asiapacificresearch--2020-12-04--Alleged Government-linked Land Grabs Threaten Cambodia’s Cardamom Mountains

Rising across remote stretches of southeast Cambodia , the Cardamom Mountains harbor dense tropical rainforest , much of it native growth carpeting the range ’ s wet slopes .
Due to its remoteness , the vast protected area has historically seen relatively little human activity , which helped safeguard crucial tracts of wilderness and protected hundreds of rare species .
However , the Cardamoms ’ status as a vital haven for wildlife is increasingly coming under threat from deforestation , land grabs , and infrastructure projects , and satellite data show an uptick in forest loss across the region in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sources say this increased clearance may be spurred by government-encouraged land grabs aimed at increasing voter confidence in the current administration of Prime Minister Hun Sen ahead of national elections in 2022 .
The Cardamoms ’ tropical broadleaf forest – some of the least explored in Southeast Asia – forms a refuge both for animals and endangered tree species .
Conifers ( particularly dacrydium elatum ) , tenasserim pine ( pinus latteri ) , birch species ( betula alnoide ) and hopea pierrei – a dipterocarp canopy tree that ’ s rare elsewhere @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here .
The region is also a vital haven for rare animal species .
Pablo Sinovas , Flagship Species Manager for international conservation NGO Fauna & Flora International ( FFI ) , an organization that works in the area , says the Cardamom Mountains “ support around half of Cambodia ’ s known bird , reptile and amphibian species , and most of the country ’ s large mammals .
This includes threatened species such as Asian elephants , Siamese crocodiles , clouded leopards , sun bear , Asiatic black bear , gaur @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Indian civets ( Viverra zibetha ) , banteng ( Bos javanicus ) , clouded leopards ( Neofelis nebulosa ) and a large population of Asian elephants ( Elephas maximus ) all live in the area ; last seen in Cambodia in 2007 , plans to reintroduce tigers ( Panthera tigris ) to the Cardamoms have been floated by the government and NGOs .
A 2010 study by FFI found the area is home to at least 62 globally threatened animal species and 17 threatened tree species .
Sinovas cautioned that deforestation in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ species that depend on these forests .
The banteng ( Bos javanicus ) is a species of wild cattle native to Southeast Asia ; males are black while females are brown .
They are listed as Endangered by the IUCN , and the largest population is found in Cambodia .
Image by Buyung Sukananda via Wikimedia Commons ( CC BY-SA 4.0 ) .
The dhole ( Cuon alpinus ) is a wild canid that roams across South and Southeast Asia .
It is listed as Endangered by the IUCN , with habitat loss @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Davidvraju via Wikimedia Commons ( CC BY-SA 4.0 ) .
The Cardamom Mountains encompass several protected areas , including four national parks ( Central Cardamom , Southern Cardamom , Botum Sakor and Preah Monivong Bokor ) and four wildlife sanctuaries ( Phnom Samkos , Phnom Aural , Peam Krasaep and Tatai ) .
However , even these official designations don ’ t appear to be affording much protection .
Satellite data from the University of Maryland ( UMD ) visualized on Global Forest Watch show the Cardamoms ’ national parks and wildlife @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 8.6 % – of their tree cover between 2001 and 2019 .
Botum Sakor alone lost nearly a quarter of its tree cover during that time ; Phnom Samkos lost more some 15 % .
Deforestation doesn ’ t seem to have slowed in 2020 , according to preliminary UMD data , with several areas showing upticks in tree cover loss .
Phnom Samkos and Botum Sakor remain among the most affected areas , with Central Cardamom National Park seeing deforestation occurring at the peripheries of areas that had previously been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forest .
This protected area also contains the only known habitat of the frog Philautus cardamonus , which is included on the IUCN Red List for endangered species and also in a study describing new frog species in the region published in Zootaxa earlier this year .
Most of the Cardamom Mountains is supposedly under government protection – but satellite data from the University of Maryland indicate this isn ’ t standing in the way of deforestation activities .
Satellite imagery shows an area of recent deforestation in Southern Cardamom National Park near @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Local sources say most of the forest clearance is likely land done for agriculture , while some may be for infrastructure development .
Deforestation activities in Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary appear to be spreading from flatter , lowland areas up into the mountains .
While this particular surge of forest loss in the Cardamoms is a recent event , the stage was set years ago by the development of a trans-national highway from Thailand through the southern part of the range in 2002 .
The road not only bisected vital habitat for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agricultural companies and animal poachers access to areas that were once unreachable .
Although stretches of the Cardamom Mountains were demarcated as the Southern Cardamom National Park in 2016 , meaning almost the entire region is supposedly offered high-level protections , unfettered animal poaching continues to be reportedalongside increasing forest loss .
Another threat for the Cardamoms looms on the horizon .
The government has recently approved the construction of a hydroelectric dam on the Pursat River , where some of the world ’ s only remaining populations of critically endangered Siamese crocodiles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as do Cambodia ’ s last known southern river terrapins ( Batagur affinis ) – one of the world ’ s most endangered turtle species .
An FFI survey from 2000 also found Philautus cardamonus , the aforementioned rare frog species endemic to Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary , in the western Cardamoms where the Pursat flows .
As few as 500 critically endangered southern river terrapins ( Batagur affinis ) may remain in the wild .
Image by Przemek Pietrak via Wikimedia Commons ( CC BY-SA 3.0 ) .
Sinovas says this development @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damage , including increased access and forest loss around the construction area ” in addition to the damage caused by the dam itself in an area where Siamese crocodiles and Philautus cardamonus have been reported .
More recently , there has been an alleged rush to grab land pursuant to a directive issued in July by Prime Minister Hun Sen to give titles to impoverished or marginalized people if they can prove they ’ ve lived on their land since 2012 .
But some say this decree may not be as noble as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Professor of Diplomacy & World Affairs at Occidental College , Los Angeles , said that with nationwide Cambodian elections coming up in 2022 , he believes the move to assign land rights is political , an attempt to galvanize support for Hun Sen ’ s Cambodian People ’ s Party ( CPP ) from disaffected , poor Cambodians who wouldn ’ t normally vote – including in the Cardamoms .
“ The only surprising thing , ” Ear told Mongabay , ” is that impoverished people might actually get something valuable out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold my breath on that .
What is given can be taken away or subsequently land grabbed by someone else : a tycoon , a Senator , an Advisor , take your pick… ” Cambodia ’ s Ministry of Environment and a director of multiple wildlife sanctuaries in the country did not respond to requests for comment .
Loggers transport felled native trees from the Cardamom Mountains .
Photo courtesy of Marcus Hardtke .
Roughly hewn logs from the Cardamoms are placed in containers for shipment .
Photo courtesy of Marcus Hardtke .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ who asked to remain anonymous , said they have personally seen evidence of land grabs across the country , and that they have been occurring more frequently since the July statement from Hun Sen. “ Since 1993 , marginalized communities haven ’ t had land titles , ” the source said .
“ Some indigenous people maybe never have land titles .
Groups that live traditionally on the land just live there naturally .
On paper , it ’ s not even a law , it ’ s just a statement from Hun @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure people have titles for land .
This made it out into a circular which was spread throughout the government , and the Ministry of Environment ; the Ministry of Agriculture , Forestry and Fisheries ; and the Ministry of Land Management in particular , have been tasked with implementing the process of land reform through the creation of the Land Reform Committee.
” According to Hun Sen ’ s statement , families that can “ prove ” they ’ ve lived on the land since 2012 can be offered titles covering one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on how this issue led to people falsely claiming land in Beng Per Wildlife Sanctuary .
There , the forest was littered by the frail skeletons of hastily-built structures set up by outsiders who claimed to live on the land – the areas around them cleared of native vegetation .
Many of those entering the sanctuary to build “ homes ” there were said to have travelled from major cities .
Outsiders come to wildlife sanctuaries and set up “ homes ” in order to claim the land and cut down nearby trees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Marcus Hardtke , an expert who ’ s worked on forest issues in Cambodia since 1996 with a number of NGOs and who spent five years with international watchdog organization Global Witness in the early 2000s , says “ in-migration ” and forest land grabs often appear random in Cambodia ; but in reality , it is well organized by wealthy land speculators in cahoots with local authorities .
“ Poor people are hired as a front to hide business interests , ” Hardtke said , “ but ultimately the land ends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Many of these land grabs are then later legalized in ‘ compromises.
’ In addition , the protected area regulations are quite often changed , creating loopholes and opportunity for fraud .
Members of the military are also known for organized forest land grabbing , especially in protected areas… ” In a move aimed at curtailing the recent invasions in the Cardamoms , on Nov. 19 the Pursat Provincial Administration ordered five commune chiefs in Veal Veng district to annul land titles issued for plots in Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ banning the illegal purchase and sale of land .
While it ’ s difficult to say exactly which agriculture companies may be involved in this scheme due to the opacity of their movements , Cambodian tycoon Try Pheap and Vietnamese agriculture companies including Vietnam Rubber Group and HAGL have regularly been implicated in land grabs in several parts of the country – including in the Cardamoms , according to Hardtke .
The entrance archway to Try Pheap ’ s rubber plantation and office in Beng Per Wildlife Sanctuary .
Photo by Chris Humphrey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ logging has taken place in the Cardamoms not only in 2020 in relation to land grabs and infrastructure projects , but also in bursts over recent years .
He says the significant forest loss the region experienced in 2019 was linked to Try Pheap .
Mongabay contacted Try Pheap for comment , but received no response .
“ There was a massive , industrial-style logging operation in the Cardamoms in 2019 , plundering Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary and protected areas in the Central Cardamoms , ” Hardtke said .
“ It continued for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the relevant authorities , blatantly illegal by all accounts .
“ This just illustrates the level of systemic corruption in this sector .
Most of the timber was exported to Vietnam and China and , as usual , timber tycoons were behind it.
