relevant UN resolutions, the land for peace principle, and the two-state solution… are important parameters in the Middle East peace process… (and) are the basis for solving the Palestinian question, and should be duly observed and implemented.”
The Chinese statement calls on both sides to “seek an early solution to the issue of the occupied Palestinian territory pursuant to the relevant UN resolutions, delineate the final Palestine-Israel border through peace talks, and refrain from any action that might fuel the tensions.”
China has welcomed the proposal of President Abbas to convene an international peace conference early next year. Indirectly referring to the killing of the Iranian scientist recently, the Chinese statement concludes,
“The tension has flared up back again in the Gulf, causing grave worries and concern. China is against any act that aggravates the regional tension and undermines regional peace and stability. China urges the parties concerned to make joint efforts to ease tension and maintain peace and stability in the region.”
The contrast couldn’t be sharper. There is deafening silence in Delhi apropos of the state-sponsored terrorism by Israel in Iran, notwithstanding the chorus of condemnation by India’s extended neighobourhood of the killing of the Iranian scientist — Afghanistan, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Jordan, Turkey, etc.
This stunning silence grates against breast-beating by the Modi government over recent killings in France. On December 7, Modi telephoned French president Emmanuel Macron to convey his condolences for the “terror attacks” in France and to reiterate India’s “full support” to that country in its “fight against terrorism, extremism and radicalism.”
Make no mistake, China is positioning itself on the right side of history even as a US retrenchment is commencing in the Middle East. What the one-dimensional policymakers in Delhi fail to grasp is that China is crafting a ‘win-win’ approach.
It is no secret that China is discussing the draft of a 25-year strategic cooperation deal with Iran envisaging cooperation to the tune of $400 billion over a twenty-five year period. Essentially, China has a significant economic incentive and is quietly preparing itself to play a larger role in the Middle East diplomacy that explicitly rejects US unilateralism abroad.
Given the serious doubts over the capacity of the Joe Biden presidency to push through a game changing accord with Iran, China hopes to get space to get more directly involved in Tehran’s diplomatic affairs. This is one thing.
Again, Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi recently unveiled an initiative to help resolve security issues facing the Gulf region and the Middle East through political and diplomatic means while also safeguarding the Iran nuclear deal. Wang did this after meeting with the visiting Iranian counterpart Javed Zarif at Tengchong, Yunnan province, on October 10.
This proposal devolving upon a regional multilateral dialogue platform is intended as a key template of a series of rapid Chinese policy shifts towards diplomatic intervention in the Middle East in the recent period, which, while implicitly competing with the US’ recent moves, such as the Abraham Accords, outflanks them. Interestingly, Wang underscored that nations taking part in the new Middle East forum would be required to sign onto the Iran nuclear deal.
Now, all this must be seen in the backdrop of the Middle Eastern leaderships increasingly pivoting towards China as a strategic partner, including Saudi Arabia and the UAE. China’s achievement of diversified regional partnerships is astounding — in terms of planned investments to support ambitious infrastructure and technology initiatives in the region.
Reports have appeared that in October, Saudi Arabia’s National Centre for Artificial Intelligence signed agreements with Chinese companies Huawei Technologies Co. and Alibaba Cloud as part of its new AI strategy. At the other extreme, China is widely perceived as the leading candidate to rebuild Syria’s drastically damaged infrastructure after the long years of war. Estimates of the cost of rebuilding Syria range from from a modest $200 billion to more pessimistic forecasts in the region of $1 trillion.
Indeed, China continues to deepen its reliance on the Middle East’s energy supply, which is an anchor sheet of its regional diplomacy. Meanwhile, the China-Arab States Political Parties Dialogue is a relatively new platform that includes 60 leaders from political parties across the Arab states, including Assad and Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas, which meshes with a larger matrix that China hopes to lead.
Fundamentally, China’s diplomatic exchanges in the Middle East are motivated by its long-term economic rise. Put differently, China’s economic ambitions remain the backbone – rather than an accessory – to its foreign policy decision-making.
Quintessentially, this is the difference between the Indian and Chinese approaches to the Gulf. The China-Middle East forum projects a diplomatic agenda rather than advancing a geopolitical agenda.
Jaishankar’s exciting trip to Manama, Abu Dhabi and Victoria, on the other hand, was directed against China’s perceived interventionist agenda in the Arabian Gulf and western Indian Ocean, where none really exists, which essentially views the region as a proxy for US-China tensions. It is deeply flawed and is fated to be wasteful, unproductive and ultimately unsustainable — and cannot be any different in its outcome from the predicament that the US is encountering vis-a-vis the ASEAN.
The text of the Chinese statement at the UNGA is here.
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