asiapacificresearch--2020-11-19--Is India Doing America’s Bidding Against China?

First published on APR in June 2020 .
Andrew Korybko gave an interview to Indian journalist Parth Satam ( June 2020 ) about India ’ s relations with China , the US , and Russia , just days before Monday night ’ s deadly clash between Indian and Chinese troops .
Two excerpts were ultimately included in the article that Mr. Satam was writing about this topic .
Given its importance in light of the latest clash , OneWorld is publishing the interview in its entirety with Mr. Satam ’ s permission .
Parth Satam : Can the present India-China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the changing geopolitical scenario driven by the US pullout in Afghanistan , the abrogation of Article 370 ( special status for Kashmir ) by the Modi government , and the growing Indian proximity to the US where India is toeing the American line on Chinese issues ( e.g .
joining the anti-China chorus on the COVID pandemic ) ?
Andrew Korybko : Absolutely , that ’ s the most accurate way to assess the current situation .
The preexisting differences between China and India on a host of issues were exacerbated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 370 .
Beijing condemned New Delhi for violating UNSC Resolutions on the disputed region , then some Indian officials reaffirmed their claims to Aksai Chin , which provoked a defensive reaction from China .
This escalating issue was then exploited by the US , which has a shared interest with India in “ containing ” China , as they both perceive it .
That ’ s why American officials have started comparing the latest incident to the situation in the South China Sea in an attempt to draw a parallel of so-called “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever-intensifying “ comprehensive global strategic partnership ” with India ( per what they both agreed to call it during Trump ’ s visit in February ) .
It was therefore predictable that there would eventually be a flare-up since the situation is so tense , and India is being encouraged by the US to assert its claims .
It naturally follows that India is also toeing the American line on other anti-Chinese issues as well , especially those related to the COVID-19 pandemic and “ poaching ” foreign companies from the People ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supply chains in a way that supports the US ’ grand strategic goals .
PS : Strategists from both side of the political divide in India ( albeit suspicious towards China ) broadly agree that China does not intend to go to war with India despite its technological , military , and industrial superiority due to larger geopolitical priorities and is undertaking this current intrusion into Indian territories to signal to not threaten its interests in PoK and other anti-Chinese Indian moves ( joining the QUAD , support to the Dalai Lama ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to this assessment ?
AK : I personally disagree with the characterization of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan as “ PoK ” , as well as describing the latest border incident as a Chinese “ intrusion ” , but I do agree with the spirit of the view that China does not intend to go to war with India .
However , that doesn ’ t necessarily mean that India doesn ’ t intend to go to war with China , even if only a brief border one similar in essence to what transpired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Should that be the case , then I also predict that there would be a similar outcome , namely that India will not achieve its military objectives , though it might very well succeed with certain strategic ones .
For instance , India — whether rightly or wrongly , and irrespective of whether one supports its view or not — feels uncomfortable about China ’ s de-facto leadership of both BRICS and the SCO .
New Delhi ’ s efforts to court Moscow as part of a grand “ balancing ” act @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough to the point of making Russia as openly suspicious of China as India is .
If there ’ s a Chinese-Indian border war , however , then India would send several powerful signals to the whole world even if it militarily loses the likely brief conflict .
First , India would position itself as the country most directly “ countering/containing ” China , which would appeal to its new American ally and the latter ’ s network of like-minded allies as well .
Secondly , India would compel Russia to either choose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vigorously “ balance ” between it and China .
By default , any further tilt towards India along the lines of Russia ’ s present trend ( e.g .
selling more advanced offensive weapons systems ) would be interpreted very negatively by China , potentially weakening their strategic partnership to New Delhi and Washington ’ s indirect advantage .
And thirdly , BRICS and the SCO would never be the same again , which also serves American interests .
I don ’ t endorse that scenario because I personally hope that it doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d certainly understand what goals India is aiming for in the event that it happens .
India also desperately needs another external enemy other than Pakistan to rally its domestic audience and distract them from the current economic difficulties and sharp partisan divides that have recently developed in the country .
By presenting itself as the “ American bulldog ” against China , India hopes that it would receive preferential investment and other forms of support from the US and its allies , also enabling it to reach a more equitable trade deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What is the Russian position on the Indian proximity to the US ?
Is the Russian Federation frustrated with India merely maintaining a transactional relationship in terms of weapons purchases or does it wish to take the partnership in newer dimensions ( i.e .
wanting it to be a part of the Eurasian Economic Union project ) ?
AK : I ’ m not an official representative of the Russian government so I can ’ t speak about their formal position , but from what I ’ ve observed , they ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lavrov described the so-called “ Indo-Pacific ” as “ an artificially imposed concept ” created by the US during a press conference in February 2019 , and he repeated his skepticism about it during the Raisina Dialogue in New Delhi back in January .
At that second-mentioned time , however , he expressed hope that Russia ’ s “ Indian friends are smart enough to understand ” that the US is simply trying to use this scheme to “ contain ” China .
Nevertheless , Russia has regularly reiterated its commitment to diversifying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transactional nature largely dependent on military-technical cooperation .
This is evidenced by the joint statement that was released during Prime Minister Modi ’ s attendance at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok as President Putin ’ s guest of honor , where both leaders reaffirmed their strategic relations and promised to take them further than ever before .
Two projects that are presently in the works are the Vladivostok-Chennai Maritime Corridor ( VCMC ) and selling BrahMos missiles to ASEAN states .
Russia ’ s position on India ’ s growing proximity to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ image of India ’ s position towards Russia ’ s growing proximity to China .
Both Great Powers respect the other ’ s sovereign right to reach whichever partnerships they ’ d like , though they ’ d prefer that neither of them occur at the other ’ s expense ( whether real , perceived , or speculatively latent ) .
One solution for stabilizing their relations into the future would be to jointly lead a new Non-Alignment Movement ( Neo-NAM ) , which I elaborated on in an article that I co-authored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Moscow State Institute of International Relations ( MGIMO ) , which is run by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs .
Titled “ The Prospects of Russia and India Jointly Leading a New Non-Aligned Movement ” , it can be read in full for free here .
The proposal is already being actively discussed in one of Russia ’ s top think tanks , the Valdai Club , and certainly deserves further study given the important “ balancing ” role that it can play in the future international system .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both of them to pool their collective resources ( especially diplomatic and economic ) towards creating a third pole of influence in the increasingly bipolar world led by the American and Chinese superpowers .
Not only could that help maintain trust between Russia and India , but it could also prevent one or the other from becoming their counterpart ’ s “ junior partner ” , something that they each fear for understandable reasons .
That said , I ’ ve since expanded on my academic proposal to incorporate my prior work on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I explain at length in my analytical piece about how “ Improved Russian-Pakistani Relations Will Help Moscow Balance The New Bipolarity “ .
I assert that this could perfect Russia ’ s “ balancing ” act by upholding its trust with China despite any progress that might be made on the Neo-NAM simultaneously with making India think twice about the consequences of more fully pivoting towards the US .
In sum , the solution to the dilemma posed by Russia ’ s increasingly close relations with China as perceived by India and India @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US as perceived by Russia is for them both to come together to jointly lead a Neo-NAM , though Moscow ’ s chances of successfully maintaining this complex “ balancing ” act between China and India would be greatly strengthened by the continued improvement of its relations with Pakistan for the aforementioned reasons .
This scenario presents what I sincerely believe to be the best outcome for all five players — Russia , India , China , the US , and Pakistan — and would therefore greatly contribute to establishing a relative sense @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anarchic international arena .
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This article was crossposted from OneWorld .
Mr. Satam ’ s article that included the two earlier mentioned excerpts from this interview was published at the Mission Victory India autonomous defence think tank under the title “ What is China ’ s Intent ?
The Answer is in the Regional Diplomatic Scenario & the New Cold War @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be followed on Facebook and Twitter .
Andrew Korybko is an American Moscow-based political analyst specializing in the relationship between the US strategy in Afro-Eurasia , China ’ s One Belt One Road global vision of New Silk Road connectivity , and Hybrid Warfare .
He is a frequent contributor to Global Research .


asiapacificresearch--2020-11-23--Remembering the Maguindanao Massacre: Warlordism at Its Worst