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Forward this article to your email lists .
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Featured image : The Stung Proat river winds through the Cardamom Mountains .
Image by Andyb3947 via @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Rising across remote stretches of southeast Cambodia, the Cardamom Mountains harbor dense tropical rainforest, much of it native growth carpeting the range’s wet slopes. Due to its remoteness, the vast protected area has historically seen relatively little human activity, which helped safeguard crucial tracts of wilderness and protected hundreds of rare species.
However, the Cardamoms’ status as a vital haven for wildlife is increasingly coming under threat from deforestation, land grabs, and infrastructure projects, and satellite data show an uptick in forest loss across the region in 2020 – including in protected areas. Sources say this increased clearance may be spurred by government-encouraged land grabs aimed at increasing voter confidence in the current administration of Prime Minister Hun Sen ahead of national elections in 2022.
Unique habitat under threat
The Cardamoms’ tropical broadleaf forest – some of the least explored in Southeast Asia – forms a refuge both for animals and endangered tree species. Conifers (particularly dacrydium elatum), tenasserim pine (pinus latteri), birch species (betula alnoide) and hopea pierrei – a dipterocarp canopy tree that’s rare elsewhere yet features widely here – all grow here.
The region is also a vital haven for rare animal species. Pablo Sinovas, Flagship Species Manager for international conservation NGO Fauna & Flora International (FFI), an organization that works in the area, says the Cardamom Mountains “support around half of Cambodia’s known bird, reptile and amphibian species, and most of the country’s large mammals. This includes threatened species such as Asian elephants, Siamese crocodiles, clouded leopards, sun bear, Asiatic black bear, gaur and dhole.”
Beyond these, large Indian civets (Viverra zibetha), banteng (Bos javanicus), clouded leopards (Neofelis nebulosa) and a large population of Asian elephants (Elephas maximus) all live in the area; last seen in Cambodia in 2007, plans to reintroduce tigers (Panthera tigris) to the Cardamoms have been floated by the government and NGOs. A 2010 study by FFI found the area is home to at least 62 globally threatened animal species and 17 threatened tree species. Sinovas cautioned that deforestation in the area is obviously greatly concerning for the species that depend on these forests.
The banteng (Bos javanicus) is a species of wild cattle native to Southeast Asia; males are black while females are brown. They are listed as Endangered by the IUCN, and the largest population is found in Cambodia. Image by Buyung Sukananda via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).
The dhole (Cuon alpinus) is a wild canid that roams across South and Southeast Asia. It is listed as Endangered by the IUCN, with habitat loss one of its major threats. Image by Davidvraju via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).
The Cardamom Mountains encompass several protected areas, including four national parks (Central Cardamom, Southern Cardamom, Botum Sakor and Preah Monivong Bokor) and four wildlife sanctuaries (Phnom Samkos, Phnom Aural, Peam Krasaep and Tatai). However, even these official designations don’t appear to be affording much protection. Satellite data from the University of Maryland (UMD) visualized on Global Forest Watch show the Cardamoms’ national parks and wildlife sanctuaries together lost some 148,000 hectares – more than 8.6% – of their tree cover between 2001 and 2019. Botum Sakor alone lost nearly a quarter of its tree cover during that time; Phnom Samkos lost more some 15%.
Deforestation doesn’t seem to have slowed in 2020, according to preliminary UMD data, with several areas showing upticks in tree cover loss. Phnom Samkos and Botum Sakor remain among the most affected areas, with Central Cardamom National Park seeing deforestation occurring at the peripheries of areas that had previously been cleared, suggesting further encroachment into the forest. This protected area also contains the only known habitat of the frog Philautus cardamonus, which is included on the IUCN Red List for endangered species and also in a study describing new frog species in the region published in Zootaxa earlier this year.
Most of the Cardamom Mountains is supposedly under government protection – but satellite data from the University of Maryland indicate this isn’t standing in the way of deforestation activities.
Satellite imagery shows an area of recent deforestation in Southern Cardamom National Park near its border with Central Cardamom National Park. Local sources say most of the forest clearance is likely land done for agriculture, while some may be for infrastructure development.
Deforestation activities in Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary appear to be spreading from flatter, lowland areas up into the mountains.
While this particular surge of forest loss in the Cardamoms is a recent event, the stage was set years ago by the development of a trans-national highway from Thailand through the southern part of the range in 2002. The road not only bisected vital habitat for big cats and elephants, but allowed agricultural companies and animal poachers access to areas that were once unreachable.
Although stretches of the Cardamom Mountains were demarcated as the Southern Cardamom National Park in 2016, meaning almost the entire region is supposedly offered high-level protections, unfettered animal poaching continues to be reportedalongside increasing forest loss.
Another threat for the Cardamoms looms on the horizon. The government has recently approved the construction of a hydroelectric dam on the Pursat River, where some of the world’s only remaining populations of critically endangered Siamese crocodiles (Crocodylus siamensis) still live, as do Cambodia’s last known southern river terrapins (Batagur affinis) – one of the world’s most endangered turtle species. An FFI survey from 2000 also found Philautus cardamonus, the aforementioned rare frog species endemic to Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary, in the western Cardamoms where the Pursat flows.
As few as 500 critically endangered southern river terrapins (Batagur affinis) may remain in the wild. Image by Przemek Pietrak via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0).
Sinovas says this development is likely to “cause significant environmental damage, including increased access and forest loss around the construction area” in addition to the damage caused by the dam itself in an area where Siamese crocodiles and Philautus cardamonus have been reported.
Government-linked land grabs
More recently, there has been an alleged rush to grab land pursuant to a directive issued in July by Prime Minister Hun Sen to give titles to impoverished or marginalized people if they can prove they’ve lived on their land since 2012. But some say this decree may not be as noble as it sounds.
Sophal Ear, Associate Professor of Diplomacy & World Affairs at Occidental College, Los Angeles, said that with nationwide Cambodian elections coming up in 2022, he believes the move to assign land rights is political, an attempt to galvanize support for Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) from disaffected, poor Cambodians who wouldn’t normally vote – including in the Cardamoms.
“The only surprising thing,” Ear told Mongabay, ”is that impoverished people might actually get something valuable out of it. But I wouldn’t hold my breath on that. What is given can be taken away or subsequently land grabbed by someone else: a tycoon, a Senator, an Advisor, take your pick…”
Cambodia’s Ministry of Environment and a director of multiple wildlife sanctuaries in the country did not respond to requests for comment.
Loggers transport felled native trees from the Cardamom Mountains. Photo courtesy of Marcus Hardtke.
Roughly hewn logs from the Cardamoms are placed in containers for shipment. Photo courtesy of Marcus Hardtke.
A source familiar with the issue, who asked to remain anonymous, said they have personally seen evidence of land grabs across the country, and that they have been occurring more frequently since the July statement from Hun Sen.
“Since 1993, marginalized communities haven’t had land titles,” the source said. “Some indigenous people maybe never have land titles. Groups that live traditionally on the land just live there naturally. On paper, it’s not even a law, it’s just a statement from Hun Sen saying the CPP wants to make sure people have titles for land. This made it out into a circular which was spread throughout the government, and the Ministry of Environment; the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries; and the Ministry of Land Management in particular, have been tasked with implementing the process of land reform through the creation of the Land Reform Committee.”
According to Hun Sen’s statement, families that can “prove” they’ve lived on the land since 2012 can be offered titles covering one hectare of land.
Mongabay previously reported on how this issue led to people falsely claiming land in Beng Per Wildlife Sanctuary. There, the forest was littered by the frail skeletons of hastily-built structures set up by outsiders who claimed to live on the land – the areas around them cleared of native vegetation. Many of those entering the sanctuary to build “homes” there were said to have travelled from major cities.
Outsiders come to wildlife sanctuaries and set up “homes” in order to claim the land and cut down nearby trees. Photo by Chris Humphrey for Mongabay.
Marcus Hardtke, an expert who’s worked on forest issues in Cambodia since 1996 with a number of NGOs and who spent five years with international watchdog organization Global Witness in the early 2000s, says “in-migration” and forest land grabs often appear random in Cambodia; but in reality, it is well organized by wealthy land speculators in cahoots with local authorities.
“Poor people are hired as a front to hide business interests,” Hardtke said, “but ultimately the land ends up in the hands of the organizers. Many of these land grabs are then later legalized in ‘compromises.’ In addition, the protected area regulations are quite often changed, creating loopholes and opportunity for fraud. Members of the military are also known for organized forest land grabbing, especially in protected areas…”
In a move aimed at curtailing the recent invasions in the Cardamoms, on Nov. 19 the Pursat Provincial Administration ordered five commune chiefs in Veal Veng district to annul land titles issued for plots in Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary. The provincial government reportedly also released a statement banning the illegal purchase and sale of land.
While it’s difficult to say exactly which agriculture companies may be involved in this scheme due to the opacity of their movements, Cambodian tycoon Try Pheap and Vietnamese agriculture companies including Vietnam Rubber Group and HAGL have regularly been implicated in land grabs in several parts of the country – including in the Cardamoms, according to Hardtke.
The entrance archway to Try Pheap’s rubber plantation and office in Beng Per Wildlife Sanctuary. Photo by Chris Humphrey for Mongabay.
Hardtke said that large-scale logging has taken place in the Cardamoms not only in 2020 in relation to land grabs and infrastructure projects, but also in bursts over recent years. He says the significant forest loss the region experienced in 2019 was linked to Try Pheap. Mongabay contacted Try Pheap for comment, but received no response.
“There was a massive, industrial-style logging operation in the Cardamoms in 2019, plundering Phnom Samkos Wildlife Sanctuary and protected areas in the Central Cardamoms,” Hardtke said. “It continued for almost six months under the noses of the relevant authorities, blatantly illegal by all accounts.
“This just illustrates the level of systemic corruption in this sector. Most of the timber was exported to Vietnam and China and, as usual, timber tycoons were behind it.”
*
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Featured image: The Stung Proat river winds through the Cardamom Mountains. Image by Andyb3947 via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 3.0).


