asiapacificresearch--2020-12-18--As Bangladesh Hosts over a Million Rohingya Refugees, a Scholar Explains What Motivated the Country

As Bangladesh Hosts over a Million Rohingya Refugees, a Scholar Explains What Motivated the Country to Open Up Its Borders

Over 1.1 million Rohingyas continue to remain stranded in crowded camps in Bangladesh while the international community fails to provide a resolution to the crisis .
When in 2017 this lower-middle-income , majority Muslim country opened its borders to the Rohingya fleeing ethnic cleansing in Myanmar , they were largely welcomed .
Bangladesh ’ s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina stated back then : It wasn ’ t just the government .
Many private citizens came forward to offer assistance .
Existing data indicates that 86 % of residents in Teknaf , which is the closest administrative region to the Rakhine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were involved in providing emergency relief and housing to the new arrivals .
In an era when many rich nations have tried to stop the entry of refugees , Bangladesh ’ s decision to accept refugees in the early days of the crisis could seem puzzling .
A scholar of refugees and forced migration , I spent the summer of 2019 in Bangladesh to understand the forces that shaped this initial humanitarian response .
My ongoing research indicates that many factors played a critical role in Bangladesh ’ s political decision to host @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s cultural and religious identity , which centers around ideas of community and responding to those in need .
Interviews conducted with political leaders , NGOs and local volunteers revealed that the shared Islamic faith and the Muslim identity of many of the Bangladeshis and the vast majority of the Rohingya galvanized humanitarian assistance in two specific ways .
First , the Islamic concepts of “ zakat , ” obligatory charity , which is one of the five pillars of Islam , and that of “ sadaqa , ” or voluntary charity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to offer emergency assistance .
Both these concepts emphasize the imperative to give to those in need .
Religious leaders also used these concepts to encourage donations .
In her 2019 address to the United Nations , Prime Minister Hasina referred to humanitarianism in Islam to explain her border policy .
Second , the fact that the Muslim Rohingya in particular were being persecuted because of their faith compounded the sense of urgency among those who identified as Muslim to assist the Rohingya .
While the vast majority of the Rohingya who fled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Hindu and Christian Rohingya who arrived with the influx also received emergency assistance and shelter .
However , not all those who were interviewed invoked religion to explain their actions .
A medical volunteer interviewed for the research said , “ Why did we respond ?
Because it was … the moral thing to do , the humanitarian thing to do .
Why shouldn ’ t we ?
The crisis had literally arrived at our house .
How could we even think of turning them away ?
” A recurrent theme in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ culture with its focus on sharing one ’ s resources with others in need .
Furthermore , like many other countries in Latin America , Asia , Africa , and Oceania , which are commonly referred to as the global south , Bangladesh has historically had a fluid border – with Myanmar and India .
People move across these borders for agricultural purposes .
Marriages between Rohingya and Bangladeshis have been common , and the local population and the Rohingya are able to understand one another ’ s languages .
According to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believed that the local integration of the Rohingya is possible given that the vast majority of the local population and the Rohingya share many religious , cultural and linguistic practices .
The legacy of a painful past also played a role for many Bangladeshis .
In 1971 , during Bangladesh ’ s war of independence from then West Pakistan ( now Pakistan ) 10 million Bengalis sought refuge in India to escape a campaign of genocide by the then West Pakistan military .
A number of those interviewed for my research underscored the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a catalyst for explaining Bangladesh ’ s decision to open its borders .
Prime Minister Hasina invoked this history in her 2017 address at the United Nations .
She talked about her own experience as a refugee following the 1975 assassination of her father , Sheikh Mujibur Rahman .
Known as the “ Father of the Nation , ” Mujibur Rahman played a key role in Bangladeshi ’ s independence movement .
A researcher of Bangladesh ’ s independence struggle stated , “ The loss she suffered with the assassination of her whole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abroad at the time , and the inability to return to her country following the tragedy has had a lasting impact on her life … something about the desperation of those people connected with her on a very personal level and she wanted to do something to help.
” In recent years , Bangladesh has demonstrated a growing interest in matters of international peace and security .
It has received awards from the United Nations for fighting climate change and meeting goals of its immunization program , and it remains the largest contributor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Bangladesh has submitted three proposals at the United Nations General Assembly to address the Rohingya crisis , including in 2019 , drawing support from Rohingya activists .
Bangladesh , however , is not a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention , the post-World War II legal document that defines the term “ refugee , ” the obligations of states to protect them , including not returning any individual to a country where they would face torture , or degrading treatment .
Instead , Bangladesh refers to the Rohingya as Forcibly Displaced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ means that , officially , the Rohingya do not have a legally protected status in Bangladesh .
Nevertheless , low-and middle-income countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh , which are not state parties to the convention , are among the largest refugee-hosting countries in the world .
However , in recent times , as the Rohingya situation becomes more protracted , Bangladesh is starting to face internal tensions as prospects for repatriation become less likely .
The large refugee population has imposed significant infrastructural , social , financial and environmental pressures and has raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue in an overpopulated country .
My research further indicated that the significant presence of international NGOs in the Cox ’ s Bazar area , home to the world ’ s largest refugee camp , is impacting the local economy by driving up prices .
Local tensions have emerged over government and international aid that has been largely geared toward the Rohingya .
In a change of tone , at a three-day Dhaka Global Dialogue in 2019 , Prime Minister Hasina referred to the Rohingya as a “ threat to the security ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bangladesh began building barbed-wire fencing and installing watchtowers around the camps , citing security concerns .
A restriction on access to high-speed internet in the camps was imposed but recently lifted .
With the emergence of COVID-19 in the camps , additional challenges have emerged .
These have included the spread of infection in cramped camps that lack access to water and testing as well as limited understanding about the virus .
Meanwhile , Myanmar ’ s reluctance to ensure a safe return for the Rohingya , and the realities of COVID-19 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dim .
As Bangladesh grapples with the pandemic while serving as one of the world ’ s largest refugee host countries , it serves as a reminder of the disproportionate responsibility carried by low-income countries of hosting refugees and the challenges therein .
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Credits to the owner of the featured image