The Maguindanao Massacre is unanimously viewed as the most tragic event in the Philippines that capped 2009 .
On the fateful morning of 23 November 2009 — exactly eleven years ago — fifty-seven helpless civilians including women and media people were cold-bloodedly slaughtered by policemen , military men , civilian-militia personnel , and private-army members — all being fearfully and blindly subservient to the “ omnipotent ” Ampatuan warlord family of Maguindanao represented by the “ trinity ” of Andal Ampatuan , Sr. , the erstwhile governor of Maguindanao ; Zaldy Ampatuan , the erstwhile governor of the Autonomous Region @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Andal Ampatuan , Jr. , the erstwhile mayor of the municipality of Datu Unsay , Maguindanao .
This tragic event happened during the presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo who happened to be a close ally of the Ampatuans .
The criminal minds of these “ trinity ” of ruthless murderers are typical of warlords as they are found anywhere in the Philippines and in other less-civilized societies in the world .
As we commonly know them , it is inherent among warlords to be cold-blood murderers contemptuous of the legal and the moral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whether they are in Luzon , the Visayas , or Mindanao are generally perceived and expected to act like the Ampatuans when their political domination and monopolization are gravely challenged by emerging “ New Turks ” .
In fact , by a mere exercise of one ’ s sociological imagination , it could be said that since time immemorial , warlords anywhere in the Philippines “ naturally ” eliminate by “ liquidation ” anyone who ’ d cross their paths , i.e.
, challenge their seemingly perpetual dominion and permanent supremacy .
Image @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Source : Wikimedia Commons ) In the history of the Philippines , many have opined that the most vicious warlord with the ruthlessness of a cold-blooded murderer was Ferdinand Marcos who ordered the summary executions and forced disappearances of hundreds of his adversaries specifically in the ranks of peasant , labor , and student activists within a period of more or less 20 years , i.e.
, prior to the declaration of and during the Martial Law era .
But I beg to disagree because what Marcos did within 20 years has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 years .
And now under the six-year presidency of another notoriously ruthless warlord , Rodrigo Roa Duterte , Marcos and Arroyo atrocities combined are just a minuscule fragment of the Duterte government ’ s extra-judicial killing spree .
In other words , Duterte is miles and miles worse than Marcos and Arroyo put together .
The Maguindanao Massacre appears to be so heinous and hence exceedingly controversial to grab the front pages of both domestic and international dailies for days and weeks because in just one sweep of bullet hails from high-powered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost their precious lives .
The masterminds and lead perpetrators of course were the Ampatuan “ trinity ” .
But the issue is from what “ supreme power ” did the Ampatuans draw their satanic will ?
One very glaring reality is the fact that the Ampatuans are leading minions of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo .
They had the guts to commit a brutal crime because they knew that Gloria Arroyo would provide them with all the unassailable protections available within the clout of her power .
But how did they get to that idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deep within their zealously guarded chamber of secrets that Arroyo could have never—even in her dream—simply ignore them and drop them like hot potatoes .
They and Arroyo and their other blind followers knew that the latter ’ s overwhelming victory in Maguindanao and in the rest of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao ( ARMM ) during the previous presidential elections was courtesy of the iron hands of the Ampatuan warlords .
This is basically the reason why right after the news of the massacre reached Malacanang , Arroyo did not order @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Other measures were likewise done to shield the Ampatuans .
But because of popular local and international pressures , Arroyo was forced—against her will—to arrest and incarcerate the Ampatuans .
In retrospect , we could almost accurately say that the power of the Ampatuans exercised to the point of committing a terrible heinous crime was actually directly drawn from the seeming “ omnipotence ” of their “ patroness , ” Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo .
Having another warlord as president , Filipinos can not hope for something better as far as justice and peace in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already been thousands of extra-judicial killings of suspected drug users and pushers along with those innocent people caught in the senseless crossfires perpetrated by no less than the national police and other government agents tasked by Duterte to follow his murderous mandates .
But what is worse in this whole agenda is none of the identified big fish — big-time drug lords — have ever been arrested and convicted before the court of law .
With this in mind , what one can ’ t get rid of at this moment is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s allegation .
If we are in a situation like this , what would you have in mind about the government that for the last four years has been mismanaging the state affairs more particularly the issue of the seemingly unchecked and uncontrolled proliferation of illegal drugs in the country ?
Warlordism is well-entrenched in the political culture of the Filipino .
We are already in the 21st century and none of its vestiges have significantly declined .
The notion of democracy is simply an abstract theory whose realization is apparently infeasible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distorted political sense have continued to sustain warlordism , whether unwittingly or otherwise .
The demise of warlordism in the Philippine context is therefore deemed to be an unachievable dream .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid , Spain .
A retired academic ( Associate Professor IV ) , he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Asia , an Anglican university in the Philippines .

The Maguindanao Massacre is unanimously viewed as the most tragic event in the Philippines that capped 2009. On the fateful morning of 23 November 2009 — exactly eleven years ago — fifty-seven helpless civilians including women and media people were cold-bloodedly slaughtered by policemen, military men, civilian-militia personnel, and private-army members — all being fearfully and blindly subservient to the “omnipotent” Ampatuan warlord family of Maguindanao represented by the “trinity” of Andal Ampatuan, Sr., the erstwhile governor of Maguindanao; Zaldy Ampatuan, the erstwhile governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM); and Andal Ampatuan, Jr., the erstwhile mayor of the municipality of Datu Unsay, Maguindanao. This tragic event happened during the presidency of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo who happened to be a close ally of the Ampatuans.
The criminal minds of these “trinity” of ruthless murderers are typical of warlords as they are found anywhere in the Philippines and in other less-civilized societies in the world. As we commonly know them, it is inherent among warlords to be cold-blood murderers contemptuous of the legal and the moral. Politicians of the same warlord streak whether they are in Luzon, the Visayas, or Mindanao are generally perceived and expected to act like the Ampatuans when their political domination and monopolization are gravely challenged by emerging “New Turks”. In fact, by a mere exercise of one’s sociological imagination, it could be said that since time immemorial, warlords anywhere in the Philippines “naturally” eliminate by “liquidation” anyone who’d cross their paths, i.e., challenge their seemingly perpetual dominion and permanent supremacy.
Image on the right: Gloria Arroyo (Source: Wikimedia Commons)
In the history of the Philippines, many have opined that the most vicious warlord with the ruthlessness of a cold-blooded murderer was Ferdinand Marcos who ordered the summary executions and forced disappearances of hundreds of his adversaries specifically in the ranks of peasant, labor, and student activists within a period of more or less 20 years, i.e., prior to the declaration of and during the Martial Law era. But I beg to disagree because what Marcos did within 20 years has been surpassed by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo in less than 10 years. And now under the six-year presidency of another notoriously ruthless warlord, Rodrigo Roa Duterte, Marcos and Arroyo atrocities combined are just a minuscule fragment of the Duterte government’s extra-judicial killing spree. In other words, Duterte is miles and miles worse than Marcos and Arroyo put together.
The Maguindanao Massacre appears to be so heinous and hence exceedingly controversial to grab the front pages of both domestic and international dailies for days and weeks because in just one sweep of bullet hails from high-powered automatic weapons 57 defenseless and innocent civilians lost their precious lives. The masterminds and lead perpetrators of course were the Ampatuan “trinity”. But the issue is from what “supreme power” did the Ampatuans draw their satanic will? One very glaring reality is the fact that the Ampatuans are leading minions of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. They had the guts to commit a brutal crime because they knew that Gloria Arroyo would provide them with all the unassailable protections available within the clout of her power.
But how did they get to that idea? It is because they knew from deep within their zealously guarded chamber of secrets that Arroyo could have never—even in her dream—simply ignore them and drop them like hot potatoes. They and Arroyo and their other blind followers knew that the latter’s overwhelming victory in Maguindanao and in the rest of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) during the previous presidential elections was courtesy of the iron hands of the Ampatuan warlords. This is basically the reason why right after the news of the massacre reached Malacanang, Arroyo did not order the immediate arrest of the Ampatuans. Other measures were likewise done to shield the Ampatuans. But because of popular local and international pressures, Arroyo was forced—against her will—to arrest and incarcerate the Ampatuans. In retrospect, we could almost accurately say that the power of the Ampatuans exercised to the point of committing a terrible heinous crime was actually directly drawn from the seeming “omnipotence” of their “patroness,” Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
Having another warlord as president, Filipinos cannot hope for something better as far as justice and peace in the country are concerned. There have already been thousands of extra-judicial killings of suspected drug users and pushers along with those innocent people caught in the senseless crossfires perpetrated by no less than the national police and other government agents tasked by Duterte to follow his murderous mandates. But what is worse in this whole agenda is none of the identified big fish — big-time drug lords — have ever been arrested and convicted before the court of law. With this in mind, what one can’t get rid of at this moment is a suspicion that is as good as anybody’s allegation. If we are in a situation like this, what would you have in mind about the government that for the last four years has been mismanaging the state affairs more particularly the issue of the seemingly unchecked and uncontrolled proliferation of illegal drugs in the country?
Warlordism is well-entrenched in the political culture of the Filipino. We are already in the 21st century and none of its vestiges have significantly declined. The notion of democracy is simply an abstract theory whose realization is apparently infeasible in a society whose fractured culture and distorted political sense have continued to sustain warlordism, whether unwittingly or otherwise. The demise of warlordism in the Philippine context is therefore deemed to be an unachievable dream.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines.
Featured image is from Wikimedia Commons


asiapacificresearch--2020-11-23--Video: iLaw’s US-Funded Charter Proposal Rejected

Funded by the US government via the notorious National Endowment for Democracy ( NED ) – iLaw set about petitioning @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s entire constitution rewritten and rewritten in such a way as to @ @ @ @ @ opposition parties to get into power .
The Thai parliament flatly rejected the proposal in @ @ @ @ @ awareness of iLaw ’ s foreign funding and the massive conflict of interest this represents @ @ @ @ @ assault on Thailand ’ s political independence it constitutes .
Hopefully this is the first @ @ @ @ @ NGO laws and finally prohibiting foreign-funded fronts from interfering in Thailand ’ s internal political @ @ @ @ @ would not tolerate another nation doing to it – but something the US does worldwide @ @ @ @ @ NED .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
@ @ @ @ @ email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