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-04--Australian Court Upholds Sacking of Academic for Criticising US and Israeli Militarism

A Federal Court judge last week set a chilling and far-reaching precedent for the further overturning of basic democratic rights and academic freedom , especially to express political or other dissenting views .
The ruling backed the University of Sydney ’ s February 2019 dismissal of Dr. Tim Anderson , an economics department senior lecturer , primarily on the basis of allegations that his criticisms of US militarism and Israel ’ s oppression of the Palestinian people were “ offensive.
” The court decision is another warning of the poisonous and repressive atmosphere being whipped up to silence opposition to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ catastrophic US-led wars against China or other perceived threats to the global hegemony asserted by Washington since World War II .
Significantly , the University of Sydney hosts the US Studies Centre , which was established in 2006 , with US and Australian government funding , for the express purpose of overcoming popular hostility to US militarism after the massive protests against the invasion and occupation of Iraq .
The court ’ s judgment also exposed the fraud of claims by the National Tertiary Education Union ( NTEU ) that its enterprise bargaining @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the essential principle of academic freedom .
Justice Thomas Thawley ruled that the university ’ s EBA with the union , which is similar to those at most universities , “ does not recognise the existence of , or give rise to , a legally enforceable right to intellectual freedom.
” In particular , Thawley declared that EBA “ academic freedom ” clauses do not protect university workers from being sacked for making comments—even on their private social media accounts—that managements deem in breach of their employee codes of conduct .
Instead , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purely aspirational.
” University of Sydney Institute Building , where United States Studies Centre is located ( Photo source : Wikipedia ) This thoroughly anti-democratic decision comes on the back of a similar result in another case taken to the courts by the NTEU .
In July , the Full Federal Court upheld the dismissal of James Cook University academic Dr. Peter Ridd , for expressing his views , as a climate-change sceptic , that cut across the university ’ s reputation .
Anderson ’ s case demonstrates how far university managements , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ corporate media , can victimise academics , especially those who oppose the wars of US imperialism and its allies , including the Zionist regime in Israel .
Among the charges the University of Sydney made against Anderson was that he tweeted , on his own Twitter account , criticism of the university hosting an address by US Senator John McCain .
Anderson described McCain , a backer of every US military intervention for the past three decades , including the brutal neo-colonial wars in Afghanistan and Iraq , as “ a key US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posting on his personal Facebook account a photograph of a group of friends eating lunch , one of whom wore an anti-Israel badge .
Anderson was accused of “ promoting racial hatred and/or racism ” and charged with violating the university ’ s Code of Conduct even though he was on leave from the university at the time .
Anderson was further charged with posting to his Facebook and Twitter accounts a denunciation of a video news report by Channel 7 reporter Bryan Seymour that insinuated that Anderson supported racism and the North @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ Colonial media promotes ignorance , apartheid and war ” was declared “ derogatory ” toward Seymour .
Anderson was also cited for giving a lecture that allegedly featured an Israeli flag with the Nazi swastika superimposed on it , examined media coverage of Israel ’ s attack on Gaza in 2014 , and encouraged students to seek independent evidence of claims of “ moral equivalence ” between Israel ’ s deadly aerial bombardments and primitive Palestinian rocket attacks .
This was judged to be “ derogatory and/or offensive ” and as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking to target and/or offend Israelis and/or Jewish people and/or Jewish victims of the Nazi regime.
” Yet , critics of the Israeli government , including anti-Zionist Jews , have often compared its persecution of the Palestinian people to the actions of the fascist German regime .
Finally , Anderson was accused of breaching confidentiality orders barring him from even telling anyone that he was facing dismissal , and of failing to comply with “ a lawful and reasonable direction ” to delete his social media posts .
The judge agreed with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s posts and efforts to fight his dismissal amounted to “ serious misconduct ” under both the NTEU ’ s EBA and the university ’ s Code of Conduct , thus justifying his sacking .
Anderson ’ s dismissal followed a protracted campaign by senior figures in the federal Liberal-National Coalition government , the corporate media and university management , to demonise Anderson because of his denunciations of wars and military interventions by the US , Israel and other major powers .
In April 2018 , Education Minister Simon Birmingham , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demanded an investigation into Anderson for comments he made questioning US claims that the Syrian government was responsible for a sarin gas attack in the town of Khan Sheikhoun .
The Murdoch-owned Sydney Daily Telegraph hysterically denounced Anderson as a “ sarin gasbag ” and the Sydney Morning Herald later reported that the university was taking disciplinary action against Anderson—a media disclosure that violated its own confidentiality regime .
Justice Thawley found Anderson ’ s dismissal as justified by the university ’ s Code of Conduct , which imposes requirements such as “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ethical judgment , ” “ integrity and objectivity , ” being “ fair and reasonable ” and treating “ members of the public with respect , impartiality , courtesy and sensitivity.
” The university ’ s employees must also “ uphold the outstanding reputation of the University in the community.
” These formulations are so vague and value-laden that they could provide a pretext for sacking academics or other university workers for condemning government policies , denouncing corporate greed or accusing the US and Australian governments of military aggression or war crimes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies , such as hosting pro-military think tanks .
Virtually every university campus across the country now participates in government-funded programs to tie academic research to the development of new military technologies .
Australian universities are being integrated into a vast US-led military build-up , aimed at preparing for war with China and other powers .
The NTEU ’ s response to the court ruling , as it was to Anderson ’ s sacking itself , and the massive job cuts ravaging universities , is to oppose any mobilisation of university workers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal .
In a union media statement , NTEU New South Wales division secretary Michael Thomson said : “ We call on all Vice Chancellors to come to the table to talk about how we can formulate a legally enforceable right , to provide the appropriate protections for university staff and to avoid these circumstances occurring in the future.
” The Federal Court ’ s support for Anderson ’ s victimisation is part of a deeper attack on fundamental democratic rights .
It widens the impact of a High Court 2019 ruling that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , whether in government or corporate employment .
With no dissent , the judges endorsed the sacking of a federal public servant for criticising—even anonymously—the country ’ s brutal refugee detention regime .
A warning must be sounded .
The ruling class and its agencies , including university managements , are seeking to suppress dissent amid mounting social inequality , war preparations and deepening political discontent .
Hence the federal police raids on journalists for publishing leaks exposing government and military crimes , the prosecution of the whistleblowers involved and the bipartisan backing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assange .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