Over 1.1 million Rohingyas continue to remain stranded in crowded camps in Bangladesh while the international community fails to provide a resolution to the crisis.
When in 2017 this lower-middle-income, majority Muslim country opened its borders to the Rohingya fleeing ethnic cleansing in Myanmar, they were largely welcomed. Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina stated back then:
“We have the ability to feed 160 million people of Bangladesh and we have enough food security to feed the 700,000 refugees.”
It wasn’t just the government. Many private citizens came forward to offer assistance. Existing data indicates that 86% of residents in Teknaf, which is the closest administrative region to the Rakhine state from which most Rohingya originate, were involved in providing emergency relief and housing to the new arrivals.
In an era when many rich nations have tried to stop the entry of refugees, Bangladesh’s decision to accept refugees in the early days of the crisis could seem puzzling.
A scholar of refugees and forced migration, I spent the summer of 2019 in Bangladesh to understand the forces that shaped this initial humanitarian response.
Faith and morality
My ongoing research indicates that many factors played a critical role in Bangladesh’s political decision to host the Rohingya, including the country’s cultural and religious identity, which centers around ideas of community and responding to those in need.
Interviews conducted with political leaders, NGOs and local volunteers revealed that the shared Islamic faith and the Muslim identity of many of the Bangladeshis and the vast majority of the Rohingya galvanized humanitarian assistance in two specific ways.
First, the Islamic concepts of “zakat,” obligatory charity, which is one of the five pillars of Islam, and that of “sadaqa,” or voluntary charity, played crucial roles in motivating private citizens to offer emergency assistance. Both these concepts emphasize the imperative to give to those in need.
Religious leaders also used these concepts to encourage donations. In her 2019 address to the United Nations, Prime Minister Hasina referred to humanitarianism in Islam to explain her border policy.
Second, the fact that the Muslim Rohingya in particular were being persecuted because of their faith compounded the sense of urgency among those who identified as Muslim to assist the Rohingya.
While the vast majority of the Rohingya who fled to Bangladesh were Muslim, smaller numbers of Hindu and Christian Rohingya who arrived with the influx also received emergency assistance and shelter.
However, not all those who were interviewed invoked religion to explain their actions. A medical volunteer interviewed for the research said, “Why did we respond? Because it was … the moral thing to do, the humanitarian thing to do. Why shouldn’t we? The crisis had literally arrived at our house. How could we even think of turning them away?”
Role of culture and history
A recurrent theme in my research was the emphasis around Bangladeshi culture with its focus on sharing one’s resources with others in need. Furthermore, like many other countries in Latin America, Asia, Africa, and Oceania, which are commonly referred to as the global south, Bangladesh has historically had a fluid border – with Myanmar and India.
People move across these borders for agricultural purposes. Marriages between Rohingya and Bangladeshis have been common, and the local population and the Rohingya are able to understand one another’s languages.
According to a 2018 survey, 81% of respondents believed that the local integration of the Rohingya is possible given that the vast majority of the local population and the Rohingya share many religious, cultural and linguistic practices.
Memories of past trauma
The legacy of a painful past also played a role for many Bangladeshis. In 1971, during Bangladesh’s war of independence from then West Pakistan (now Pakistan) 10 million Bengalis sought refuge in India to escape a campaign of genocide by the then West Pakistan military.
A number of those interviewed for my research underscored the historical memory of this event as being a catalyst for explaining Bangladesh’s decision to open its borders.
Prime Minister Hasina invoked this history in her 2017 address at the United Nations. She talked about her own experience as a refugee following the 1975 assassination of her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Known as the “Father of the Nation,” Mujibur Rahman played a key role in Bangladeshi’s independence movement.
A researcher of Bangladesh’s independence struggle stated, “The loss she suffered with the assassination of her whole family except her one sister who was abroad at the time, and the inability to return to her country following the tragedy has had a lasting impact on her life … something about the desperation of those people connected with her on a very personal level and she wanted to do something to help.”
Leadership in uncertain times
In recent years, Bangladesh has demonstrated a growing interest in matters of international peace and security. It has received awards from the United Nations for fighting climate change and meeting goals of its immunization program, and it remains the largest contributor to U.N. peacekeeping operations.
Since 2017, Bangladesh has submitted three proposals at the United Nations General Assembly to address the Rohingya crisis, including in 2019, drawing support from Rohingya activists.
Bangladesh, however, is not a state party to the 1951 Refugee Convention, the post-World War II legal document that defines the term “refugee,” the obligations of states to protect them, including not returning any individual to a country where they would face torture, or degrading treatment.
Instead, Bangladesh refers to the Rohingya as Forcibly Displaced Myanmar Nationals (FDMNs). This means that, officially, the Rohingya do not have a legally protected status in Bangladesh.
Nevertheless, low-and middle-income countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh, which are not state parties to the convention, are among the largest refugee-hosting countries in the world.
Disproportionate burden
However, in recent times, as the Rohingya situation becomes more protracted, Bangladesh is starting to face internal tensions as prospects for repatriation become less likely.
The large refugee population has imposed significant infrastructural, social, financial and environmental pressures and has raised concerns about land insecurity – a serious issue in an overpopulated country.
My research further indicated that the significant presence of international NGOs in the Cox’s Bazar area, home to the world’s largest refugee camp, is impacting the local economy by driving up prices. Local tensions have emerged over government and international aid that has been largely geared toward the Rohingya.
In a change of tone, at a three-day Dhaka Global Dialogue in 2019, Prime Minister Hasina referred to the Rohingya as a “threat to the security” of the region. In 2020, Bangladesh began building barbed-wire fencing and installing watchtowers around the camps, citing security concerns. A restriction on access to high-speed internet in the camps was imposed but recently lifted.
With the emergence of COVID-19 in the camps, additional challenges have emerged. These have included the spread of infection in cramped camps that lack access to water and testing as well as limited understanding about the virus.
Meanwhile, Myanmar’s reluctance to ensure a safe return for the Rohingya, and the realities of COVID-19, have made the prospects of repatriation increasingly dim.
As Bangladesh grapples with the pandemic while serving as one of the world’s largest refugee host countries, it serves as a reminder of the disproportionate responsibility carried by low-income countries of hosting refugees and the challenges therein.
*
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Credits to the owner of the featured image


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-19--Why Japan Lags in the COVID-19 Vaccine Race

For readers who might wish to compare its message with the usual image of a competent Japanese pharmaceutical industry – one that remains among the largest in the world after the US and China , with a world market share of approximately 7 % – here ’ s a recent news item Asia Times asked me to unpack : Japan-made coronavirus vaccines may not be available until 2022 .
Coronavirus vaccines developed in Japan are unlikely to become available for practical use until at least 2022 , according to industry officials .
Only one company in Japan is conducting a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead the development of vaccines because know-how has been accumulated even in peacetime from the perspective of national security , an official at a major Japanese pharmaceutical firm said .
The disconnect between past successes and current acceptance of lack of know-how needn ’ t be all that mystifying .
Industry sources paint the big picture for us : The pharmaceutical market in Japan has shown small growth rates in the past years .
A complex regulatory and pricing process , as well as the regular price cuts , have made it difficult @ @ @ @ @ @ @ products .
Another reason for the stagnant market is the promotion of generic drugs adopted by the government since 2007 in order to reduce the healthcare expenditures in Japan .
The volume share of generics has more than doubled during the last decade and is still on the rise .
This could partially explain why Japan apparently will be relying at first on foreign vaccines , with Pfizer and AstraZeneca both reportedly running tests in the country .
That said , I have additional thoughts addressing the cited news story – including what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the one about a “ national security ” angle that is said to have kept the Japanese industry from acquiring know-how .
Does that mean the Japanese government has not been pushing companies to develop such know-how while governments in some other countries have ?
My short answer : Yes , but what ’ s new ?
This , after all , is post-World War II Japan .
• The most cost-effective way to hold down Covid-19 is a mask .
Japan has one of the highest mask-wearing rates and one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fewer than 3,000 died in the past 12 months out of a population of 126,000,000 .
• Yes , you still get waves .
The current third wave is peaking and cases should drop toward January , but the fourth wave should be in March .
But we are not talking millions of cases and hundreds of thousands of deaths as in other countries that can not keep their masks on .
Japan ’ s strategy of using masks to buy time has worked very well .
• A 100-yen mask probably has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by over 95 % of the community .
That ’ s almost as good an outcome you ’ d get from a messenger RNA-based vaccine refrigerated at minus 80 degrees centigrade and inoculated at 5,000 yen per arm – twice .
• Unlike Taiwan , South Korea and Hong Kong , Japan did not experience MERS or SARS .
The nation thinks it is a first-world nation that practices first-rate public hygiene .
Complacency ?
Yes , some of that .
But common sense says : Wear a mask .
• National security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last F4 Phantom , a Vietnam-era relic , just last month ?
Again complacency ?
Yes , some of that .
But common sense , too .
It is not the vintage of the jet that counts .
In a truly defense-only strategy it is the kill rate of the anti-aircraft missile , whether launched from a stealthy F35 or from a shoulder of an illiterate teenager .
Think mask .
• Japanese scientists would be the first to acknowledge that Japan is behind the front line pharmas of the US and EU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The nation is still allergic to recombinant technology whether it be for food or medicine .
Blame that on the Ministry of Education .
• Japanese medical professionals would be the first to complain that the Health Ministry has a tendency to take its time approving anything new .
This is the legacy of thalidomide , HIV-infected supplements for hemophiliacs and other missteps in the past .
The nation rewards caution more than it rewards those first across the ever-changing finish line .
• How a society addresses its technological challenges is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could not use ballpoint pens ( patented in 1888 ) in low-gravity space ; they asked for a new technology .
How did the Russian cosmonauts address the issue ?
Pencils .
• While we wait for the vaccine , wear a mask .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
A retired Tokyo-based analyst for a major US investment bank , Matt Aizawa now crunches numbers beside @ @ @ @ @ @ @