Funded by the US government via the notorious National Endowment for Democracy (NED) – iLaw set about petitioning the Thai government to have the nation’s entire constitution rewritten and rewritten in such a way as to make it easier for US-backed opposition parties to get into power.
The Thai parliament flatly rejected the proposal in part because of growing public awareness of iLaw’s foreign funding and the massive conflict of interest this represents – not to mention the assault on Thailand’s political independence it constitutes.
Hopefully this is the first step toward Thailand reviewing its NGO laws and finally prohibiting foreign-funded fronts from interfering in Thailand’s internal political affairs – something the US would not tolerate another nation doing to it – but something the US does worldwide through fronts like the US NED.
*
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asiapacificresearch--2020-11-23--Costly Competition: India Playing into China’s Hands

Everything is going as China has wanted with its India strategy since April .
The situation has been evolving as Beijing predicted .
In other words , whatever China wants India to do , India does .
Because of its opaque governance system , it is normally hard to predict China ’ s long-term strategy and its short-term tactics .
To attempt to do so , one needs to depend on the Chinese state-run media .
One may also rely on the reports of Chinese think-tanks and occasional writings in Chinese media .
However , in the case of India @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reasonably clear .
Beijing no longer considers India a competitor , because it its economy and military capabilities lag far behind China ’ s .
But Beijing does sees India as a possible future rival .
Therefore , it wants to create hurdles for India ’ s evolution as as a future competitor , say 30 years from now .
According to the projections of various international organizations , China ’ s rivalry will not be with the US but with India by 2050 or beyond .
For example , the World Economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will surpass that of the US by 2030 .
However , Standard Chartered Bank recently revised its prediction that India would become the world ’ s second-largest economy by 2050 .
Indian strategists and policymakers have been overly excited that India will be the world ’ s largest economy by 2050 .
But they have failed to take concrete policy initiatives to ensure this economic growth trajectory .
This is why Indian strategists claim they are dealing with a different era in which the world order is being rebalanced .
This is mentioned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ book by Indian External Affairs Minister Subramanyam Jaishankar , The India Way : Strategies for an Uncertain World .
Indian policymakers have a penchant for thinking far beyond their real economic , military , and diplomatic capabilities .
As well , territorial nationalism plays a crucial role in India ’ s domestic politics .
The government can not compromise with any other country over disputed territory .
If it did , it would lose votes in the next election .
Beijing appears mindful of both of these weak points in the Indian psyche @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prolong the border issue , it seems to be prioritizing fulfillment of its long-term strategic objectives .
And it seems clear that Beijing wants neither an India that is too weak nor one that is too strong .
According to Jaishankar , the same is true for the West : A weak India is not in the West ’ s interest , but neither is an economically and strategically strong India .
Jaishankar mentioned the “ Goldilocks principle ” in a speech at the Atlantic Council a year ago .
This is where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powers or aspirant superpowers neither too strong nor too weak .
Naturally , China wants to be the leader and India a follower , in Asia now and globally in the future .
Jaishankar has rightly mentioned in his book that while the US has fought many wars and not won a single one , China is winning on all fronts without fighting a single battle .
Thus China wants to win on all fronts against India without firing a single shot .
Beijing wants to gain the upper hand over India strategically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that can not be done quickly , China will prolong the border standoff in Ladakh .
However , if India perceives this strategy as a weakness and attacks China , Beijing will retaliate strongly .
So , what does China want to achieve by pressuring India on the border as it has done for the last eight months ?
First , China wants to drive India into a costly strategic competition .
For example , China has been commissioning aircraft carriers into service .
In response , India will feel obliged to buy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking beyond its actual financial capacity and need .
But China has been developing the capacity to build its own carriers , while India would need to procure such warships from abroad .
If India were to buy a USS Gerald R Ford-class aircraft carrier from the US , it would cost about $ 13 billion .
India ’ s current defense budget is $ 73.65 billion .
So procuring two aircraft carriers just to match the Chinese would soak up about one-third of the total defense budget .
Meanwhile , China ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its military infrastructure and creating manufacturing jobs .
China will also test missiles of various ranges , forcing India to buy a defense system to counter these .
Second , China wants India to compete with it in military capabilities .
China has vowed to modernize its military in its 14th Five-Year Plan .
It has promised to make its People ’ s Liberation Army world-class .
After China builds a world-class PLA , India will be under pressure to modernize its military in parallel .
India will be forced to increase the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China .
This will increase defense spending sharply .
Third , for the modernization of the Indian Air Force , Navy , and Infantry , New Delhi will waste enormous financial resources on military and logistic supplies .
Because of India ’ s territorial nationalism , a political situation will be developed whereby the government spends scarce financial resources on irrational projects such as constructing a road or airport in the high Himalaya , or buying aircraft carriers .
Fourth , as a result of the three factors mentioned above , India has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prioritizing economic growth , job creation , and poverty reduction .
Thousands of schools , hundreds of universities , hundreds of hospitals , thousands of kilometers of roads , the same amount of railways will be forgone in the name of territorial defense .
Scarce economic resources that could have been used to develop infrastructure and public goods will be squandered to protect barren land in the Himalaya .
About 21 % of India ’ s population lives on less than $ 2 a day and about 60 % earn less than $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s median poverty line .
India ’ s priority should be to lift this population out of the vicious cycle of poverty .
To do so , India needs to double the national income every six to seven years , ensuring fair distribution .
India needs massive investment to accelerate economic growth .
The Chinese seem to understand that India will not make economic expansion and poverty reduction a priority .
It will instead spend money to buy a caravan of tanks on the land , an armada in the sky , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wants India to stray from its economic priorities .
The Indians will defend the border by pouring enormous financial resources into the Himalayas .
By doing so , China wants to prevent India from setting priorities for economic growth .
It also intends to create delays and obstacles in policymaking and planning and their practical implementation to transform the Indian economy .
Instead of industrialization , procuring technology from abroad , innovation , and job creation , India will be forced to waste resources to defend its borders and sea lanes .
China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ innovation , and research and development in science and technology because of a lack of resources .
Last , China wants to divert India ’ s national energies and effort .
The country ’ s politicians , administrative leadership , army , media , intellectuals , and the general public all seem to be preoccupied with border disputes with China .
This will make India directionless and destination-less for the future .
If India makes such a mistake , China will become the world ’ s uncontested economic and military power beyond 2050 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent Quad meeting , the Malabar Naval Drill , its opting out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership ( RCEP ) , and signing the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation ( BECA ) with the US – all is going as China expected .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