A Federal Court judge last week set a chilling and far-reaching precedent for the further overturning of basic democratic rights and academic freedom, especially to express political or other dissenting views.
The ruling backed the University of Sydney’s February 2019 dismissal of Dr. Tim Anderson, an economics department senior lecturer, primarily on the basis of allegations that his criticisms of US militarism and Israel’s oppression of the Palestinian people were “offensive.”
The court decision is another warning of the poisonous and repressive atmosphere being whipped up to silence opposition to the preparations for Australian involvement in potentially catastrophic US-led wars against China or other perceived threats to the global hegemony asserted by Washington since World War II.
Significantly, the University of Sydney hosts the US Studies Centre, which was established in 2006, with US and Australian government funding, for the express purpose of overcoming popular hostility to US militarism after the massive protests against the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
The court’s judgment also exposed the fraud of claims by the National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) that its enterprise bargaining agreements (EBAs) with universities protect the essential principle of academic freedom.
Justice Thomas Thawley ruled that the university’s EBA with the union, which is similar to those at most universities, “does not recognise the existence of, or give rise to, a legally enforceable right to intellectual freedom.”
In particular, Thawley declared that EBA “academic freedom” clauses do not protect university workers from being sacked for making comments—even on their private social media accounts—that managements deem in breach of their employee codes of conduct. Instead, EBA commitments to academic freedom were “purely aspirational.”
University of Sydney Institute Building, where United States Studies Centre is located (Photo source: Wikipedia)
This thoroughly anti-democratic decision comes on the back of a similar result in another case taken to the courts by the NTEU. In July, the Full Federal Court upheld the dismissal of James Cook University academic Dr. Peter Ridd, for expressing his views, as a climate-change sceptic, that cut across the university’s reputation.
Anderson’s case demonstrates how far university managements, working in league with governments and the corporate media, can victimise academics, especially those who oppose the wars of US imperialism and its allies, including the Zionist regime in Israel.
Among the charges the University of Sydney made against Anderson was that he tweeted, on his own Twitter account, criticism of the university hosting an address by US Senator John McCain. Anderson described McCain, a backer of every US military intervention for the past three decades, including the brutal neo-colonial wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, as “a key US war criminal.”
Other allegations included Anderson posting on his personal Facebook account a photograph of a group of friends eating lunch, one of whom wore an anti-Israel badge. Anderson was accused of “promoting racial hatred and/or racism” and charged with violating the university’s Code of Conduct even though he was on leave from the university at the time.
Anderson was further charged with posting to his Facebook and Twitter accounts a denunciation of a video news report by Channel 7 reporter Bryan Seymour that insinuated that Anderson supported racism and the North Korean regime. Anderson’s comment that “Colonial media promotes ignorance, apartheid and war” was declared “derogatory” toward Seymour.
Anderson was also cited for giving a lecture that allegedly featured an Israeli flag with the Nazi swastika superimposed on it, examined media coverage of Israel’s attack on Gaza in 2014, and encouraged students to seek independent evidence of claims of “moral equivalence” between Israel’s deadly aerial bombardments and primitive Palestinian rocket attacks.
This was judged to be “derogatory and/or offensive” and as “reasonably seen as racist towards or seeking to target and/or offend Israelis and/or Jewish people and/or Jewish victims of the Nazi regime.” Yet, critics of the Israeli government, including anti-Zionist Jews, have often compared its persecution of the Palestinian people to the actions of the fascist German regime.
Finally, Anderson was accused of breaching confidentiality orders barring him from even telling anyone that he was facing dismissal, and of failing to comply with “a lawful and reasonable direction” to delete his social media posts.
The judge agreed with the university management’s determination that Anderson’s posts and efforts to fight his dismissal amounted to “serious misconduct” under both the NTEU’s EBA and the university’s Code of Conduct, thus justifying his sacking.
Anderson’s dismissal followed a protracted campaign by senior figures in the federal Liberal-National Coalition government, the corporate media and university management, to demonise Anderson because of his denunciations of wars and military interventions by the US, Israel and other major powers.
In April 2018, Education Minister Simon Birmingham, who was in charge of university funding, demanded an investigation into Anderson for comments he made questioning US claims that the Syrian government was responsible for a sarin gas attack in the town of Khan Sheikhoun.
The Murdoch-owned Sydney Daily Telegraph hysterically denounced Anderson as a “sarin gasbag” and the Sydney Morning Herald later reported that the university was taking disciplinary action against Anderson—a media disclosure that violated its own confidentiality regime.
Justice Thawley found Anderson’s dismissal as justified by the university’s Code of Conduct, which imposes requirements such as “the exercise of the best professional and ethical judgment,” “integrity and objectivity,” being “fair and reasonable” and treating “members of the public with respect, impartiality, courtesy and sensitivity.” The university’s employees must also “uphold the outstanding reputation of the University in the community.”
These formulations are so vague and value-laden that they could provide a pretext for sacking academics or other university workers for condemning government policies, denouncing corporate greed or accusing the US and Australian governments of military aggression or war crimes. Employees could be dismissed for criticising university policies, such as hosting pro-military think tanks.
Virtually every university campus across the country now participates in government-funded programs to tie academic research to the development of new military technologies. Australian universities are being integrated into a vast US-led military build-up, aimed at preparing for war with China and other powers.
The NTEU’s response to the court ruling, as it was to Anderson’s sacking itself, and the massive job cuts ravaging universities, is to oppose any mobilisation of university workers and instead appeal to the employers for a deal.
In a union media statement, NTEU New South Wales division secretary Michael Thomson said: “We call on all Vice Chancellors to come to the table to talk about how we can formulate a legally enforceable right, to provide the appropriate protections for university staff and to avoid these circumstances occurring in the future.”
The Federal Court’s support for Anderson’s victimisation is part of a deeper attack on fundamental democratic rights. It widens the impact of a High Court 2019 ruling that essentially abolished freedom of speech for workers, whether in government or corporate employment. With no dissent, the judges endorsed the sacking of a federal public servant for criticising—even anonymously—the country’s brutal refugee detention regime.
A warning must be sounded. The ruling class and its agencies, including university managements, are seeking to suppress dissent amid mounting social inequality, war preparations and deepening political discontent.
Hence the federal police raids on journalists for publishing leaks exposing government and military crimes, the prosecution of the whistleblowers involved and the bipartisan backing for the persecution of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.
*
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Featured image: Dr. Tim Anderson (Photo source: Facebook)


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-06--China Uproots Hong Kong’s US-Backed Opposition

China finalised its campaign against protests in its Hong Kong territory when it expelled opposition politicians from Hong Kong ’ s government for endangering national security .
Following this move , opposition politicians still in office resigned in protest , leaving the territory ’ s government firmly pro-Beijing .
This came after a sweeping security law was passed which focused heavily on cutting foreign backing to opposition groups rioting in Hong Kong ’ s streets and outlawing aspirations of “ independence ” as a form of sedition .
With the cutting off of foreign support and the effective removal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests from Hong Kong ’ s political landscape , the prospects for another round of disruptive and violent protests is highly unlikely .
And almost as if to vindicate Beijing ’ s policy decisions regarding Hong Kong , the US and UK insisted on one last round of interference regarding these most recent developments .
UK ’ s Sky News in an article titled , “ UK summons Chinese ambassador after expulsion of Hong Kong MPs , ” would claim : The London Guardian would also report in its article , “ Hong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanctions over ousting of lawmakers , ” that : The UK had violently seized the territory in 1841 and occupied it until its handover back to China in 1997 .
Before the handover , the British government demanded Beijing recognize a series of conditions including “ democratic ” procedures that ironically never existed under British rule .
More recently , the UK ’ s attempts to maintain influence over the territory has been aided by US interference in the form of financial , political and material support provided to opposition parties and street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in recent years and even featuring high-profile trips by opposition leaders to Washington D.C. to directly receive US aid .
Hong Kong was never the UK ’ s to legitimately determine the affairs of from the beginning and only through its own military and imperial aggression did it hold any power over the territory .
It parting “ demands , ” while agreed to by Beijing who at the time was left little choice , have no relevance in an international order the US and UK both have regularly predicated on “ might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ might ” to determine what is right in Hong Kong , and Beijing has correctly decided that what is right is uprooting the remnants of Western influence and interference from its territory .
While the UK government and its much larger transatlantic partners in the US are far from giving up their collective ambitions to subordinate China and greater Asia to the West , it appears that Beijing has laid the groundwork to fully shut Hong Kong off as a vector for such efforts .
The irony is that had the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they did in Hong Kong over the past several years it is likely their proxies would have been able to maintain some form of influence in the territory for many more years to come .
But by rushing in a bid to pressure Beijing , they provided the perfect justification for Beijing swiftly and completely uproot these proxies once and for all .
What ’ s more is that while the US and UK ’ s interference in Hong Kong has led what ’ s being called the “ Hong Kong model @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Asia targeting governments friendly to China , Beijing ’ s success could now provide a “ Beijing model ” for regional governments to likewise fully and permanently uproot Western interference from within their borders as well .
What the US in particularly had regularly referred to as “ America ’ s Pacific Century ” may yet turn out to be the eventual dusk of Washington ’ s hegemonic ambitions in the region .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ internet forums .
etc .
Joseph Thomas is chief editor of Thailand-based geopolitical journal , The New Atlas and contributor to the online magazine “ New Eastern Outlook ” where this article was originally published .
He is a frequent contributor to Global Research .

China finalised its campaign against protests in its Hong Kong territory when it expelled opposition politicians from Hong Kong’s government for endangering national security.
Following this move, opposition politicians still in office resigned in protest, leaving the territory’s government firmly pro-Beijing.
This came after a sweeping security law was passed which focused heavily on cutting foreign backing to opposition groups rioting in Hong Kong’s streets and outlawing aspirations of “independence” as a form of sedition.
With the cutting off of foreign support and the effective removal of opposition political parties supporting and driving the protests from Hong Kong’s political landscape, the prospects for another round of disruptive and violent protests is highly unlikely.
And almost as if to vindicate Beijing’s policy decisions regarding Hong Kong, the US and UK insisted on one last round of interference regarding these most recent developments.
UK’s Sky News in an article titled, “UK summons Chinese ambassador after expulsion of Hong Kong MPs,” would claim:
The government has summoned China’s ambassador to register “deep concern” after Beijing ordered the expulsion of four opposition MPs from Hong Kong’s parliament. Kwok Ka-ki, Alvin Yeung, Dennis Kwok and Kenneth Leung were banished from the territory’s assembly for allegedly endangering national security. They were expelled under a new Chinese law banning supporters of Hong Kong independence from holding office.
The article also claimed:
Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab on Thursday declared China’s action a fresh breach of the Sino-British Declaration, the deal that saw Hong Kong pass back to China from Britain in 1997. The agreement commits China to ensuring Hong Kong enjoys a “high degree of autonomy” and preserves the right to freedom of speech.
The London Guardian would also report in its article, “Hong Kong and China could face fresh US sanctions over ousting of lawmakers,” that:
Hong Kong and Chinese officials could face further sanctions from the United States over a new law that disqualified four pro-democracy legislators as “unpatriotic” and prompted a mass resignation by the pro-democracy caucus.
The UK had violently seized the territory in 1841 and occupied it until its handover back to China in 1997. Before the handover, the British government demanded Beijing recognize a series of conditions including “democratic” procedures that ironically never existed under British rule.
More recently, the UK’s attempts to maintain influence over the territory has been aided by US interference in the form of financial, political and material support provided to opposition parties and street movements culminating in open support of protests in recent years and even featuring high-profile trips by opposition leaders to Washington D.C. to directly receive US aid.
Hong Kong was never the UK’s to legitimately determine the affairs of from the beginning and only through its own military and imperial aggression did it hold any power over the territory. It parting “demands,” while agreed to by Beijing who at the time was left little choice, have no relevance in an international order the US and UK both have regularly predicated on “might makes right.”
Currently, China has the “might” to determine what is right in Hong Kong, and Beijing has correctly decided that what is right is uprooting the remnants of Western influence and interference from its territory.
While the UK government and its much larger transatlantic partners in the US are far from giving up their collective ambitions to subordinate China and greater Asia to the West, it appears that Beijing has laid the groundwork to fully shut Hong Kong off as a vector for such efforts.
The irony is that had the US and UK not pushed as aggressively as they did in Hong Kong over the past several years it is likely their proxies would have been able to maintain some form of influence in the territory for many more years to come. But by rushing in a bid to pressure Beijing, they provided the perfect justification for Beijing swiftly and completely uproot these proxies once and for all.
What’s more is that while the US and UK’s interference in Hong Kong has led what’s being called the “Hong Kong model” by other Western-backed opposition movements across Asia targeting governments friendly to China, Beijing’s success could now provide a “Beijing model” for regional governments to likewise fully and permanently uproot Western interference from within their borders as well.
What the US in particularly had regularly referred to as “America’s Pacific Century” may yet turn out to be the eventual dusk of Washington’s hegemonic ambitions in the region.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Joseph Thomas is chief editor of Thailand-based geopolitical journal, The New Atlas and contributor to the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook” where this article was originally published. He is a frequent contributor to Global Research.
Featured image is from NEO