For readers who might wish to compare its message with the usual image of a competent Japanese pharmaceutical industry – one that remains among the largest in the world after the US and China, with a world market share of approximately 7% – here’s a recent news item Asia Times asked me to unpack:
Japan-made coronavirus vaccines may not be available until 2022. Coronavirus vaccines developed in Japan are unlikely to become available for practical use until at least 2022, according to industry officials. Only one company in Japan is conducting a trial of a vaccine. Foreign rivals lead the development of vaccines because know-how has been accumulated even in peacetime from the perspective of national security, an official at a major Japanese pharmaceutical firm said.
“We can make a vaccine for another coronavirus pandemic swiftly if we accumulate know-how,” a KM Biologics official said.
The disconnect between past successes and current acceptance of lack of know-how needn’t be all that mystifying.
Industry sources paint the big picture for us:
The pharmaceutical market in Japan has shown small growth rates in the past years. A complex regulatory and pricing process, as well as the regular price cuts, have made it difficult for pharmaceutical companies to introduce new innovative products. Another reason for the stagnant market is the promotion of generic drugs adopted by the government since 2007 in order to reduce the healthcare expenditures in Japan. The volume share of generics has more than doubled during the last decade and is still on the rise.
This could partially explain why Japan apparently will be relying at first on foreign vaccines, with Pfizer and AstraZeneca both reportedly running tests in the country.
That said, I have additional thoughts addressing the cited news story – including what may be its most provocative sentence, the one about a “national security” angle that is said to have kept the Japanese industry from acquiring know-how.
Does that mean the Japanese government has not been pushing companies to develop such know-how while governments in some other countries have?
My short answer: Yes, but what’s new? This, after all, is post-World War II Japan.
My slightly longer answers:
The most cost-effective way to hold down Covid-19 is a mask. Japan has one of the highest mask-wearing rates and one of the lowest death rates from Covid 19: fewer than 3,000 died in the past 12 months out of a population of 126,000,000.
Yes, you still get waves. The current third wave is peaking and cases should drop toward January, but the fourth wave should be in March. But we are not talking millions of cases and hundreds of thousands of deaths as in other countries that cannot keep their masks on. Japan’s strategy of using masks to buy time has worked very well.
A 100-yen mask probably has more than 90% efficacy if worn by over 95% of the community. That’s almost as good an outcome you’d get from a messenger RNA-based vaccine refrigerated at minus 80 degrees centigrade and inoculated at 5,000 yen per arm – twice.
Unlike Taiwan, South Korea and Hong Kong, Japan did not experience MERS or SARS. The nation thinks it is a first-world nation that practices first-rate public hygiene. Complacency? Yes, some of that. But common sense says: Wear a mask.
National security considerations for a country that retired its last F4 Phantom, a Vietnam-era relic, just last month? Again complacency? Yes, some of that. But common sense, too. It is not the vintage of the jet that counts. In a truly defense-only strategy it is the kill rate of the anti-aircraft missile, whether launched from a stealthy F35 or from a shoulder of an illiterate teenager. Think mask.
Japanese scientists would be the first to acknowledge that Japan is behind the front line pharmas of the US and EU when it comes to DNA/RNA based pharmaceuticals. The nation is still allergic to recombinant technology whether it be for food or medicine. Blame that on the Ministry of Education.
Japanese medical professionals would be the first to complain that the Health Ministry has a tendency to take its time approving anything new. This is the legacy of thalidomide, HIV-infected supplements for hemophiliacs and other missteps in the past. The nation rewards caution more than it rewards those first across the ever-changing finish line.
How a society addresses its technological challenges is revealing. American astronauts discovered that they could not use ballpoint pens (patented in 1888) in low-gravity space; they asked for a new technology. How did the Russian cosmonauts address the issue? Pencils.
While we wait for the vaccine, wear a mask.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
A retired Tokyo-based analyst for a major US investment bank, Matt Aizawa now crunches numbers beside a lake north of the city.
Featured image is from https://www.vperemen.com


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-20--First Duterte Crushed Marawi, Now He Is Ignoring It

Six months after the end of the 2017 battle of Marawi in the southern Philippines , residents were allowed into ground zero for just a few hours to retrieve whatever they could of their possessions destroyed in the five months of fighting and bombing .
But they could not return , until today , to their ruined lakeside city , to pick up the pieces of their lives .
Over time , this officially Islamic city in the southern island of Mindanao has turned into a surreal desert of rubble , where vegetation has slowly crept through the shattered houses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patches of eggplants , squash , tomatoes ; an outgrowth of green covered a section of the battle area once occupied by houses .
For more than three years now , the painful memories of that battle , the longest and largest seen in decades of Muslim insurgency , have gradually receded .
The gaping wound that remains is the fate of the shrinking land of Muslim Mindanao in this Catholic-majority country .
It turns out that Manila ’ s promises to rebuild and rehabilitate were mostly empty .
After first offering a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something akin to Dubai , the task force overseeing the former battle area of 250 hectares has moved at a snail ’ s pace and has achieved little more than setting up some maritime outposts by the shore .
The few mosques that have been rebuilt were completed thanks to private donors .
President Rodrigo Duterte was telling the truth when he taunted the rebels to , “ go ahead , do it , ” prior to the attack on Marawi .
Two millennial brothers of the Maute family , from their hideout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ City , had aligned themselves with Islamic State and recruited hundreds of youths with the promise of creating a new province .
They were all killed in the battle , which saw over 1,000 people killed .
All hopes of improving the miserable situation of the nearly 50,000 families who lost their homes have now fallen on the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao , or BARMM , that was created in early 2019 .
But it too had a slow start in forming a parliament mainly hand-picked by Duterte to make laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considered to be the poorest in the country .
Its leaders kept their distance from the task force in the Marawi aftermath , wary of being drawn into allegations of corruption and lack of transparency .
More than anything , the aftereffects of the battle are threatening to explode the ancient issues of land ownership that has been the core grievance raised by generations of minority Muslim Filipinos .
With only half of the displaced families able to show registered titles , those who could not “ will be left to their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if not rido , ” according to a recent BARMM summary report .
Rido is the violent outcome of clan feuds that can erupt at any time ; in fact , people thought the Battle of Marawi was just another clan feud when it first erupted , not realizing that it would lead to a siege involving battalions of government troops to defeat pro-ISIS rebels .
As an afterthought perhaps , BARMM has decided to enter the fray , carving out a budget of 517 million pesos ( $ 11 million ) for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Otherwise , it risked losing the ability to restore governance where others failed before them .
It also allotted a further 500 million pesos in 2020 , partly to aid victims of the COVID pandemic but mostly for the rehabilitation effort , but is still awaiting reports from field offices as to how the funds were distributed .
The BARMM is racing against time already squandered by a national government that had sweeping powers — but failed to use them — to put Marawi back together under a Mindanao-wide martial law that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That would have relieved BARMM of the heavy responsibility of putting Marawi back on its feet .
According to BARMM ’ s confidential summary report “ families feel defeated , and they could only swallow their maratabat , or pride , because everyone else is drowned by the insensitivity and slow progress of the rehabilitation.
” The failure of the task force could now mean going back to the old power structures , with Mindanao racked once again by warlords , ethnic divides , poverty , and violence .
Two things could have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : first , by seeding enough fresh capital to fire the entrepreneurial skills that the Maranao tribe of Marawi is known for , those successful business owners who expanded the city into a commercial hub ; second , by decentralizing the main city , and spreading people to nearby towns according to the idea of “ build it and they shall come.
” Local politicians stopped before it could take off because of petty differences with rival political families .
Today , the only real progress is a major road network fanning out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is being built thanks to funding from Japan .
Earlier this year , the public highways department approved plans for promenades , a market and other structures with grants from China .
But there again , there have been interminable delays , with some projects still awaiting approval and others bogged down in squabbles over procurement .
At this rate , it seems the wild greens in the ruins are moving faster than the bureaucracy .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Criselda Yabes is a journalist based in the Philippines .
She is author of “ The Battle of Marawi , ” her tenth book , which was published in September .
Featured image is from New Eastern Outlook

Six months after the end of the 2017 battle of Marawi in the southern Philippines, residents were allowed into ground zero for just a few hours to retrieve whatever they could of their possessions destroyed in the five months of fighting and bombing. But they could not return, until today, to their ruined lakeside city, to pick up the pieces of their lives.
Over time, this officially Islamic city in the southern island of Mindanao has turned into a surreal desert of rubble, where vegetation has slowly crept through the shattered houses. Among the few living things were patches of eggplants, squash, tomatoes; an outgrowth of green covered a section of the battle area once occupied by houses.
For more than three years now, the painful memories of that battle, the longest and largest seen in decades of Muslim insurgency, have gradually receded. The gaping wound that remains is the fate of the shrinking land of Muslim Mindanao in this Catholic-majority country.
It turns out that Manila’s promises to rebuild and rehabilitate were mostly empty. After first offering a grand plan to turn the ruins into something akin to Dubai, the task force overseeing the former battle area of 250 hectares has moved at a snail’s pace and has achieved little more than setting up some maritime outposts by the shore. The few mosques that have been rebuilt were completed thanks to private donors.
President Rodrigo Duterte was telling the truth when he taunted the rebels to, “go ahead, do it,” prior to the attack on Marawi. Two millennial brothers of the Maute family, from their hideout in a godforsaken town south of Marawi City, had aligned themselves with Islamic State and recruited hundreds of youths with the promise of creating a new province. They were all killed in the battle, which saw over 1,000 people killed.
All hopes of improving the miserable situation of the nearly 50,000 families who lost their homes have now fallen on the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao, or BARMM, that was created in early 2019.
But it too had a slow start in forming a parliament mainly hand-picked by Duterte to make laws in five Muslim-dominated provinces, nearly all considered to be the poorest in the country. Its leaders kept their distance from the task force in the Marawi aftermath, wary of being drawn into allegations of corruption and lack of transparency.
More than anything, the aftereffects of the battle are threatening to explode the ancient issues of land ownership that has been the core grievance raised by generations of minority Muslim Filipinos. With only half of the displaced families able to show registered titles, those who could not “will be left to their own devices ticking toward future neighborhood disagreements, if not rido,” according to a recent BARMM summary report.
Rido is the violent outcome of clan feuds that can erupt at any time; in fact, people thought the Battle of Marawi was just another clan feud when it first erupted, not realizing that it would lead to a siege involving battalions of government troops to defeat pro-ISIS rebels.
As an afterthought perhaps, BARMM has decided to enter the fray, carving out a budget of 517 million pesos ($11 million) for 2021 for Marawi’s rehabilitation efforts. Otherwise, it risked losing the ability to restore governance where others failed before them. It also allotted a further 500 million pesos in 2020, partly to aid victims of the COVID pandemic but mostly for the rehabilitation effort, but is still awaiting reports from field offices as to how the funds were distributed.
The BARMM is racing against time already squandered by a national government that had sweeping powers — but failed to use them — to put Marawi back together under a Mindanao-wide martial law that lasted until the end of 2019.
That would have relieved BARMM of the heavy responsibility of putting Marawi back on its feet. According to BARMM’s confidential summary report “families feel defeated, and they could only swallow their maratabat, or pride, because everyone else is drowned by the insensitivity and slow progress of the rehabilitation.” The failure of the task force could now mean going back to the old power structures, with Mindanao racked once again by warlords, ethnic divides, poverty, and violence.
Two things could have got the ball rolling in practical terms: first, by seeding enough fresh capital to fire the entrepreneurial skills that the Maranao tribe of Marawi is known for, those successful business owners who expanded the city into a commercial hub; second, by decentralizing the main city, and spreading people to nearby towns according to the idea of “build it and they shall come.” Local politicians stopped before it could take off because of petty differences with rival political families.
Today, the only real progress is a major road network fanning out from the former battle area, which is being built thanks to funding from Japan. Earlier this year, the public highways department approved plans for promenades, a market and other structures with grants from China.
But there again, there have been interminable delays, with some projects still awaiting approval and others bogged down in squabbles over procurement. At this rate, it seems the wild greens in the ruins are moving faster than the bureaucracy.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Criselda Yabes is a journalist based in the Philippines. She is author of “The Battle of Marawi,” her tenth book, which was published in September.
Featured image is from New Eastern Outlook