Everything is going as China has wanted with its India strategy since April. The situation has been evolving as Beijing predicted.
In other words, whatever China wants India to do, India does.
Because of its opaque governance system, it is normally hard to predict China’s long-term strategy and its short-term tactics. To attempt to do so, one needs to depend on the Chinese state-run media. One may also rely on the reports of Chinese think-tanks and occasional writings in Chinese media.
However, in the case of India, China’s long-term strategy seems reasonably clear.
Beijing no longer considers India a competitor, because it its economy and military capabilities lag far behind China’s. But Beijing does sees India as a possible future rival. Therefore, it wants to create hurdles for India’s evolution as as a future competitor, say 30 years from now.
According to the projections of various international organizations, China’s rivalry will not be with the US but with India by 2050 or beyond. For example, the World Economic Forum has forecast that the Indian economy will surpass that of the US by 2030. However, Standard Chartered Bank recently revised its prediction that India would become the world’s second-largest economy by 2050.
Indian strategists and policymakers have been overly excited that India will be the world’s largest economy by 2050. But they have failed to take concrete policy initiatives to ensure this economic growth trajectory.
This is why Indian strategists claim they are dealing with a different era in which the world order is being rebalanced.
This is mentioned here and there in a recently published book by Indian External Affairs Minister Subramanyam Jaishankar, The India Way: Strategies for an Uncertain World.
Indian policymakers have a penchant for thinking far beyond their real economic, military, and diplomatic capabilities.
As well, territorial nationalism plays a crucial role in India’s domestic politics. The government cannot compromise with any other country over disputed territory. If it did, it would lose votes in the next election.
Beijing appears mindful of both of these weak points in the Indian psyche.
Whether China wants to resolve or prolong the border issue, it seems to be prioritizing fulfillment of its long-term strategic objectives. And it seems clear that Beijing wants neither an India that is too weak nor one that is too strong.
According to Jaishankar, the same is true for the West: A weak India is not in the West’s interest, but neither is an economically and strategically strong India. Jaishankar mentioned the “Goldilocks principle” in a speech at the Atlantic Council a year ago. This is where an established superpower tries to keep middle powers or aspirant superpowers neither too strong nor too weak.
Naturally, China wants to be the leader and India a follower, in Asia now and globally in the future.
Jaishankar has rightly mentioned in his book that while the US has fought many wars and not won a single one, China is winning on all fronts without fighting a single battle.
Thus China wants to win on all fronts against India without firing a single shot.
Beijing wants to gain the upper hand over India strategically while resolving the border dispute. If that cannot be done quickly, China will prolong the border standoff in Ladakh. However, if India perceives this strategy as a weakness and attacks China, Beijing will retaliate strongly.
So, what does China want to achieve by pressuring India on the border as it has done for the last eight months?
First, China wants to drive India into a costly strategic competition.
For example, China has been commissioning aircraft carriers into service. In response, India will feel obliged to buy expensive aircraft carriers from other countries, thinking beyond its actual financial capacity and need.
But China has been developing the capacity to build its own carriers, while India would need to procure such warships from abroad. If India were to buy a USS Gerald R Ford-class aircraft carrier from the US, it would cost about $13 billion.
India’s current defense budget is $73.65 billion. So procuring two aircraft carriers just to match the Chinese would soak up about one-third of the total defense budget. Meanwhile, China’s home-grown shipbuilding industry would be localizing its military infrastructure and creating manufacturing jobs.
China will also test missiles of various ranges, forcing India to buy a defense system to counter these.
Second, China wants India to compete with it in military capabilities. China has vowed to modernize its military in its 14th Five-Year Plan. It has promised to make its People’s Liberation Army world-class. After China builds a world-class PLA, India will be under pressure to modernize its military in parallel.
India will be forced to increase the size of its military to compete with China. This will increase defense spending sharply.
Third, for the modernization of the Indian Air Force, Navy, and Infantry, New Delhi will waste enormous financial resources on military and logistic supplies.
Because of India’s territorial nationalism, a political situation will be developed whereby the government spends scarce financial resources on irrational projects such as constructing a road or airport in the high Himalaya, or buying aircraft carriers.
Fourth, as a result of the three factors mentioned above, India has to focus on border protection instead of prioritizing economic growth, job creation, and poverty reduction.
Thousands of schools, hundreds of universities, hundreds of hospitals, thousands of kilometers of roads, the same amount of railways will be forgone in the name of territorial defense. Scarce economic resources that could have been used to develop infrastructure and public goods will be squandered to protect barren land in the Himalaya.
About 21% of India’s population lives on less than $2 a day and about 60% earn less than $3.10 a day, the World Bank’s median poverty line. India’s priority should be to lift this population out of the vicious cycle of poverty. To do so, India needs to double the national income every six to seven years, ensuring fair distribution. India needs massive investment to accelerate economic growth.
The Chinese seem to understand that India will not make economic expansion and poverty reduction a priority. It will instead spend money to buy a caravan of tanks on the land, an armada in the sky, and fleets in the ocean.
China wants India to stray from its economic priorities. The Indians will defend the border by pouring enormous financial resources into the Himalayas.
By doing so, China wants to prevent India from setting priorities for economic growth. It also intends to create delays and obstacles in policymaking and planning and their practical implementation to transform the Indian economy.
Instead of industrialization, procuring technology from abroad, innovation, and job creation, India will be forced to waste resources to defend its borders and sea lanes.
China also wants India to de-prioritize invention, innovation, and research and development in science and technology because of a lack of resources.
Last, China wants to divert India’s national energies and effort. The country’s politicians, administrative leadership, army, media, intellectuals, and the general public all seem to be preoccupied with border disputes with China.
This will make India directionless and destination-less for the future.
If India makes such a mistake, China will become the world’s uncontested economic and military power beyond 2050.
India’s participation in the recent Quad meeting, the Malabar Naval Drill, its opting out of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and signing the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geo-Spatial Cooperation (BECA) with the US – all is going as China expected.
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asiapacificresearch--2020-11-23--New Rule Puts Indonesia’s Protected Forests Up for Grabs for Agribusiness