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-04--War Itself Is a Crime, Let Alone What Australia’s SAS Did in Afghanistan

Major-General Paul Brereton presented his report into allegations of Australian war crimes in Afghanistan as necessary for a more effective ADF .
But if we ’ re horrified when the Army breaks the rules of war , we should also be outraged when it follows them , writes Nick Riemer .
A fortnight after its release , and now fuelled by China ’ s intervention into the controversy , the Brereton report continues to prompt intense discussion of its ‘ shocking ’ revelations of Australian war crimes in Afghanistan .
The shock has , no doubt , been less among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
From the moment Australia sent troops to one of the poorest countries in the world – one that had never attacked us , and supposedly to ‘ deny opportunities for terrorists ’ – it was obvious that innocent people would be killed in droves .
And that ’ s what happened : more than 7,000 Afghans were killed by Australian troops during Operation Slipper , by no means all of them combatants .
Australian Army soldiers from Special Operations Task Group disembark from a US Army CH-47 Chinook helicopter after operations in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2010 .
( IMAGE : CPL Chris Moore , ADF ) The fighting robbed countless others of their loved ones , their livelihood , and any possibility of a normal life .
Thousands would have no choice but to become refugees – for those trying to get here , they would become targets of the brutal Australian war against asylum .
For all its impressive ability to cause misery far beyond these shores , the ADF is just a minor player in the ‘ great game ’ of 21st century warfare .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people off cliffs , or gunning them down while they ’ re clutching their prayer beads in a field , Brereton has given it its AAA+ rating .
As a senior ADF officer himself , Major-General Paul Brereton downplays the fact that the conditions that spawned those sadistic outrages are systemic .
It ’ s hardly surprising that such regular war crimes reflect something about the army in which they occurred .
The depravity of ADF personnel now on the public record is hard for any normally constituted person to fathom .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Corners video as an Australian soldier executes a young Afghan cowering in the field ?
No attempt to prevent a cold-blooded slaying , not a single outcry of horror , just the casual indifference of the soldier ’ s colleague to whether another human is slaughtered or not .
The only moment with a sense of urgency is when he calls off his dog , more concerned about the animal than the life that ’ s just been terminated before his eyes .
Between 2009 and 2013 alone , Brereton ’ s report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of what he calls ‘ cruel treatment ’ .
How much other murder and torture was done in the remaining 13 years of Australia ’ s longest war ?
Major General Paul Brereton , who authored the report into Australian war crimes in Afghanistan .
( IMAGE : Rick McQuinlan , ADF ) English has a word for killers who gratuitously murder civilians and non-combatants for ideological reasons : ‘ terrorist ’ .
The term has been noticeably absent from official reactions to Brereton ’ s report .
But the report precisely confirms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ uniforms were on a five-year rampage in Afghanistan .
Increasing the SAS deployment there in 2007 , Howard said “ there is a lot at stake if terrorism acquires a safe haven again in Afghanistan ” .
And yet , as it turned out , the safest terrorist havens of them all – the ones that would never be attacked by Western missiles or helicopters – were in the ADF ’ s own bases in Uruzgan province .
This is the ‘ warrior culture ’ that we somehow expected to ‘ bring democracy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstration we ’ ve had of the Australian idea of democracy since the revelations were first aired : journalists raided , whistleblowers persecuted with the full might of the state , while the psychopaths responsible for the crimes , some of them decorated by the highest Australian dignitaries , were defended by politicians .
Now , after the report , we ’ re witnessing the obligatory expressions of horror , part of a concerted attempt to preserve public confidence in the army and , indeed , the political establishment that ’ s so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how genuine the horror is , it won ’ t be too long before it ’ s forgotten in the next spasm of our political cycle , as militaristic and Islamophobic as it is mediocre .
One thing we can be sure of is that , if a reprisal attack occurs on Australian soil , the official response will attribute no part of the blame to the SAS .
Less than 24 hours after Brereton ’ s report , The Australian was already tiring of the widespread criticism of the army .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gone too far in critiquing the SAS ’ ‘ warrior ethos ’ : that ethos ‘ is vital ’ and it should not be disparaged , the paper stated .
Away from the far-right gutter , in the supposedly progressive media , we ’ ve often heard about how the actions of a ‘ few individuals ’ will ‘ damage the legacy ’ or ‘ taint the contribution ’ of the tens of thousands of other Australian soldiers deployed to Afghanistan .
The casual violence of this propagandizing should be breath-taking .
Regardless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also started , Australia ’ s role in Afghanistan wasn ’ t a ‘ contribution ’ to the cause of global peace or democracy , but to the destruction of a society .
Originally promised for the benefit of Howard ’ s re-election campaign in 2001 , without the US even asking , Australian involvement was later continued for the base political advantage and the slavish US me-tooism of the Australian political class .
Prime Minister John Howard meets soldiers of the Australian Special Forces Task Group deployed on Operation Slipper in Afghanistan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John Carroll , ADF ) With Brereton ’ s report , politicians have finally been forced to pull their heads out of the sand .
The ‘ hear no evil , see no evil ’ charade that has surrounded the Afghan war for so long is now over , at least in part .
But it ’ s important not to overstate the likely consequences of the revelations , and to read what Brereton himself has said about his report ’ s purpose .
“ Moral authority , ” he writes ( p. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of combat power .
If we do not hold ourselves , on the battlefield , to at least to the standards we expect of our adversaries , we deprive ourselves of that moral authority , and that element of our combat power.
” Brereton sees his investigation , in other words , as distasteful housekeeping , necessary to allow the ADF to fight future overseas wars as effectively as possible .
Moral reckoning is envisaged mainly as a means of improving the army ’ s combat-readiness .
On that line of reasoning , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in fact , the SAS ’ ‘ warrior culture ’ was on balance an advantage to the ADF , there would be fewer grounds to question it .
The crimes of the SAS are the ones that Australian public culture can acceptably criticise .
There is every reason for horror at the murders that Brereton ’ s report unmasked .
But once the bad apples of the Afghan campaign are tried or forgotten , the army will be free to prosecute whatever next bloody deployment politicians commit it to , accompanied by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ABC ’ s political editor put it , “ the Anzac ideal is still worthy of veneration ” .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