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-20--“This Is the Time to Unite”: Trade Unions, Labourers Support the Farmers’ Protest

Between 28 November and 14 December , I visited the ongoing farmers ’ protest at the Singhu and Tikri borders between Delhi and Haryana , and Ghazipur border between Delhi and Uttar Pradesh .
The agitation began on 26 November as part of a “ Delhi Chalo ” rally to protest three recently enacted farm laws .
As the protests progressed , I witnessed that labourers and people from working class communities started to join the farmers in solidarity .
I heard talk of “ kisan-mazdoor ekta , ” or farmer-worker unity , and the conversations among protesters seemed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and labourers .
On 14 December , several members of trade unions were present at the Singhu border .
I found a small book stall set up on the road by the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra , a workers ’ organisation .
The subjects of the books ranged from the proletarian class to peasant and industrial revolutions .
Four members of Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra were distributing pamphlets to the visitors .
The pamphlets spoke about the unity of farmers and labourers , and contained information about recently passed controversial labour laws as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the time to unite and show our strength as these farm bills are not only against farmers but also against the labour class , ” Nitesh , a member of the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra , told me .
“ We have extended our support to this movement and joined hands with the farmers.
” I also spoke to Shyambir Shukla , a member of central working committee of the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra .
“ We organised protests in Uttarakhand , Uttar Pradesh and other places on 5th , 8th and 14th December , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a huge support coming for farmers from the labour class .
This is a movement against the capitalist and fascist approach of the government .
We will be fighting together until we get justice.
” Shukla added that the Mazdoor Adhikar Sangharsh Abhiyan , a workers ’ rights collective which consists of 15 labour organisations , including the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra , has given its full support to the farmers .
On 11 December , the Joint Platform of Central Trade Unions and Sectoral Federations/Associations , a joint front of at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement which expressed “ whole hearted support ” and “ rock-like solidarity ” with the farmers .
“ The Joint Platform of CTUs and Sectoral Federations/Associations call upon the workers , employees and their unions , irrespective of affiliations , to be ever vigilant and extend our active solidarity to the call of Farmers ’ Joint Struggle in the coming crucial period , ” the release stated .
Labour organisations have also been protesting against four new labour codes introduced by the Narendra Modi government—The Code of Wages , the Industrial Relations Code @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Occupational Safety , Health and Working Conditions Code .
These codes replaced 44 existing labour laws .
Together , they diluted and repealed various longstanding legal provisions that ensured the rights and security of workers .
They also excluded a large number of establishments from complying with and enforcing labour laws .
“ We have been protesting against the labour code introduced by the government .
Even on 26 November there were protests across Delhi and other parts of the country against the labour code , ” Amjad Hassan , the national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress , a trade union affiliated to the Congress party , told me .
“ Now we have decided to support the farmers and raise our voice for them and us jointly .
Labour organisations from across the nation have started coming to the borders to show their solidarity on the spot for the farmers.
” Trade union members told me that in the initial days of the farmers ’ agitation , they were protesting in solidarity in their own localities , in front of district administration headquarters or company offices .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the farmers at the protest sit-ins on the various points along the Delhi border .
Since the second week of December , the presence of labour organisations has been increasing at the places where the farmers are protesting .
Trade union activists added that workers from Punjab , Haryana , Madhya Pradesh , Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan have joined the farmers ’ protest .
“ This farmer movement has given an opportunity to show kisan-mazdoor ekta , ” Thaneshwar Dayal Adigaur , the convenor of the Nirman Mazdoor Adhikar Abhiyan , a Delhi-based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The fight of the working class against the labour code is similar to the protest of farmers against the farm bills .
So , we must raise our voice together.
” Farmers ’ organisations have welcomed the support of the trade unions .
“ The ongoing historical struggle against the three farm laws has taken a shape of mass movement , ” Vikram Singh , the joint secretary of All India Agricultural Workers Union , told me .
“ Apart from the other sections of the society , working class is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle .
Agricultural workers in the rural India are part of this struggle from very beginning as the impact of the laws is similar for them also .
This is the first layer of worker-peasant unity.
” Singh said that both workers and farmers are united against the “ pro-corporate ” policies of the central government .
He added that while there have been joint struggles in the past where workers and farmers have come together on common issues , their unity during the farmers ’ protest marked a new chapter in history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ twenty days have seen this unity growing , ” he continued .
“ Workers have understood that this struggle of farmers is not only for farmers but for ensuring food security of India and saving the rural economy .
When farmers are fighting against farm laws which will push them to the mercy of brutal market laws and uncertainty , workers are also fighting against the codification of labour laws which puts them in the same situation.
” I spoke to AR Sindhu , the secretary of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ union .
She has been actively protesting at the Singu , Tikri and Ghazipur borders .
“ The labour codes and farm acts were passed in September at the same time .
Trade unions called for protests against the labour codes across the nation on 23 September and it happened successfully .
The trade unions supported the farmer ’ s protests against the farm acts on 25 September too .
In that way , the labour class and farmer community both have been together in fighting for their rights and against these laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporting the farmers protests on the ground and have associated themselves with farmers .
You can say that sentiment of the labour class is attached to the farmers which is clearly visible at the borders .
Now this is a movement for farmers and labour class both because both are integrated with each other.
” Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