Indonesia ’ s dwindling forests may be cleared for farmland under a government-led program to boost domestic food production , raising fears of a surge in deforestation .
The government ’ s “ food estate ” program calls for establishing millions of hectares of new farmland , mostly for rice and other staple crops .
To ensure there ’ s sufficient land for the program , the Ministry of Environment and Forestry issued a regulation on Oct. 26 permitting protected forest areas to be cleared for that purpose on a “ large scale.
” Under existing laws , forest areas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ministry issues a forest conversion permit to allow farming there .
But under the new regulation , plantation operators won ’ t have to apply for such a permit , and the once-protected forests will be redesignated as “ forest areas for food security , ” or KHKP by the Indonesian acronym .
These areas may be developed as food estates for up to 20 years , extended indefinitely thereafter .
The KHKP regulation has drawn immediate criticism from environmental groups , who warn it strips away what few protections still apply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of biodiverse rainforest .
Indonesian Agriculture Minister Syahrul Yasin Limpo with local officials ride a tractor during a visit at the site of the food estate program in Humbang Hasundutan district , North Sumatra province , Indonesia , in September 2020 .
Image courtesy of North Sumatra provincial government .
There are 29.7 million hectares ( 73.4 million acres ) of protected forest — an area the size of Italy — across Indonesia , representing a quarter of the country ’ s total forest area , according to official data .
There used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past 20 years , the government degazetted 26 million hectares ( 64 million acres ) of forest , or the size of New Zealand , to be exploited for commercial use , predominantly plantations .
The government designates a forest as protected if it meets one of six criteria , such as being located in a watershed area , or having steep slopes , sensitive soil types and high precipitation intensity , among others .
The ostensible goal of maintaining forests as protected is to prevent floods , control erosion , and maintain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ threatens these objectives by encouraging the destruction of these valuable ecosystems , says Emil Salim , a former minister of environment .
Daniel Johan , a lawmaker who sits on the parliamentary oversight commission for agriculture , has also criticized the ministerial regulation .
Others have flagged the potential for the new regulation to encourage unbridled logging , by waiving timber taxes for logging companies that manage land inside the designated food estates .
The risk of deforestation is exacerbated by a recently passed deregulation bill , known as the “ omnibus law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a requirement for local governments to maintain at least 30 % of each watershed and/or island area as forest area .
Wahyu A. Perdana , who heads Walhi ’ s department for food , water and essential ecosystems , says this effectively frees up Indonesia ’ s forests to be cleared for the food estate program , with no legal consequences for the local governments that permit it .
President Joko Widodo visits the site of the food estate program in Pulang Pisau district , Central Kalimantan province , Indonesia , in October @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ministry of State Secretariat .
Daniel , the member of parliament , represents a constituency in Kalimantan , the Indonesian portion of the island of Borneo , which the government has included in its plan for the nationwide network of food estates .
In the districts of Pulang Pisau and Kapuas in Central Kalimantan province , the government has identified 165,000 hectares ( 407,700 acres ) of potential farmland .
Most of it sits on wetlands that were targeted for an identical initiative , the Mega Rice Project ( MRP ) , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that earlier project , leaving behind a dried-out wasteland that burns on a large scale almost every year .
Across the water , in North Sumatra , the government is eyeing 61,000 hectares ( 150,700 acres ) of land on a plateau that straddles four districts .
The new regulation and other policies will ensure that much of that land will be farmed by major corporations rather than small farmers , said Herry from CIFOR , citing the emphasis on “ large-scale ” estates .
The regulation also makes no mention of food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big investors , said Dimas Hartono , director of Walhi ’ s Central Kalimantan provincial chapter .
That gives big corporations even greater control over Indonesia ’ s land and forests , including the protected forests that were previously off-limits to them .
It also ensures that this new farmland will be used for monocropping : growing a single , economically valuable commodity across large areas , including rice .
But if the food estate program were to promote community-managed farming instead , it could have less of an impact on biodiversity loss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to cultivate a wide variety of crops interspersed among trees , in a system known as agroforestry , to ensure year-round harvests .
Agroforestry systems also maintain some of the biodiversity in a given area that would otherwise disappear under a monocrop system .
Jatna Supriatna , a conservation biologist at the University of Indonesia , echoed the view , saying prioritizing agroforestry would allow the protection and rehabilitation of degraded forest areas .
He cited the example of shade-grown coffee , which encourages the maintenance of trees .
“ And as time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the forests will be healthy.
” Nur from Walhi attributed the food estate program ’ s push for monoculture crops on policymakers ’ view of forests as being of no value unless they could be logged and cleared for farmland .
Microsoft Zoom Earth satellite image show a section of burned peatland in the region in Central Kalimantan where the rice project is planned .
Why does it have to be protected forest ?
The government has responded that only it , and not plantation companies , can propose forest areas that may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It says this should ally any concerns that companies operating illegally inside forest areas may exploit the program to legitimize their operations .
It also says the only protected forest areas that may be cleared for the program are those deemed to have already been degraded and thus are no longer serving any of the environmental criteria used to define a forest .
And these conversions can only proceed following comprehensive studies and an environmental impact analysis , said Sigit Hardwinarto , the environment ministry ’ s head of zoning .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ feature a form of agroforestry , what the government calls “ compound land utilization.
” This will effectively allow designated areas to be used for more than one type of cultivation , from growing food and cash crops , to horticulture , to fish farming .
Herry from CIFOR said this would be a welcome development , but only if the role of small-scale farmers is given greater emphasis across the wider policy .
Yanto Santosa , a forestry professor at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture , welcomed the ministry ’ s new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boon for oil palm farmers .
Yanto , who is controversial within the academic community for his views in support of the palm oil industry , said clearing a degraded forest to plant oil palms doesn ’ t constitute deforestation .
He said this should only apply to farmers with small plots , not companies running large plantations .
Herry said carbon stock should be the objective measure for how cleared forestland should be replanted , noting that oil palms are notoriously poor at sequestering carbon compared to the old-growth and timber trees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , still see too much of a risk to allow agricultural activities inside protected forests .
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Indonesia’s dwindling forests may be cleared for farmland under a government-led program to boost domestic food production, raising fears of a surge in deforestation.
The government’s “food estate” program calls for establishing millions of hectares of new farmland, mostly for rice and other staple crops. To ensure there’s sufficient land for the program, the Ministry of Environment and Forestry issued a regulation on Oct. 26 permitting protected forest areas to be cleared for that purpose on a “large scale.”
Under existing laws, forest areas in Indonesia are off-limits for plantations unless the ministry issues a forest conversion permit to allow farming there. But under the new regulation, plantation operators won’t have to apply for such a permit, and the once-protected forests will be redesignated as “forest areas for food security,” or KHKP by the Indonesian acronym.
These areas may be developed as food estates for up to 20 years, extended indefinitely thereafter.
The KHKP regulation has drawn immediate criticism from environmental groups, who warn it strips away what few protections still apply to Indonesia’s last remaining swaths of biodiverse rainforest.
“The term ‘large scale’ indicates that this food estate program will alter the natural landscape in vast areas, thousands of hectares,” Nur Hidayati, executive director of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (Walhi), said at a recent online press conference. “This is very worrying because there have never been cases where large-scale land or forest conversion has created a positive impact on the ecosystem or our environment.”
Indonesian Agriculture Minister Syahrul Yasin Limpo with local officials ride a tractor during a visit at the site of the food estate program in Humbang Hasundutan district, North Sumatra province, Indonesia, in September 2020. Image courtesy of North Sumatra provincial government.
Deforestation concerns
There are 29.7 million hectares (73.4 million acres) of protected forest — an area the size of Italy — across Indonesia, representing a quarter of the country’s total forest area, according to official data.
There used to be much more: over the past 20 years, the government degazetted 26 million hectares (64 million acres) of forest, or the size of New Zealand, to be exploited for commercial use, predominantly plantations.
The government designates a forest as protected if it meets one of six criteria, such as being located in a watershed area, or having steep slopes, sensitive soil types and high precipitation intensity, among others.
The ostensible goal of maintaining forests as protected is to prevent floods, control erosion, and maintain soil fertility. But the new regulation threatens these objectives by encouraging the destruction of these valuable ecosystems, says Emil Salim, a former minister of environment.
“If natural protected forests can be converted into food estates, the world will lose the only tropical forests in the world’s richest archipelago with a variety of biological resources, potential food and untouched medicinal ingredients,” he tweeted in Indonesian on Nov. 17. “Now the ecosystem has been changed to monoculture food!”
Daniel Johan, a lawmaker who sits on the parliamentary oversight commission for agriculture, has also criticized the ministerial regulation.
“The biggest concern is that people will flock to and encroach into protected forests to cut down the trees and clear the land, and then this will be legalized by this ministerial regulation,” he said. “How do you monitor this on the ground? And we have to talk about the impact of environmental damage, such as landslides and droughts. This should have been considered when making the policy.”
Others have flagged the potential for the new regulation to encourage unbridled logging, by waiving timber taxes for logging companies that manage land inside the designated food estates.
“It shouldn’t be this way,” said Herry Purnomo, a senior scientist at the Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR).
The risk of deforestation is exacerbated by a recently passed deregulation bill, known as the “omnibus law on job creation,” that removes a requirement for local governments to maintain at least 30% of each watershed and/or island area as forest area.
Wahyu A. Perdana, who heads Walhi’s department for food, water and essential ecosystems, says this effectively frees up Indonesia’s forests to be cleared for the food estate program, with no legal consequences for the local governments that permit it.
President Joko Widodo visits the site of the food estate program in Pulang Pisau district, Central Kalimantan province, Indonesia, in October 2020. Image courtesy of the Indonesian Ministry of State Secretariat.
Boon for corporate farming
Daniel, the member of parliament, represents a constituency in Kalimantan, the Indonesian portion of the island of Borneo, which the government has included in its plan for the nationwide network of food estates.
In the districts of Pulang Pisau and Kapuas in Central Kalimantan province, the government has identified 165,000 hectares (407,700 acres) of potential farmland. Most of it sits on wetlands that were targeted for an identical initiative, the Mega Rice Project (MRP), in the mid-1990s. The government ultimately abandoned that earlier project, leaving behind a dried-out wasteland that burns on a large scale almost every year.
Across the water, in North Sumatra, the government is eyeing 61,000 hectares (150,700 acres) of land on a plateau that straddles four districts.
The new regulation and other policies will ensure that much of that land will be farmed by major corporations rather than small farmers, said Herry from CIFOR, citing the emphasis on “large-scale” estates.
“People usually farm on a small scale, so large scale — estates — is usually [developed by] either state-owned companies or private firms,” he said. “So scale does matter.”
The regulation also makes no mention of food security for small farmers, while coddling big investors, said Dimas Hartono, director of Walhi’s Central Kalimantan provincial chapter.
“Through this ministerial regulation, we see efforts to eliminate people’s rights, which should have been promoted,” he said. “It doesn’t say anything about food sovereignty among the people, but food security managed by big investments. People’s rights to cultivate their lands aren’t stipulated in this regulation.”
That gives big corporations even greater control over Indonesia’s land and forests, including the protected forests that were previously off-limits to them. It also ensures that this new farmland will be used for monocropping: growing a single, economically valuable commodity across large areas, including rice.
But if the food estate program were to promote community-managed farming instead, it could have less of an impact on biodiversity loss, Herry said. Community farms tend to cultivate a wide variety of crops interspersed among trees, in a system known as agroforestry, to ensure year-round harvests. Agroforestry systems also maintain some of the biodiversity in a given area that would otherwise disappear under a monocrop system.
Jatna Supriatna, a conservation biologist at the University of Indonesia, echoed the view, saying prioritizing agroforestry would allow the protection and rehabilitation of degraded forest areas. He cited the example of shade-grown coffee, which encourages the maintenance of trees. “And as time passes,” he said, “the forests will be healthy.”
Nur from Walhi attributed the food estate program’s push for monoculture crops on policymakers’ view of forests as being of no value unless they could be logged and cleared for farmland.
“It’s a failure of the government to see forests not as a source of food, so they have to be cut down,” she said.
Microsoft Zoom Earth satellite image show a section of burned peatland in the region in Central Kalimantan where the rice project is planned.
Why does it have to be protected forest?
The government has responded that only it, and not plantation companies, can propose forest areas that may be degazetted for the food estate program. It says this should ally any concerns that companies operating illegally inside forest areas may exploit the program to legitimize their operations.
It also says the only protected forest areas that may be cleared for the program are those deemed to have already been degraded and thus are no longer serving any of the environmental criteria used to define a forest. And these conversions can only proceed following comprehensive studies and an environmental impact analysis, said Sigit Hardwinarto, the environment ministry’s head of zoning.
“What’s most important is that the protected forest areas have to meet the requirement of not having trees no more, or no longer have their functions,” he said.
He also said the food estate program would feature a form of agroforestry, what the government calls “compound land utilization.” This will effectively allow designated areas to be used for more than one type of cultivation, from growing food and cash crops, to horticulture, to fish farming.
Herry from CIFOR said this would be a welcome development, but only if the role of small-scale farmers is given greater emphasis across the wider policy.
“If this [program] wants to be compatible with the public, then it has to be at a small scale,” he said. “If it’s indeed for companies, then just allocate forests that are already earmarked for companies, such as production forests that may be converted for other uses. These forests are clearly for companies, so there’s no overlap and no disguise.”
Yanto Santosa, a forestry professor at the Bogor Institute of Agriculture, welcomed the ministry’s new regulation, saying it would be a boon for oil palm farmers.
Yanto, who is controversial within the academic community for his views in support of the palm oil industry, said clearing a degraded forest to plant oil palms doesn’t constitute deforestation.
“I am very happy because oil palm is supposed to be a food crop and it is a tree as well, even though it’s true that it has no timber,” he said during a recent online discussion. “We all agree that forests can’t be cleared for oil palm, but if they’ve already been degraded and there is no vegetation, then the [environment] minister said it is allowed, even in protected forest areas.”
He said this should only apply to farmers with small plots, not companies running large plantations.
Herry said carbon stock should be the objective measure for how cleared forestland should be replanted, noting that oil palms are notoriously poor at sequestering carbon compared to the old-growth and timber trees of agroforestry farms.
“It’s the easiest indicator,” he said. “For example, say a forest has a carbon stock of 50 tonnes per hectare. With agroforestry, hopefully it can be increased to 70 tonnes. But if it’s replaced by oil palm plantations, it’ll decline to 29 tonnes.”
Others, however, still see too much of a risk to allow agricultural activities inside protected forests.
“Has the government conducted mapping and a thorough study on the impact [of the program]?” said Daniel, the lawmaker. “We shouldn’t let a policy with a wide impact be carried out carelessly without an in-depth study, especially considering that year after year the size of protected forests keeps shrinking. “There should be many other options than [clearing] protected forests, such as planting on abandoned agricultural fields,” he added. “Why does it have to be protected forest?”
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asiapacificresearch--2020-11-25--Ignore the Spin – Australia Unemployment Still Up, Says ACTU