Major-General Paul Brereton presented his report into allegations of Australian war crimes in Afghanistan as necessary for a more effective ADF. But if we’re horrified when the Army breaks the rules of war, we should also be outraged when it follows them, writes Nick Riemer.
A fortnight after its release, and now fuelled by China’s intervention into the controversy, the Brereton report continues to prompt intense discussion of its ‘shocking’ revelations of Australian war crimes in Afghanistan.
The shock has, no doubt, been less among those who actually understand what war means.
From the moment Australia sent troops to one of the poorest countries in the world – one that had never attacked us, and supposedly to ‘deny opportunities for terrorists’ – it was obvious that innocent people would be killed in droves. And that’s what happened: more than 7,000 Afghans were killed by Australian troops during Operation Slipper, by no means all of them combatants.
Australian Army soldiers from Special Operations Task Group disembark from a US Army CH-47 Chinook helicopter after operations in northern Kandahar, Afghanistan, in October 2010. (IMAGE: CPL Chris Moore, ADF)
The fighting robbed countless others of their loved ones, their livelihood, and any possibility of a normal life. Thousands would have no choice but to become refugees – for those trying to get here, they would become targets of the brutal Australian war against asylum.
For all its impressive ability to cause misery far beyond these shores, the ADF is just a minor player in the ‘great game’ of 21st century warfare. But in its capacity for throat-slitting, kicking people off cliffs, or gunning them down while they’re clutching their prayer beads in a field, Brereton has given it its AAA+ rating.
As a senior ADF officer himself, Major-General Paul Brereton downplays the fact that the conditions that spawned those sadistic outrages are systemic. It’s hardly surprising that such regular war crimes reflect something about the army in which they occurred.
The depravity of ADF personnel now on the public record is hard for any normally constituted person to fathom. What do we hear in that chilling Four Corners video as an Australian soldier executes a young Afghan cowering in the field? No attempt to prevent a cold-blooded slaying, not a single outcry of horror, just the casual indifference of the soldier’s colleague to whether another human is slaughtered or not. The only moment with a sense of urgency is when he calls off his dog, more concerned about the animal than the life that’s just been terminated before his eyes.
Between 2009 and 2013 alone, Brereton’s report records 39 cases of murder and two of what he calls ‘cruel treatment’. How much other murder and torture was done in the remaining 13 years of Australia’s longest war?
Major General Paul Brereton, who authored the report into Australian war crimes in Afghanistan. (IMAGE: Rick McQuinlan, ADF)
English has a word for killers who gratuitously murder civilians and non-combatants for ideological reasons: ‘terrorist’. The term has been noticeably absent from official reactions to Brereton’s report. But the report precisely confirms that state-sponsored, Australian terrorists in ADF uniforms were on a five-year rampage in Afghanistan.
Increasing the SAS deployment there in 2007, Howard said “there is a lot at stake if terrorism acquires a safe haven again in Afghanistan”. And yet, as it turned out, the safest terrorist havens of them all – the ones that would never be attacked by Western missiles or helicopters – were in the ADF’s own bases in Uruzgan province.
This is the ‘warrior culture’ that we somehow expected to ‘bring democracy’ to Afghanistan. What an edifying demonstration we’ve had of the Australian idea of democracy since the revelations were first aired: journalists raided, whistleblowers persecuted with the full might of the state, while the psychopaths responsible for the crimes, some of them decorated by the highest Australian dignitaries, were defended by politicians.
Now, after the report, we’re witnessing the obligatory expressions of horror, part of a concerted attempt to preserve public confidence in the army and, indeed, the political establishment that’s so heavily invested in it. Regardless of how genuine the horror is, it won’t be too long before it’s forgotten in the next spasm of our political cycle, as militaristic and Islamophobic as it is mediocre.
One thing we can be sure of is that, if a reprisal attack occurs on Australian soil, the official response will attribute no part of the blame to the SAS.
Less than 24 hours after Brereton’s report, The Australian was already tiring of the widespread criticism of the army. The report, its editorialist suggested, had gone too far in critiquing the SAS’ ‘warrior ethos’: that ethos ‘is vital’ and it should not be disparaged, the paper stated.
Away from the far-right gutter, in the supposedly progressive media, we’ve often heard about how the actions of a ‘few individuals’ will ‘damage the legacy’ or ‘taint the contribution’ of the tens of thousands of other Australian soldiers deployed to Afghanistan.
The casual violence of this propagandizing should be breath-taking. Regardless of the few clinics or schools it also started, Australia’s role in Afghanistan wasn’t a ‘contribution’ to the cause of global peace or democracy, but to the destruction of a society. Originally promised for the benefit of Howard’s re-election campaign in 2001, without the US even asking, Australian involvement was later continued for the base political advantage and the slavish US me-tooism of the Australian political class.
Prime Minister John Howard meets soldiers of the Australian Special Forces Task Group deployed on Operation Slipper in Afghanistan in 2005. (IMAGE: Sgt John Carroll, ADF)
With Brereton’s report, politicians have finally been forced to pull their heads out of the sand. The ‘hear no evil, see no evil’ charade that has surrounded the Afghan war for so long is now over, at least in part. But it’s important not to overstate the likely consequences of the revelations, and to read what Brereton himself has said about his report’s purpose.
“Moral authority,” he writes (p. 42), “is an element of combat power. If we do not hold ourselves, on the battlefield, to at least to the standards we expect of our adversaries, we deprive ourselves of that moral authority, and that element of our combat power.”
Brereton sees his investigation, in other words, as distasteful housekeeping, necessary to allow the ADF to fight future overseas wars as effectively as possible. Moral reckoning is envisaged mainly as a means of improving the army’s combat-readiness. On that line of reasoning, if it could be shown that, in fact, the SAS’ ‘warrior culture’ was on balance an advantage to the ADF, there would be fewer grounds to question it.
The crimes of the SAS are the ones that Australian public culture can acceptably criticise. There is every reason for horror at the murders that Brereton’s report unmasked. But once the bad apples of the Afghan campaign are tried or forgotten, the army will be free to prosecute whatever next bloody deployment politicians commit it to, accompanied by the usual comforting reassurances that, as the ABC’s political editor put it, “the Anzac ideal is still worthy of veneration”.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Nick Riemer is a Sydney political activist and Linguistics academic.
Featured image: WO2 Gary Ramage, ADF


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-07--India: Pesticide Takeover Spells Trouble for Bees

When the history of the insect collapse of the early 21st century comes to be written , it is likely that failure to implement adequate corporate social responsibility ( CSR ) practices will be blamed .
In a recent example , in September when a consortium led by Japanese giant Mitsui Corporation announced its acquisition of Indian pesticide manufacturer Bharat Insecticides Ltd. ( BIL ) , the reasons given for the takeover contradict Mitsui ’ s published CSR policy .
The result is likely to be a further decrease in pollinating insects in India .
On its website , BIL @ @ @ @ @ @ @ India that have been banned in the EU due to their effects on bees , as well as fipronil which has been banned in China due to its devastating effects on water insects .
Pesticides Action Network India representative Narasimha Reddy Donthi said by email that the acquisition will allow access to the Indian market as BIL already has licenses there .
In addition , Donthi said that insecticide exports are also a likely aim as “ India has lax laws on environment protection , which means low cost of production , through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in India is deteriorating rapidly , according to a 2017 peer-reviewed study by a team from the Centre for Pollination Studies at the University of Calcutta published in the journal Biological Conservation .
Using observations by local farmers due to the lack of prior scientific studies , the study found that together with declining vegetable crop yields , insect pollinator populations had dropped drastically compared with 25 years before .
The disappearing insects include honeybees , carpenter bees and blue-banded bees , and the paper states that pollinator declines were attributed by farmers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used .
Lead scientist Dr Barbara Smith told The Ecologist : “ An increase in insecticide application is likely to be negative for pollinators – particularly broad spectrum pesticides – and this could certainly lead to declines in crop yields in the medium to long-term.
” Mitsui ’ s Basic CSR Policy states that the company will “ contribute to the achievement of a sustainable society through the promotion of sustainable development as well as maintaining a strong awareness of the importance of preserving the global environment.
” It also emphasises the importance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for CSR activities .
However , Mitsui has not yet replied in substance to a request for comment sent through its website , and the lack of consideration of pollinator loss in its statement on the takeover is of grave concern , and at variance with its CSR policy .
It is also at variance with the stated CSR policy of BIL , which commits to “ ensuring environmental sustainability , ecological balance , protection of flora and fauna , animal welfare , agroforestry , conservation of natural resources and maintaining quality of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement on Mitsui ’ s website about the takeover states that the aim is to expand BIL ’ s sales of agrochemicals in India by “ inducing synergy with Mitsui ’ s global assets ” .
Agrochemicals are given as an area that is “ strengthening the profitability ” of Mitsui ’ s core business , and the partnership will “ contribute to the development of local agriculture in India ” .
Contradicting this , Dr Smith of the University of Calcutta team said : “ In my opinion , the best approach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be to empower farmers to work with scientists to co-develop locally adapted , low cost , natural pest control methods in combination with government support to mitigate risk during transition.
” Writing in Policy Design and Practice in 2020 , Panchali Guha explains that although India was one of the first countries in the world to have a mandated CSR law , it is weak due to “ relying on social pressure and reputational effects , rather than government enforcement , for compliance ” .
The law requires large corporations to spend a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ profits on CSR , but has “ zero enforcement and sanctions ” .
Guha points out that this was due to vehement protests from the corporate sector , and that “ weaknesses in the surrounding legal and institutional environment may enable some firms to disguise their noncompliance.
“ In the case of Mitsui it seems unlikely that concern over reputational impact will stop it taking maximum advantage of India ’ s weak regulations , and it does not even pay lip service to biodiversity conservation in its statement on the BIL takeover .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ insecticide companies to have professionally produced CSR reports , they serve to distract attention while they take advantage of weak environmental regulations .
In the absence of appropriate CSR policies that are applied in a verifiable way by companies like Mitsui , it is likely that the price will be a collapse of pollinating insects in India .
A spokespersons for Mitsui told The Ecologist : “ We believe neonicotinoids can be safely used by closely following the precautions and guidance on product use and handling .
We will continue to work with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their products as well as their operations.
” Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