Between 28 November and 14 December, I visited the ongoing farmers’ protest at the Singhu and Tikri borders between Delhi and Haryana, and Ghazipur border between Delhi and Uttar Pradesh. The agitation began on 26 November as part of a “Delhi Chalo” rally to protest three recently enacted farm laws. As the protests progressed, I witnessed that labourers and people from working class communities started to join the farmers in solidarity. I heard talk of “kisan-mazdoor ekta,” or farmer-worker unity, and the conversations among protesters seemed to be about the rights of both farmers and labourers.
On 14 December, several members of trade unions were present at the Singhu border. I found a small book stall set up on the road by the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra, a workers’ organisation. The subjects of the books ranged from the proletarian class to peasant and industrial revolutions. Four members of Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra were distributing pamphlets to the visitors. The pamphlets spoke about the unity of farmers and labourers, and contained information about recently passed controversial labour laws as well as the farm laws. “This is the time to unite and show our strength as these farm bills are not only against farmers but also against the labour class,” Nitesh, a member of the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra, told me. “We have extended our support to this movement and joined hands with the farmers.”
I also spoke to Shyambir Shukla, a member of central working committee of the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra. “We organised protests in Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and other places on 5th, 8th and 14th December,” he told me. “There is a huge support coming for farmers from the labour class. This is a movement against the capitalist and fascist approach of the government. We will be fighting together until we get justice.” Shukla added that the Mazdoor Adhikar Sangharsh Abhiyan, a workers’ rights collective which consists of 15 labour organisations, including the Inqlabi Mazdoor Kendra, has given its full support to the farmers.
On 11 December, the Joint Platform of Central Trade Unions and Sectoral Federations/Associations, a joint front of at least ten trade unions, released a press statement which expressed “whole hearted support” and “rock-like solidarity” with the farmers. “The Joint Platform of CTUs and Sectoral Federations/Associations call upon the workers, employees and their unions, irrespective of affiliations, to be ever vigilant and extend our active solidarity to the call of Farmers’ Joint Struggle in the coming crucial period,” the release stated.
Labour organisations have also been protesting against four new labour codes introduced by the Narendra Modi government—The Code of Wages, the Industrial Relations Code, the Social Security Code, and the Occupational Safety, Health and Working Conditions Code. These codes replaced 44 existing labour laws. Together, they diluted and repealed various longstanding legal provisions that ensured the rights and security of workers. They also excluded a large number of establishments from complying with and enforcing labour laws.
“We have been protesting against the labour code introduced by the government. Even on 26 November there were protests across Delhi and other parts of the country against the labour code,” Amjad Hassan, the national secretary of the Indian National Trade Union Congress, a trade union affiliated to the Congress party, told me. “Now we have decided to support the farmers and raise our voice for them and us jointly. Labour organisations from across the nation have started coming to the borders to show their solidarity on the spot for the farmers.”
Trade union members told me that in the initial days of the farmers’ agitation, they were protesting in solidarity in their own localities, in front of district administration headquarters or company offices. But they soon realised that they should join the farmers at the protest sit-ins on the various points along the Delhi border. Since the second week of December, the presence of labour organisations has been increasing at the places where the farmers are protesting. Trade union activists added that workers from Punjab, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan have joined the farmers’ protest.
“This farmer movement has given an opportunity to show kisan-mazdoor ekta,” Thaneshwar Dayal Adigaur, the convenor of the Nirman Mazdoor Adhikar Abhiyan, a Delhi-based construction workers’ organisation, told me. “The fight of the working class against the labour code is similar to the protest of farmers against the farm bills. So, we must raise our voice together.”
Farmers’ organisations have welcomed the support of the trade unions. “The ongoing historical struggle against the three farm laws has taken a shape of mass movement,” Vikram Singh, the joint secretary of All India Agricultural Workers Union, told me. “Apart from the other sections of the society, working class is playing a very important role in this struggle. Agricultural workers in the rural India are part of this struggle from very beginning as the impact of the laws is similar for them also. This is the first layer of worker-peasant unity.” Singh said that both workers and farmers are united against the “pro-corporate” policies of the central government. He added that while there have been joint struggles in the past where workers and farmers have come together on common issues, their unity during the farmers’ protest marked a new chapter in history.
“All the mobilisations in last twenty days have seen this unity growing,” he continued. “Workers have understood that this struggle of farmers is not only for farmers but for ensuring food security of India and saving the rural economy. When farmers are fighting against farm laws which will push them to the mercy of brutal market laws and uncertainty, workers are also fighting against the codification of labour laws which puts them in the same situation.”
I spoke to AR Sindhu, the secretary of the Centre of Indian Trade Unions, or CITU, a national trade union. She has been actively protesting at the Singu, Tikri and Ghazipur borders. “The labour codes and farm acts were passed in September at the same time. Trade unions called for protests against the labour codes across the nation on 23 September and it happened successfully. The trade unions supported the farmer’s protests against the farm acts on 25 September too. In that way, the labour class and farmer community both have been together in fighting for their rights and against these laws. The trade unions have been continuously supporting the farmers protests on the ground and have associated themselves with farmers. You can say that sentiment of the labour class is attached to the farmers which is clearly visible at the borders. Now this is a movement for farmers and labour class both because both are integrated with each other.”
*
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Akhilesh Pandey is a journalist based in Delhi.
Featured image: SHAHID TANTRAY FOR THE CARAVAN


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-23--The Gold Comes Off: A COVID-19 Outbreak in Sydney

Australia has various advantages as an island continent .
It is monumental and only accessible in the most impractical ways .
It is discouragingly far and almost impossible to invade without a huge investment of personnel and material .
The decision to place convicts on the island by the British was audaciously cruel and illogical , setting a precedent for future decisions by Australian governments to send undesirables to distant , inaccessible outposts , at cost .
But distance has not spared the country from the COVID-19 pandemic .
Assisted by human error and misjudgement , quarantine defences were breached @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be .
In Victoria , it proved most costly , leading to community transmission in a deadly second wave with a single-day peak of 725 cases in August .
In the largest state in the country , New South Wales , pride was taken at developing a contact tracing system to deal with arrivals from outside Australia .
Withering judgment , notably by the Morrison federal government , was cast on hapless Victoria .
New South Wales received gushing praise .
Praising NSW was silly in its unequivocal confidence .
Viruses care little @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ gold ” standard of NSW containment proved to be gilded .
Hit the gilding , and you realise it might be gold leaf .
It came in the form of that will be known in the epidemiological sagas as the Avalon outbreak .
Confirmed cases were found this month at the Avalon RSL and the Avalon Bowling Club in Sydney ’ s Northern Beaches .
Genomic testing suggests that the strain in the Northern Beaches cluster is a variant of the virus currently circulating in the United States .
According to epidemiologist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how this particular international strain found its way into the community .
NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian has also confirmed that , “ health experts have yet to identify how the cluster was transmitted into the community or how it started in Avalon.
” The event that seeded the virus remains inscrutable .
Politics being what it is , criticism of the Berejiklian government , having the same political stripes of the federal government , was always going to be muted .
The federal government made sure their Liberal counterparts at the state level @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any errors .
This , despite the public health stumbles regarding the Ruby Princess , a cruise ship with 2,650 passengers who were allowed to disembark when it docked in Sydney on March 19 .
That decision proved critical : 900 infections resulted , along with 28 deaths .
The Report of the Special Commission of Inquiry into the Ruby Princess did not mince words : “ In light of all the information the ( NSW Health ) Expert Panel had , the decision to assess the risk as ‘ low risk ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do nothing ; – is as inexplicable as it is unjustifiable.
” The inquiry also had words on “ the directive to allow passengers to onward travel interstate and internationally after disembarkation on March 19 ” .
The move “ did not appropriately contemplate or comply with the terms of the Public Health Order that came into effect on March 17.
” Berejiklian found herself apologising “ unreservedly to anybody who is continuing to suffer , or has suffered unimaginable loss because of mistakes that were made within our health agencies.
” Lessons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and such “ circumstances should and will never happen again in New South Wales.
” Abundant criticism has instead been directed at the Labor government of Dan Andrews for quarantine breaches in Victoria that led to a second surge .
When strict curfew and lockdown regulations were imposed on Melbourne , the federal treasurer Josh Frydenberg wished for their lifting .
“ More than 1,000 jobs are being lost every day on this premier ’ s watch , ” he spluttered in October .
“ The bloody-mindedness is unforgivable .
The stubbornness is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state government is being incautiously proud , assuming that its tracing system is without peer .
In the hyperbolic assertion of Berejiklian , “ We do have , I believe , one of the best if not the best contract tracing team on the planet.
” A tedious Morrison continues to toot the claim that “ NSW is the gold standard , ” having handled the pandemic in exemplary fashion where others “ faltered ” .
Refusing to adopt the dramatic , and at times draconian policy of the Andrews lockdown formula , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Berejeklian government is gambling on prowess and precision .
Premier Berejiklian , for instance , has urged people not to use public transport without wearing a mask or frequent a supermarket or place of worship without one .
“ It would just be crazy ” not to do so .
A more localised containment approach has been adopted , with a focus on the Northern Beaches area .
Residents leaving their home face fines of $ 1100 unless undertaken for approved reasons .
The area has now been divided for the Christmas period @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For all its self-praise , the government has done much to stifle discussion on flaws in its own quarantine policy , not least its approach to handling the isolation of flight crews .
A degree of latitude has been permitted to airline staff to self-isolate in hotels of their own choice .
Only now has this approach changed , with thirteen crewmembers of an LATAM Chile flight from South American fined $ 1,000 for leaving their hotel to attend various city venues .
The airlines , for the most part , feel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the state government .
The Australian airline Qantas , for instance , would prefer exemptions for their crew to remain while they manage their own quarantine arrangements .
What could go wrong ?
Whatever happens in terms of managing the Sydney outbreak does not detract from the distinct inconspicuousness , if not absence , of the prime minister .
From the start of the pandemic , Morrison has made the states and territories the chief custodians of public health defence .
His biosecurity eye has been stubbornly closed .
As has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bongiorno , this has been nothing short of a grand abdication of responsibility .
“ Early in the pandemic at the first meeting of Scott Morrison ’ s national cabinet – the rolling summit of the state and territory leaders – according to a source close to the meeting , the states were shocked when the Prime Minister came to the meeting with no quarantine plan.
” It took the promptings of Premier Andrews , backed by other state and territory leaders , to create a state-funded hotel quarantine scheme .
In its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the Morrison government ’ s approach to the coronavirus found that it “ did not have adequate plans in place either before , or during the pandemic .
Not only did it fail to heed warnings prior to COVID-19 about the National Medical Stockpile of personal protective equipment , there were inadequacies in its approach to pandemic planning exercises.
” Specific sectors also suffered , as there was no developed “ COVID-19 plan for the [ aged care ] sector , which was unprepared and ill-equipped to protect the safety of residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreaks , questions will gather , and remain unanswered .
Sounding a touch stringent , but nonetheless relevant , Magda Szubanski suggested that “ the only thing preventing this country from having a normal , healthy , prosperous life ” was permitting the continued arrival of overseas travellers .
In a remark , she asks the nagging question : “ surely the issue is – why do we not have a coherent , tough , effective FEDERAL quarantine approach to international travellers ?
God knows we can manage with asylum seekers ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chew over .
While Andrews will always be saddled with the errors , misjudgements and desperately poor decisions of the initial quarantine arrangements , his critics were unwise to assume the throne of judgment .
Eventually , the riverbanks would break elsewhere .
Other states would have to face a viral surge , their defences and containment measures bypassed and mocked .
As with all absolute measures to seal off a community , breaches will take place and exceptions made .
In all of this , Morrison remains silent on matters that remain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To date , there have been no announcements about revising quarantine exemptions for returning diplomats , aircrew or the specially chosen ones .
The prospects for another seeding event remain ; the gold has come off the standard .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College , Cambridge .
He lectures at RMIT University , Melbourne .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Asia-Pacific Research .
Email : [ email protected ]