The Australian Bureau of Statistics ( ABS ) released unemployment figures for the month of October , and in its monthly labour force survey on Thursday revealed an increase of one-tenth of one per cent nationwide , bringing the figure up to an even 7.0 per cent .
The agency , in announcing the figures and trends , have made it sound like it ’ s a negligible change from the month of September .
However , in the words of legendary politically-charged hip-hop group Public Enemy and its leader Chuck D , don ’ t believe the hype .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ACTU ) insists that while a small rise in unemployment has occurred , it ’ s still an upward trend , and other statistics such as those relating to youth unemployment and under-employment still lingering in the double-digits .
“ This data shows just how hard it is to find a job for the huge numbers of working people who have fallen into unemployment during this crisis , ” said Sally McManus , the ACTU ’ s secretary , in reaction to the ABS ’ s announcement of the figures .
A closer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data justifies points made by McManus and the ACTU : • One-tenth of one per cent still amounts to an additional 25,500 people having lost their jobs over the previous month ’ s time ; • Under-employment may have dipped by one full percentage point to 10.4 per cent – however , that still represents more than 10 per cent of the workforce struggling for hours or struggling to get out of insecure work ; • And the youth unemployment figures are even worse – 6 per cent for the month of October @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from September and a 3.4 per cent increase since the start of 2020 .
Even taking this year ’ s global COVID-19 pandemic and a national recession into account , from when the pandemic was declared in March , youth unemployment has risen by four per cent in the seven-month interval for when data has been collected , under-employment figures are 1.6 per cent higher since March , and the total number of unemployed persons is still 33 per cent higher in the last 12 months .
2020 ’ s youth unemployment figures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tradingeconomics.com , via the ABS ) And while Australia ’ s monthly unemployment figures have topped the current seven-per cent mark just five times since 2000 , four of those have occurred this year – in May , June , July , and now in October .
McManus maintains that no matter how badly – or desperately – the statistics for October are spun , manipulated , or applied by the Morrison government or any of its agencies , it is not good news for the nation ’ s unemployed coming towards the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worse for those on subsidies such as JobKeeper or JobSeeker , despite the recent announcement by the government and treasurer Josh Frydenberg that each of those will be extended until the end of March .
“ We have 1.4 million people reliant on JobSeeker and more than three million on JobKeeper – we need to be investing now to make sure that when JobKeeper ends there are jobs for people to move into , ” McManus said .
While the ACTU calls for the government to come up with a concrete jobs plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figures into a downward trend , Brendan O ’ Connor , Labor ’ s shadow minister for employment , continues to ring the doom-and-gloom bell for the opposition ’ s interpretations of the ABS ’ s October employment figures .
“ The story is worse around the country – with youth unemployment up 3.6 per cent in Victoria , 2.9 per cent in South Australia , and 2.4 per cent in the Northern Territory , ” said O ’ Connor .
“ [ And ] youth under-utilisation is at 33.5 per cent – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ looking for work or more work , ” he added , while echoing McManus ’ s demands for more solid plans for work schemes for young people aged 16-24 years .
“ Labor continues to call on the Morrison government to urgently develop a COVID-19 Youth Recovery Strategy , that is co-designed with young people and outlines clear short , medium and long term goals , ” said O ’ Connor .
In light of the revelation that the government ’ s JobMaker employer subsidy will only create a mere ten per cent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for youth , Labor ’ s scheme Youth Recovery Strategy would , according to shadow minister for youth Amanda Rishworth , consist of a design that takes the input of young people themselves into account , an open and honest discussion of how its policies would impact young people , and provide an outline for short- , medium- and long-range goals for jobs and careers alike for young people , with regular reporting to Parliament a must .
“ It is hard to overstate the severity of the challenges facing our young people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are looking down the barrel of years , if not decades , of hardship , ” said Rishworth back in August .
“ Trying to address the interrelated challenges facing young people with isolated , band-aid solutions will fail .
It is critical the government takes a holistic , coordinated approach , ” she added .
And with just six weeks until Christmas , McManus reminded the government that the clock continues to tick with regard to getting more people of all ages into jobs as a means of stimulating spending to kick-start @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to keep increasing to Christmas , ” she said .
“ The government should be doing everything it can to create secure jobs and put money in the hands of working people so they can spend and restart the economy , ” McManus added .
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The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) released unemployment figures for the month of October, and in its monthly labour force survey on Thursday revealed an increase of one-tenth of one per cent nationwide, bringing the figure up to an even 7.0 per cent.
The agency, in announcing the figures and trends, have made it sound like it’s a negligible change from the month of September.
However, in the words of legendary politically-charged hip-hop group Public Enemy and its leader Chuck D, don’t believe the hype.
The Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) insists that while a small rise in unemployment has occurred, it’s still an upward trend, and other statistics such as those relating to youth unemployment and under-employment still lingering in the double-digits.
“This data shows just how hard it is to find a job for the huge numbers of working people who have fallen into unemployment during this crisis,” said Sally McManus, the ACTU’s secretary, in reaction to the ABS’s announcement of the figures.
A closer examination of the ABS’s raw data justifies points made by McManus and the ACTU:
One-tenth of one per cent still amounts to an additional 25,500 people having lost their jobs over the previous month’s time;
Under-employment may have dipped by one full percentage point to 10.4 per cent – however, that still represents more than 10 per cent of the workforce struggling for hours or struggling to get out of insecure work;
And the youth unemployment figures are even worse – 6 per cent for the month of October, denoting a 1.1 per cent rise from September and a 3.4 per cent increase since the start of 2020.
Even taking this year’s global COVID-19 pandemic and a national recession into account, from when the pandemic was declared in March, youth unemployment has risen by four per cent in the seven-month interval for when data has been collected, under-employment figures are 1.6 per cent higher since March, and the total number of unemployed persons is still 33 per cent higher in the last 12 months.
2020’s youth unemployment figures, month by month (Image from tradingeconomics.com, via the ABS)
And while Australia’s monthly unemployment figures have topped the current seven-per cent mark just five times since 2000, four of those have occurred this year – in May, June, July, and now in October.
McManus maintains that no matter how badly – or desperately – the statistics for October are spun, manipulated, or applied by the Morrison government or any of its agencies, it is not good news for the nation’s unemployed coming towards the end of the year.
And even worse for those on subsidies such as JobKeeper or JobSeeker, despite the recent announcement by the government and treasurer Josh Frydenberg that each of those will be extended until the end of March.
“We have 1.4 million people reliant on JobSeeker and more than three million on JobKeeper – we need to be investing now to make sure that when JobKeeper ends there are jobs for people to move into,” McManus said.
While the ACTU calls for the government to come up with a concrete jobs plan to stimulate the economy and quell unemployment figures into a downward trend, Brendan O’Connor, Labor’s shadow minister for employment, continues to ring the doom-and-gloom bell for the opposition’s interpretations of the ABS’s October employment figures.
“The story is worse around the country – with youth unemployment up 3.6 per cent in Victoria, 2.9 per cent in South Australia, and 2.4 per cent in the Northern Territory,” said O’Connor.
“[And] youth under-utilisation is at 33.5 per cent – meaning one in three young Australians are looking for work or more work,” he added, while echoing McManus’s demands for more solid plans for work schemes for young people aged 16-24 years.
“Labor continues to call on the Morrison government to urgently develop a COVID-19 Youth Recovery Strategy, that is co-designed with young people and outlines clear short, medium and long term goals,” said O’Connor.
In light of the revelation that the government’s JobMaker employer subsidy will only create a mere ten per cent of its initial goal of 450,000 jobs for youth, Labor’s scheme Youth Recovery Strategy would, according to shadow minister for youth Amanda Rishworth, consist of a design that takes the input of young people themselves into account, an open and honest discussion of how its policies would impact young people, and provide an outline for short-, medium- and long-range goals for jobs and careers alike for young people, with regular reporting to Parliament a must.
“It is hard to overstate the severity of the challenges facing our young people now and into the future. They are looking down the barrel of years, if not decades, of hardship,” said Rishworth back in August.
“Trying to address the interrelated challenges facing young people with isolated, band-aid solutions will fail. It is critical the government takes a holistic, coordinated approach,” she added.
And with just six weeks until Christmas, McManus reminded the government that the clock continues to tick with regard to getting more people of all ages into jobs as a means of stimulating spending to kick-start the economy.
“Unemployment is projected to keep increasing to Christmas,” she said.
“The government should be doing everything it can to create secure jobs and put money in the hands of working people so they can spend and restart the economy,” McManus added.
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asiapacificresearch--2020-11-25--Why Is It So Difficult for Bangladeshi Women to Get Justice?