When the history of the insect collapse of the early 21st century comes to be written, it is likely that failure to implement adequate corporate social responsibility (CSR) practices will be blamed.
In a recent example, in September when a consortium led by Japanese giant Mitsui Corporation announced its acquisition of Indian pesticide manufacturer Bharat Insecticides Ltd. (BIL), the reasons given for the takeover contradict Mitsui’s published CSR policy.
The result is likely to be a further decrease in pollinating insects in India. On its website, BIL lists several neonicotinoid insecticides for sale in India that have been banned in the EU due to their effects on bees, as well as fipronil which has been banned in China due to its devastating effects on water insects.
Crops
Pesticides Action Network India representative Narasimha Reddy Donthi said by email that the acquisition will allow access to the Indian market as BIL already has licenses there.
In addition, Donthi said that insecticide exports are also a likely aim as “India has lax laws on environment protection, which means low cost of production, through externalisation of environmental costs.”
Donthi added that, “all pesticide companies have to submit to principles of liability and pollution pays principles. “Products such as neonicotinoids are playing havoc with the people, environment and ecology. This foreign acquisition only spurs a more expansive campaign to rein in companies that are profiting from destruction of ecology and environment.”
The situation in India is deteriorating rapidly, according to a 2017 peer-reviewed study by a team from the Centre for Pollination Studies at the University of Calcutta published in the journal Biological Conservation.
Using observations by local farmers due to the lack of prior scientific studies, the study found that together with declining vegetable crop yields, insect pollinator populations had dropped drastically compared with 25 years before.
Takeover
The disappearing insects include honeybees, carpenter bees and blue-banded bees, and the paper states that pollinator declines were attributed by farmers to the quantity and number of pesticides used.
Lead scientist Dr Barbara Smith told The Ecologist: “An increase in insecticide application is likely to be negative for pollinators – particularly broad spectrum pesticides – and this could certainly lead to declines in crop yields in the medium to long-term.”
Mitsui’s Basic CSR Policy states that the company will “contribute to the achievement of a sustainable society through the promotion of sustainable development as well as maintaining a strong awareness of the importance of preserving the global environment.”
It also emphasises the importance of communicating with stakeholders and being accountable for CSR activities.
However, Mitsui has not yet replied in substance to a request for comment sent through its website, and the lack of consideration of pollinator loss in its statement on the takeover is of grave concern, and at variance with its CSR policy.
Reputational
It is also at variance with the stated CSR policy of BIL, which commits to “ensuring environmental sustainability, ecological balance, protection of flora and fauna, animal welfare, agroforestry, conservation of natural resources and maintaining quality of soil, air and water.”
A statement on Mitsui’s website about the takeover states that the aim is to expand BIL’s sales of agrochemicals in India by “inducing synergy with Mitsui’s global assets”.
Agrochemicals are given as an area that is “strengthening the profitability” of Mitsui’s core business, and the partnership will “contribute to the development of local agriculture in India”.
Contradicting this, Dr Smith of the University of Calcutta team said: “In my opinion, the best approach to benefit both pollinators and farmers would be to empower farmers to work with scientists to co-develop locally adapted, low cost, natural pest control methods in combination with government support to mitigate risk during transition.”
Writing in Policy Design and Practice in 2020, Panchali Guha explains that although India was one of the first countries in the world to have a mandated CSR law, it is weak due to “relying on social pressure and reputational effects, rather than government enforcement, for compliance”.
Pollinating
The law requires large corporations to spend a minimum of two percent of their net profits on CSR, but has “zero enforcement and sanctions”.
Guha points out that this was due to vehement protests from the corporate sector, and that “weaknesses in the surrounding legal and institutional environment may enable some firms to disguise their noncompliance.“
In the case of Mitsui it seems unlikely that concern over reputational impact will stop it taking maximum advantage of India’s weak regulations, and it does not even pay lip service to biodiversity conservation in its statement on the BIL takeover.
Although it has become common practice by insecticide companies to have professionally produced CSR reports, they serve to distract attention while they take advantage of weak environmental regulations.
In the absence of appropriate CSR policies that are applied in a verifiable way by companies like Mitsui, it is likely that the price will be a collapse of pollinating insects in India.
A spokespersons for Mitsui told The Ecologist: “We believe neonicotinoids can be safely used by closely following the precautions and guidance on product use and handling. We will continue to work with Bharat Insecticides to monitor the environmental impact of their products as well as their operations.”
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Phil Carter is a freelance environmental journalist based in Japan.
Featured image is from Chemical Concern


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-07--Imperfect Releases: Andrew Hastie, War Crimes Reports and Australia in Afghanistan

If one were to get into the head of Australian government MP Andrew Hastie , a security tangle of woe would no doubt await .
Having been a captain with the Special Air Services and having also served in Afghanistan , he has been none too thrilled by the publicity soldiers he served with have received .
The report by New South Wales Court of Appeal Justice Paul Brereton has now been mandatory reading ( or skimming ) for political and military watchers .
Known rather dully as the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were inflicted on non-combatants by Australian special service units when operating in Afghanistan .
Of interest is where the report goes from here .
A fair guess is that it will not venture too far into waters of reform .
Hastie , for one , would have preferred it never to have been published , or at least not released in the “ imperfect ” way it was .
He takes particular issue with the connected work of consultant Samantha Crompvoets , a sociologist commissioned by the Special Operations Commander of Australia ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ review ” of the Special Operations Command in mid-2015 .
In many ways , the work of Crompvoets , which is drawn upon and referenced heavily by the Brereton Inquiry itself , is more significant .
It is less tightly hemmed by qualifications and speaks to the broader tactics and methods of Australia ’ s Special Forces .
In her January 2016 report , she refers to body count competitions and the use of the Joint Priority Effects List ( JPEL ) .
Euphemised for battle , the JPEL effectively constituted a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were massaged .
She notes methods of war common to counter-insurgency operations during the Cold War .
From Algeria to Vietnam , those who often came off second best were villagers for the butchering .
Slaughtered villagers were often designated “ squirters ” when fleeing the arrival of Special Forces via helicopter .
Excuses were concocted for the generous bloodletting : the squirters “ were running away from us to their weapons caches ” .
Clearance operations would also be used after the initial massacre .
The village would be cordoned off ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They would be bound up .
Torture would ensue for days .
These men and boys would then be found dead , shot in the head or have their throats slit .
In one instance , Crompvoets notes soldiers of the SASR driving along a road and sighting two 14-year-old boys .
The soldiers quickly concluded they had come across Taliban sympathisers .
The boys were stopped and seized .
Their throats were slit .
Their bodies were bagged and discarded in a river .
Such occurrences were not infrequent ; Special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a means of bonding , to “ get a name for themselves ” .
The death of the two Afghan boys has now become the stuff of diplomatic provocation .
On November 30 , Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian tweeted a mocked up image of an Australian soldier ready to apply a blood soaked knife to the throat of an Afghan boy , holding a lamb .
“ Shocked by murder of Afghan civilians & prisoners by Australian soldiers .
We strongly condemn such acts & call for holding them accountable.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prime Minister Scott Morrison , who took issue with its repugnance .
But for Hastie , it went further .
Australia , he claimed in his speech to fellow parliamentarians on December 3 , had let its guard slip .
His springboard was an opinion piece by Alan Jones , that most opinionated of broadcasters , less focused on the tweeted image than the prime minister ’ s reaction to it .
“ When will you , ” bellowed Jones , “ apologise for your language and that of your Generals that condemned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ best of the best , to the charge of criminal behaviour from a report you haven ’ t read and before any of them have access to the full weight of the law ?
’ For Jones , innocence had been impugned by Australia ’ s political and military leaders .
China has simply furnished the Morrison government with suitable headlines of distraction , to “ have them off the hook ” even as Australia ’ s soldiers were being defamed .
Hastie ’ s speech advanced a few points .
He spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beijing .
He then embraced a tactic of minimisation : the alleged atrocities were localised , select .
Australia was “ seeking to be honest and accountable for alleged wrongdoing by a small number of individuals entrusted to wear our flag.
” He also attacked the work of Crompvoets and the author herself .
He grounds of contention were various : the appearance of the author on 60 Minutes four days prior to the release of the Brereton Report ; the leak of her report two weeks prior to the publication of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to release the unredacted Crompvoets report alongside the redacted Brereton Report .
“ The Crompvoets report detailed unproven rumours of Australian soldiers murdering Afghan children .
It may have prompted the Brereton Report , but its evidentiary threshold was far lower .
The Brereton report neither rules these rumours in or out .
So why are they out in the open for our adversaries to use against us ?
” Doing so had “ undermined public confidence in the process and allowed the People ’ s Republic of China to malign our troops.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ throbbing subtext : containment .
Despite professing a belief in the rule of law and transparency , the overwhelming sense from the politician who chairs the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security is that the Inquiry should have been kept indoors .
Such bloodied laundry should never have been aired .
That , at the very least , would have avoided public discussions about the egregious methods of Australia ’ s elite warriors , and the decisions behind deploying them in the first place .
Note to readers : please click the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College , Cambridge .
He lectures at RMIT University , Melbourne .
He is a frequent contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research .
Email : [ email protected ]