Australia has various advantages as an island continent. It is monumental and only accessible in the most impractical ways. It is discouragingly far and almost impossible to invade without a huge investment of personnel and material. The decision to place convicts on the island by the British was audaciously cruel and illogical, setting a precedent for future decisions by Australian governments to send undesirables to distant, inaccessible outposts, at cost.
But distance has not spared the country from the COVID-19 pandemic. Assisted by human error and misjudgement, quarantine defences were breached as they will no doubt continue to be. In Victoria, it proved most costly, leading to community transmission in a deadly second wave with a single-day peak of 725 cases in August. In the largest state in the country, New South Wales, pride was taken at developing a contact tracing system to deal with arrivals from outside Australia. Withering judgment, notably by the Morrison federal government, was cast on hapless Victoria. New South Wales received gushing praise.
Praising NSW was silly in its unequivocal confidence. Viruses care little for reputations. In time, the “gold” standard of NSW containment proved to be gilded. Hit the gilding, and you realise it might be gold leaf.
It came in the form of that will be known in the epidemiological sagas as the Avalon outbreak. Confirmed cases were found this month at the Avalon RSL and the Avalon Bowling Club in Sydney’s Northern Beaches. Genomic testing suggests that the strain in the Northern Beaches cluster is a variant of the virus currently circulating in the United States. According to epidemiologist Catherine Bennett, no one quite knows how this particular international strain found its way into the community. NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian has also confirmed that, “health experts have yet to identify how the cluster was transmitted into the community or how it started in Avalon.” The event that seeded the virus remains inscrutable.
Politics being what it is, criticism of the Berejiklian government, having the same political stripes of the federal government, was always going to be muted. The federal government made sure their Liberal counterparts at the state level would not be chastised and sprayed for any errors. This, despite the public health stumbles regarding the Ruby Princess, a cruise ship with 2,650 passengers who were allowed to disembark when it docked in Sydney on March 19.
That decision proved critical: 900 infections resulted, along with 28 deaths. The Report of the Special Commission of Inquiry into the Ruby Princess did not mince words: “In light of all the information the (NSW Health) Expert Panel had, the decision to assess the risk as ‘low risk’ – meaning, in effect, ‘do nothing; – is as inexplicable as it is unjustifiable.” The inquiry also had words on “the directive to allow passengers to onward travel interstate and internationally after disembarkation on March 19”. The move “did not appropriately contemplate or comply with the terms of the Public Health Order that came into effect on March 17.”
Berejiklian found herself apologising “unreservedly to anybody who is continuing to suffer, or has suffered unimaginable loss because of mistakes that were made within our health agencies.” Lessons had been learnt, she declared, and such “circumstances should and will never happen again in New South Wales.”
Abundant criticism has instead been directed at the Labor government of Dan Andrews for quarantine breaches in Victoria that led to a second surge. When strict curfew and lockdown regulations were imposed on Melbourne, the federal treasurer Josh Frydenberg wished for their lifting. “More than 1,000 jobs are being lost every day on this premier’s watch,” he spluttered in October. “The bloody-mindedness is unforgivable. The stubbornness is unforgivable.”
Even now, the NSW state government is being incautiously proud, assuming that its tracing system is without peer. In the hyperbolic assertion of Berejiklian, “We do have, I believe, one of the best if not the best contract tracing team on the planet.” A tedious Morrison continues to toot the claim that “NSW is the gold standard,” having handled the pandemic in exemplary fashion where others “faltered”.
Refusing to adopt the dramatic, and at times draconian policy of the Andrews lockdown formula, especially given the Christmas period, the Berejeklian government is gambling on prowess and precision. Premier Berejiklian, for instance, has urged people not to use public transport without wearing a mask or frequent a supermarket or place of worship without one. “It would just be crazy” not to do so.
A more localised containment approach has been adopted, with a focus on the Northern Beaches area. Residents leaving their home face fines of $1100 unless undertaken for approved reasons. The area has now been divided for the Christmas period into two zones with slightly different regulations.
For all its self-praise, the government has done much to stifle discussion on flaws in its own quarantine policy, not least its approach to handling the isolation of flight crews. A degree of latitude has been permitted to airline staff to self-isolate in hotels of their own choice. Only now has this approach changed, with thirteen crewmembers of an LATAM Chile flight from South American fined $1,000 for leaving their hotel to attend various city venues. The airlines, for the most part, feel that quarantine conditions are not the province of the state government. The Australian airline Qantas, for instance, would prefer exemptions for their crew to remain while they manage their own quarantine arrangements. What could go wrong?
Whatever happens in terms of managing the Sydney outbreak does not detract from the distinct inconspicuousness, if not absence, of the prime minister. From the start of the pandemic, Morrison has made the states and territories the chief custodians of public health defence. His biosecurity eye has been stubbornly closed.
As has been pointed out by the veteran journalist Paul Bongiorno, this has been nothing short of a grand abdication of responsibility. “Early in the pandemic at the first meeting of Scott Morrison’s national cabinet – the rolling summit of the state and territory leaders – according to a source close to the meeting, the states were shocked when the Prime Minister came to the meeting with no quarantine plan.” It took the promptings of Premier Andrews, backed by other state and territory leaders, to create a state-funded hotel quarantine scheme.
In its interim report, the Australian Senate inquiry into the Morrison government’s approach to the coronavirus found that it “did not have adequate plans in place either before, or during the pandemic. Not only did it fail to heed warnings prior to COVID-19 about the National Medical Stockpile of personal protective equipment, there were inadequacies in its approach to pandemic planning exercises.” Specific sectors also suffered, as there was no developed “COVID-19 plan for the [aged care] sector, which was unprepared and ill-equipped to protect the safety of residents when the pandemic hit.”
With such outbreaks, questions will gather, and remain unanswered. Sounding a touch stringent, but nonetheless relevant, Magda Szubanski suggested that “the only thing preventing this country from having a normal, healthy, prosperous life” was permitting the continued arrival of overseas travellers. In a remark, she asks the nagging question: “surely the issue is – why do we not have a coherent, tough, effective FEDERAL quarantine approach to international travellers? God knows we can manage with asylum seekers?” Certainly something for the prime minister to chew over.
While Andrews will always be saddled with the errors, misjudgements and desperately poor decisions of the initial quarantine arrangements, his critics were unwise to assume the throne of judgment. Eventually, the riverbanks would break elsewhere. Other states would have to face a viral surge, their defences and containment measures bypassed and mocked. As with all absolute measures to seal off a community, breaches will take place and exceptions made.
In all of this, Morrison remains silent on matters that remain within the jurisdiction of the Commonwealth. To date, there have been no announcements about revising quarantine exemptions for returning diplomats, aircrew or the specially chosen ones. The prospects for another seeding event remain; the gold has come off the standard.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. He is a frequent contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research. Email: [email protected]
Featured image is CC BY 4.0/Wikimedia Commons


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-22--Pakistan Returns $1bn to Saudi Arabia and Turns to China for Loan Assistance

Cash-strapped Pakistan has returned $ 1bn to Saudi Arabia as the second instalment of a $ 3bn soft loan , and is turning to China to help pay the rest .
Saudi Arabia has historically never asked Pakistan to repay its loans .
But earlier this year , the kingdom broke diplomatic norms and pushed Islamabad to repay the $ 3.3bn loan after Pakistan ’ s foreign minister admonished Saudi Arabia for not criticising India ’ s crackdown in Kashmir .
Islamabad sent its army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa to Saudi Arabia in August to solve the diplomatic spat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an audience with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman .
Last year , Saudi Arabia reportedly strong-armed Pakistan into not attending an Islamic summit that was dubbed the rival of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation .
‘ China has come to our rescue ’ Pakistan , which has $ 13.3bn in central bank foreign reserves , could face issues clearing the next Saudi instalment .
Pakistani officials told Reuters that their country planned to give another $ 1bn , with the help of China .
“ China has come to our rescue , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A finance ministry official said that Pakistan ’ s central bank was in talks with Chinese commercial banks .
He noted that the option for a debt swap option was also on the table .
“ We ’ ve sent $ 1bn to Saudi Arabia , ” the financial official said , stating that it planned to send another billion next month .
The first $ 1bn was paid back in July .
Although a $ 1.2bn surplus in its current account balance and a record $ 11.77bn in remittances in the past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy , having to return the Saudi money is still a setback .
Washington has raised concerns about Pakistan turning to China , fearing it will fall into a debt trap .
In 2018 , Sri Lanka handed over its Hambanthota port to China after it failed to repay Chinese loans to build it .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