In 2015 , Salma ’ s husband and his parents held her down and poured nitric acid down her throat because they wanted more than the Tk 100,000 ( USD 1,100 ) that her parents had already paid in dowry .
For months since the wedding , her father-in-law had beat her repeatedly , demanding more .
Salma went to stay with her parents to escape the abuse .
But when villagers started gossiping about her broken marriage , her parents told her to return to her in-laws .
When she said she was being physically abused , they told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Now , she is fed through a tube in her stomach .
Salma ’ s story is disturbingly common in Bangladesh , where over 70 percent of married women and girls have faced some form of intimate partner abuse , about half of whom say their partners physically assaulted them .
But the majority of women never told anyone about this abuse and only three percent take legal action .
In many cases like Salma ’ s , survivors seeking help are turned away—by family , community , and the police—and can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to return to their abuser .
When Salma tried to escape the violence , she was met with stigma and—with only a handful of government-run shelters in the country and limited access to support services—she had nowhere else to go .
Salma has fought for a legal remedy for over five years now , but to little avail .
Her father , meanwhile , had a stroke and the family can not afford to continue pursuing justice .
The public prosecutor bringing the case told her that her in-laws were paying more bribes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ That is how you will get justice , ” he told her .
He too , of course , requested bribes , she said .
Every time they go to court to find out the status of the case , court officials , police and the prosecutor all ask for “ tea and snacks costs , ” Salma said .
Now she says she is telling her father , “ You have been going to the courts for the last five years and nothing is happening .
Let ’ s just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

In 2015, Salma’s husband and his parents held her down and poured nitric acid down her throat because they wanted more than the Tk 100,000 (USD 1,100) that her parents had already paid in dowry. For months since the wedding, her father-in-law had beat her repeatedly, demanding more. Salma went to stay with her parents to escape the abuse. But when villagers started gossiping about her broken marriage, her parents told her to return to her in-laws. When she said she was being physically abused, they told her “you just need to endure.” Now, she is fed through a tube in her stomach.
Salma’s story is disturbingly common in Bangladesh, where over 70 percent of married women and girls have faced some form of intimate partner abuse, about half of whom say their partners physically assaulted them. But the majority of women never told anyone about this abuse and only three percent take legal action.
In many cases like Salma’s, survivors seeking help are turned away—by family, community, and the police—and can be in even more danger when forced to return to their abuser. When Salma tried to escape the violence, she was met with stigma and—with only a handful of government-run shelters in the country and limited access to support services—she had nowhere else to go.
Salma has fought for a legal remedy for over five years now, but to little avail. Her father, meanwhile, had a stroke and the family cannot afford to continue pursuing justice. The public prosecutor bringing the case told her that her in-laws were paying more bribes so she “should pay more money.” “That is how you will get justice,” he told her. He too, of course, requested bribes, she said.
Every time they go to court to find out the status of the case, court officials, police and the prosecutor all ask for “tea and snacks costs,” Salma said. Now she says she is telling her father, “You have been going to the courts for the last five years and nothing is happening. Let’s just give up.”
Read full article here.
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Featured image is by Anisur Rahman/The Daily Star


asiapacificresearch--2020-11-25--The Australian Special Forces’ Culture of Death

Australia has a culture for war , and that culture breeds atrocities .
The Australian government ’ s own inquiry has confirmed many of the allegations leaked by journalists regarding war crimes in Afghanistan , stemming from the execution by Australian special forces of prisoners and civilians .
Those same journalists had previously been threatened with prosecution for exposing those war crimes .
But faced with a mountain of evidence and already public revelations , the government had no choice but to find that its armed forces had been involved in such atrocities .
And those crimes were a consequence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s elite special forces , the SASR .
The public reaction to the admission of guilt has varied .
While Australians may hate the political administrations that wield them in war due to partisan politics , they tend to love their military .
War itself is often bipartisan .
Many now blame the politicians for the atrocities , as though the political masters themselves were on ground , in the kicking boots and pulling the triggers on frightened civilians .
It is the tall poppy syndrome that simplifies warfare , with only trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ simply following orders is defense enough .
But in this case , there were no orders to follow .
That however does , however , make the Australian government innocent of waging war and reaping the inevitable misery it brings .
Whether or not these soldiers are being made out as scapegoats does not change the fact that they themselves executed prisoners and civilians .
The exact number of victims will never be known , just as the true depth of atrocities committed by all sides in the ongoing Afghanistan war will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that matter ) .
Australia ’ s head of government wrote a letter of apology to the head of the Afghani goverment as an act of apology .
Such out of touch gestures reveal the widespread arrogance of national governments .
They are not representative of the suffering people , but the ones distributing the suffering .
The victims are often vastly disconnected from the regime in Kabul .
And Australian soldiers would have been operating inside of Afghanistan regardless of who the prime minister was at the time .
What of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
A payment will likely be made and an admission of guilt .
That is something more than many others have received but ultimately it is token .
It does not remove the pain , anguish and terror experienced .
Or the fact that the people of Afghanistan have suffered an endless brutal war as numerous foreign actors intervene and kill and while domestic warlords and terrorists exploit this invasion for their own devious ends .
Insurgencies are manured in the blood and bones of dead loved ones .
Especially when the foreigners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people in Afghanistan they know the true nature of the war .
They know the devastation from the air as helicopters , jets , drones and gunships devastate from above with reckless murder .
The Doctors Without Borders hospital in Kunduz mass murder from the US military in 2015 showed just how callous the allies could be , as a gunship blasted from above killing at least 42 doctors , staff , women and children patients .
The rules of war never matter to those waging it , especially when they are often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where the terror is more personal , soldiers from other nations have been involved in torture , rape , executions and murder of civilians .
The recent inquiry just reveals that the Australian soldier is no different .
The nature of the intimate murder on the ground is viewed differently by the public and law makers .
It is why bayoneting a baby is considered atrocious while napalming a school of children from afar is deemed collateral .
The war from the air has netted numerous civilian deaths , including those by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civilians were killed by an Australian strike .
In some minds this is not a war crime .
To the victims and those fermenting terror and the insurgency it most certainly is .
Perspectives change when you are related to the people who were murdered .
For Australia and its allies , the rules are often bent .
Australia , an island continent far removed from Afghanistan geographically and culturally , acts with impulsive urgency in any crisis .
Its government is able to impose laws that involve both war and domestic policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making is a characteristic of many nations that wage endless wars , in the name of their own passing self interests .
Australia is no different .
The Australian soldiers conducting operations in Afghanistan likely found themselves in a perpetual state of confused objectives .
After all , what now is the end game in Afghanistan ?
It likely will change with the incoming new US political administration .
And what was it a decade ago ?
It does not matter , Australians are there to fight , who ?
Mostly the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soldiers had committed war crimes by its own government does show the depth of seriousness of the culture that exists within a war weary few .
The Australian special forces community has been deployed and wielded by the government for decades with reckless disregard to war fatigue .
From interdicting refugees to numerous deployments in Afghanistan , Iraq and perhaps Syria the SASR is thrown about by the government with the assumption that the men are superhuman beings there to serve policy .
On top of the wars the special forces community have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of local allies , exercises to integrate them in a wider multi-national coalition and any other covert operations .
And now as the sabres are rattled in the direction of China another pivot has been given to the ADF .
The elite few are now trapped in a state of service for the Australian government and its ill defined wars , that always has terrible outcomes .
The soldiers may not be able to decide where they are sent , they however can decide how they conduct themselves .
Despite the dirty fingers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the institution of aggressive Australian foreign policy will remain .
The next season of cricket will start and the Australian appetite for war , limited and discreet , will return .
For many of the Australian public the role and function of the military is without doubt .
They are keeping Australia safe and free .
In Afghanistan perhaps from terrorists , and maybe illicit drugs .
Or to stop bad regimes from terrorising their populace .
Only foreigners may do that .
And in the case of limiting freedoms in Australia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that too .
In any case , the wars will go on for Australia .
The Aussies will always be there .
A great many Australians in public and on social media are less than impressed with the government ’ s criticism of their soldier ’ s conduct .
Civilians are siding with the SASR ; the love for the military and the men who do the bloody deeds runs for the nation run deep in Australia .
The ANZAC is celebrated , like a national knight above criticism .
When they do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the officer class or the politicians themselves .
It should be the Prime Minister from Howard , or the many coup-appointed leaders of the Australian government that should face trial , the claim goes .
But those leaders likely never killed anyone .
As difficult as it was for the soldiers , they made those decisions themselves without orders .
And given the whistleblowing , clearly not all of their fellow soldiers agreed with the decision to commit murder .
In his May 22 , 2020 interview with Scott Horton , former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Afghanistan : Some have argued that this is no where near as devastating as the My Lai Massacre or the Japanese military ’ s rape of Nangking .
No one claimed it was .
But for the victims , those moments of terror were still very real .
Even one murder is still wrong .
It is with abstract morality and the majesty of nationalist obedience that one can swish numbers around to calculate just how much suffering and death is tolerable .
Or the fact that the Australian military—again—is fighting overseas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no virtuous outcome .
It is a war against a population that had done nothing to Australia , or had any intention in attacking Australia .
But neither did the Boers , Turks , Vietnamese or Iraqis .
It is not merely a culture within the SASR itself or even the military at large .
It is Australian culture ; an entitled one that feels it has a right to go abroad and wage war .
No matter what the law or policy is , Australians have a duty to see it through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bushranger convict mentality may be one that is celebrated by a shrinking percentage of the population , but the majority continues to love their government or are at least impotently accepting its many intrusions .
And far too many now depend on it .
No matter how many examples to the contrary , people believe these actions are done in the name of the abstract greater good or a meandering ideal of freedom .
As the new decade rolls in , it is safe to say that we shall see more revelations as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They may reveal not just the conduct that occurred in Afghanistan but other Australian military deployments .
And as Australian citizen Julian Assange is held as a political prisoner , our government and wider public are silent on his status as a human being and journalist .
Instead , because of his part in the revelations of murder in Iraq by an allied military , he is forsaken .
His condition is deteriorating and his future is unknown , but for Australia more wars await .
The government and populace will add to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a foreign policy .
And most Australians seem alright with that , or at the very least indifferent .
That is the culture .
It is Australian .
To quote Major Thomas from the Australian film Breaker Morant : Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Kym Robinson is some times a coach , some times a fighter , some times a writer , often a reader but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and coach .
Unprofessional believer in liberty .
I have studied , enlisted , worked in the meat industry for most of my life , all of that above jazz and to hopefully some day write something worth reading .