If one were to get into the head of Australian government MP Andrew Hastie, a security tangle of woe would no doubt await. Having been a captain with the Special Air Services and having also served in Afghanistan, he has been none too thrilled by the publicity soldiers he served with have received. The report by New South Wales Court of Appeal Justice Paul Brereton has now been mandatory reading (or skimming) for political and military watchers. Known rather dully as the Inspector-General of the Australian Defence Force Afghanistan Inquiry Report, it makes the claim that 39 alleged murders were inflicted on non-combatants by Australian special service units when operating in Afghanistan.
Of interest is where the report goes from here. A fair guess is that it will not venture too far into waters of reform. Hastie, for one, would have preferred it never to have been published, or at least not released in the “imperfect” way it was. He takes particular issue with the connected work of consultant Samantha Crompvoets, a sociologist commissioned by the Special Operations Commander of Australia (SOCAUST) to conduct a “cultural review” of the Special Operations Command in mid-2015.
In many ways, the work of Crompvoets, which is drawn upon and referenced heavily by the Brereton Inquiry itself, is more significant. It is less tightly hemmed by qualifications and speaks to the broader tactics and methods of Australia’s Special Forces. In her January 2016 report, she refers to body count competitions and the use of the Joint Priority Effects List (JPEL). Euphemised for battle, the JPEL effectively constituted a “sanctioned kill list” with numbers that were massaged.
She notes methods of war common to counter-insurgency operations during the Cold War. From Algeria to Vietnam, those who often came off second best were villagers for the butchering. Slaughtered villagers were often designated “squirters” when fleeing the arrival of Special Forces via helicopter. Excuses were concocted for the generous bloodletting: the squirters “were running away from us to their weapons caches”.
Clearance operations would also be used after the initial massacre. The village would be cordoned off; the men and boys taken to guesthouses. They would be bound up. Torture would ensue for days. These men and boys would then be found dead, shot in the head or have their throats slit.
In one instance, Crompvoets notes soldiers of the SASR driving along a road and sighting two 14-year-old boys. The soldiers quickly concluded they had come across Taliban sympathisers. The boys were stopped and seized. Their throats were slit. Their bodies were bagged and discarded in a river. Such occurrences were not infrequent; Special Force soldiers would commit such unsanctioned killings as a means of bonding, to “get a name for themselves”.
The death of the two Afghan boys has now become the stuff of diplomatic provocation. On November 30, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian tweeted a mocked up image of an Australian soldier ready to apply a blood soaked knife to the throat of an Afghan boy, holding a lamb. “Shocked by murder of Afghan civilians & prisoners by Australian soldiers. We strongly condemn such acts & call for holding them accountable.”
This was too much for Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison, who took issue with its repugnance. But for Hastie, it went further. Australia, he claimed in his speech to fellow parliamentarians on December 3, had let its guard slip. His springboard was an opinion piece by Alan Jones, that most opinionated of broadcasters, less focused on the tweeted image than the prime minister’s reaction to it. “When will you,” bellowed Jones, “apologise for your language and that of your Generals that condemned all our men in Afghanistan, the best of the best, to the charge of criminal behaviour from a report you haven’t read and before any of them have access to the full weight of the law?’
For Jones, innocence had been impugned by Australia’s political and military leaders. China has simply furnished the Morrison government with suitable headlines of distraction, to “have them off the hook” even as Australia’s soldiers were being defamed.
Hastie’s speech advanced a few points. He spoke approvingly of Morrison’s response to Beijing. He then embraced a tactic of minimisation: the alleged atrocities were localised, select. Australia was “seeking to be honest and accountable for alleged wrongdoing by a small number of individuals entrusted to wear our flag.” He also attacked the work of Crompvoets and the author herself. He grounds of contention were various: the appearance of the author on 60 Minutes four days prior to the release of the Brereton Report; the leak of her report two weeks prior to the publication of the Inquiry’s findings; the decision to release the unredacted Crompvoets report alongside the redacted Brereton Report.
“The Crompvoets report detailed unproven rumours of Australian soldiers murdering Afghan children. It may have prompted the Brereton Report, but its evidentiary threshold was far lower. The Brereton report neither rules these rumours in or out. So why are they out in the open for our adversaries to use against us?” Doing so had “undermined public confidence in the process and allowed the People’s Republic of China to malign our troops.”
Hastie’s speech has a throbbing subtext: containment. Despite professing a belief in the rule of law and transparency, the overwhelming sense from the politician who chairs the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Intelligence and Security is that the Inquiry should have been kept indoors. Such bloodied laundry should never have been aired. That, at the very least, would have avoided public discussions about the egregious methods of Australia’s elite warriors, and the decisions behind deploying them in the first place.
*
Note to readers: please click the share buttons above or below. Forward this article to your email lists. Crosspost on your blog site, internet forums. etc.
Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge. He lectures at RMIT University, Melbourne. He is a frequent contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research. Email: [email protected]


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-07--America-prompted Color Revolution in Thailand

The United States of America has been a world power for almost a century .
This century saw the highest level of technological progress but it was also the most brutal century in terms of wars , human deaths and suffering .
The US wants to continue to hegemonize the world which means more violence around the world .
After all , the US in its 244 years history has only seen peace for 16 years and it has remained at war for the rest of its history .
Continued American hegemony means more death and suffering for the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will do everything in its control not to let other countries rise without a fight , but ‘ fighting ’ a kinetic war will also destroy America itself.Therefore , from the American point of view there must be another way to achieve its goals .
And that way is through sedition and deception against the people from countries where the administration doesn ’ t serve American interests .
They accomplish that through lies and falsity that parade as knowledge to convince the gullible masses to cut the branch they are sitting on .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Row In the wake of this week ’ s events in Thailand the corporate media of the West claimed that Thai people are demanding democracy .
This is really funny and obviously false .
The whole world knows by now there is no democracy anywhere , and especially not in the West as commonly understood .
It is the rule of special interests that do not have the best interest of people in mind .
As long as Thailand was subservient to the American interests , they were a darling of Asia .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Thai kingdom became a useful pawn of America but now they want to return back to their historical norm and exercise their own rights on their own land .
US history suggests that the US often asks its allies to go against their national interest , and if they don ’ t , they are punished .
This is to suggest that the US is often the enemy of their allies .
Just like the unrest in Thailand , Americans can be seen everywhere , and scenes that have been staged almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ played in Thailand .
All kinds of familiar , uniform , orderly group actions , rich andaccurate “ Black Storm ” supplies seem to reflect the story behind the appearance of CIA in different identities in each color revolution in the past .
The Thai government wants to strengthen domestic economic construction and advocates the construction of the Kra Isthmus waterway , which has shaken the hegemony of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region .
The US military and economic interests have been lost in Thailand .
For this reason , some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha ’ s resignation , just to protect US interests in Southeast Asia and not hesitate to trap Thailand in turmoil without any concern on Thailand ’ s stability and the suffering of the Thai people .
The examples of Belarus , Ukraine , Syria , Libya , and Lebanon show that the more divided a society is , the more cracks and the larger space outsiders may use .
This widens the gap , intensifies social unrest and war , causes people to be displaced , and leads to death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revolution , other countries must be avoided at all costs to become the next Thailand .
Note to readers : please click the share buttons above or below .
Forward this article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .
Dr. Ejaz Akram is Professor Emeritus of Religion and World Politics at National Defence University , Pakistan .

American Wars by Other Means
The United States of America has been a world power for almost a century. This century saw the highest level of technological progress but it was also the most brutal century in terms of wars, human deaths and suffering. The US wants to continue to hegemonize the world which means more violence around the world. After all, the US in its 244 years history has only seen peace for 16 years and it has remained at war for the rest of its history. Continued American hegemony means more death and suffering for the world. As John Mearsheimer said that America will do everything in its control not to let other countries rise without a fight, but ‘fighting’ a kinetic war will also destroy America itself.Therefore, from the American point of view there must be another way to achieve its goals. And that way is through sedition and deception against the people from countries where the administration doesn’t serve American interests. They accomplish that through lies and falsity that parade as knowledge to convince the gullible masses to cut the branch they are sitting on.
Thailand: The next Friend on Punishment Row
In the wake of this week’s events in Thailand the corporate media of the West claimed that Thai people are demanding democracy. This is really funny and obviously false. The whole world knows by now there is no democracy anywhere, and especially not in the West as commonly understood. It is the rule of special interests that do not have the best interest of people in mind. As long as Thailand was subservient to the American interests, they were a darling of Asia. Since the beginning of Pax Americana, the Thai kingdom became a useful pawn of America but now they want to return back to their historical norm and exercise their own rights on their own land. US history suggests that the US often asks its allies to go against their national interest, and if they don’t, they are punished. This is to suggest that the US is often the enemy of their allies. Just like the unrest in Thailand, Americans can be seen everywhere, and scenes that have been staged almost all over the world are once again played in Thailand. All kinds of familiar, uniform, orderly group actions, rich andaccurate “Black Storm” supplies seem to reflect the story behind the appearance of CIA in different identities in each color revolution in the past.
The Thai government wants to strengthen domestic economic construction and advocates the construction of the Kra Isthmus waterway, which has shaken the hegemony of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region. The US military and economic interests have been lost in Thailand. For this reason, some US politicians want to pull the Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha’s resignation, just to protect US interests in Southeast Asia and not hesitate to trap Thailand in turmoil without any concern on Thailand’s stability and the suffering of the Thai people.
The examples of Belarus, Ukraine, Syria, Libya, and Lebanon show that the more divided a society is, the more cracks and the larger space outsiders may use. This widens the gap, intensifies social unrest and war, causes people to be displaced, and leads to death and disaster. By understanding the color revolution, other countries must be avoided at all costs to become the next Thailand.
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Dr. Ejaz Akram is Professor Emeritus of Religion and World Politics at National Defence University, Pakistan.


asiapacificresearch--2020-12-08--China Overtakes the US to Become EU’s Biggest Trade Partner as Beijing’s Economy Continues to Boom P

China Overtakes the US to Become EU’s Biggest Trade Partner as Beijing’s Economy Continues to Boom Post-COVID while the Rest of the World Slides into the Red

China has overtaken the U.S. to become the EU ’ s biggest trade partner while the rest of the world slides into the red due to the Covid-19 pandemic .
The country pushed past the United States in the third quarter to become the European Union ‘ s top trade partner , as the pandemic disrupted the US while Chinese activity rebounded .
Over the first nine months of 2020 , trade between the EU and China totalled 425.5 billion euros ( $ 514 billion ) , while trade between the EU and the United States came in at 412.5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These figures show the year-on-year change in GDP for some of the world ’ s richest countries , with China ’ s economy larger than it was a year ago while others have seen massive decline For the same period in 2019 , the EU ’ s trade with China came in at 413.4 billion euros and 461 billion euros with the US .
Eurostat said the result was due to a 4.5 percent increase in imports from China while exports remained unchanged .
Note to readers : please click the share @ @ @ @ @ @ @ article to your email lists .
Crosspost on your blog site , internet forums .
etc .

China has overtaken the U.S. to become the EU’s biggest trade partner while the rest of the world slides into the red due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
The country pushed past the United States in the third quarter to become the European Union‘s top trade partner, as the pandemic disrupted the US while Chinese activity rebounded.
Over the first nine months of 2020, trade between the EU and China totalled 425.5 billion euros ($514 billion), while trade between the EU and the United States came in at 412.5 billion euros, according to Eurostat data.
These figures show the year-on-year change in GDP for some of the world’s richest countries, with China’s economy larger than it was a year ago while others have seen massive decline
For the same period in 2019, the EU’s trade with China came in at 413.4 billion euros and 461 billion euros with the US.
Eurostat said the result was due to a 4.5 percent increase in imports from China while exports remained unchanged.
Read full article here.
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