Cash-strapped Pakistan has returned $1bn to Saudi Arabia as the second instalment of a $3bn soft loan, and is turning to China to help pay the rest.
Saudi Arabia has historically never asked Pakistan to repay its loans.
But earlier this year, the kingdom broke diplomatic norms and pushed Islamabad to repay the $3.3bn loan after Pakistan’s foreign minister admonished Saudi Arabia for not criticising India’s crackdown in Kashmir.
Islamabad sent its army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa to Saudi Arabia in August to solve the diplomatic spat, but he was snubbed and denied an audience with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Last year, Saudi Arabia reportedly strong-armed Pakistan into not attending an Islamic summit that was dubbed the rival of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation.
‘China has come to our rescue’
Pakistan, which has $13.3bn in central bank foreign reserves, could face issues clearing the next Saudi instalment.
Pakistani officials told Reuters that their country planned to give another $1bn, with the help of China.
“China has come to our rescue,” a Pakistani foreign official told Reuters.
A finance ministry official said that Pakistan’s central bank was in talks with Chinese commercial banks. He noted that the option for a debt swap option was also on the table.
“We’ve sent $1bn to Saudi Arabia,” the financial official said, stating that it planned to send another billion next month. The first $1bn was paid back in July.
Although a $1.2bn surplus in its current account balance and a record $11.77bn in remittances in the past five months have helped support the Pakistani economy, having to return the Saudi money is still a setback.
Washington has raised concerns about Pakistan turning to China, fearing it will fall into a debt trap.
In 2018, Sri Lanka handed over its Hambanthota port to China after it failed to repay Chinese loans to build it.
*
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-22--Chang’e-5 Completes Lunar Trip, More Space Missions Planned

On the freezing grassland in Siziwang Banner , North China ’ s Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region , a Chinese national flag was placed right next to the re-entry capsule of Chang ’ e-5 lunar probe , whose epic predawn landing on Thursday provided the perfect climax to China ’ s latest moon missions—an epic moon sample return mission .
Such a moment recalled China ’ s first-ever fabric national flag that was unfolded on the moon by the Chang ’ e-5 lander on December 3 , another highlight of the mission .
“ These moments would be treasured for years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curiosity to seek more space marvels , ” said one stargazer .
The safe landing of the long-awaited Chang ’ e-5 marked a perfect end to its 23-day journey to the moon , bringing back with it a precious parcel containing not just lunar samples , but also the hopes and expectations to advance humanity ’ s understanding of Earth ’ s celestial neighbor .
Chinese President Xi Jinping on Thursday early morning sent an immediate congratulatory message after the return of the capsule , the Xinhua News Agency reported .
Xi , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission , extended greetings to all members who participated in the Chang ’ e-5 mission in his congratulatory message .
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On the freezing grassland in Siziwang Banner, North China’s Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, a Chinese national flag was placed right next to the re-entry capsule of Chang’e-5 lunar probe, whose epic predawn landing on Thursday provided the perfect climax to China’s latest moon missions—an epic moon sample return mission.
Such a moment recalled China’s first-ever fabric national flag that was unfolded on the moon by the Chang’e-5 lander on December 3, another highlight of the mission.
“These moments would be treasured for years to come, and would always inspire curiosity to seek more space marvels,” said one stargazer.
The safe landing of the long-awaited Chang’e-5 marked a perfect end to its 23-day journey to the moon, bringing back with it a precious parcel containing not just lunar samples, but also the hopes and expectations to advance humanity’s understanding of Earth’s celestial neighbor.
Chinese President Xi Jinping on Thursday early morning sent an immediate congratulatory message after the return of the capsule, the Xinhua News Agency reported.
Xi, also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, extended greetings to all members who participated in the Chang’e-5 mission in his congratulatory message.
China’s lunar probe mission Infographic: Deng Zijun/GT
Read full article here.
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asiapacificresearch--2020-12-28--China Building Great Wall on Its Soft Southern Underbelly

Political observers and Western diplomats are confounded over why China , in sharp contrast to its various , proposed connectivity initiatives in Myanmar such as superhighways and high-speed rail lines , is building a high-tech wall along its 2,227-kilometer border with Myanmar .
Is the wall , replete with high-voltage fences , surveillance cameras and infrared sensors , to contain the spread of Covid-19 , which is running rampant in Myanmar after an initial period of denial of having any infections ?
In September , the Chinese border city of Ruili went into near-lockdown after people who had crossed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus .
Or is it , as the US-based broadcasting station Radio Free Asia reported in mid-December , to prevent Chinese dissidents from fleeing the country ?
Or does Beijing aim to contain the cross-border trade in drugs , wildlife products and other illegal items ?
Or is it mere muscle-flexing against a weaker neighbor , as Lower House lawmaker Sai Tun Aye suggested in an interview with the Myanmar website The Irrawaddy on November 26 : “ Our country is weak on all sides .
We always experience some kind of bullying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 and drug-smuggling can not be ruled out as motives for building the wall , local sources along the border say they are not aware of any case in recent years of dissidents trying to escape to Myanmar from China .
It is much more likely that China wants to control the possible flow of “ anti-state activities ” — as any challenge to the supremacy of the ruling Communist Party is usually called — in the other direction .
While most of the border between China and Myanmar ’ s Shan state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the United Wa State Army ( UWSA ) , the National Democratic Alliance Army ( NDAA ) and a local force in the ethnically Chinese district of Kokang , which all have close relations with China ’ s security agencies , it is a different story in Kachin state in the north .
On November 27 , the popular , privately-run but still strongly nationalistic Chinese website Toutiao published a long , unsigned article headlined ” Speaking English and believing in Christ , is Kachin State in northern Myanmar pro-American ?
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hallmarks of state-approved propaganda , points out that the Kachins , called Jingpo in China , are the same people and , erroneously , that the Kachin Hills were once Chinese but “ before 1941 ” , included in the then British colony Burma .
The border areas controlled by the UWSA , the NDAA and the Kokang group are not a problem , the author asserts , because they want to remain part of Myanmar .
The “ hidden goal ” of the Kachin rebels , though , is independence , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have always been close to the Americans .
They got their written language , based on Roman script , from American missionaries and they fought alongside US forces against the Japanese during World War II .
The article has a picture of a statue of a “ Kachin ranger ” and an American soldier at the US embassy in Yangon .
The establishment of a Kachin state after Myanmar ’ s independence from Britain in 1948 was done with US and British support , the author claims and , in April 2014 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commander of the Kachin Independence Army ( KIA ) , was “ invited ” to the United States .
“ In recent years , ” the author wrote , “ The KIA ’ s ties with the United States have continued unabated.
” In fact , the author asserts , a Kachin organization identified as “ the Wenbang League ” , which is headquartered in Thailand , “ is supported by the US Central Intelligence Agency ” and wants to establish an independent nation which would include the Jingpo-inhabited areas of Yunnan in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Chinese way of writing “ Wunpawng ” , a name that the Kachins in Myanmar use to denote all their various tribes .
The group is most likely the Kachin National Organization , a political Kachin NGO which does have a presence in Thailand and is made up mainly of Kachin exiles living in Britain and the United States .
Therefore , it is clear , the author writes , that “ the Americans want to stir up trouble in southern China using the Kachin as pawns.
” Relations between the KIA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the overwhelming majority of the Kachins are actually Baptists — and European and American organizations are involved in helping people in Kachin state who have been displaced because of the war between the KIA and Myanmar government forces .
More worryingly , if the author is to be believed , is that Kachins in Myanmar have “ continuously conducted intelligence operations in China and secretly recruited troops and cadres from the Jingpo ethnic group in China.
” That , the author says “ is annoying China ” , and so is the KIA @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Rakhine state , which , indeed , was set up with help from the Kachins in 2009 .
But there seems to be light at the end of the tunnel , the author suggests , as many Kachins now are learning Chinese and Chinese investment is propping up the war-hit economy of Kachin state .
The Toutiao article could be dismissed as ramblings by an ill-informed freelance writer , but the prominence it was given on the website — and positive responses in the commentaries ’ column — suggests tacit approval from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which monitor everything that is published in China .
It also fits into a broader pattern of concern about the activities of Christian groups and communities on both sides of the Myanmar-Chinese border .
Western Sinologists point out that community-based faith movements – whether they are Christian , Muslim , or Falun Gong – are seen as a more serious threat to the moral authority of the ruling communists than political dissidents , who can easily be imprisoned or sent off into exile in the West .
In September 2018 , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United Wa State Party , issued a statement — written in Chinese and in a language resembling that normally used by Chinese communist institutions rather than hilltribe Wa — instructing all its military officers and administrators to “ find out what the [ Christian ] missionaries are doing and what their intentions are.
” The announcement also banned the construction of new churches and religious teaching in schools in the Wa Hills .
The announcement came after John Cao , an ethnic Chinese pastor and permanent US resident , was arrested in China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sentenced to seven years in prison for “ illegally crossing the China-Myanmar border.
” According to Christianity Today , a US-based website , Cao had helped to build 16 schools that served around 2,000 children in the Wa Hills .
With the help of Christians in China , Cao had also been able to bring in 100 tons of clothing and other supplies to the desperately poor region .
Christianity was introduced into the area in the 1920s by American Baptist missionaries and , although not a majority among the Wa , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In the early 1970s , the Wa Hills were taken over by the China-supported Communist Party of Burma , but following a mutiny among the mainly Wa rand-and-file of its army in 1989 , the UWSA was formed .
The end of communist rule released a Christianity renaissance in the Wa Hills with , at least in the beginning , some Thailand-based American missionaries , some with a military background , playing a vital role .
In more recent years , Cao may be the only “ foreign ” missionary who made it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other church workers there are Kachins from Myanmar , which could explain the belief that the Americans are behind it all – and not only for spreading the Christian gospel .
It would be too facile to say that the concerns expressed in the Toutiao article are the only reason for China building yet another wall , but , local sources say , it is certainly a plausible explanation — and a more relevant one than the fear of Chinese dissidents fleeing to Myanmar .
If everything goes to plan , the construction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ October 2022 , which also belies the notion that it is being built to contain the spread of Covid-19 .
China wants to secure its soft , southern underbelly which is one of few frontier areas through which “ reactionary ideas ” and other undesirable , foreign ideas can enter the country .
In future , the long and hitherto porous Myanmar-Chinese border will be fortified and — for the sake of Beijing ’ s national security — anyone crossing it will be clearly identified and likely closely monitored upon entering China .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Featured image : A still image taken from a social media video in September , 2020 , shows a section of a fence erected by China in the town of Wanding , Yunnan , on its border with Myanmar .
Image : Twitter