Australia has a culture for war, and that culture breeds atrocities.
The Australian government’s own inquiry has confirmed many of the allegations leaked by journalists regarding war crimes in Afghanistan, stemming from the execution by Australian special forces of prisoners and civilians. Those same journalists had previously been threatened with prosecution for exposing those war crimes. But faced with a mountain of evidence and already public revelations, the government had no choice but to find that its armed forces had been involved in such atrocities. And those crimes were a consequence of the culture promoted in Australia’s elite special forces, the SASR.
The public reaction to the admission of guilt has varied. While Australians may hate the political administrations that wield them in war due to partisan politics, they tend to love their military. War itself is often bipartisan. Many now blame the politicians for the atrocities, as though the political masters themselves were on ground, in the kicking boots and pulling the triggers on frightened civilians. It is the tall poppy syndrome that simplifies warfare, with only trying leaders with crimes, as if ‘simply following orders is defense enough. But in this case, there were no orders to follow.
That however does, however, make the Australian government innocent of waging war and reaping the inevitable misery it brings.
Whether or not these soldiers are being made out as scapegoats does not change the fact that they themselves executed prisoners and civilians. The exact number of victims will never be known, just as the true depth of atrocities committed by all sides in the ongoing Afghanistan war will be unknown (and most other wars for that matter). Australia’s head of government wrote a letter of apology to the head of the Afghani goverment as an act of apology. Such out of touch gestures reveal the widespread arrogance of national governments. They are not representative of the suffering people, but the ones distributing the suffering. The victims are often vastly disconnected from the regime in Kabul. And Australian soldiers would have been operating inside of Afghanistan regardless of who the prime minister was at the time.
What of the justice for the victims and their families? A payment will likely be made and an admission of guilt. That is something more than many others have received but ultimately it is token. It does not remove the pain, anguish and terror experienced. Or the fact that the people of Afghanistan have suffered an endless brutal war as numerous foreign actors intervene and kill and while domestic warlords and terrorists exploit this invasion for their own devious ends. Insurgencies are manured in the blood and bones of dead loved ones. Especially when the foreigners kill indiscriminately and brutally.
For the people in Afghanistan they know the true nature of the war. They know the devastation from the air as helicopters, jets, drones and gunships devastate from above with reckless murder. The Doctors Without Borders hospital in Kunduz mass murder from the US military in 2015 showed just how callous the allies could be, as a gunship blasted from above killing at least 42 doctors, staff, women and children patients. The rules of war never matter to those waging it, especially when they are often the rule writers.
On the ground where the terror is more personal, soldiers from other nations have been involved in torture, rape, executions and murder of civilians. The recent inquiry just reveals that the Australian soldier is no different. The nature of the intimate murder on the ground is viewed differently by the public and law makers. It is why bayoneting a baby is considered atrocious while napalming a school of children from afar is deemed collateral. The war from the air has netted numerous civilian deaths, including those by the RAAF as was admitted in Syria when civilians were killed by an Australian strike. In some minds this is not a war crime. To the victims and those fermenting terror and the insurgency it most certainly is. Perspectives change when you are related to the people who were murdered.
For Australia and its allies, the rules are often bent. Australia, an island continent far removed from Afghanistan geographically and culturally, acts with impulsive urgency in any crisis. Its government is able to impose laws that involve both war and domestic policy as it pleases. The lawless law making is a characteristic of many nations that wage endless wars, in the name of their own passing self interests. Australia is no different. The Australian soldiers conducting operations in Afghanistan likely found themselves in a perpetual state of confused objectives. After all, what now is the end game in Afghanistan? It likely will change with the incoming new US political administration. And what was it a decade ago? It does not matter, Australians are there to fight, who? Mostly the people of Afghanistan.
The admission that Australian soldiers had committed war crimes by its own government does show the depth of seriousness of the culture that exists within a war weary few. The Australian special forces community has been deployed and wielded by the government for decades with reckless disregard to war fatigue. From interdicting refugees to numerous deployments in Afghanistan, Iraq and perhaps Syria the SASR is thrown about by the government with the assumption that the men are superhuman beings there to serve policy. On top of the wars the special forces community have no doubt been involved in the training of local allies, exercises to integrate them in a wider multi-national coalition and any other covert operations. And now as the sabres are rattled in the direction of China another pivot has been given to the ADF. The elite few are now trapped in a state of service for the Australian government and its ill defined wars, that always has terrible outcomes. The soldiers may not be able to decide where they are sent, they however can decide how they conduct themselves.
Despite the dirty fingers that this revelation gives Australian government officials, the institution of aggressive Australian foreign policy will remain. The next season of cricket will start and the Australian appetite for war, limited and discreet, will return. For many of the Australian public the role and function of the military is without doubt. They are keeping Australia safe and free. In Afghanistan perhaps from terrorists, and maybe illicit drugs. Or to stop bad regimes from terrorising their populace. Only foreigners may do that. And in the case of limiting freedoms in Australia, only a domestic government may do that too. In any case, the wars will go on for Australia. The Aussies will always be there.
A great many Australians in public and on social media are less than impressed with the government’s criticism of their soldier’s conduct. Civilians are siding with the SASR; the love for the military and the men who do the bloody deeds runs for the nation run deep in Australia. The ANZAC is celebrated, like a national knight above criticism. When they do come under fire, it is redirected at the officer class or the politicians themselves. It should be the Prime Minister from Howard, or the many coup-appointed leaders of the Australian government that should face trial, the claim goes. But those leaders likely never killed anyone. As difficult as it was for the soldiers, they made those decisions themselves without orders. And given the whistleblowing, clearly not all of their fellow soldiers agreed with the decision to commit murder.
In his May 22, 2020 interview with Scott Horton, former SAS member Braden Chapman explains his experiences in Afghanistan:
OK. I just witnessed an execution. And you kinda just move on, like we were pretty busy. You just kind of move on. I am sure that it was discussed behind closed doors. It’s one of those units where it is very hard to come forward to say stuff, these things are investigated and they get away with it at the time so you kinda don’t want to really ruin your career I guess. The fact that you know that they are getting away with this stuff, even when it is officially investigated by the military, you know it is not going to change anything.
Some have argued that this is no where near as devastating as the My Lai Massacre or the Japanese military’s rape of Nangking. No one claimed it was. But for the victims, those moments of terror were still very real. Even one murder is still wrong. It is with abstract morality and the majesty of nationalist obedience that one can swish numbers around to calculate just how much suffering and death is tolerable. Or the fact that the Australian military—again—is fighting overseas, involved in another war that has no virtuous outcome. It is a war against a population that had done nothing to Australia, or had any intention in attacking Australia. But neither did the Boers, Turks, Vietnamese or Iraqis.
It is not merely a culture within the SASR itself or even the military at large. It is Australian culture; an entitled one that feels it has a right to go abroad and wage war. No matter what the law or policy is, Australians have a duty to see it through, to follow the rules. This bushranger convict mentality may be one that is celebrated by a shrinking percentage of the population, but the majority continues to love their government or are at least impotently accepting its many intrusions. And far too many now depend on it. No matter how many examples to the contrary, people believe these actions are done in the name of the abstract greater good or a meandering ideal of freedom.
As the new decade rolls in, it is safe to say that we shall see more revelations as whistleblowers feel safer in coming out. They may reveal not just the conduct that occurred in Afghanistan but other Australian military deployments. And as Australian citizen Julian Assange is held as a political prisoner, our government and wider public are silent on his status as a human being and journalist. Instead, because of his part in the revelations of murder in Iraq by an allied military, he is forsaken. His condition is deteriorating and his future is unknown, but for Australia more wars await. The government and populace will add to the growing list of misery it calls a foreign policy. And most Australians seem alright with that, or at the very least indifferent. That is the culture. It is Australian.
To quote Major Thomas from the Australian film Breaker Morant:
The fact of the matter is that war changes men’s natures. The barbarities of war are seldom committed by abnormal men. The tragedy of war is that these horrors are committed by normal men in abnormal situations. Situations in which the ebb and flow of everyday life have departed and have been replaced by a constant round of fear and anger, blood and death.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Kym Robinson is some times a coach, some times a fighter, some times a writer, often a reader but seldom a cabbage. Professional MMA fighter and coach. Unprofessional believer in liberty. I have studied, enlisted, worked in the meat industry for most of my life, all of that above jazz and to hopefully some day write something worth reading.