Political observers and Western diplomats are confounded over why China, in sharp contrast to its various, proposed connectivity initiatives in Myanmar such as superhighways and high-speed rail lines, is building a high-tech wall along its 2,227-kilometer border with Myanmar.
Is the wall, replete with high-voltage fences, surveillance cameras and infrared sensors, to contain the spread of Covid-19, which is running rampant in Myanmar after an initial period of denial of having any infections? In September, the Chinese border city of Ruili went into near-lockdown after people who had crossed the border from Myanmar tested positive for the virus.
Or is it, as the US-based broadcasting station Radio Free Asia reported in mid-December, to prevent Chinese dissidents from fleeing the country? Or does Beijing aim to contain the cross-border trade in drugs, wildlife products and other illegal items?
Or is it mere muscle-flexing against a weaker neighbor, as Lower House lawmaker Sai Tun Aye suggested in an interview with the Myanmar website The Irrawaddy on November 26: “Our country is weak on all sides. We always experience some kind of bullying [from China].”
China and Myanmar share a long and volatile border. Image: Twitter
While Covid-19 and drug-smuggling cannot be ruled out as motives for building the wall, local sources along the border say they are not aware of any case in recent years of dissidents trying to escape to Myanmar from China.
It is much more likely that China wants to control the possible flow of “anti-state activities” — as any challenge to the supremacy of the ruling Communist Party is usually called — in the other direction.
While most of the border between China and Myanmar’s Shan state is controlled by ethnic armed organizations such as the United Wa State Army (UWSA), the National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) and a local force in the ethnically Chinese district of Kokang, which all have close relations with China’s security agencies, it is a different story in Kachin state in the north.
On November 27, the popular, privately-run but still strongly nationalistic Chinese website Toutiao published a long, unsigned article headlined ”Speaking English and believing in Christ, is Kachin State in northern Myanmar pro-American?”
The article, which has all the hallmarks of state-approved propaganda, points out that the Kachins, called Jingpo in China, are the same people and, erroneously, that the Kachin Hills were once Chinese but “before 1941”, included in the then British colony Burma.
The border areas controlled by the UWSA, the NDAA and the Kokang group are not a problem, the author asserts, because they want to remain part of Myanmar.
The “hidden goal” of the Kachin rebels, though, is independence, the author wrote — and the Kachin people have always been close to the Americans.
They got their written language, based on Roman script, from American missionaries and they fought alongside US forces against the Japanese during World War II. The article has a picture of a statue of a “Kachin ranger” and an American soldier at the US embassy in Yangon.
The establishment of a Kachin state after Myanmar’s independence from Britain in 1948 was done with US and British support, the author claims and, in April 2014, General Sumlut Gun Maw, then deputy commander of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), was “invited” to the United States.
“In recent years,” the author wrote, “The KIA’s ties with the United States have continued unabated.” In fact, the author asserts, a Kachin organization identified as “the Wenbang League”, which is headquartered in Thailand, “is supported by the US Central Intelligence Agency” and wants to establish an independent nation which would include the Jingpo-inhabited areas of Yunnan in China.
“Wenbang” must be the Chinese way of writing “Wunpawng”, a name that the Kachins in Myanmar use to denote all their various tribes. The group is most likely the Kachin National Organization, a political Kachin NGO which does have a presence in Thailand and is made up mainly of Kachin exiles living in Britain and the United States.
Therefore, it is clear, the author writes, that “the Americans want to stir up trouble in southern China using the Kachin as pawns.” Relations between the KIA and the Vatican are also close — the overwhelming majority of the Kachins are actually Baptists — and European and American organizations are involved in helping people in Kachin state who have been displaced because of the war between the KIA and Myanmar government forces.
More worryingly, if the author is to be believed, is that Kachins in Myanmar have “continuously conducted intelligence operations in China and secretly recruited troops and cadres from the Jingpo ethnic group in China.”
That, the author says “is annoying China”, and so is the KIA’s support for the Arakan Army in Rakhine state, which, indeed, was set up with help from the Kachins in 2009. But there seems to be light at the end of the tunnel, the author suggests, as many Kachins now are learning Chinese and Chinese investment is propping up the war-hit economy of Kachin state.
The Toutiao article could be dismissed as ramblings by an ill-informed freelance writer, but the prominence it was given on the website — and positive responses in the commentaries’ column — suggests tacit approval from at least the government’s censors, which monitor everything that is published in China.
It also fits into a broader pattern of concern about the activities of Christian groups and communities on both sides of the Myanmar-Chinese border. Western Sinologists point out that community-based faith movements – whether they are Christian, Muslim, or Falun Gong – are seen as a more serious threat to the moral authority of the ruling communists than political dissidents, who can easily be imprisoned or sent off into exile in the West.
In September 2018, the UWSA’s political wing, the United Wa State Party, issued a statement — written in Chinese and in a language resembling that normally used by Chinese communist institutions rather than hilltribe Wa — instructing all its military officers and administrators to “find out what the [Christian] missionaries are doing and what their intentions are.”
The announcement also banned the construction of new churches and religious teaching in schools in the Wa Hills.
The announcement came after John Cao, an ethnic Chinese pastor and permanent US resident, was arrested in China in March 2018 and, in June, sentenced to seven years in prison for “illegally crossing the China-Myanmar border.”
According to Christianity Today, a US-based website, Cao had helped to build 16 schools that served around 2,000 children in the Wa Hills. With the help of Christians in China, Cao had also been able to bring in 100 tons of clothing and other supplies to the desperately poor region.
Christianity was introduced into the area in the 1920s by American Baptist missionaries and, although not a majority among the Wa, the church has a considerable following. In the early 1970s, the Wa Hills were taken over by the China-supported Communist Party of Burma, but following a mutiny among the mainly Wa rand-and-file of its army in 1989, the UWSA was formed.
United Wa State Army soldiers in a collective salute. Photo: Twitter
The end of communist rule released a Christianity renaissance in the Wa Hills with, at least in the beginning, some Thailand-based American missionaries, some with a military background, playing a vital role.
In more recent years, Cao may be the only “foreign” missionary who made it to the Wa Hills, but many other church workers there are Kachins from Myanmar, which could explain the belief that the Americans are behind it all – and not only for spreading the Christian gospel.
It would be too facile to say that the concerns expressed in the Toutiao article are the only reason for China building yet another wall, but, local sources say, it is certainly a plausible explanation — and a more relevant one than the fear of Chinese dissidents fleeing to Myanmar.
If everything goes to plan, the construction of the wall will be finished by October 2022, which also belies the notion that it is being built to contain the spread of Covid-19.
China wants to secure its soft, southern underbelly which is one of few frontier areas through which “reactionary ideas” and other undesirable, foreign ideas can enter the country.
In future, the long and hitherto porous Myanmar-Chinese border will be fortified and — for the sake of Beijing’s national security — anyone crossing it will be clearly identified and likely closely monitored upon entering China.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Featured image: A still image taken from a social media video in September, 2020, shows a section of a fence erected by China in the town of Wanding, Yunnan, on its border with Myanmar. Image: Twitter